LA CRONiCA SEPTEMB~~;:;~::,! . F

ISSUE NUMBER 43 oe Nuevo MeXl~::: 43

SEVEN PRESIDENTS:THE ART OF OLIPHANT

A New Exhibition at theAlbuquerque Museum

seven Presidents: TheArt of Oliphant exhibition opened Sunday, July 7at The Albu­querque Museum and will run throuqh Auqust 26, 1996.

"In the thirty-five odd years of watching and caricaturinq public fiQures, I havetncreasmclv felt that the fiQures are lampooning themselves and that the business ofsatire is continually and deliberately beinq undercut by the subjects."

- Pat Oliphant

In the course of his thity-two years in America, Australian-born artist Pat Oliphanthas covered seven Presidents, from Lyndon Johnson to Bill Clinton. His prtze-winnlnqpopular cartoons are syndicated to five hundred newspapers around the country andabroad. In this selection from the many thousands of drawinqs he has produced, sevenPresidents comes to life in caricature, embroiled in the issues which made headlinesin their day.

In addition to the Presidential imaqes appearinq in his well-known cartoons, thisexhibition is supplemented with less public depictions of the Presidents. These includebronze sculpture, llthoqraphy and his color drawinos for a poster and a bOOR cover.

Mr. Oliphant was present at the public openinq for the exhibition on Sunday, July7, 1996. (Alimited number of photoqraphs are available for the press : please call EllenLandis to request them.)

Thisexhibition is presented admission-free by the City of Albuquerque, throuqh TheAlbuquerque Museum, a Division of the Department of Cultural and RecreationalServices. The Albuquerque Museum is located at 2000 Mountain Road NW near OldTown. Museum admission is free and tours may be arranged by callinq 243-7255. Museumhours: Tuesday through Sunday, 9 a.m . to 5 p.m.: closed Mondays and City Holidays.The Albuquerque Museum is accessible to persons with disabilities. Ifyou require otherforms of assistance to enjoy Museum activities or to obtain this information in analternative format. please contact the office at least five business days in advance at243-7255 (voice) or 764-6556 (TfY). D

orAwards

Historical SocietyNew .Meoci.co

5. The Fray Francisco Atanasio Donunguez Award; for historic surveys andresearch: Charles R. Cutter. "The Leqel Culture of Northern New Spain, 1700­1810," University of New Mexico Press. A coherent report of thorough research

on the colonial Spanish legal system in northern New Spain.

1. The ~ar Lee Hewett Award: for service to the public: Valencia CountyHistorical Society, Belen , NM: for Introducinq the history of the Rio Abajo to allof us of all a~es .

4. The Gaspar Perez de VilIaqra Award; for outstandinq publication by anindividual or individuals: Donald S. Frazer, "Blood and Treasure, ConfederateEmpire in the Southwest", The University Press of Kansas. A fresh perspectiveon the Historic Texas-New Mexico strife culminating in the battles of the year 1862.

The 1996 Historical Society of New Mexico Awards were presented at its' annualconference held in LasVeQas, New Mexico this past April. The Conference, as is usual,was well attended. The attendees had a varied and fescinattnq selection of papers andsessions from which to choose.

3. The Gaspar Perez de Vill~ra Award; for outstandinq publication by anindividual or individuals: "Zuni and the Courts. A Stru~~le for Sovereiqn LandRi~hts" , ed. by E. Richard Hart, Texas A&M University Press. The definitiveexploration of the herttaqe. connflicts and resolution of Zuni land disputes.

2. The Ralph Emerson Twitchell Award: for siqntttcent contribution to the fieldof history, areas of the fine arts, allied professions, unorthodox but siqniftcentarticles: Laurie Beth Kalb. "Craftinq Devotions, Craftinq in Contemporary NewMexico Santos" , University of New Mexico Press, A beautiful bOOR providlnq aninformal presentation of contemporary santos and santeros.

The 1997Society Conierence/Meetinq is scheduled to be held in Derninq, N.M.See you all there. D

•

.l\Tezv E£is~ories of 1\Tezv lk:£exico~s

Sou~heas~ Quadran~

by Dorthy R. Parker

New Mexico's history has traditionally been conceived and tauqht mostly withinthe context of the northern Rio Grande Valley and the native pueblos and Hispanicvillages in that part of the state. Now several recent publications are providtnq newdetails about the development of southern NewMexico, creating a fascinating counter­point to the traditional pattern of Pueblo, Htspano . and Anqlo heqemonv.

The most recent, Pioneersof theMesilla Va1Jey, by Paxton P. Price (YuccaTree Press,1995), tells how. as early as the 1790'S the Spanish ~overnment had becun to make~rants of land along the Rio Grande, and how, by the 1840'S. a few determined settlershad moved into what was :Rnown as the Mesilla Valley, alone the Rio Grande northof EI Paso. Pollowinq the American occupation of New Mexico in 1848, these hardysouls were joined by Texans mi~ratin~ from the east and, after the Civil War, by membersof the California Column, many of whom also decided to stay. In Pioneersof theMesillaValley, Price outlines the early years of the communities these people built, and heprovides brief biographical saetches of many of the early pioneers.

Another recent publication, of a similar format, is Carole Larson's ForgottenFrontier (UNM, 1993). Instead of Mesillaand the Rio Grande Valley, Larson focuses onLincoln County in the 1850S and on the early years of Roswell, which originated asa colllection of cattle ranches near the Pecos River. She, too, describes, althouqh ingreater detail than does Price. the contributions of prominent men in the Pecos Valley.many of those individuals, such as Sheriff Pat Garrett and Judqe Warren Bristol. werealso well lznown in the Mesilla area, and they appear in Price's worh. as well.

A third bOOR, althouqh published somewhat earlier than the other two, addsnarrative structure to the late 19th and early soth centuries. This is C.L. Sonnichsen'sTularosa: Last of the Frontier West (UNM, 1960). Reprinted with new material in 1980,Sonnichsen's story covers the early years of settlement of the Tularosa Basin and thearea that lies between Mesillaand the Pecos Valley. His narrative extends beyond 1912and includes the establishment of the White Sands Missile Range and the first atomicexplosion in 1945.

This triumvirate of bOORS, all available in paperback. provides a sharply focused viewof the people and events that created southeastern New Mexico. What Price lacks inliterary style, he more than compensates for in his extensive listing of sources suchas newspapers and lesser-known articles, whettinq the appetite of those interested infurther exploration. Larson's more developed btocraphical viQnettes describe thecontributions of those who brought lrriqation. the railroad, and civilization to thesoutheast comer of New Mexico Territory, and her account of the Lincoln County Waris excellent. Sonnichsen's narrative reads libe a suspenseful novel. QivinQ a distinctlyfrontier flavor to the rustlers and Qun-totinQ politicos who did, indeed, characterizethe "last of the frontier west." Read toqether. these three bOORS describe some of thelesser-known characters and events that contributed siQnificantly to this part of thestate's stranqely bifurcated history. _ D.R.P.

Research RevealsJuan de Onate's Jewish

ConnectionJose Antonio Esquibel. a Santa Fe - based writer and researcher of QenealoQY, the

history of colonial New Mexico, and other reqions of the northern Spanish frontier.presented a talk, "The Jewish-Converso Ancestry of Juan de Onate," on Sunday, June23, 1996, at Temple b 'Nal Israel. in Albuquerque. The event was sponsored by the NewMexico Jewish Historical Society.

The Juan de Onate Expedition in 1598 represents the Spaniards' first successfulattempt to settle New Mexico. Onate and the members of his caravan followed theRio Grande and established a settlement, San Gabriel. where they remained until 1604.

This is the first time this revelation Onate wasn't even in his awareness. Butabout Juan de Onate's Jewish roots, as he dUQ through church records andbased on Esqutbel's research, was followed other leads, a paper trailled himpresented in public. It is the result of a bach to ancestors whose members of thedecade of worh . Esquibel has been Zeldifcar-Ofiate familiessettled in Monter-published in QenealoQical journals in New rey. Nuevo Leon, Mexico. Esquibel push-Mexico, Colorado, and California, and ed bach even further- to BurQos, Spain-has presented at the annual conference to three Jewish families who had con-of the Historical Society of New Mexico verted to Catholicism, intermarried. andin the past two years. He is employed by were ancestors to Onate's mother.the State of New Mexico. Does this prove Onate was a practic-

When people becin tracinq their fami- inQ Jew? "Absolutely not," Esquibel em-ly history, if they Qet beyond their great- phasizes. He believes his ftndlnq is siQnifi-Qrandparents and push back into time , cant because it supports emercinqoften they become absorbed in forQinQ evidence that certain Hispano families ofa fascinatinq trail. Thouqh it becins with New Mexico have maintained ana personal focus, on rare occasions the awareness of their Jewish oriqins andprocess reveals somethinq of interest and traditions over time . "If the zaldivar-siqruftcance to others beyond the lrn- Onate families had Jewish roots, it's quitemediate family circle. This is precisely possible that other families on the fron-what happened to Jose Antonio Esquibel. tier did as well," explains. "It isn't always

In the search for his own ancestry, easy to find historical and QenealoQicalEsquibel asked himself. "How were the data to support this, but this is an impor-people in my family related to the tant example."

historical .events I've r~ad about?" He Esquibel says he discovered Onate'sbegan WIth papers his Qrandmother Jewish connection in 1989 but it toORshared with him that revealed his ~rand- him until 1995 to double-check andfather was heir to a wealthy landowner. confirm his ftndinqs DAt that point, a family connection to

testant leaders in Laguna. Given the im­portance of reliqion in Pueblo life. thisconflict undoubtedly extended into therespective conqrecations as well.

There were considerable obstacles.therefore. not only from Lacuna'spolitical hierarchy in the form of the resis­tant Governor. but also from its existinqreligious structure. Yet despite these dif­ficulties. the Gormans at last had a con­vert. Referred to only as "BrotherSenon." he in time conducted prayermeetings and became licensed topreach. and toOR over as spiritual leaderof the mission when the Gormans leftLaquna. In the meantime. the US~ovem­ment in 1856 ~ave Gorman official per­mission to construct a building for useas chapel and school at Lacuna. 24

When in 1859 the Gormans were recall­ed from Laguna to work in santa Fe. alarQe number of Laqunas came to say~ood-bye and wish the Gormans well. 25

However. despite this chance in attitude.it is unclear to what extent the Gormanswere successful in their proselyttzinc. LeoCrane. Indian Aqent to the pueblos from1919 to 1926was of the opinion that "lit­tle was accomplished until Walter G. Mar­mon arrived as the first ~overnment

teacher." in 1871. 26 He noted furtherthat no Laqunas spoke English and onlyone was literate in Spanish at Marmon'sarrival.

The Gormans themselves regardedtheir time in Lacuna with an acuteawareness of their failures. Any optimismin their wnunqs was in reference to onlythe most Qeneral effects of theirpresence. In a letter to fellow Protestantminister John Menaul. Samuel Gormanrecalled of the family's time inLacuna:

We were out offunds most ofthe time. Truly our faith andpatience were tried.Soon afterI went there I tried to get theIndian children into school.We tried for six years but fail­ed. I preached eve/y Sabbathr~uJarly . . . ti11 in 1858 I builtthat little chapel. That and thebuilding ofmyhouse cost mydear wife and myselfsix yearsof incessant toil andself-denial.

The letter continues to say that theBaptist Mission Society did not ~rant

them any funds for the construction oftheir home. and only a small amount forthe chapel's buildinq; "The bell on thechapel I paid for out of my own funds . . .It cost me $103." 27 Notwithstanding thebitterness here evident. Catherine wroteto the Home Mission: "I believe our laborhere has not been in vain. The seeds ofdivine Qrace that have been scattered forthe past six years . will. I have no doubt.brine forth much fruit to the ~lory ofGod." 28 Her confidence was borne outin later years. as the seeds were furthernurtured by Presbyterian missionarieswho came to Lacuna and by all accountsfared better than their Baptistpredecessors.

Ellisasserts that the Gormans did suc­ceed in exerting a .'strong Protestant in­fluence." 29 and while this influence maynot have been so apparent to the Gor­mans. it appears to have at leastsmoldered after they left the pueblo.When a youn~ missionary. CharityGaston. on her way to work with theNavajos at fort Defiance. passed throughLaquna in 1870. the people apparentlythought that she had been sent to workin the pueblo. and met her stacecoachin welcome. 30 Impressed by their desirefor Christianity. Gaston urced thePresbyterian Church to send a rnissionaryto the people of Laguna. The lack ofavailable missionaries delayed theChurch's ability to respond. and theRocky Mountain Presbyterian. com­mented: "Six long years have passedaway since then. and with these old andyounq. parents and children have Qoneto their ~raves without hope. because

nati, sent by the Baptist Mission Societyas the first Protestant missionaries in thepueblos. A letter from WilliamCarr Lane.governor of New Mexico. to the gover­nor of Lacuna dated September 25. 1852.begins with a recommendation of Gor­man's character and continues: "Mr. Gor­man is not clothed with any officialauthority and is not sent to you by me:he goes to your pueblo as a privatecitizen. of his own free will. with the in­tent. as I believe. of doing your peopleall the Good he can." 16 The pueblo was.Lane reminded. free to accept or rejectGorman on its own terms.

The Gormans' time in Lacuna wouldhave challendced the most resolute. forneither the people of Lacuna nor the resi­dent Catholic priest were desirous of theBaptists' company. During the first ninemonths of their residency. the Catholicsand "the leaders of sun-worship" ap­parently conspired to rid the pueblo ofthe Baptists by starvinq them out. 17

Catherine at one point recalled going re­jected from door to door as she 100Redfor someone who would ~rind com forher. an attempt which ended in tears. IS

If pupils came to the Gormans. theLaguna governor would admonish themand forbid them further contact. and itwas some time before the familiesdisreqarded the ~overnor's reprobationand sent their children to be tauqht. 19 Itwas not until the arrival of Henry L.Dodqe. Indian Aoentfor the US Qovern­merit. that this social isolation came toan end. Dodqe called a council and hadthe Gormans adopted into thepueblo. 20 Once adopted into thepueblo. the Gormans were ~iven landand contact with them was no loncerforbidden. 21

However. not all members of the com­munity welcomed them so easily. andGorman frequently mentioned Catholichostility towards the mission and to thoseLacunas who were not faithful to theCatholic Church. In one letter. Gormanwrote that the Governor of Laqune hadordered 40 women whipped for failinq toattend mass. 22 Gorman did not endearhimself to the Catholic community. andactually actively an taqonized theCatholic population. In April. 1854.Gor­man and a Presbyterian minister basedin Santa fe. Hiram Reed. were issuedsummons to appear in Valencia CountyDistrict Court. 23 Rafael Chaves. Rectorof the Roman Catholic Church atLaQuna. initiated the case aqatnst them"for havtnq with force and arms brokenand entered said church on the rothdayof January AD 1854 and on divers [sic]other days since. to his damaces in thesum of $800. and for other damaces andcosts in this behalf expended." Afterbrealanq into the church. where it ap­pears mass was in session. the two "madea Qreat noise preachtnq. and sin~in~

therein and stayed and continued thereinmakinq such noise and disturbance fora 10nQ space of time . to wit. for one dayand other . . ." Althouqh these occur­rences are nowhere else recorded. bas­ed on these accusations. this was not thefirst or the last time that Gorman andpossibly Reed had so disturbed thechurch and its assembly. although theseoccurrences are nowhere else recorded.Chaves contended that he was the onlyperson entitled to preach and holdmeetinqs in the bulldinq. and charcedReed and Gorman with trespassino:whether he ever collected the $800 hesouqht is not on record. While there isno reason to question the veracity ofChaves; charges. whether or not theywere truthful. they. alone with Gorman'scritical letters reveal the intense rivalrythat existed between Catholic and Pro-

The Laguna Migration of 1879:Protestant, Catholic, and Native Visions

by Martina E. Willsatellite community become attractivesolutions. as has been the case forLaguna . Hopi. and San Ildefonso. 7

The Laguna emigration of 1879 waspreceded by many years of internal ten­sion. all of which were related to incur­sions by the outside world . florenceHawley Ellissees the split that occurredbetween traditional and non-traditional~roups in La~una as predating the actualsplit by about 40 or 50 years. S The divi­sion that existed was in part a productof acculturation that had bequn in the18th century. accentuated by the prox­imity of Spanish-owned ranches in the1700S and Anclo-owned lands in the1850S. According to a Presbyteriansource. in the mid-19th century a Zuni.the nephew of a white man who hadsettled among the Zuni. came to Lacunato preach his uncle's rehqion. He tauqhtthe people of Lacuna the new faith anda dance. creatine a split with RomanCatholic practice in the pueblo. Themembers of this new faith wore their haircropped as a SYmbol of their allegianceto it and performed the Chaquin. orMasRed Dance. which they were tauchtby the Zuni. Their syncretic reliqion maywell have provided the core for the pro­~ressive party of Laguna. 10

In addition to these foreiqn influences.the 19th century saw some ~overnmen­

tal activity in Laquna that also increasedthe foretqn influences within the pueblo.In the late 1850S. a General McCooRestablished a military camp at Lacuna,which . althouqh it lasted only for a year.gave the people of Laguna further ex­posure to the non-Pueblo world. Laqunaswere employed as scouts during thisepisode of the crusade aqatnst Man~usColorado and company. and their con­tact with the whites was therefore notmerely incidental but si~nificant for atleast a portion of the population. I I

There passed throuch Laguna . in addi­tion. between 1850 and 1860. a govern­ment expedition which souqht to con­struct a military road in the area. 12

Although sporadic. the association withthe Anqlo world thus encouraqed wasperhaps si~nificantenouqh to introducenew customs and ideas. and make thepeople of Lacuna open to furtherexposure.

The factionalism which ~rew inLaguna durinq the 19th century wasperhaps also exacerbated by the decen­tralization of the physical space ofLaouna. In the 1850S. Navajo and Apacheraids were still a major threat. especiallybecause of the pueblo's proximity to theNavajo's BigBead Mesa. just to the north.By 1864. however. with Kit Carson andthe Navajo relocation. many Lacunas leftto establish small villages around Lagunaas farminq these areas became relativelysafer and more practicable. There wereei~ht or nine of these villages. and theirgrowth undoubtedly also fostered somecultural change. through the alterationof community cohesion. An observer ofthe time remarked: "It would thus seemthat the pueblo of LaQuna proper will.eremany years . be numbered amonq thecountless ruins of the Southwest." 14

Although this was not entirely accurate.the depopulation of Lacuna's center wasnotable. Increasingly. Laguna's outervillages. formerly the site of seasonal ordry farms. were becoming places of per­manent residence. a phenomena whichpersisted until well into the 18905. 15 Thisphysical separation. coupled with easycontact with white neighbors. thereforemade for fertile ground when the firstProtestant missionary arrived inLaguna .

The Rev. Samuel Gorman and his wifeCatherine came to Laguna from Cincin-

In 1879. the year before the steel ofrailroad traces was driven throughLaguna Pueblo. a group of Lagunas lefttheir homes. the result of factionalismwhich had grown increasingly pronounc­ed. Although probably under 50 people.among those who left were many ofLaguna's elite. the medicine men and thetown chief . They to OR what remained ofthe pueblo's sacred ceremonial objectsin order to find a .new home for themother gods. who had been angered bythe destruction of the Rivas and humilia­tion of the traditional leaders. Manyscholars blame the emigration on theAnglo-Protestant influx into Laguna thatpreceded it. but to a great extent therewere already marked divisions withinLaouna society before the arrival of theProtestants. The Lacuna split that occur­red in 1879 appeared to have beencaused by the imposition of Protestan­tism over native religions. but in realityit was as much the result of tensions bet­ween Catholics and Protestants in thepueblo.

Historically composed of a diversepopulation and situated on a mainthoroughfare. Lacuna was more recep­tive to outside influences than otherpueblos. The pueblo was first mention­ed in a document dated 1699. whenGovernor Cubero visited and named it.While this date is typically used as theyear of Lacuna's founding. at least onenoted scholar estimates that Laguna wasalready well established by this date. hav­inQ been settled by displaced Keresans.who were joined in 1698by Indians fromCienequilla. Santo Dominoo. and Cochiti.They were refugees from the upheaval ofthe Pueblo Revolt and in later years theirnumbers were auqmented by Zia andSanta Ana peoples. refugees fromdrought.' Despite its origin in peoples ofthe eastern Pueblos. Laguna possesses asocial structure azn to that of thewestern pueblos. and is "divided intomatrilineal. exoqamous clans which havetotemic names and ceremonial. juridical.and economic functions. " 2 It's peoplespeak Keresan. and it is one of the largestpueblos both in terms of land andpopulation. and in the last quarter of theisth century. Lacuna was actually one ofonly two pueblos experiencing popula­tion Qrowth. with a population of1130. 3

In addition to the peoples earlier men­tioned who comprise Lacuna society.later influxes to Laguna by Hopis. Zunis.Navajos. Jemez. and some Acomasresulted in a remarkably heteroqeneousculture. with "differing beliefs in traditionof leadership and social and religiousfunctions of various orqanizations (e.~.

medicine societies)." 4 To some extent.we may ascribe the factionalism that thepueblo experienced in the 19th centuryto this notable heterooeneity. fac­tionalism has certainly not been confin­ed to Laguna. for Taos. San Juan. SantaClara. San Ildefonso. Pecos. Cochiti. Sanfelipe. Zia. Acoma. Zuni. and Hopi haveall experienced its divisiveness as well. 5

Edward Dozier considers factionalism..characteristic of all Pueblo com­munities ." surmising that "in theprehistoric past. non-conformists wereprobably evicted or else moved outvoluntarily to found new com­munities." 6 This is precisely what hap­pened at Laguna in 1879. as ideologicaldifferences became such that both thesepush and pull factors reached a criticalpeak. Part of the reason for thepredominance of factionalism in Pueblolife is the importance of consensus indecision maRinQ. Ultimately. if differingparties cannot reach a consensus.emigration and the establishment of a

2

The fields at Lacuna are shown in this sketch by an artist who probably worked from a photograph.tiietpet's. Feb.. 1891) New Mexico in the Nineteenth Century. A PiccoriaJ History. Andrew K Gre~.

UNM Press. 1968. Pa~ 40.

Christians have sent no one to them totell them of a Saviour." Apparently theGonnans' teachings had not been ex­tinguished by their departure. for thisconcern preceded by the news thatLaguna's "Papists" and Protestants werepolitically embattled to such an extentthat the Papists. upon losing. establish­ed a new village. 8-10 miles from Laguna'scenter. in the same year as Gaston's visit.There was then. at this juncture. alreadysi~nificant factionalism in the pueblo.along CatholiclProtestant lines, and therewas no Protestant mission in the pueblofrom 1871-1876. "due to the resistance ofthe priest. " 31

The establishment of a Presbyterianmission in Laguna in 1875 coincided witha federal ~overnment initiative toeducate and pacify all Indians . an exam­ple of church-state affiliation perhaps uni­que in American history. The "PeacePlan." as it was dubbed. was the brain­child of the Peace Commission establish­ed by Conoress in 1876, itself born of atwo-year Congressional Committeewhich had determined that" decline anddegradation" were the general results ofIndian contact with whites. 32 The Com­mittee had found that many of thegovernment's own agents were involvedin racketeering. and President Grantbelieved that through official support ofmissionary activities the governmentcould curtail corruption. Through the ap­pointment and supervision of Indianagents by these same religious organiza­tions. pacification. education. andultimately acculturation would. it washoped. take place. 33 "A new class ofIndian agent." was to be created, whowould work in the same capacity butwith a religious influence that wouldpreclude their succumbing to the temp­tations of abuse of office. The year afterits formation. the Commission sharplycondemmed the churches of the USforsending missionaries overseas while therewas such extensive need among the In­dians at home. A direct result of thiscriticismwas a domestic boom in missionestablishment. The Presbyterian Churchalone constructed missions among theOmaha, Creek Ottawa. Chippewa.Seminole. Winnebago. and Navajo (atJewett. New Mexico) in 1870 . 3s Thefounding of a Presbyterian mission inLacuna during this era was therefore partof a concerted national effort by thePresbyterian Church.

Just before the establishment of a mis­sion at Laguna. there was an influxof Pro­testant Anglos to Laquna, all of whomwere to become an integral part ofpueblo life. Walter GUllO Mannon camefrom Ohio as a ~overnment surveyor in1868. and in 1871 was appointed govern­ment teacher in the pueblo by Pueblo In­dian Agent WilliamF. Amy. In 1872, Mar­mon was joined by his brother. RobertGunn Marmon. a surveyor and trader.and George Pradt, another surveyor. Thechanges ushered in by the arrival of theMarmon brothers and Pradt beganalmost immediately. The men worked tomake improvements in the pueblo. "set­ting themselves to writing a constitution.the first to be adopted by any Pueblo, itstext modeled after that of the US. By1872 Lacuna was votinq for its ~over­

nor." 3S Each of the Marmon brothersand Pradt were eventually elected to oneterm as governor, and their respectiveelections to this hi~h office are evidenceof their estimation and standing in thecommunity. They too apparently foundlife at Laguna quite favorable. for theircousins John, Elgin, and Kenneth Gunnjoined them sometime after 1872. JohnGunn set up a flour mill "below thecreek," 36 and some years later wrote abook on the history and mythology ofLaguna. Schat-Chen. 37 Although there isno record of how the book was receivedin the community. Gunn apparentlypublished the book without any animosi­ty from the pueblo. That he was able topublish a work which exposed so muchof Laguna life and culture without anyrepercussions is itself indicative of the"progressive" tendency within Laguna.

and the degree of assimilation which itwas undergoing.

The extended Mannon-Gunn familyestablished a small colony in the north­eastern part of the village and their ac­ceptance in the pueblo was furthered bytheir marrying into the community,which fostered social integration andenhanced their influence. Pradt marrieda Laguna woman and built a home.where "they had a bunch ofchildren." 36 Walter Marmon married thedaughter of Luis Serracino or Kwime,chief of the Kurena-Shikani medicinemen, one of the strongest societies ofLaguna. 39 Although the young bride ofWalter Marmon spoke no Enqlish at thetime of her marriage. she went for a shorttime to the Carlisle Indian School inPennsylvama. where she attained profi­ctency." Mrs. Walter G. Marmonbecame the principal source for Gunn'sbook for whenever she went to his flourmill she would tell him stories . 4 1 OneLacuna. recallinq the book. commentedthat it was "the only book that was writ­ten from the Laguna. about the Lagunathemselves ..." 42 Gunn. following theexample of the Marmons and Pradt. hadmarried into the pueblo, and his view­point was, at least in retrospect. con­sidered that of an insider , in equal stan­ding with any other Laguna. 43 Theforeigners had been integrated into thecommunity to such an extent that theywere not only becoming part of itspolitical structure but also its culturallife.

The Chakwena faith which was im­ported to Laguna sometime in the mid­to late-isth century was significant to the .

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factionalism which tore apart the pueblohierarch in 1879. According to Ellis.Kwime sponsored the introduction fromZuni of the Chazwena cult. probablymaking a copy of the Zuni masks for useat Laguna. 44 Having studied as a childfor seven years with priests in Durango.Mexico. Kwimehad been exposed to thenon-pueblo world. and he reportedlybrought a large book back to Lagunawith him . the contents of which remaina mystery. It is believed that his volumewas a Bible .or missal, though. and"Kwime. probably seeing some parallelsbetween concepts of native practices andstatements of Christian philosophy. toldhis people that the book contained in­formation on the Chalzwena." 45 Accor­ding to a contemporary. "He exposedthe medicine men's practices of exor­cism; ju~glery. sword swallowtnq. wit­chine. etc. , as merely playing upon thepeoples' credulity." 46 Adolph Bandelier.during his travels through Laguna, metwith Walter Marmon, who told him thatin 1872 a Zuni had married into Laguna.bringing with a him a new faith, "said tobe similar to Protestantism and [datingback] to the missionary Gorman." 47 Thisamalgamation of Christian and nativebeliefs was the same Chazwena faithwhich has been ascribed to themysterious Zuni tmrrucrant descended ofa white man as well as to Kwime.

Kwime coverted to Protestantismwithout surrendering his Chazwena faith,and became the leader of the progressivefaction or Kaya mashroo. Pradt was in­itiated into the Chezwena. which he saidwas responsible for "public works andmutual assistance." 48 He expounded on

this "secret society" to bandelter. tellinghim that its purpose was "to abolish im­morality." 49 Pradt described theChahwena as a syncretic faith. includingnebulous Protestant teachings at thesame time that its white-bearded. black­masked dancing was wholly native innature. Kwime and the Protestant­American, progressive faction that wasquickly taking shape in Laguna. were op­posed by the traditional religious andmedicine societies. The Keshete. theclown society. the town chief and warchief. the Flint, Fire and Shahaiyesocieties and/or their chiefs. all resistedthe Protestant-hued movement againstthe traditional beliefs. 50 The hierarchywas divided, and while at least part of thestruqcle was a jockeying for controlamonq the elites. the tensions wereprimarily a struggle between protestan­tism and Catholicism, the formerrepresented by the Chazwena and thelatter represented in the traditionalsocieties. SI

The tensions that had simmered for solong were quickly cominq to a head.When Walter Marmon was appointedteacher by the government, he dusted offthe long unused stocks left from the daysof the Spanish, and made them into seatsfor the school. This act met with the com­munity's approval: however, when itcame time to establish new cemeteries.John Gunn insisted that separate burial~rounds be created for Catholics andProtestartts. a move which caused "acutedissension" within the pueblo. S2 ElsieClews Parsons summarized the situationwell: "In the 70S Laguna was a town divid-

ed against itself by the blade ofAm e ri c anism -P ro te stan tAmericanism." 5 3 The tensions whichdivided Laguna were demarcated by theline which divided Catholics andProtestants.

In 1875. the Presbyterian Churchassumed control of the governmentschool and appointed the Reverend JohnMenaul to be Marmon's successor asteacher. Menaul was to spend ten yearsin Lacuna. and in hisannual report to theHome Board of the Presbyterian Church.he recorded his observations on the stateof things in Laquna. From the outset,Menaul was relentless in his criticism ofthe Roman Catholic Church and itspriests. displayin~ a dogmatism whichonly a~~ravated an already tense situa­tion. He wrote that the Pueblo Indianslacked Christianity. having for all theircontact with the Catholic Spanish obtain­ed the formal trappings of the religion.but not the faith. Despite the fact thattheir lives were saturated with religion.theirs was Christian only in name. Usingthe church of Laguna as an example, heestimated that 5/6 of the motifs andsacred objects were of native oriqin andmeantnq. and only 1/6 of the church'sdecor was truly Catholic. S4 The priestswere at fault for this dismal state ofspiritual affairs. and Menaul asserted that"They [Lagunas] know no more of Reveal­ed Religion today than they did 200 yearsago , except where other than RomanCatholic influences have been brought tobear upon them." 55 Menaul felt it his

calling to remedy this and educate thepeople. and upon learning Keresanbegan to translate materials. establishinga publishing house inLaguna to make his translationseasily accessible. 56

Menaul's four years of service inLa~una prior to the emigration were notdistinguished by much enthusiasm forthe Presbyterian faith. for which Menaulagain blamed the Catholics . In 1879.

Menaul reported a church membershipof seven people, of whom five were In­dians. " Yet he did not seem to bediscouraged. recoenizinq that Puebloresistance to the outside world had beenstrong for centuries. He had convincedhimself that in time the Indians woulddiscover "who their true friends are . ThePueblo Indians of New Mexico who donot want Protestant influence amongthem. are those whom the Catholic Priesthave frightened by all manner of lies . .."He continued optimistically, that thosewho were able to think independently ofthe Catholic teachings "are coming outof the thick darkness into the li~ht ofGod's truth. leaving behind their Rome.and their own Customs. as erroneousthings," 58 For Menaul. the Catholicteachings were inextricably linked to thenative beliefs. and they were equallyunable to provide the path tosalvation.

Menaul was certain that the numberof converts and church attendees wouldincrease with time . One of the obstacleshe had discovered in this third year atLaguna was that the interpreter he hadrelied upon had apparently been modi­fying the Reverend's words. andtherefore the Gospel had not beenreaching the people in its honest formbut in an adulterated, biased version.However, once this discovery was made.even the interpreter vowed to no longerhave anvhthinq to do with the "AncientCustoms." and attendance at the week­ly prayer meetings was up to between 30and 60 people. 59 In 1883. Menaulreported that there had only been twonew members added to the church. yethe remained hopeful. noting that ap­proximately 10 people came to thechurch on a regular basis. with about 45

attending the Sabbath services. 60

Although it is impossible to estimate theproportion of people attending whowere interested in Protestantism versusthose who were curiosity-seekers. theideas were beinq heard and undoubted­ly discussed outside of the formalmeetings. Religious tensions seethedin the pueblo as the Protestantfaction aggressively pursued itsevangelical path, making incursions intothe comfortable coexistence whichCatholicism had for centuries shared withthe native faith.

In addition to the new ideas which ac­companied the Protestant influx intoLacuna. the building of the railroad wasan instrument of change. Many Lagunaswere employed in constructing therailroads in the late-ism century. and formarty this meant relocation . One Lagunaremembered: "those who were am­bitious to go," went to live in Winslow.Barstown. and ~ichmond to work onconstruction crews. "It was the youngerpeople who took the opportunity." andLaguna colonies developed in Barstowand Richmond, children of these youngpeople born and raised outside of thepueblo and returning to Laguna unableto speak Keresan. 6 1 Once the Atlanticand Pacific Railroad began to runthrouqh Laguna in 1880. a station thereprovided Laqunas the opportunity to sellpottery and baskets to the tourists whostop there for two or three hours at atime . 62 The railroad was ~iven waterrights in return for jobs, 63 and also wasthe instrument for Introducinq "Euro­pean commodities" such as coffee andsugar in the daily life of Lagunas. 64 Asnoted by Menaul. the changes which itfostered were manifold:

3

Wehave then. a country witha few inhabitants who are i~­

norant and superstitious.withrailroads pushinq throuch itin all directions. with menand money cominq in. withthe ~ood and bad of all na­tions crowding upon us:withAmerican civilization rootinqout and replacinq the An­cient Customs of the Mon­tazuma [sic] sun worshipperwhich have bound the In­dians for hundreds ofyears ... 65

The railroad provided extensiveopportunity for contact with outsiders.in all lil<elihood contributinq further tothe identification of prooressive and tradi­tional factions.

It was durinq Menaul's tenure asteacher in Lacuna and Robert Marmon'sterm as ~overnor. that the tensions.which had been brewinq for many years.finally overflowed. When RobertMarmonbecame ~overnor. he shut down two ofLacuna'skivas. a move that brouqht thesituation in the pueblo to a boillnqpoint. 66 The kivaswere not simply clos­ed . but were raided by the proqressivefaction: the leaders of the traditionalpar­ty were herded into the plaza. and. inwhat must have been a humillatinq spec­tacle. forced to watch as the sacredceremonial objects were burned. 67 Theywere reportedly threatened and toldbefore the ~athered crowd. "that theywere nobody." 68 According to Parsons."there was a meetinq at which the oldwomen in charqe of what was left ofsacrosanct thincs broucht them out and~ave them up." 69 It is evident. however.that not allsacred objectswere destroyedthat afternoon. for some were tahen andhidden in the mountains . where theywere later retrieved by the emicratinq~roup of dissenters . 70 Apparentlybecause of the approach of summer andthe a~ricultural work to be done. thereaction to the public humiliation anddestruction of the kivaswas postponeduntil the fall. 71

In the fall of 1879. around the timethat the dances were traditionally held.the group that opposed the Protestant­American presence decided to leaveLacuna and move to Sandia. takin~ withthem the recovered ceremonial objects.EmiQration was necessary. they believed.because of the drought that afflictedLaguna. and which they ascribed to theevents of the summer wherein the tradi­tional deities had been violated. 72 It isimportant to note that althouqh thenumber of people who ernlqrated wasrelatively small. they comprised the tradi­tional elite of Laguna society. themedicine men and their families. 73 TheytoOR a trailwhich led them first throuqhMesita. where the Kashare and town chiefremained alone with an unknownnumber of Lacunas. The remainder.which included the Flint. Fire andShahaiye chiefs. continued on. passingthrough Isleta to rest for a fewdays.Theyleft Isleta to continue their journey. butwere stopped by the Isletans. who realiz­ed their error in not havinq offered themother ~ods a.home. and feared divineretribution. 74 The medicine men ofIsleta induced them to settle at Isletarather than continue their journey. 75

Isleta. althouqh Tiwa-speaalnq rather thanKeresan. offered the travelers fields justto the south and a plot of land adjacentto the village upon which to settle. onthe condition that the Laqunasestablishtheir own plaza and kiva within Isletavillage proper and there ~uard the sacredobject. 76

Despite his prolific commentary onthe state of affairs in Lacuna and thereqular annual reports to the HomeBoard. Menaul made only a cursorymen­tion of the controversy in Laquna. reveal­inQ perhaps the continuity in Pueblobeliefsafter the split. In fact. in 1880. theyear after the break. his report began:

4

Our work at Lacuna con­tinues much the same as inthe past. Our efforts for thepeople are more to thenature of an influence than awork: more like the constantdrop than like the sledge­hammer. Our people are farfrom beinq excitable orprone to novelty in reliciousaffairs. Theyare more likethestaid. composed. and com­placent patriarchsof the daysof Job . Moses. andAbraham. 77

WasMenaul oblivious to the changesgoing on within the pueblo or did he notsee considerable factionalism in thepueblo as noteworthy?Thecurious omis­sion of the expulsion/departure is all themore remarkablewhen one reads his im­pressionof the Southwest: "especially theIndians. are as heathenish as theheathens of Asia or Africa. while bar­barous customs are still practiced bythose callinqthemselves Christians." Thereport continued. criticizing the Indiansand their faith. callingtheir customs "im­moral and debasinq" and "akin to a~nawin~. incurable cancer." 78 Clearly.Menaul believed that there remained a~reat deal of work to be done in Laouna.Perhaps his failure to address the splitwas a comment on the extent to whichhe saw room for improvement in thecommunity; the splitwas apparently lesseffective in expellinq the "heathen"native beliefs from the pueblo than hewould have liked to see. There remain­ed in Laguna stronq nativist tendency.which while not anti-Protestant per se.was implicitly anti-Protestant and explicit­ly a~ainst Menaul's teachings.

Despite the emiqranon of the tradi­tionalists. the factionalismwhich existedin Laguna was by no means so neatlysolved. Although Menaul reported toBandelier at this time that "Atpresent thePueblo isquiet and orderly. and there areno relicious dissensions." 79 In 1883.

Menaul contrasted his Presbyterian con­~re~ation with Catholic Laquna: "Thepeople are moral and chaste. comparedto what they were before we came here .They are clean in their persons andhouses. and have a much hioher standin the community than other In­dians." 80 Bandelier. writinq in 1882.

could also easily distincuish between pro­~ressive and traditional ~roups in thepueblo: "The former one is fairly moraland clean: the latter clings to old customsand immoral practices." cltinq ex­tramarital sex. abortion. and prostitutionamong these practices. 8 1 Althouqhthese differences were certainly coloredby an Anglo bias. it is nonetheless clearthat whether lmaqined or concrete. thedivision between Catholics and Pro­testants endured in Lacuna.

Open conflict between the groupspersisted as well. and in 1887 CharityMenaulwrote that there was a lot of ten­sion within the pueblo which was im­peding the missionary effort . 82 Ap­parently. the troubles had started withthe return to Laguna of a younq man ofreportedly bad character. whose fatherwas a "priest of the devil and hates theBible and all it teaches ." 83 The younqman reportedly (and. ~iven his suppos­ed hatred of the Bible. rather ironically),under the sanction of the Catholic priestof Laguna. was telling the people that thePresbyterian's objectives in the pueblowere not merely evangelical. Accordinqto him. the missionaries were after thepeople's lands, under fullsupport of theQovemment. Yetby the same token. "thepeople are told that the President doesnot likePresbyterians" and that the Presi­dent wanted the people to take theirchildren out of the Presbyterian schooland send them instead to Albuquerquefor instruction in the government schoolthere. The President was said to be giv­inQ a ~ood deal of money in this effort.so that children could actually be paid

to attend school. "The people are takenmth a great zeal to obey the President.and hate the missionaries. as they under­stand that to be a part of obedience tothe President ..." Charity Menaulwrote.Notwithstandinq the many contradic­tions within the story. the underlyingtruth was that the discord between theCatholics and Protestants linqereddespite the departure of much of thetraditional power structure.

Not only did,the tensions persist. buttraditional learnings and practices thatwere in direct conflict with thePresbyterian teachingsremained as well.and were ultimatelyformally re-institutedat Laguna. Laquna's dances had notdisappeared. and even the Chakwenadance seemed incongruous ' withMenaul's Presbyterianinstruction. as Ellisobserved: "One may wonder howKwime. with his newly acquired Pro­testantism and Progress. managed towhitewash these masked dancers whenall the other branches of katcina - andthe Katcina Father. leader - had beenhounded into shocked and angry ex­odus." 84 Although the pro-Presbyteriangroup was in control in Laguna. nativeceremonies remained. as did tension bet­ween traditional and conservativeelements. The situation acatn reached aclimax many years later. and "conser­vatism won to the extent of effecting anew orqanfzation of a fewnative reliqiousinstitutions." 85 This was achieved with .aZuni family who had ceremonial ties. andhelped to create a system akin to the oldone in Laquna around 1910. But the newreliciousstructures remained a source ofconfusion to the people of Lacuna. andas Parsons wrote in the 1920S. the peo­ple who emigrated and took the sacredobjects with them had "left the pro­~ressive, Americanized townspeople to astate of lrreliqionfrom which they havenever fully recovered ." 86 In 1920. theKashare came from Mesita to conductthe winter solstice ceremonial in thehouse of one of the water clan members.a place where prior to the migration. thewar fetishes had been housed . 87 One ofthe Shahaiye shaman who had gone toIsletadurinq the migrationof 1879 return­ed to reside in La~una. and also con­ducted the winter solstice ceremoniesthere until his death in 1919. with theassistance of uninitiated or "raw"medicine men from Laquna. Althoughthe native reliotous structures were larce­ly destroyed by the deep-rooted fac­tionalism and subsequent emlcration.within 30 years of the split. significantreconstruction of the old system hadtaken place.

The 1879 schism in Lagunawas a pro­duct of internal dissensionthat had beenbuildtnqfor severaldecades and that was~iven definition by the Protestant­Catholic divisions within the pueblo .Characterized by a hi~h level ofheterogeneity and location on a majorthorouqhfare. Laquna was historicallymore open to outsiders than otherpueblos. The Chakwena faith and theteachinqs of Protestant missionaries in­troduced new ideas and customs intoLacuna life. ideas that threatened thedelicate balance between Catholic andnative religions. TheCatholicChurch hadtolerated the native faith. and it wasonly with the Protestant influx that thisequilibrium was upset. for the Protestantschafed at the native "heathenism" thatthey sawflounshinq. Since the Protestantand native faiths could not coexist. themore traditional element of Laqunasociety emlqrated. taking with it thesacred objects and practices. Despite thesplit. there remained in Laquna a signifi­cant traditional element that was withina few decades calltnq for at least anominal return to the old ways.-M.E. W.

- Notes -1. florence Hawley Ellis, Pueblo Indians

II: Archaeologic and Ethnologic DataPertaining toAcoma andLaguna LandClaims. 1958-1959 (New YorR: Garland.1974) 13.

2. fred Eggan. Social Organization ofthe Western Pueblos (Chica~o: U ofChicago Press, 1950) 254.

3. Herbert Welsh. (CorrespondingSecretary ofthe Indian Rights Associa­tion). Reportofa VISit to the Nava­jo, Pueblo, andHualapais Indians ofNew Mexico and Arizona, # 31<Philadelphia: Indian Ri~hts Associa­tion. 1885) 6. Although populationfigures are always controversial. thatLaguna's was increasing isborne outbylaterresearch indicating that ofall thepueblos. Laguna's population growthmost closely parallels that of theUS. with an increase of 39% between1904 and 1924. the highest rate of in­crease among any of the pueblos.Edgar L. Hewett, Ancient ute in theAmerican Southwest (New YorzTudor. 1943) 163.

4. Ellis. II 18.

5. David H. french. Factionalism inIsleta Pueblo (Seattle: U ofWashington Press. 1948) v.

6. Edward P. Dozier. The Pueblo Indiansof North America (New York Holt.Rinehart and Winston. 1970) 81.

7. French.vi.There was also pro-migrationsentiment in Isleta in 1942. andfrenchnotes that the primary reason there isnot more migration is the absence ofdesirable land.

8. Ellis 18.

9. florence Hawley Ellis. An Outline ofLaguna Pueblo History. SouthwesternJournal of Anthropology v 15 #4(1959) 328.

10. Pueblo Indian Village. New Mexico.RockyMountain Presbyterian V5 ns(Aug. 1876): 1.

11 It is unclear exactly what numberofLagunas were thusemployed. Gunn93.

12. Gunn 93.

13. Eggan 253.

14. Hodge 345.

15. florenceHawley Ellis. Laguna Pueblo.Handbook of North American in­dians, V9 <Washington. D.C.: Smithso­nian. 1979) 441.

16. William Carr Lane to Governor ofLaguna. 25 Sept. 1852. Territorial Ar­chives ofNewMexico 21:67. Althoughmost sources state that the Gormansarrival in 1851, this letter appears tohave been sent with Gorman as a let­terofintroduction to the pueblo..thusputting his arrival at 1852.

17. Information file on Samuel Gorman atMenaul Historical Library; biocrophyfrom Old Santa Fe. 1914 (Iwitchelll,319.

18. Marian Meyer. They Were "AmongtheHeathen. ..santa FeReporter, 28 Mar.1984: 13.

19. Information file on Gorman 319.

20. This event is mentioned only in pass­ing in two sources. despite thefact thatit was crucial to all subsequent workundertaken bytheGormans inLaguna.Meyer 13; Twitchell 318.

2 1. In October. 1855. the governor ofAcoma came to visit the Gormans'homeshortly after thebirth ofa child.and he inquired about religion. ques­tionin~ thesuperiority of theGormans'religion over Catholicism. After thisdiscussion anda visit with thebaby. hereportedly told the Gormans that hewould sendoneofhis daughters to livewith them and worR for them in ex­change for aneducation. But this nevertookplace. and the Gormans ascribedhis interest in their religion toanexcuseto 100R at the newborn. Meyer 13.

22. Meyer 13.

23. Chaves vs. Gorman and Reed. CivilCase 1854 series. Third JudicialDistrict Court Records Book,1851-1854, 286. This case is nowhereelse mentioned. and even the courtrecords offer no resolution. There ex­ists the record of a second court ap­pearance of the defendants. whichmerely records their presence beforethe court and nothing more. (292)

24. Gunn 93. also Leo Crane. DesertDrums: The Pueblo Indians of NewMexico, 1540-1928 (Glorieta. NM: RioGrande Press. 1972: first published RioGrande Press. 1928) 66.

25. Twitchell 321.26. Crane 66. Marmon actually arrived in

1868. butwas not appointed asgovern­ment teacher until 1870 or 1871.

27. Meyer 13.28. Meyer 13.29. Ellis, II 17.30. Pueblo Indian Village.

NewMexico 1.

31. From Dr. AlO. Anderson's Registry inAdolph F. Bandelier. The South­western Journals of Adolph F.Bandelier: 1880-1882, VI. Charles H.Lange and Carroll L.Riley. eds.(Albuquerque: Uof New Mexico Press.1966) 413.

32. R. Pierce Beaver. Church, State, andthe American Indians: Two and aHalfCenturiesofPartnership inMis­sions BetweenProtestant Churchesand 60rernment (Saint Louis: Concor­dia. 1966) 134

33. Beaver 134.34. Michael J. Warner. Protestant Mis­

sionary Activity Among the Navajo.1890-1912, New Mexico HistoricalReview vXLV. ns (1970): 210.

35. Ellis, Laguna Pueblo 447.36. Interview with Ernest Yasteya. 14 Aug.,

1968. DorisDuke Oral HistoryCoJJec­tion, Box 17, folder 519 at CenterFor Southwest Research (hereafter.CSWR): 21.

37. Yasteya. ashed how the Laguna feltabout the book. whether they likedit, responded: "I guess they do, Idon't know just how many booksare in existence now. It was a longtime ago.": 16.

38. Yasteya Interview, Box 17, folder515: 21.

39. Elsie Clews Parsons, Pueblo IndianReligion v2 (Chicago: U of Chicago.1938) 888. These are actually twodistinct societies, but as Ellis notes, theShikami was one of the four principalsocieties of Laguna. and it was "soclosely bound to the Quirana priestlygroup thatParsons lmzs them. .." Ellis,Laguna Pueblo 444 .

40. Interview with Mrs. Walter K. (SuzyRayos) Marmon. 5 July, 1968, DorisDukeOralHistoryCoJJection. Box 17,folder 120 at CSWR. 12. Marmon, aLaounen educated at the Indian Schoolin Albuquerque and one of the firstPueblo Indians to graduate from col­lege, married the son of Robert G.Marmon.

41. Marmon Interview. Box 17. folder 120:12.Shesurmised thatthese stories wereprobably told to Gunn in Keresan. forhe was a fluent speaker.

42. Yasteya Interview: 16.43. Their enemies were also the same as

Laquna's, as evidenced when the Mar­monswereaccused in March, 1877 oftrespassing on Acoma land. Acomapueblo demanded $5000 in damagesand the plantiffs pleaded not guilty.Beyond this the caseand itsresolutionare nowhere mentioned. DistrictCourt Records, Santa Fe County,Civil case #869, Pueblo de Acoma vs.Walter G. andRogertG. Mannon. TheMarmons had requested a change ofvenue in October. 1877, and the casewas removed from Valencia County.

44. Ellis, Laguna Pueblo 447. Ellis places thearrival of the cultaround 1860 or 1870,but at the time of the article in theRocky Mountain Presbyterian citedabove. the culthadalready been inex­istence for 25 or 30 years, placing itcloser to 1850.

45. Elsie Clews Parsons. Notes onCeremonialism at Laguna. An­thropological Papers of the AmericanMuseum of Natural History. V19 pt4(1920): 97-98.

46. Edgar L. Hewett, Indians of the IlioGrande VaHey Handbooks of Ar­chaeology Series (Albuquerque: U ofNew Mexico Press, 1978) 107.

47. Bandelier. Journals VI 331. Marmon'sdating of this is curious. however. forthe cult had defintely been at Lagunaprior to 1872.

48. Lansing B. Bloom. ed..Bourke on theSouthwest. XII. NewMexico HistoricalReview vII n4 (1937): 375. See alsoEllis. Laguna Pueblo 447. Pradt citedlatrine construction among theprojectsof the ChaRwena. to the bemusementof Ellis.

49. Bandelier. Journals VI 374.50. Parsons, Religion V2 888.51. Ellis, II 18.

52. Parsons. Religion v2 888.53. Elsie Clews Parsons, The Pueblo of

Isleta Indian Classics Series. VI (Albu­querque: Calvin Hom. 1975) 348.

54. John MenauL Third Annual Reportof the Laguna Mission: March 1,1879 (Laguna: Laguna Mission Press.1879) 4-5. First and Second AnnualReports are not evailable.

55. MenauL Third.56. McGuffey's First Reader and other

basic texts with Christian themes aswellas Menaul's ownwritings were typicalof what the Laguna Mission Presspublished.

57. MenauL Third 1. The other twomembers were Menaul and theReverend S. Jackson.

58. MenauL Third 10.

59. MenauL Third 13. Menaul and Jacksonhad gone to Zuni fora few weeks. andupon their return "it seemedas if thedevil had raised up in all his might todestroy both usand the Lord's work atLaguna:' for "the people with alltheShei-a-nes or devil priests" wanted toreturn to the "ancient Customs or devilworship." This apparently lead to thediscovery of the interpreter's fraud.

60. MenauL Work 397.

61 . Interview with Mrs. Walter K. Marmon.8 Aug., 1967. Doris DukeOral HistoryCollection. Box 17. folder 515.at CSWR:3-4. According to Marmon. many oftheseLagunas returned for the puebloholidays and also tend to retire inLaguna.Their influence in transmittingideas and practices may therefore besignificant 16.

62. Interview with anonymous informant.18 Nov, 1969.DorisDukeOralHistorycoJJection. Box 17, folder 213. atCSWR: 1.

63. Anonymous Interview, Box 17. folder213: 1.

64. Marmon Interview, Box 17, folder515: 6.

65. John MenauI. Report to the HomeBoard: september 30, 1880 (Laguna:Laguna Mission Press, 1880) 4. Despitethesebeneficial aspects of the railroad.Menaul was disgruntled with the actualperiod of its construction throughLaguna.whenreligious meetings wereless attendedbythe Lagunas andmoreby the outside railroad workers. JohnMenauI. Fifth Annual Report FromLaguna:May 2, 1881 (Laguna: LagunaMission Press. 1881) 1.

66. Edward H. Spicer. CyclesofConquest:The Impact of Spain, Mexico, andthe US on the Indians of theSouthwest(Tucson: UofArizona, 1970)499.

67. Theodore Jojola. Tribal Survival andOutside Contact: The Spanish ColonialandAmerican territorial Occupation oftheBantoeandIsleta Villages. diss., Uof Hawaii, 1982, 180. Crane curiouslyrefers to this event as follows: "Localgossip has it that these innovations[white governorship] produceddissen­sions. to the end thatorthodox Indiansremoved to otherpueblos. Iknow verylittle of this and am inclined to creditless ..." 67.

68. Jojola 180.69. Parsons, Religion vII 889.70. Parsons. Religion vII 888. Her infor­

mant was a Shahaiye shaman. Jose[siwema). whowas amongthosewhomigrated buteventually returned to livein Laguna.

71. MenauL Third II.72. Ellis. n 18. One of the main respon­

sibilities of the medicine societies wasratn-makinq according to Eggan 280.

73. Parson. Pueblo of Isleta 349. Her in­formants estimated that about 40peo­plesettled in Isleta. and this figure doesnot include thosewhowentto Mesita.All but the Kurena religious society leftLaguna. The ChaRwena dancers still

refuse to dance at Mesita when theymake the rounds of the other villages.Parson, Notes 108, fn4. In the 1930S, aCatholic church was built at Mesita.Edgar L. Hewett. Indians of theIlio Grande VaHey, Handbooks ofAr­chaeological History Series, (Albuque­que: U of New Mexico Press. 1978)106.

74. Interview with an anonymous infor­mant. 25 July. 1969, DorisDuke OralHistoryCoJJection. Box 16, folder 203at CSWR: 7. According to the samein­formant. "The moreComMothers onehas the better off one is."

75. Anonymous Interview. Box 16, folder203: 11.

76. Jojola 180.77. Menaul. Report 1.

78. MenauI. Report 2.

79. Bandelier, Journals VI 331. Pradt toldBandelier that he was not impressedwith Menaul or hiswork, and felt that"Protestantism hasno effect upon theIndians." Bandelier. Journals vi 374.Bandelier hadearlier written ofhis owndoubts as to the usefulness of Protes­tant ministers in the pueblos. Journalsvi 183.

80. John Menaul, Work AmongtheIndians.TheField is the World (May 1883) 398.This maoazlne apparently had but ashortlife span, and canbefound at theMenaul Historical Library,Archival Box88-5.

81. Bandelier. Journals vi 374. It is in­teresting andsignificant thatall of thesepractices are related to six and implya pronounced. spedftcally female role.Reports of such differences betweenProtestants and Catholics continued in­to the 20th century, as Protestant mis­sionaries consistently disparaged thewicked pagan ways endorsed by theCatholics and the debauchery of thenominally Cathollic public ceremoniesand lauded their own congregations'piety and good hygiene.

82. Charity Ann Gaston MenauI. Laguna.Home Mission MonthlyvII , ns (1887)40.

83. Gaston Menaul 40.84. Ellis, Outline334. SpeaRing with one of

Kwime's great-granddaughters, I askedwhether therewere anystories thathadbeen passed downin her family abouthim or theevents underdiscussion, andshe replied that "it was neverdiscuss­ed: ' Sheleamed ofhis importance andthe splitthrough her personal interestin pueblo history. Interview with AQnesDill. 26 October, 1994.

85. Ellis, 11 19. See also Ellis Outline329.

86. Parsons. Religion vi 15. Atherwritin~.the destroyed Rivas still had not beenrebuilt inLaguna; thereis, however. to­day a Riva in Laguna.

87. Parsons. Religion vII 889..~.Sources

Bandelier. Adolph The SouthwesternJournalsofAdolph F. Bandelier: 1880-1882,VI. Charles H. Lange and Carroll L. Riley.eds. (Albquerque: U of New Mexico Press,1966).

Beaver. R. Pierce. Church, State,and theAmerican Indians: Two and a Half Cen­turies ofPartnership in Missions BetweenProtestant Churches and Government(Saint Louis: Concordia, 1966).

Bloom. Lansing B. ed., Bourke on theSouthwest. XlI. New Mexico HistoricalReview vII n4 (1937).

Chaves vs. Gorman and Reed. Civil Case1854 series. Third Judicial District CourtRecords Book, 1851-1854, 286-292.

Crane. Leo. Desert Drums: The PuebloIndiansofNewMexico, 1540-1938 (Glorieta.NM: Rio Grande Press. 1972; first publishedRio Grande Press. 1928).

District Court Records, SantaFe Coun­ty, Civil case #869. Pueblo de Acoma vs.Walter G. and Robert G. Marmon.

Dozier. Edward. The Pueblo Indians ofNorth America (New York:Holt, Rinehart andWinston, 1970).

Eggan. Fred. Social Organization of theWestern Pueblos (Chicago: U of ChicagoPress. 1950).

Ellis, Florence Hawley. An Outline ofLaguna Pueblo History. SouthwesternJour­nal of Anthropology V 15 # (1959).

Ellis, Florence 'Hawley. Laguna Pueblo.Handbook ofNorth American Indians, V9(Washington. D.C.: Smithsonian. 1979).

Florence Hawley Ellis.Pueblo Indians tl:Archeeologic and Ethnologic DataPertaining to Acoma and Laguna LandClaims, 1958-1959 (New York: Garland.1974).

French. David. Factionalism in IsletaPueblo (seattle: U of Washington Press,1948).

Hewett. Edgar L. Ancient Life in theAmerican Southwest (New York: Tudo,1943).

Hewett. Edgar.Indians of the Ilio GrandeVaHey, Handbooks ofArchaeological HistorySeries, (Albuquerque: UofNew Mexico Press.1978).

Interview with an anonymous informant.18 Nov.. 1969, DorisDuke Oral HistoryCol­lection. Box 17. folder 213 at Center forSouthwest Research. University of NewMexico.

Interview with an anonymous informant.25 July. 1969. Doris DukeOralHistory Collec­tion. Box 16, folder 203 at Center ForSouthwest Research. University of NewMexico.

Interview with Ernest Yasteya. 14 Aug..1968, Doris DukeOralHistory Collection. Box17, folders 515, 519 at CenterForSouthwestResearch. University of New Mexico.

Interview with Mrs. Walter K. Marmon. 5July, 1968, Doris Duke OralHistory Collection.Box 17. folder 120. at CenterForSouthwestResearch. University of New Mexico.

Interview with Mrs. Walter K. Marmon, 8Aug., 1967, DorisDuke Oral HistoryCollec­tion. Box 17, folder 515. at Center ForSouthwest Research. University of NewMexico.

Jojola. Theordore. Tribal Survival andOut­side Contact: The Spanish Colonial andAmerican Territorial Occupation of theBantocandIsleta Villages. diss.. Uof Hawaii.1982.

MenauI. Charity Ann Gaston. Laguna.Home Mission Monthly vII. ns (1887).

Menaul. John. Fifth AnnualReportFromLaguna: May 2, 1881 (Laguna: Laguna Mis­sion Press, 1880).

Menaul. John. Report to the HomeBoard: september30, 1880 (Laguna: LagunaMission Press, 1880).

MenauI. John. Third Annual Report ofthe Laguna Mission: March 1, 1879.(Laguna: Laguna Mission Press, 1879).

MenauI. John. Work Among the Indians.The Field is the World (May 1883).

Meyer. Marian. They Were "AloneAmongthe Heathen. " Santa Fe Reporter, 28 Mar..1984: 13.

Parsons. Elsie Clews, Notes onCeremonialism at Laguna. AnthropologicalPapers of the American Museum of NaturalHistory, V19 pt4 (1920).

Parsons. Elsie Clews. Pueblo IndianReligion 2 vols. (Chicago: U of Chicago.1939).

Parsons. Elsie Clews. ThePueblo ofIsletaIndian Classic Series, v1(Albuquerque: CalvinHom. 1975).

Pueblo Indian ViJJage. Rocky MountainPresbyterian V5 na (Aug. 1876): 1.

Spicer. Edward H. CycleofConquest:TheImpact of Spain, Mexico, and the USonthe Indians of the Southwest (Iucson: U ofArizona. 1970).

Warner, Michael J. Protestant MissionaryActivity Among the Navajo. 1890-1912. NewMexico Historical Revies vXLV. ns (1970).

Welsh. Herbert. Report of a VISit to theNavajo, Pueblo, andHualapais Indians ofNewMexico and Arizona, #31 (philadelphia:Indian Rights Association. 1885).

Ms. Willreceived herBAfrom theUniversity ofViITlinia, with a double majorin History andGer­man. In 1993, she completed anMA in LatinAmerican Studies at the University of Califor­nia, San Diego. Her thesis concentrated onanother topic on religion andmigration: TheMennonite migration to Chihuahua, Mexico inthewake of theMexican Revolution. and theMexican federal govemment'sgoals for thena­tion. Needing to take a sabbatical fromacademia, she worked as an internationalhostess ona cruise ship fora year.Since August.1994she has been a PhD student in History attheUniversity ofNewMexico. Hermajorfieldsare modem andcolonial Latin America, center­ingonMexico, Brazil, andCuba:herminorfieldis early US history. In addition to her studies,she is engaged in historicpreservation andarthistorywork.

5

FROM:La Cronica de Nuevo Mixico No. 43

HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF NEW MEXICOPost Office Box 1912santa Fe, New Mexico 87504

Non-Profit Organization

U.S. POSTAGE PAIDSanta Fe. New Mexico

87501Permit No. 95

Letter of Correctionto the Editor

Dear Editor.

Iwonder how many readers of the lastpace of La Ctotiice are sUQgesting to youthat people who live in glass housesshouldn't throw stones!

"Cemetery" has all e's. no a at all.even if you use the word three times!

- Barbara De BoisEditors Note:

Not only a slip of the Stone Mason'sHammer. but a slip of the editors eyes!

- I.P.e.

can For ProposalsArizona Historival

ConventionApril 24 - April 26, 1997

Wicllenburg, ArizonaThe convention invites proposals for

papers on any aspect of Arizona historyfor presentation at the thirty-eighth an­nual meeting. We encourage proposalsfor complete sessions on a related topicas well as individual submissions.

Barry M. Goldwater AwardA panel of judges will award a prize

of $200 to the best paper of the conven­tion . All accepted papers (except forthose by graduate students) are ellQible.

Sharlot M. Hall Graduate AwardA $200 prize goes to the best paper bya Qraduate student. Indicate the advisinQprofessor and institution on the proposaland completed paper.

Don ButRin PrizeThe $200 prize will be awarded for

the best paper dealing with any aspectof Arizona geoQraphy. broadly defined.or cartography. Anyone wishing to con­tribute to this memorial fund can senda check. made out to the ArizonaHistorical Convention. Inc.. to ChairmanWilliam C. Porter. 820 E. Beale Street.Kingman. AZ 86401.

All proposals must be submitted byDecember i, .996, to Bruce 1. Dinqes.clo Arizona Historical Society. 949 E. 2ndSt.. Tucson, AZ85719. To be consideredfor a prize. submit an accepted, com­pleted paper of approximately twelvedouble-spaced typed pages (exclusive ofnotes) by March r, 1997.to Bruce 1.Dlnqes. Papers not being submitted fora prize must be in hand no later thanApril 1, 1997.

Only one proposal per author. Includename. address. and phone number.along with title of presentation and onepage of description. Presentation lengthshould be twenty minutes maximum.

Information on meals. tours. and lodg­ing will be mailed out in late February,1997. For more information. contactBruce Dinges, 949 E. second Street.Tucson. AZ 85719, (502) 628-5774. D

TO:

BandelierGarden Poster

Available

BOOKS:ISLANDS IN THE DESERT: A

HISTORY OF THE UP-LANDS OFSOUTHEASTERN ARIZONA

by John P. Wilson

Published byUniversity of New Mexico PressAlbuquerque. NM 87131-1591

$49 .95cl

Reviewed by Spencer Wilson

This is a comprehensive history of thatpart of Arizona south of Tucson asdescribed by the title - that series ofdetached mountain ranees which 100Rlike so many islands when viewed fromaloft. The focus of the book is on theevents that occurred there from 1539 to1946. Wilson starts with the Qeology ofthe area and moves to the first Europeanvisitation. From then on the narrative isa chronolocical account from theSpanish Era. Late Spanish and MexicanPeriods. the Early United States Period,and Military and Indian Affairs to 1896.The next seven chapters are by topic: TheMininQ Frontier, Ranching. TimberResources. Homesteads. the U.S. Armyand the Mexican Revolution. endinq withthe cominq of Tourism to the coolermountains. This is the kind of history thatshould be of interest to. and required for.students and anyone interested in thearea. This is volume thirty in the co­publication series of the University Pressand the Historical Society of New Mex­ico. -S.W.

The Historic Santa Fe Foundation.owner and protector of several historicproperties. including the Pinckney R.TullyHouse. EIZaquan. the Roqui Tudes­qui House and the Cross of the Martyrs,has issued a colorful poster of theBandelier Garden at EI zaquan. Theoriginal garden was created while AdolfBandelier lived in the house. The present.documented restoration of the gardenwas installed and is maintained by AnitaStalter.

The poster depicts a painting of theQarden by Santa Fe artist Deborah Lovell.Both signed and un-signed copies of theposter are available from the HistoricSanta Fe Foundation. 545 canyon Road.Santa Fe. N.M. 87501.

Prices :

Historic S.F. Foundation Members­SiQned . . . . . . . . . . .. $ 20.00Un-signed $ 15.00

Non-members-Signed $ 25.00Un-signed . . . . . . . .. $ 20.00

For additional information please call theFoundation at: (505) 983-2567 0

Hermanos), and historiography. TheCommission encourages proposals forsessions consisting of two or three paperson related topics.

Proposals should include the name.address. phone number. a short vita andorganizational affiliation (if any) of thepresenter, as well as the title and anabstract of the paper. Proposals shouldnot exceed one single spaced typewrit­ten page. Individual presentations shouldnot exceed thirty minutes in length, toallow a minimum of two papers, plustime for questions for each seventy fiveminute session. Proposals for sessionsshould include the name of a moderator.as well as the indicated information foreach presenter.

Proposals should be mailed to thecatholic Cuarto Centennial Commission.Archdiocese of Santa Fe. Office ofHistoric-Artistic Patrimony, 223 cathedralPlace. Santa Fe. New Mexico , 87501.Questions can be directed at Mr. Robert1. Torrez (505) 827-7332. or Mrs. MarinaOchoa, (505) 983-3811 .

Deadline for proposals isDecember 31, 1996. 0

Mapping Committee of theOreQon I california Trails AssociationSouthwest Chapter.

Participants who need to stay over­night may want to mase reservations atthe Ace Lodge in Truth or Consequences.New Mexico (505-894-2151 1$30 ­

$35 I night). Other motels. including aBest Wesstern and Super 8, are alsoavailable. The group will meet for dinnerat 6:00 p.m. on Friday. October 11 andsaturday, October 12 in the Ace Lodgelobby. The Southwest Chapter of theOregon I California Trails Associationwould be delichted to have all people in­terested in the early history of southernNew Mexico attend this outing.

For further information. contact:Charles TownleyPhone: (505) 646-1508Fax: (505) 646-6940Email: ctownleyesllb.nmsu.edu

•••••

Archdiocese of Santa Fe CatholicCusrto Centennial Commission

Call For Papers

~~~~~~

This newspaper is published by

HISTORICAL SOCIElYOF

NEW MEXICOP.O. Box 1912

Santa Pe, New Mexico 87.504

EDITORJohn P. Conron

OFFICERSRaben I. Torrez - President

David Townsend - IS!Vice President~e! Espinosa McDonald - 2ndVice President

Alison Freise - secretary (! iQ

Paul Kraemer - Treasurer

DIRECTORSJohn O. Baxter

Thomas E. ChavezJohn Conron

E. Donald KayeElvis E. Fleming

John W. GrasshamAustin Hoover

SalIvNoeDorothy Parlier

RileyParI1er~nesa ReeveDavid Remley

Andres1.~uraCarl D. SheppardRobert R. White

Theopinions expressed in si~ned articlesare not necessarily thoseof the HistoricalSocietyof NewMexico. Mention of a pro- (! ;0

duct. service or professional in thesecol­umns is no! to be considered an endorse­mentof thatproduct service or professional r.by the HistoricalSocietyof NewMexico. ~;<)

An Outing PlannedAn Invitation From The Southwest Chapter of the

Oregon / California Trails Association

The Archdiocese of Santa Fe is planning a number of activities to commemorateand examine the 400th anniversary ( 1598- 1998) of the founding of the Spanishcolony and establishment of the Catholic Church in New Mexico.

One of the inaugural events for thiscatholic Cuarto Centennial will be ahistorical conference to be held inSanta Fe (the specific location has notbeen determined) on or aboutseptember 8, 1997. The catholic CuartoCentennial Commission invites prop­posals for papers on any aspect of thehistory of the catholic Church in NewMexico for presentation at the con­ference. The papers selected for presen­tation at the conference will be compil­ed and published in 1998.

Papers may be related to any aspectof the history of the catholic Church dur­ing the Spanish colonial, Mexican, Ter­ritorial, or contemporary periods of NewMexico history, to include the regions ofcolonial New Mexico which are nowwithin the Diocese of Gallup. LasCrucesand Tucson. Topics may include. but arenot limited to. Church-state relations.early missions. Franciscan (or any otherorder which served in New Mexico)history. cultural impact and conflict.biography of significant or obscurereligious leaders , historic churches. parishhistories. lay organizations (such as the

The Southwest Chapter of theOregon I California TrailsAssociation in­vites all interested people to attend anouting to the Southern Emmigrant Trailtrailhead on the Rio Grande river northof Hatch. NM on saturday. October 12,1996.Participants are asbed to gather atthe Percha ParR campqround at 10:00a.m. on saturday. October 12with goodhiRinQ shoes. a canteen of water, lunch.and appropriate sun protection. Acaravan willbe assembled to drive to theappropriate canyon. A one and a halfmile hike will tase place at the canyonand will include discussion of diaries; use

.of global positioning systems: and siqnsof wagon travel . including swales. rockgrooves, and rust marzs. The hiae is con­sidered easy and we should return to thecamp ground by 3:00 p.m. The tour willbe led by Don Buck and Rose Ann Tom­pkins, co-chairs of the Southern Trail

-o 0 0 0 0

6