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NOTES
Introduction
1. Elías Tormo, Las viejas series icónicas de los reyes de España (Madrid: Blass y
Cía, 1916 [1917]), p. 191.
2. Isabel Beceiro Pita and Ricardo Córdoba de la Llave, Parentesco, poder y
mentalidad: la nobleza castellana, siglos xii–xv (Madrid: CSIC, 1990),
pp. 68–71; Heath Dillard, Daughters of the Reconquest: Women in Castilian
Town Society, 1100–1300 (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press,
1984), pp. 26–29.
3. See Bernard F. Reilly, The Kingdom of León-Castilla under King Alfonso
VI, 1065–1109 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1988), and The
Kingdom of León-Castilla under King Alfonso VII, 1126–1157 (Philadelphia:
University of Pennsylvania Press, 1998).
4. Marion Facinger, “A Study of Medieval Queenship: Capetian France 987–
1237,” Studies in Medieval and Renaissance History 5 (Lincoln: University
of Nebraska Press, 1968), pp. 3–47. See also Miriam Shadis, “Blanche
of Castile and Marion Facinger’s ‘Medieval Queenship:’ Reassessing the
Argument,” in Capetian Women, ed. Kathleen Nolan (New York: Palgrave,
2003), pp. 137–161. John Parsons showed a similar phenomenon for
England, like Facinger linking the decline of the queen’s official power to
Eleanor of Aquitaine’s queenship; John Carmi Parsons, Eleanor of Castile:
Queen and Society in Thirteenth-Century England (New York: St. Martin’s
Press, 1995), p. 72.
5. The oldest version of this story appears to be in Florián Ocampo’s sixteenth-
century edition of the Primera crónica general, the Crónica ocampiana. [Full
title: Las quatro partes enteras dela Cronica de Espana, que mando componer el
serenissimo rey don Alonso llamado el Sabio . . . ] ed. Florián Ocampo (Zamora:
1541), pt. 4, folio 390r.
6. Urraca was an early patron of the Franciscans in Portugal, especially
sponsoring a group of missionaries martyred in Morocco. Luke Wadding,
Annales Minorum seu Trium Ordinem A.S. Francisco Institutorum T. 1:
(1208–1220), ed. Joseph María Fonseca de Evora (Florence: Quarrachi,
1931), pp. 393–94. See also Atanasio López, La provincia de España de los
frailes menores (Santiago: El Eco Francisco, 1915), pp. 47–48 and 52–53;
Frederico Francisco de la Figanière, Memorias das rainhas de Portugal
N O T E S178
(Lisbon: Typographia Universal, 1859), Appendix 5, pp. 235–38; and
Andrés Ivars, “Los mártires de Marreucos de 1220 en la literatura
hispano- lusitana,” Archivo Ibero-Americano 14 (1920): 344–81.
7. A critical edition of Afonso’s testament is published in Ivo Castro et alia,
Curso da história da língua portuguesa (Lisbon: Universidade Aberta, 1991),
pp. 197–202. See also de la Figanière, Memorias das rainhas, pp. 71–81 and
Appendices 5 and 6, pp. 235–42.
8. Leonor was approximately twenty to Jaume’s thirteen when they mar-
ried. In 1228, Alfonso was born; in 1229 Leonor returned to Castile.
Gerónimo Zurita y Castro, Anales de la corona de Aragón ed. Antonio
Ubieto Arteta and María Desamparados Pérez Soler, 3 vols. (Valencia:
Editorial Anubar, 1967), v. 3, pt. 1, p. 51. For Jaume’s perspective, see
The Book of Deeds of James I of Aragon; A Translation of the Medieval Catalan
Llibre dels Fets, trans. Damian Smith and Helena Buffery (Aldershot:
Ashgate, 2003), ch. 18–24, pp. 33–41, and ch. 140, pp. 146–47. See also
Zurita, Anales 3: pp. 18–19 and 68.
9. Andrea Gayoso, “The Lady of Las Huelgas: A Royal Abbey and Its
Patronage,” Cîteaux: commentarii cistercienses 51.1–2 (2000): 91–116; Miriam
Shadis, “Piety, Politics and Power: The Patronage of Leonor of England
and Her Daughters Berenguela of León and Blanche of Castile,” in The
Cultural Patronage of Medieval Women, ed. June Hall McCash (Athens, GA:
University of Georgia Press, 1996), pp. 202–27.
10. Facinger, “Medieval Queenship,” p. 3. See also the work of Theresa
Earenfight, especially “Absent Kings: Queens as Political Partners in the
Medieval Crown of Aragon,” in Queenship and Political Power in Medieval
and Early Modern Spain, ed. Theresa Earenfight (Burlington, VT: Ashgate,
2005), pp. 33–51.
11. For example, Pauline Stafford, Queen Emma & Queen Edith: Queenship and
Women’s Power in Eleventh-Century England (Oxford: Blackwell, 1997);
Bonnie Wheeler and John Carmi Parsons eds., Eleanor of Aquitaine: Lord
and Lady (New York: Palgrave, 2002); and Parsons, Eleanor of Castile. The
historiography of English queenship has usefully challenged periodiza-
tion and the master narrative, as well as the interrogated sources and para-
digms such as “public and private.” See Kimberly A. LoPrete, “Historical
Ironies in the Study of Capetian Women,” in Capetian Women, pp. 276–80
[271–86].
12. John Carmi Parsons “Family, Sex, and Power: The Rhythms of Medieval
Queenship,” in Medieval Queenship ed. John Carmi Parsons (New York:
St. Martin’s Press, 1993), pp. 1–2 [1–12]; LoPrete, “Historical Ironies,” in
Capetian Women, pp. 272–73.
13. For example, the tenth-century Leonese princess Elvira, and Sancha, sister
of Alfonso VII. See Lucy K. Pick, “Dominissima, prudentissima: Elvira,
First Queen-Regent of León,” in Religion, Text and Society in Medieval
Spain and Northern Europe: Essays in Honor of J. N. Hillgarth, ed. Thomas E.
Burnham et alia (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Medieval Studies, 2002),
pp. 38–69; Roger Collins, “Queens-Dowager and Queens-Regent in
N O T E S 179
Tenth-Century León and Navarre,” in Medieval Queenship, pp. 79–82
[79–92]; Reilly, Alfonso VII, pp. 139–41; Luisa García Calles, Doña
Sancha, hermana del emperador (León: Centro de Estudios e Investigación
“San Isidoro,” 1972).
14. See, however, the essays in Queenship and Political Power, ed. Earenfight,
as well as the studies mentioned below.
15. Bernard F. Reilly, The Kingdom of León-Castilla under Queen Urraca, 1109–
1126 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1982); Therese Martin,
Queen as King: Politics and Architectural Propaganda in Twelfth-Century Spain
(Leiden: Brill, 2006); Barbara F. Weissberger, Isabel Rules: Constructing
Queenship, Wielding Power (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota
Press, 2004); Peggy K. Liss, Isabel the Queen: Life and Times, rev. ed.
(Philadelphia: Pennsylvania University Press, 2004); Theresa M. Vann,
“The Theory and Practice of Medieval Castilian Queenship,” in Queens,
Regents, Potentates, ed. T. M. Vann (Dallas: Academia Press, 1993), pp.
125–47.
16. Núria Silleras-Fernández, Power, Piety, and Patronage in Late Medieval
Queenship: Maria de Luna (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008); pp.
41–50; Earenfight, “Maria of Castile, Ruler or Figurehead: A Preliminary
Study in Aragonese Queenship,” Mediterranean Studies 4 (1994): 45–61;
also Theresa Earenfight, The King’s Other Body: María of Castile and the
Crown of Aragon (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2009).
17. As an example of the theoretical potential of this material, see Earenfight,
“Without the Persona of the Prince: Kings, Queens, and the Idea of
Monarchy in Late Medieval Europe,” Gender and History 19 (2007): 1–21.
18. Antonio Lupián Zapata, Epitome de la vida y muerte de la Reyna Doña
Berenguela, primogenita del rey D. Alonso el Noble (Madrid: 1665); Enrique
Flórez, Memorias de las reinas católicas de España, 3rd ed., 2 vols. (1761, repr.
Madrid: Aguilar, 1959); Fray Valentín de la Cruz, Berenguela la grande;
Enrique I el chico (1179–1246) (Gijón: Ediciones Trea, 2006); “Berenguela
la Grande: una mujer excepcional,” in Vicenta Márquez de la Plata and
Luis Valero de Bernabé, Reinas medievales españolas (Madrid: Alderabán
Ediciones, 2000), pp. 163–81; Georges Martin, “Berenguela de Castilla
(1214–1246): en el espejo de la historiografía de su época,” in Historia
de las mujeres en España y América Latina, ed. Isabel Morant (Madrid:
Cátedra, 2005), pp. 569–96; Martin, “Négociation et diplomatie dans la
vie de Bérengère de Castille (1214–1246). La part du facteur générique,”
e-Spania: Revue interdisciplinaire d’études hispaniques médiévales 4 (December
2007; online March 2008). URL: http://e-spania.revues.org/index562.
html; Accessed October 31, 2008.
19. Joseph F. O’Callaghan, “Origin and Development of Archival Record-
Keeping in the Crown of Castile-León” in Discovery in the Archives of Spain
and Portugal: Quincentenary Essays, 1492–1992, ed. Lawrence J. McCrank
(New York: Haworth Press, 1993), pp. 3–18.
20. Emma Falque Rey, “Introducción,” Lucae Tudensis, Chronicon mundi, ed.
Emma Falque Rey (Turnhout: Brepols, 2003) Corpus Christianorum.
N O T E S180
Continuatio Medievalis v. 74. T. 1, pp. vii–viii; Peter Linehan, “Dates
and Doubts about don Lucas,” CLCHM 24 (2001): 205 [201–17].
21. Rey, “Introducción,” CM, pp. xviii–xxi; Bernard F. Reilly, “Bishop
Lucas of Túy and the Latin Chronicle Tradition in Iberia,” The Catholic
Historical Review 93:1 (October 2007): 768 [767–88].
22. CM, praefatio, p. 4.
23. Reilly, “Bishop Lucas,” 771–72.
24. For Rodrigo Jiménez de Rada, see Lucy K. Pick, Conflict and Coexistence:
Archbishop Rodrigo and the Muslims and Jews of Medieval Spain (Ann Arbor:
University of Michigan Press, 2004), especially chapter two, “Conquest
and Settlement,” pp. 21–70. See also the numerous works of Peter
Linehan, cited throughout.
25. Peter Linehan, “On Further Thought: Lucas of Tuy, Rodrigo of Toledo
and the Alfonsine Histories,” in The Processes of Politics and the Rule of Law:
Studies on the Iberian Kingdoms and Papal Rome in the Middle Ages, ed. Peter
Linehan (Variorum Collected Studies Series) (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2002),
p. 417 [415–36]; Reilly, “Bishop Lucas,” 769.
26. Linehan, “On Further Thought,” p. 427; see also Peter Linehan, History
and the Historians of Medieval Spain (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1993), pp.
298–99; Peter Linehan, “Don Juan de Soria: Unas Apostillas,” in Fernando
III y su tiempo (1201–1252), ed. José Manuel Nieto Soria (León: Fundación
Sánchez-Albornoz, 2001), pp. 375–93; Francisco Javier Hernández, “La
corte de Fernando III y la casa real de Francia. Documentos, crónicas,
monumentos,” in Fernando III y su tiempo, pp. 103–55.
27. Chronica latina regum Castellae, in Chronica hispana saeculi xiii, ed. Luis
Charlo Brea et alia, Corpus Christianorum Continuatio Medievalis 73
(Turnhout: Brepols, 1997); The Latin Chronicle of the Kings of Castile,
English trans. Joseph F. O’Callaghan (Tempe, AZ: Arizona Center for
Medieval and Renaissance Studies, 2002), pp. xxviii–xxx.
28. Derek Lomax, “The Authorship of the Chronique Latine des Rois des
Castille,” Bulletin of Hispanic Studies 40 (1963): 205–11; O’Callaghan, Latin
Chronicle, pp. xxxiii–xxxv.
29. O’Callaghan, Latin Chronicle, pp. xxxiii and xxxvi.
30. Alfonso X, Primera crónica general de España que mandó componer Alfonso el
Sabio y se continuaba bajo Sancho IV en 1289, ed. Ramon Menéndez Pidal
(Madrid: Editorial Gredos, 1955), 2 vols.
31. Linehan, History and Historians; Linehan, “Unas Apostillas,” in Fernando
III y su tiempo, pp. 375–93; Hernández, “La corte de Fernando III,” in
Fernando III y su tiempo, p. 115.
32. William Chester Jordan, Louis IX and the Challenge of the Crusade
(Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1979).
33. Reilly critiques these trends in “Bishop Lucas.”
34. Martin, “Berenguela,” in Historia de las mujeres, p. 589.
35. The field of study of medieval motherhood, both as an experience and as
a religio-cultural construct was inaugurated by Clarissa W. Atkinson, The
Oldest Vocation: Christian Motherhood in the Middle Ages (Ithaca, NY: Cornell
N O T E S 181
University Press, 1991); this work was quickly followed by a series of more
specialized studies appearing in collections such as Sanctity and Motherhood:
Essays on Holy Mothers in the Middle Ages, ed. Anneke B. Mulder-Bakker
(New York: Garland, 1995); and Medieval Mothering, ed. John Carmi
Parsons and Bonnie Wheeler (New York: Garland, 1996).
36. Carlos Estepa Díez, “Curia y Cortes en el Reino de León,” in Las Cortes
de Castilla y León en la Edad Media 1, ed. Carlos Estepa Díez (Valladolid:
Cortes de Castilla y León, 1988), pp. 23–103; Joseph F. O’Callaghan,
The Cortes of Castile-León, 1188–1350 (Philadelphia: University of
Pennsylvania Press, 1989), p. 15. For the effect of these developments on
women, see Dillard, Daughters of the Reconquest.
37. Esther Pascua Echegaray, Guerra y pacto en el siglo XII: la consolidación de una
sistema de reinos en Europa occidental (Madrid: CSIC, 1996), pp. 288–317;
Ana Rodríguez López, La Consolidación territorial de la monarquía feudal
castellana: expansion y fronteras durante el reinado de Fernando III (Madrid:
CSIC, 1994), pp. 137–39, 197–98, 313–22.
38. The famous polemical debate between the twentieth-century histo-
rians Claudio Sánchez Albornoz and Américo Castro over the funda-
mental characteristics of medieval Spain drew scholarly attention to the
explanatory power of convivencia, problematizing especially its potentially
static view of medieval Spanish culture. For recent discussions of the
meaning and use of the term, see the work of Lucy Pick, Thomas Glick,
Jerrilynn Dodds, and María Judith Feliciano, cited throughout, espe-
cially in Chapter Six. See also David Nirenberg, Communities of Violence:
Persecution of Minorities in the Middle Ages (Princeton: Princeton University
Press, 1996), p. 9. Brian Catlos challenges the usefulness of the term,
arguing instead for the idea of “convenience” to understand the relations
between Christians and Muslims in the Crown of Aragon, but his argu-
ment is based on the very particular economic and social relations that
existed in the Ebro valley. Brian A. Catlos, “Contexto y Conveniencia
en la Corona de Aragón: Propuesta de un modelo de interacción entre
grupos etno-religiosos minoritarios y mayoritarios,” Revista d’Història
Medieval 12 (2001–2002): 259–68.
39. Penelope D. Johnson, Prayer, Patronage and Power: The Abbey of La Trinité,
Vendôme, 1032–1187 (New York: New York University Press, 1981), pp.
11–13; Erin L. Jordan, Women, Power, and Religious Patronage in the Middle
Ages (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006), pp. 61–84, articulates very
well the clear link between religious patronage and secular power, as does
Silleras-Fernández, Power, Piety, and Patronage, pp. 115–37.
40. Gabrielle M. Spiegel, “Genealogy: Form and Function in Medieval
Historical Narrative,” History and Theory 22.1 (Feb., 1983): 43–53;
“History, Historicism, and the Social Logic of the Text,” Speculum 65.1
( Jan., 1990): 59–86.
41. Crónica Ocampiana, pt. 4, fol. 387v; La Traducción gallega de la crónica gen-
eral y de la crónica de Castilla, ed. Ramón Lorenzo (Orense: Instituto de
Estudos Orensanos Padre Feijóo, 1975), 2 vols., v. 1: ch. 502, p. 732; Lupián
N O T E S182
Zapata, Epitome de la vida y muerte de la Reyna Doña Berenguela, pp. 33–47;
Juan de Mariana, Historia de España in Obras del Padre Juan de Mariana,
2 vols. (Madrid: Real Academia Española, 1950), v. 1, pp. 350–51; The
French scholar Le Nain de Tillemont also claimed Blanche’s seniority; see
Hernández, “La corte de Fernando III,” in Fernando III y su tiempo, p. 113.
42. Ernst H. Kantorowicz, The King’s Two Bodies: A Study in Medieval Political
Theology (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1957). See also, Theresa
Earenfight, “Partners in Politics,” in Queenship and Political Power,
pp. xiv–xv, [xi–xvii], citing Kantorowicz.
43. This was not a given. For Queen Urraca, and her sexual conduct while an
unmarried queen, see Reilly, Queen Urraca, especially pp. 46–47.
44. Lois L. Huneycutt, “The Creation of a Crone: The Historical Reputation
of Adelaide of Maurienne,” in Capetian Women, p. 30 [27–44], citing
Achille Luchaire, Histoire des institutions monarchiques de la France sous les
premiers Capétiens, 987–1183, 2nd ed., 2 vols. (1891 repr. Brussels: Culture
et Civilisation, 1964), v.1, pp. 133–34 and 183–85, and Andrew W.
Lewis, Royal Succession in Capetian France: Studies in Familial Order and
the State (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1981), pp. 21, 43,
and 54–55.
45. Earenfight, “Partners in Politics,” in Queenship and Political Power, pp. xiv,
xv, and xvii.
46. Martin, “Berenguela,” in Historia de las mujeres, p. 588.
47. CM, praefatio, p. 4.
48. DRH 9.5, pp. 295–86.
49. Alfonso IX 1, p. 92; Élie Berger, Histoire de Blanche de Castille, reine de France
(Paris: Thorin et fils, 1895), pp. 30–31.
50. Flórez, Las reinas católicas, v. 1, pp. 449–50.
51. Shadis, “Blanche of Castile,” in Capetian Women, pp. 142–46.
52. Louis IX, Gesta Sancti Ludovici Noni, auctore monacho sancti Dionysii anon-
ymo, RHF 20, p. 46.
53. Martin, “Berenguela,” in Historia de las mujeres, p. 589.
54. Sordello, “Lament for Lord Blacatz,” The Poetry of Sordello, ed. and trans.
James J. Wilhelm (New York: Garland, 1987), p. 109. Sordello’s reference
to Louis’s loss of Castile is fascinating, but inexplicable; perhaps, he was
vaguely aware of the nobles who approached Blanche and her husband
Louis about the Castilian throne. See Chapter Four.
55. Sordello, “The Instruction in Honor,” The Poetry of Sordello, trans.
Wilhelm, p. 203.
56. CM 93, p. 332.
57. DRH 9.17, p. 300.
58. Weissberger, Isabel Rules, especially Chapter One, “Anxious Masculinity,”
pp. 1–27.
59. Ana Rodríguez López, “Sucesión regia y legitimidad política en Castilla
en los siglos XII y XIII. Algunas consideraciones sobre el relato de las
crónicas Latinas castellano-leonesas,” Annexes CLCHM 16 (2004): 21–41.
60. Robert Fawtier, The Capetian Kings of France, trans. Lionel Butler and
R. J. Adam (London: Macmillan, 1960), p. 28; see also Jordan, Women,
N O T E S 183
Power, and Religious Patronage for a discussion on the relationship between
perceptions of women’s power as potentially real but always anomalous,
pp. 33–34.
1 Mothering Queenship: Leonor of England,
Queen of Castile 1161–1214
1. Queens who did not become mothers might be forced to overcome that
deficit by refiguring their rhetorical position vis-à-vis the king. Thus,
Queen Edith, wife of Edward the Confessor, recast herself as a chaste
daughter-figure to the saintly king, “glossing over a barren union.”
Stafford, Queen Emma & Queen Edith, p. 47. Much later, María of Castile,
queen of Aragón, was neither a mother nor a regular sexual partner nor
a fictive daughter to her husband Alfonso V of Aragón. María could
refer to a powerful extended family, and the particular institution of
the queens-lieutenant of Aragón to secure her political role. Earenfight,
“Absent Kings” in Queenship and Political Power, pp. 40–47, and Earenfight,
“Without the Persona of the Prince,” 4–6.
2. Robert de Torigny, Chronica, in Chronicles of the Reigns of Stephen, Henry
II, and Richard I, ed. Richard Howlett, 4 vols. (1882, repr. Weisbaden:
Kraus Reprint, 1964), v. 4, p. 303. See also Miriam Shadis and Constance
Hoffman Berman, “A Taste of the Feast: Reconsidering Eleanor
of Aquitaine’s Female Descendents,” in Lord and Lady, pp. 182–85
[177–211].
3. Alfonso VIII 1, pp. 185, 787–89, and 793; Joseph F. O’Callaghan,
History of Medieval Spain (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1975),
pp. 235–39.
4. W. L. Warren, Henry II (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1973),
p. 223.
5. Vann, “Castilian Queenship,” in Queens, Regents and Potentates,
pp. 128–29.
6. Alfonso VIII 1, pp. 188–90; Flórez, Las reinas católicas, v. 1, p. 504; Robert
de Torigny, Chronica, p. 247.
7. Alfonso VIII 1, p. 192b provides a photograph and transcript of this char-
ter of arras.
8. Alfonso VIII 2: no. 148.
9. Dillard, Daughters of the Reconquest, pp. 47–51. Castilians (and the Leonese)
were slower to adopt the changes described by Diane Owen Hughes for
the rest of the Mediterranean, although the reasons why—possibly a longer
retention of partible inheritance—remain unclear. “From Brideprice to
Dowry in Mediterranean Europe,” Journal of Family History 3:3 (1978):
262–96.
10. Dillard, Daughters of the Reconquest, pp. 27, 47, and 69; Simon Barton, The
Aristocracy in Twelfth-century León and Castile (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge
University Press, 1997), pp. 54–55.
11. Blanche’s dowry came from her uncle John of England as part of his
settlement with Philip Augustus in the Treaty of Le Goulet. Although
N O T E S184
Urraca was likely dowered by her husband, Afonso of Portugal, no arras
agreement exists for her.
12. Documentos de Jaime I de Aragón, ed. Ambrosio Huici Miranda and María
Desamparados Cabanes Pecourt, 5 vols. (Valencia: Anubar, 1976), v. 1:
no. 27; see also Jesús Lalinde Abadia, “Los pactos matrimoniales cata-
lanes,” Anuario de historia del derecho español 33 (1963): 188–91 [133–266].
13. Dillard, Daughters of the Reconquest, p. 48.
14. Alfonso VIII 1, p. 192b.
15. Alfonso X, Fuero real, ed. Azucena Palacios Alcaine (Barcelona:
Promociones y Publicaciones Universitarias, 1991), p. 65; see also Dillard,
Daughters of the Reconquest, pp. 69–70, and Barton, Aristocracy, p. 71.
16. Alfonso X, Las siete partidas, trans. Samuel Parsons Scott, ed. Robert
I. Burns, S. J., 5 vols. (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press,
2000), 4.11.7, pp. 933–34. Although Alfonso X described the theory and
practice of dowry, he noted that it “rarely happens because women are
naturally greedy and avaricious.” Partidas 4.11.3, p. 932. A more logical
explanation would be that even by Alfonso’s day, legal custom still fol-
lowed the old ways.
17. Alfonso VIII 3: no 769.
18. Alfonso VIII 2: no. 278; see also Alfonso VIII 1, pp. 802–3; Reilly, Alfonso
VII, pp. 37–38, 45, and 206.
19. In 1188, Leonor was recognized as “Lady of Peñafiel.” Documentación
del monasterio de Las Huelgas de Burgos, ed. José Manuel Lizoain Garrido,
10 vols. (Burgos: Ediciones Garrido y Garrido, 1985), v. 1 (1116–1230):
no. 18.
20. Gesta Regis Henrici Secundi, Benedicti Abbatis: The chronicle of the reigns of
Henry II and Richard I A.D. 1169–1192; known commonly under the name of
Benedict of Peterborough, ed. William Stubbs, 2 vols. (1867, repr. Wiesbaden:
Kraus Reprint, 1965), v. 1, p. 139; Alfonso VIII 2: no. 279.
21. Alfonso VIII 2: nos. 277 and 278.
22. Gesta Henrici II, p. 144; Alfonso VIII 1, pp. 810–11.
23. Alfonso VIII 2: no. 279.
24. Alfonso VIII 1, pp. 834–35; CL 14, p. 48.
25. Echegaray, Guerra y pacto, p. 301. González points to a rumor of Alfonso’s
interest in Gascony as early as the reign of Richard I (1188–98), supplied
by the poet Bertran de Born. Alfonso VIII 1, p. 866; “Miei Sirventes
Vuolh Far Dels Reis Amdos” in Los Trovadores: historia literaria y textos,
ed. Martín de Riquer, 3 vols. (Barcelona: Editorial Planeta, 1975), v. 2:
no. 138, pp. 734–36. Although the date is uncertain, the sirventes surely
indicates anxiety about Castilian intervention in France.
26. CL 17, p. 51; Echegaray, Guerra y pacto, pp. 319–20.
27. CL 17, p. 52.
28. Alfonso VIII 3: no. 1030; see also no. 765.
29. Foedera: conventiones, litterae, ed. Thomas Rymer, 3 vols. (London: Record
Commission, 1816–1830), v. 1, pt. 1, p. 94.
30. Alfonso VIII 1, p. 195, n191.
N O T E S 185
31. Alfonso VIII 3: no. 674. No contemporary charter or chronicle evidence
attests to Mafalda’s life, although she appears in La traducción gallega, v. 1,
ch. 503, p. 733. The only other evidence for her is a very late, possi-
bly postmedieval tomb inscription in the “old” cathedral of Salamanca,
asserting that Mafalda died in 1204 “as yet unmarried” [finó por casar en
Salamanca el año de 1204].
32. Alfonso VIII 2: no. 373.
33. Alfonso VIII 2: nos. 373, 374, 377–82, 386–90, 399, 419, 442, 472, 499,
520, 522, 524–31, and 533–36. Charter no. 537, dated December 1189,
notes Alfonso ruling with his son Fernando, signaling the infante’s
birth.
34. Alfonso VIII 2: nos. 373, 374, 377–82.
35. Alfonso VIII 2: nos. 520, 522, 524–31, 533–36.
36. Alfonso VIII 2: no. 367.
37. Alfonso VIII 2: no. 549; Francisco Simón y Nieto, “La nodriza de doña
Blanca de Castilla,” Bulletin Hispanique 5 (1903): 5–8.
38. Alfonso VIII 2: no. 530.
39. Alfonso VIII 3, p. 865.
40. For contemporary discussions of the benefits of mothers’ milk, see
William F. MacLehose, “Nurturing Danger: High Medieval Medicine
and the Problem(s) of the Child,” in Medieval Mothering, pp. 3–24, and
Atkinson, The Oldest Vocation, pp. 59–61.
41. For example, Documentación del monasterio de San Juan de Burgos, 1091–
1400, ed. F. Javier Peña Pérez (Burgos: Ediciones J. M. Garrido Garrido,
1983): no. 49.
42. Alfonso VIII 2: nos. 165, 168, 248, and 249.
43. See Alfonso VIII 2: nos. 5, 7–15, 17–19, and 21–23; and Reilly, Alfonso VII,
“Annotated Guide to Documents,” nos. 817, 821, 837, 842, 881, 883–84,
and 892–93.
44. Dillard, Daughters of the Reconquest, pp. 76–77.
45. Alfonso VIII 2: no. 324.
46. Simon R. Doubleday, The Lara Family: Crown and Nobility in Medieval
Spain (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2001), pp. 38–43;
Barton, Aristocracy, Appendix 3: no. 17.
47. Felipe-Gil Peces Rata, Paleografía y epigrafía en la catedral de Sigüenza
(Sigüenza: Gráficas Carpintero, 1988), p. 51; also Charles Rudy, The
Cathedrals of Northern Spain (Boston: L.C. Page, 1905), p. 338.
48. Alfonso VIII 2: no. 307.
49. Julio González, Regesta de Fernando II (Madrid: CSIC, 1943): no. 37, and
pp. 129–30, 457, and 460–66.
50. Alfonso VIII 2: no. 355.
51. Vann, “Castilian Queenship,” in Queens, Regents and Potentates,
pp. 134–35.
52. In 1175 the English brothers Richard and Randulph, canons at the cathe-
dral of Salamanca founded a church there dedicated to Becket. Pablo
Núñez Paz et alia, Salamanca. Guía de arquitectura (León: Colegio Oficial
N O T E S186
de Arquitectos de León, 2002), p. 89. See also Documentos de los archivos
catedralicio y diocesano de Salamanca, siglos xii–xiii, ed. José Luis Martin et
alia (Salamanca: Universidad de Salamanca, 1977): no. 74. Other early
examples of the Becket cult include a cathedral chapel in Burgos endowed
around 1202, and a church in Toro, by 1206. Tancred Borenius, St. Thomas
Becket in Art (1932; Reprint Port Washington, NY: Kennikat Press, 1970),
pp. 48–51; See Documentación de la catedral de Burgos, 1184–1222, José
Manuel Garrido Garrido, ed. 4 vols. (Burgos: Ediciones J. M. Garrido
Garrido, 1983), v. 2: no. 363.
53. Angel González Palencia, Los mozarabes de Toledo en los siglos xii y xiii, 3
vols. (Madrid: Instituto de Valencia de don Juan, 1926–28), v. 1: no. 326;
Alfonso VIII 2: no. 215; Alfonso VIII 3: no. 797.
54. The Great Roll of the Pipe, ed. Pipe Roll Society (1955, repr. Nendeln,
Kraus Reprints, 1974), v. 25, p. 47; v. 26, p. 89; v. 27, p. 49; v. 28, p. 61;
and v. 29, p. 81; also vols. 30, 34, 36, and 37; Alan B. Cobban, The Medieval
English Universities: Oxford and Cambridge to c. 1500 (Berkeley: University
of California Press, 1988), pp. 29–30 and 33; H. G. Richardson, “The
Schools of Northampton in the Twelfth Century,” English Historical
Review 55 (1941): 597 [595–605].
55. See Chapter Two, n7.
56. Alfonso VIII 3: no. 769. Italics added.
57. Alfonso VIII 3: no. 769.
58. Alfonso VIII 3: no. 769; Dillard, Daughters of the Reconquest, p. 100.
59. Alfonso VIII 3: no. 824.
60. Compare Rose Walker’s argument that Alfonso VIII was primarily respon-
sible for the foundation of Las Huelgas, inspired by the old Castilian-
Leonese institution of the infantado—lands set aside for royal women who
were dedicated to God. “Leonor of England, Plantagenet queen of King
Alfonso VIII of Castile, and her foundation of the Cistercian abbey of
Las Huelgas. In imitation of Fontevraud?” Journal of Medieval History 31
(2005): 346–68.
61. Alfonso VIII 3: no. 551; see also Shadis, “Piety, Politics, and Power,” in
Cultural Patronage, pp. 203–4.
62. Las Huelgas 1: no. 12; DRH 7.33, p. 255; PCG 1006, p. 685.
63. Alfonso VIII 3: no. 894.
64. Alfonso VIII 3: no. 923.
65. Alfonso VIII 3: no. 843.
66. Alfonso VIII 3: nos. 885 and 887; See also Alfonso VIII 3: nos. 886, 917,
and 923.
67. Alfonso VIII 3: nos. 885 and 886.
68. For example, Alfonso VIII 3: no. 887.
69. Notably those recorded in the Libro Tumbo in the Archivo del Palacio Real,
Documentación del Hospital del Rey de Burgos, 1136–1277, ed. María del
Carmen Palacín Gálvez and Luis Martínez García (Burgos: J. M. Garrido
Garrido, 1990): nos. 30 and 31.
70. Hospital del Rey: nos. 38–43.
N O T E S 187
71. Hospital del Rey: no. 44.
72. Hospital del Rey: nos. 60, 61, and 64.
73. In 1232 the abbess of Las Huelgas, who administered the hospital,
requested confirmation of a real estate transaction from Fernando and
Berenguela, and asked that they seal the charter; Hospital del Rey: no. 155.
In 1240 Berenguela confirmed a private sale to the Hospital; Hospital del
Rey: no. 217.
74. DRH 7.34, p. 256; CM 4.84, p. 324. González acknowledged without com-
ment that one charter calls the hospital “de la reina Leonor.” Alfonso VIII
1, pp. 610–11. Amancio Rodríguez López criticized the assumptions of
earlier historians, but supposed that it was logical that Alfonso VIII was the
hospital’s founder, nonetheless. El real monasterio de las Huelgas de Burgos y el
hospital del Rey (Burgos: Librería del Centro Católico, 1907), pp. 79–84.
75. Earenfight, “Partners in Politics,” in Queenship and Political Power, p. xvii
on the inequalities inherent in monarchy.
76. Along with an alférez (standard bearer) and aguacil (a judicial official),
Salazar y Acha asserts we are unlikely to see a chancellor among the
queen’s staff, although Leonor did have one, as did Berenguela. Jaime de
Salazar y Acha, La casa del rey de Castilla y León en la edad media (Madrid:
Centro de Estudios Políticos y Constitucionales, 2000), p. 56.
77. Salazar y Acha, Casa del rey, p. 183; Luciano Serrano, El mayordomo mayor
de Doña Berenguela (Madrid: Tipografía de Archivos, 1933).
78. Alfonso VIII 2: no. 333.
79. Alfonso VIII 1, p. 197.
80. Alfonso VIII 2: no. 314; Alfonso VIII 1, p. 254.
81. Las Huelgas 1: nos. 8, 17, 18, 43, 50, 77, 85–87, 89, and 91. Las Huelgas
nos. 53, 56, 66, and 71 were all confirmed by “Guillelmus et Martinus de
la Regina.” González believed these were references to the queen’s men.
Alfonso VIII 1, p. 256. Another of Leonor’s followers included Álvaro
Rodríguez, Alfonso VIII 2: no. 412.
82. Cf. Vann, “Castilian Queenship,” in Queens, Regents and Potentates, p. 136.
In 1202 charter from Toledo mentioned Aparicio, the queen’s “man,”
probably her official agent, possibly her chamberlain. In 1203, Aparicio
represented Leonor in purchasing a house in Toledo. Alfonso VIII 2: no.
721; González Palencia, Mozarabes de Toledo, pp. 267–68.
83. Shadis and Berman, “A Taste of the Feast,” in Lord and Lady, pp.
182–84.
84. Partidas 2.6.1, p. 299. Vann, “Castilian Queenship,” in Queens, Regents
and Potentates, pp. 125–26, and p. 146. But see also Parsons, Eleanor of
Castile, pp. 9–10, and n12.
85. Brigitte Bedos Rezak, “Women, Seals, and Power in Medieval France,
1150–1350,” in Mary Erler and Maryanne Kowaleski, eds. Women and
Power in the Middle Ages (Athens, GA: University of Georgia Press, 1988),
pp. 61–82.
86. ACT A. 2.G.1.5; Los cartularios de Toledo, ed. Francisco J. Hernández
(Madrid: Fundación Ramon Areces, 1985): no. 186; Alfonso VIII 2: no. 542;
N O T E S188
Elizabeth A. R. Brown, “Eleanor of Aquitaine Reconsidered: The Woman
and Her Seasons,” in Lord and Lady, pp. 20–27 [1–54]. Certain elements of
Leonor’s seal—the full female figure holding the f leur-de-lis are found in
many queens’ seals. Rezak, “Seals,” in Women and Power, p. 64.
87. Rezak, “Seals,” in Women and Power, p. 77.
88. Rezak, “Seals,” in Women and Power, p. 76 (on hunting birds); Brown,
“Eleanor of Aquitaine Reconsidered,” in Lord and Lady, pp. 23–24 (on
the dove).
89. Jesús María Muñoz y Rivero, “Signo Rodado en los documentos reales
anteriores a don Alfonso el Sabio,” Revista de Archivos, Bibliotecas y Museos
2 (1872): 189–90, 222–25 and 270–74; ACT A. 2.G.1.5; Hernández, Los
Cartularios: no. 186; Alfonso VIII 2: no. 542.
90. Muñoz, “Signo Rodado,” 274.
91. Medieval authorities on rhetoric, contemporary with Leonor, specified
that beautiful hands with smooth skin and long white fingers were ele-
ments of feminine beauty. “Furthermore,” wrote Matthew of Vendôme,
“in praising women, one should stress their physical beauty. This is not the
proper way to praise a man.” Art of Versification, trans. Aubrey E. Galyan
(Ames, IA: Iowa State University Press, 1980), p. 43. Kim M. Phillips,
“The Medieval Beauty Myth: An Aesthetics of Virginity,” Medieval Life 5
(Summer, 1996): 10–13.
92. For example, in the Primera crónica general, the queen spurred the construc-
tion of Las Huelgas “por los muchos ruegos”—by many requests: PCG
1006, p. 685. In another instance she agreed with the nobility to inter-
cede with her husband over the war in León, but her words of agreement
or intervention are not recorded; PCG 1004, pp. 682–83.
93. “Un Sirventes Ai En Cor a Bastir,” Riquer, Los trovadores 1: no. 96, pp.
539–40.
94. Manuel Mila y Fontanels, Obras de Manuel Mila y Fontanels, ed. C. Martínez
and F. R. Manrique, 2 vols. (Barcelona: CSIC, 1966), De los trovadores
en España, v. 2, p. 112; Walter T. Pattison, “The Background of Peire
D’Alvernhe’s Chantarai d’aquest Trobadors,” Modern Philology 31(1933):
19–34.
95. Mila y Fontanels, Los trovadores, v. 2, p. 126; see also Castigos para celosos,
consejos para juglares, trans. Jesús D. Rodríguez Velasco (Madrid: Gredos,
1999), p. 94.
96. Rodríguez Velasco, Castigos para celosos, p. 94, n5.
97. On the political and moral legitimizing message of the ciclatón, or ciclatun,
“a heavy fabric made of silk and precious metals, either gold or silver,”
of probably Andalusí manufacture, see María Judith Feliciano, “Muslim
Shrouds for Christian Kings? A Reassessment of Andalusi Textiles in
Thirteenth-century Castilian Life and Ritual,” in Under the Inf luence:
Questioning the Comparative in Medieval Castile, ed. Cynthia Robinson and
Leyla Rouhi (Leiden: Brill, 2005), pp. 127–31 [101–31].
98. Rodríguez Velasco, Castigos para celosos, p. 90; also Carlos Alvar, ed. La
poesía trovadoresca en España y Portugal (Barcelona: Editorial Planeta, 1977),
pp. 70–74.
N O T E S 189
99. María Jesús Gómez Barcena, La escultura gótica funeraria en Burgos (Burgos:
Diputación Provincial, 1988), pp. 194–96.
100. PCG 1024, p. 708.
101. Berger, Blanche de Castille, p. 43, citing Philippe Mousket, verse 27145;
Chronique rimée de Philippe Mouskes, ed. Baron de Reiffenberg, 2 vols.
(Brussels: M. Hayez, 1838), v. 2, p. 548.
102. Sancho IV, Castigos e documentos para bien vivir, ed. Agapito Rey
(Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1952), p. 133.
103. In the early twentieth century, Fidel Fita showed the relationship of
the story to the legends surrounding Rosamund Clifford, the real-life
mistress of Henry II, and suggested the introduction of such a nar-
rative in Castile through troubadour poetry. In the Castilian version,
Leonor took Eleanor of Aquitaine’s place as the betrayed wife. Fidel
Fita, “Elogio de la reina de Castilla y esposa de Alfonso VIII, doña
Leonor de Inglaterra,” BRAH 53.4 (1908): 418–25 [411–30]. See also
Alfonso VIII 1, pp. 26–49; and Pilar León Tello, Judios de Toledo, 2 vols.
(Madrid: CSIC, 1979), v. 1, pp. 40–42.
104. David Nirenberg, “Deviant Politics and Jewish Love: Alfonso VIII and
the Jewess of Toledo,” Jewish History (2007): 21 [15–41].
105. For example, the work of Lope de Vega ( Jerusalén conquistada [1609]
or Las paces de los reyes y judía de Toledo [1617]). In the twentieth cen-
tury, a more sympathetic version of the tale was told by the German-
Jewish novelist Lion Feuchtwanger. In Raquel: The Jewess of Toledo,
Feuchtwanger builds on the themes of Raquel’s beauty and intelligence,
and Alfonso’s compulsion: Leonor is cast as a villainess, inspired to cold-
heartedness by her mother, Eleanor. Lion Feuchtwanger, Raquel: The
Jewess of Toledo, trans. Ernst Kaiser and Eithne Wilkins (New York:
Julian Messner, 1956) [German title: Die Jüdin von Toledo: Roman
<Pacific Palisades, CA: 1954>].
106. Crónica ocampiana, pt. 4, fol. 387v. “E demas matol los fijos varones e
houo el regno el rey don Fernando, su nieto, fijo de su fija.” Sancho
IV, Castigos, p. 133. See also Traducción gallega, 1: 491, p. 717; Nirenberg,
“Deviant Politics,” p. 34, nn4, 5.
2 Documenting Authority: Marriage Agreements
and the Making of a Queen
1. Stafford, Queen Emma & Queen Edith, p. 60.
2. The Treaty of Le Goulet, which described Blanche’s dowry in France,
provides a comparison in both form and content, standing out as a for-
mal treaty. Layettes du tresór des chartres, ed. Alexandre Teulet et alia, 5
vols. (1863–1909, Reprint Nendeln: Kraus Reprints, 1977)1: no. 578.
The designation of the Treaty of Seligenstadt (Berenguela and Conrad’s
marriage agreement) as a treaty is historiographical: the purpose of
the document was to contract a marriage; it made no other political
arrangement between Frederick I and Alfonso VIII. Alfonso VIII 2:
no. 499.
N O T E S190
3. Infante Fernando was twenty-one years old when he died, and only one
attempt to find a bride for him is known. His parents sought to betroth
him to a Danish princess, who rejected the marriage in favor of the
cloister. See M-H. Vicaire, Saint Dominic and His Times, trans. Kathleen
Pond (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1964), pp. 46–48 and 53–55; Jordan of
Saxony, On the Beginnings of the Order of Preachers, ed. and trans., Simon
Tugwell, O. P. (Dublin: Dominican Publishers, 1982), ch. 2, pp. 4–5.
4. John Carmi Parsons, “Mothers, Daughters, Marriage, Power: Some
Plantagenet Evidence, 1150–1500,” in Medieval Queenship, pp. 66–68
[63–78].
5. Conrad was the fifth son of Frederick Barbarossa and Beatrice of Burgundy,
and approximately seventeen years old in 1187. In 1191, he became Duke
of Swabia and died in 1196. The Chronicle of Otto of St. Blaise paints a
picture of an uncouth and easily led young man. Die Chronik Ottos von
St. Blasien und die Marbarcher Annalen, ed. and German trans. Franz-Josef
Schmale (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1998). The
Iberian chroniclers do not say much about him. The one modern com-
mentator on this marriage says only that Conrad met an evil end, fittingly
in the arms of a woman he tried to ravish. Peter Rassow, Der prinzegemahl:
ein pactum matrimoniale aus dem jahre 1188 (Weimar: Hermann Böhlaus
Nachfolger, 1950), pp. 84–85.
6. Evelyn S. Procter, Curia and Cortes in León and Castile, 1072–1295
(Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1980), p. 77; Joseph
F. O’Callaghan, “The Beginnings of the Cortes of León-Castile,” American
Historical Review 74.5 ( June 1969): 1512–13 [1503–1537]; O’Callaghan,
Cortes of Castile-León, pp. 16–18; Alfonso VIII 2: nos. 467–71. These meet-
ings also had a significant impact on the alliance system throughout
Iberia. Echegaray, Guerra y pacto, pp. 292–93.
7. Gonzalo Martínez Díez, “Curia y cortes en el reino de Castilla,” in Estepa
Díez, Curia y Cortes, pp. 140–42. O’Callaghan believes that despite the
dating of the contract in Germany, “it obviously was prepared at San
Esteban in 1187.” O’Callaghan, “Beginnings of the Cortes,” 1512–13.
However, the form of the document differs from typical Castilian char-
ters; the possibility of its preparation in Germany should not be dismissed.
Peter Rassow, in his study of the charter, points out the ambiguity inher-
ent in the very form of the charter and leans toward preparation in
Germany. Rassow, Prinzegemahl, pp. 14–15. The nobility of Castile still
may have confirmed the agreement, however: cortes were often called to
ratify marriages.
8. Alfonso VIII 2: no. 471.
9. Alfonso VIII 2: nos. 467–71.
10. Alfonso IX 1, pp. 35–51; O’Callaghan, Cortes of Castile-León, p. 16.
11. CL 11, p. 44; PCG 997, p. 677; See also DRH 7.24, p. 246. Even earlier,
Alfonso VIII recorded Alfonso IX’s obeisance in royal charters for some
time, dating his charters from the time of the cortes when he knighted
Alfonso. Alfonso VIII 2: no. 505. This continued through 1190, when
N O T E S 191
sometime after October 14, 1190 the formula ceased to be used (along with
mention of Berenguela’s betrothal to Conrad). Alfonso VIII 2: no. 560.
12. Alfonso VIII 1, p. 706; for the 1158 treaty between Fernando II and Sancho
III, see González, Fernando II: no. 1, pp. 241–43; Echegaray, Guerra y
pacto, p. 291.
13. Teofilo Ruiz, “Unsacred Monarchy: The Kings of Castile in the Late
Middle Ages,” in Rites of Power: Symbolism, Ritual and Politics in the Middle
Ages, ed. Sean Wilentz (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press,
1985), p. 125 [109–144]. See also Linehan, History and the Historians,
p. 595.
14. CL 11, p. 43. Thirty-two years later, González notes, a charter referred
to this curia as one in which “the king of Castile handed over his daugh-
ter in marriage to the king of León” [A tempore curie que fuit Carrione,
quando rex Castelle tradidit f iliam suam nupti regi Legionis]. Alfonso VIII
1, pp. 706–707, n19. A charter given by Alfonso IX in 1188 places him
at San Zoilo of Carrión as well: See Alfonso IX 2: no. 10 (1188 June 27,
Carrión); Julio A. Pérez Celada, Documentación del monasterio de San Zoilo
de Carrión, 1047–1300 (Palencia: Ediciones J. M. Garrido Garrido, 1986),
v. 1: no. 60. Although it gives the precise date and location the char-
ter does not mention Alfonso’s reasons for being in Carrión. Alfonso
was accompanied by the archbishop of Compostela and bishops of León,
Oviedo, and Salamanca, as well as at least four major nobles of his realm,
who all confirmed the charter. The chancery of the Castilian king is
silent about this matter, González supposes, because it consisted of cler-
ics who would have been opposed to a canonically forbidden marriage.
Alfonso VIII 1, pp. 706–7. On the other hand, as Lomax pointed out, Juan
of Osma’s distaste for consanguineous marriages led him to identify them
assiduously. Lomax, “Authorship,” 205–11.
15. Cf. Alfonso VIII 1, p. 203.
16. Alfonso VIII 1, pp. 707–8. González’s collection indicates the dates and
duration of this curia. On July 4, 1188 Alfonso VIII’s chancery noted
the knighting of Alfonso IX. On July 28, there is notice of the mar-
riage of Conrad and Berenguela, which presumably had occurred in the
interim, as well as of Alfonso IX’s knighting (Alfonso VIII 2: nos. 505 and
506). The Chronica latina states that it was scarcely two months after the
knighting of Alfonso that the marriage of Berenguela and Conrad took
place. CL 11, p. 14. Generally, Juan of Osma is very precise about details
of agreements and chronology, suggesting access to court records. See
Lomax, “Authorship,” 207–8.
17. CL 11, 44.
18. This process contrasts with the establishment of an earlier hereditary
queen, Urraca of Castile-León (1109–1126). Reilly, Queen Urraca, pp.
14–44. Reilly cites the Crónica anómina’s assertion that Alfonso VI desig-
nated Urraca as his heir in a public forum, but no official, public, recorded
declaration of her right to succeed survives. Reilly, Queen Urraca, p. 56;
Reilly, Alfonso VI, p. 352.
N O T E S192
19. The cases of Alfonso X, Sancho IV, and Fernando IV and their daughters
will be discussed below.
20. Alfonso VIII 2: no. 499. Leonor and Berenguela’s apparent witnessing may
be one reason why the treaty is argued to have been prepared in Castile.
21. Alfonso VIII 2: no. 499.
22. Ruiz, “Unsacred Monarchy,” p. 109; Linehan, History and the Historians,
pp. 427–30. Much later, the Siete partidas stated that kingship could be
achieved through marriage. Partidas 2.1.9, p. 274.
23. “secundum usum et consuetudinem Alemanie,” Alfonso VIII 2: no. 499.
German law and practice regarding wives, widows, and property rights
for the thirteenth century is understudied. For earlier periods, see
Suzanne Fonay Wemple, Women in Frankish Society: Marriage and the
Cloister 500–900 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1981);
see also Jerold C. Frakes, Brides and Doom: Gender, Property and Power in
Medieval German Women’s Epic (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania
Press, 1994), pp. 54–64.
24. Rodríguez López, Consolidación, p. 156.
25. Berenguela later exacted this same promise from Álvaro Núñez de Lara,
when he became regent for her brother Enrique I in 1215. DRH 9.1, pp.
281–82; PCG 1025, p. 709.
26. Alfonso VIII 2: no. 506.
27. Alfonso VIII 1, pp. 207–8.
28. Rassow, Prinzegemahl, pp. 53–54. It should be pointed out that Alfonso’s
dynasty was relatively new.
29. Reilly, Alfonso VII, pp. 110–12, on the negotiations for this marriage,
which was not intended to last.
30. Rassow, Prinzegemahl, p. 57.
31. Rassow, Prinzegemahl, p. 73, citing only Otto of St. Blaise, c. 28. See
Chronik Ottos, p. 82.
32. DRH 7.24, p. 246. The Primera crónica general states that Conrad wished to
dissolve the marriage upon his return to Germany. PCG 997, p. 677. The
editor of Otto’s chronicle suggests that Conrad instigated the betroth-
al’s dissolution, between 1190 and 1193. If proven, this would suggest
that Conrad became disenchanted by a match that seemed unlikely,
after Infante Fernando’s birth, to bring him a crown. Procter, Curia and
Cortes, pp. 75–76. See Chronik Ottos, p. 83, n71, which refers to a letter to
Archbishop Gonzalo of Toledo, explaining Conrad’s resistance. I cannot
find this letter. By August 1192, Martín López de Pisuerga was arch-
bishop of Toledo: if such a letter was written, it was probably to Martín,
and not Gonzalo. Juan Francisco Rivera Recio, Los arzobispos de Toledo
(Toledo: Diputación Provincial, 1969), pp. 35–38.
33. James A. Brundage explains, “Divortium in canonistic language meant
either a declaration of nullity (that a valid marriage had never existed) or
else permission for a married couple to separate and establish indepen-
dent households, but not to remarry.” James A. Brundage, Law, Sex, and
Christian Society in Medieval Europe (Chicago: University of Chicago Press,
1987), p. 371.
N O T E S 193
34. Rassow, Prinzegemahl, pp. 74–75; DRH 7.24, p. 246.
35. Alfonso VIII 2: no. 560.
36. Alfonso VIII 1, p. 710.
37. Roger of Howden, Chronica Magistri Rogeri de Houdene, ed. William Stubbs,
4 vols. (1869, Reprint Wiesbaden: Kraus Reprint, 1964), 3, p. 100; D. D.
R. Owen, Eleanor of Aquitaine: Queen and Legend (Oxford: Blackwell,
1996), p. 84; Regine Pernoud, Eleanor of Aquitaine, trans. Peter Wiles
(New York: Coward-McCann, 1968), p. 216; Ralph V. Turner, “Eleanor
of Aquitaine in the Governments of Her Sons Richard and John,” in Lord
and Lady, pp. 80–81 [77–95]; Jane Martindale, “Eleanor of Aquitaine and
a ‘Queenly Court’?” in Lord and Lady, pp. 423–39.
38. Rassow, Prinzegemahl, pp. 81–82.
39. What can be reconstructed of the Castilian court’s itinerary in this period
does not suggest a visit to Navarre, but it is an itinerary full of lengthy
gaps. Alfonso VIII 2: nos. 555–63.
40. Prinzegemahl, p. 85.
41. As Rassow notes, “Almost a generation after these events, when the agree-
ment would seem to be a dead letter, it finally achieved its real and highest
logical political meaning in terms of its own attributes as the arbiter of
throne-succession for the Castilian royal house.” Prinzegemahl, p. 87.
42. CL 33, p. 76.
43. Martin explains Berenguela’s “reservation” of her rights both when she
gave up the regency of Enrique I and at the time of her own succession in
1217. “Négociation,” 10, 12; see next chapter.
44. As noted earlier (n18), no surviving document affirmed Urraca’s right to
rule.
45. Procter suggests that this document served as the source for the “princi-
ple” or “statute” that in the event there is no male heir, a daughter should
inherit or rule. Procter, Curia and Cortes, pp. 177, and 192–93; Vladimir
Piskorski, Las cortes de Castilla en el período de tránsito en la edad media a
la moderna, 1188–1520, Spanish trans. C. Sánchez-Albornoz (1897, repr.
Barcelona: El Albir, 1977): Appendix 1, pp. 196–97. See also the declara-
tion of Enrique III in 1402 that his daughter María should be his recog-
nized heir. Las cortes, Appendix 4, pp. 200–202.
46. For Sancho, see Procter, Curia and Cortes, p. 176; Pedro López de Ayala,
Crónica del rey don Sancho el Bravo, in Crónicas de los reyes de Castilla, ed.
Cayetano Rosell, 3 vols. (Madrid: Ediciones Atlas, 1953), v. 1: ch. 1 and 2.
47. López de Ayala, Crónica del rey don Fernando Cuarto, in Crónicas de los reyes
de Castilla 1: ch. 19.
48. Alfonso VIII 3: no. 622; Alfonso IX 2: no. 79; PL 214:611; Alfonso VIII
1, pp. 712–14; Alfonso IX 1, pp. 65–66; Flórez, Las reinas católicas 1,
pp. 332–33.
49. CL 14–15, pp. 45–50; DRH 7.24, p. 246.
50. Joseph F. O’Callaghan, Reconquest and Crusade in Medieval Spain
(Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2003), pp. 62–64; Alfonso
IX 1, pp. 83–85; Echegaray, Guerra y pacto, pp. 293–94.
51. Echegaray, Guerra y pacto, pp. 296–97.
N O T E S194
52. CL 15, p. 50.
53. CM IV, pp. 323–24.
54. DRH 7.31, p. 253.
55. DRH 7.31, p. 253; see also Flórez, Las reinas católicas 1, p. 464. Later, the
Primera crónica general suggested a conspiracy between the queen and the
nobles, and that the omnes buenos foresaw that the marriage ultimately
would be dissolved, but that meanwhile the birth of heirs who could poten-
tially unite Castile and León would more than offset this unpleasant pos-
sibility. Perhaps, however, the authors of the Primera crónica general were
reading later events into an earlier history; for at the time of his marriage to
Berenguela, Alfonso IX had three children by his first wife, Teresa, and had
proceeded to treat his first son, Fernando, as his heir; thus his children by
Berenguela were potentially removed from inheriting the throne of León.
This Fernando died in 1214; his death possibly “naturalized” the direct line
of inheritance to Fernando III for the compilers of the Primera crónica general.
PCG 1004, p. 682. Roger Howden does not mention Leonor’s interference
in the marriage, but rather says that Alfonso VIII acted with the pope’s
blessing as he forced Alfonso IX to divorce Teresa of Portugal and marry
his own daughter instead. Howden, Chronica 3, p. 90. The Chronica latina
does not mention Leonor’s possible involvement.
56. See Lois L. Huneycutt, “Intercession and the High Medieval Queen: The
Esther Topos,” in The Power of the Weak: Essays in the History of Medieval
Women, ed. Sally-Beth MacLean and Jennifer Carpenter (Champaign:
University of Illinois, 1995), pp. 126–46; John C. Parsons, “The Queen’s
Intercession in Thirteenth-Century England,” in Power of the Weak,
pp. 147–77.
57. Howden, Chronica 3, p. 90. I have found no texts of Celestine’s condem-
nation or approval of the marriage. González suggests that he was inf lu-
enced by his prelates in Spain, who desired peace and thus supported the
marriage. Alfonso IX 1, p. 100.
58. Alfonso IX 1, p. 95.
59. The Latin phrase is “et propter nupcias datis donationibus que tante dom-
ine competebant.” DRH 7.31, p. 253; Berenguela’s arras, discussed below,
was drawn up in 1199. Rodrigo’s report suggests there may have been an
earlier dower agreement which is no longer extant; see below.
60. DRH 7.31, p. 253; PCG 1104, p. 683.
61. Alfonso VIII 1, p. 724. Mariana imaginatively suggested that Leonor’s
intercession and pleadings were directed at convincing her daughter to
go along with the scheme. Historia de España, p. 332.
62. Las Huelgas 1: no. 43.
63. Alfonso VIII’s donation to the monastery of Santa María de Tórtoles
included as patrons Alfonso, Leonor, Fernando, “Queen Berenguela,”
Urraca, Blanca, Constanza, and Sancha. Alfonso VIII 3: no. 674. See dis-
cussion of this charter in Chapter One, n54.
64. This document may be misdated; the addition of a daughter Sancha
and exclusion of Mafalda (if she existed) may suggest a forgery. If the
N O T E S 195
document is misdated, perhaps by a year or so, it is all the more intrigu-
ing for its implications for Berenguela’s status either as a new mother in
January 1198 or as a newly endowed bride in January 1200. Alfonso IX’s
discernable itinerary for the years 1198–1200 offers no particular sugges-
tion that the royal couple may have been visiting Castile, which does not
mean, of course, that Berenguela could not have gone without him.
65. Alfonso VIII 3: no. 681; Alfonso IX 2: no. 135. Hereafter the later edi-
tion, from the collection of documents from the reign of Alfonso VIII of
Castile, is cited.
66. Alfonso VIII 3: no. 681. Specifically, they were the following castles
and towns: in Galicia, San Pelayo de Lodo, Aguilar de Mola, Alba de
Bunel, Candrei, Aguilar de Pedrayo; in the Tierra del Campo, Vega,
Castrogonzalo, Valencia, Cabreros, Castro de los Judíos de Mayorga,
Villalugán, and Castroverde; in Somoza, Colle, Portella, Alión, and
Peñafiel; in Asturias, Oviedo, Siero de Oviedo, Aguilar, Gozón, Corel,
La Isla, Lugaz, Ventosa, Miranda de Nieva, Buraón, Peñafiel de Aller,
and Santa Cruz de Tineo, as well as Astorga and Mansilla. See Rodríguez
López, Consolidación, pp. 139, 148.
67. See the discussion of Innocent III’s claims below, and the next chapter
for discussion of the Treaties of Cabreros and Valladolid. Perhaps it is
an irony of history that the principle that “there should be no marriage
without endowment (ne sine dote coniugium fiat)” had its origins in
Visigothic law before it found its way into canon law. Dillard, Daughters
of the Reconquest, pp. 46–47.
68. They were Rodrigo Pérez de Villalobos, Pedro Ferrández de Benavides,
Gonzalo Rodríguez, Gonzalo Ibánez, Osorius Ibánez, Ferrando García,
Nuño Rodrigo, Sebastián Gutiérrez, Pedro Peláez, Pelayo Gordon,
Pelayo Subredina, Álvaro Díaz, and Fernando Núñez.
69. Alfonso VIII 3: no. 681.
70. For example, Gonzalo Rodríguez held Valencia for the queen in 1212.
See below, and next chapter. See also Rodríguez López, Consolidación,
pp. 160–61.
71. Alfonso VIII 2: no. 681.
72. “Et si illam captam tenuerit aut ei tam malam continentiam habuerit
que sit preter rationem, et hoc emendare noluerit sicut mandauerit rex
Castelle aut eius uxor.” Alfonso VIII 3: no. 681. One wonders what evil
treatment would have been considered within reason.
73. I am grateful to Professor James Brundage for guidance on the legal-
ity of such “ill treatment beyond reason.” Brundage himself chooses the
meaning of “repression,” or punishment in this case. James A. Brundage,
“Domestic Violence in Classical Canon Law,” in Violence in Medieval Society,
ed. Richard A. Kaeuper (Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 2000), p. 187.
74. In between his marriages to Teresa and Berenguela, Alfonso IX had a
noble mistress named Inés Iñiguez de Mendoza, with whom he had at
least one child. Alfonso VIII and Leonor may have been aware of her
presence; González says that the second marriage put a stop to that affair.
N O T E S196
Alfonso IX 1, p. 311. Alfonso IX fathered at least ten natural children with
a series of mistresses and barraganas. Some of these women are known to
us, and some may have had more status as Alfonso’s partners than is read-
ily apparent. See Flórez, Las reinas católicas v. 1, pp. 485–92. As González
put it, Alfonso did his part in the efforts to repopulate the kingdom,
fathering a total of nineteen children with six different women. Alfonso
IX 1, p. 309. It is unknown whether any of these children were born dur-
ing Berenguela’s tenure as Alfonso’s wife.
75. Alfonso VIII 3: no. 681.
76. Alfonso VIII 3: no. 681.
77. Constance M. Rousseau, “Kinship Ties, Behavior Norms, and Family
Counselling in the Pontificate of Innocent III,” in Women, Marriage, and
Family in Medieval Christendom: Essays in Memory of Michael M. Sheehan,
C.S., ed. Constance M. Rousseau and Joel Thomas Rosenthal
(Kalamazoo, MI: Medieval Institute Publications, 1998), pp. 325–47.
78. Demetrio Mansilla, ed. Documentación pontificia hasta Inocencio III (Rome:
Instituto Español de Estudios Eclesiásticos, 1955), no. 138.
79. Mansilla, Documentación pontificia, no. 196.
80. Mansilla, Documentación pontificia, no. 196.
81. Howden, Chronica 4, p. 79.
82. Mansilla, Documentación pontificia, no. 305.
83. Mansilla, Documentación pontificia, no. 276.
84. John W. Baldwin, The Government of Philip Augustus, Foundations of French
Royal Power in the Middle Ages (Berkeley: University of California Press,
1988), pp. 80–86; Georges Duby, The Knight, the Lady and the Priest: The
Making of Modern Marriage in Medieval France, trans. Barbara Bray (New
York: Pantheon Books, 1983), pp. 189–206.
85. Mansilla, Documentación pontificia, no. 299.
86. Mansilla, Documentación pontificia, no. 305.
87. Fernando III, pp. 253–55; pp. 265–66; L. Auvray, Les Registres de Gregoire
IX, recueil des bulles de ce pape publieés ou analyseés d’après les manuscrits
originaux du Vatican, ed. Lucien Auvray, 4 vols. (1896–1908, repr. Paris:
Fontemoing, 1955), 1: nos. 267, 628. Centuries earlier, Visigothic can-
ons forebade royal widows to remarry in the kingdom of León, but it is
unlikely that this tradition inf luenced Berenguela and her sisters. Collins,
“Queens Dowager,” in Medieval Queenship, pp. 84–85 and 90.
88. Brundage, Law, Sex and Christian Society, p. 343.
89. Without presuming to identify any one of these sisters as lesbian, let alone
all three of them, Judith Bennett’s provocative formulation of “lesbian-
like” is helpful in thinking about the reasons women might not marry,
including the possibility that they did not want to. Judith M. Bennett,
“ ‘Lesbian-Like’ and the Social History of Lesbianisms,” Journal of the
History of Sexuality 9.1–2 ( Jan/Apr. 2000): 1–24.
90. In 1235, Jaume married Violant of Hungary, and eventually divided his
growing empire among her sons Pere and Jaume, reducing significantly
the inheritance of Leonor’s son Alfonso. Thomas N. Bisson, The Medieval
N O T E S 197
Crown of Aragon: A short history (New York: Oxford University Press,
1986), pp. 65–68.
91. See the next chapter for Berenguela. Likewise, Blanche carefully chose
brides for her sons Louis, Robert, Alphonse, and Charles. Her daughter
Isabelle resisted any attempt to marry her. See William Chester Jordan,
“Isabelle of France and Religious Devotion at the Court of Louis IX,” in
Capetian Women, p. 214 [207–33]; Sean L. Field, Isabelle of France: Capetian
Sanctity and Franciscan Identity in the Thirteenth Century (Notre Dame, IN:
University of Notre Dame Press, 2006), pp. 15–20 and 27–34.
92. Janet L. Nelson, “Medieval Queenship,” in Women in Medieval Western
European Culture, ed. Linda Mitchell (New York: Garland, 1999), p. 189
[179–208]. This idea is problematic, however, for it reaffirms the notion
of woman as vessel. Indeed, she was, but perhaps kings need to be under-
stood this way too, as placeholders for royalty, and stability.
3 1197–1217: The Limits of Power and Authority
1. André Poulet, “Capetian Women and the Regency: The Genesis of a
Vocation” in Medieval Queenship, pp. 108–9 [93–116]. On Blanche’s
regencies, see Berger, Blanche de Castille, pp. 46–203 and 313–69; and
Jacques Le Goff, Saint Louis (Paris: Editions Gallimard, 1996), pp. 99–127
and 194–99.
2. Castro, Curso da história da língua, pp. 197–202.
3. Zurita, Anales de la corona de Aragón 3, p. 68.
4. Alfonso IX 2: no. 109.
5. Alfonso IX 2: no. 110.
6. Fernando II’s sisters Sancha and Constance married the kings Sancho VII
of Navarre and Louis VII of France respectively. A half-sister, another
Sancha, married Alfonso II of Aragón. Alfonso IX of León had no sisters.
7. Lucas of Túy, Vita s. Martini legionensis, in Patrilogiae cursus completus.
Series Latina. Ed. J.-P. Migne. 1844–1855 (repr. Turnhout: Brepols,
1969), vol. 208: 17; See also Lucas de Túy, Milagros de San Isidoro, trans.
[Spanish] Juan de Robles (1525), ed. José Manuel Martínez Rodríguez
(León: Universidad de León, 1992), pp. 108–9. Lucas described the royal
couple’s devotion to Martín, PL 208: 17. In his Chronicon mundi, while
describing Berenguela’s patronage, Lucas did not mention Martín. CM
4.85, p. 326. On June 22, 1199, Alfonso IX excused all tributes from
estates belonging to the same chapel at Martín’s request. Alfonso IX 2:
no. 127.
8. Raymond McCluskey, “The Genesis of the Concordia of Martin of Leon,”
in God and Man in Medieval Spain: Essays in Honour of J. R. L. Highfield,
ed. Derek W. Lomax and David Mackenzie (Warminster: Aris & Phillips,
1989), pp. 26–27 [19–35].
9. Patrimonio Cultural de San Isidoro de León. A. Serie documental. 1/1.
Documentos de los siglos x–xiii: colección diplomatica, ed. Maria Encarnación
Martín López (León: Universidad de León, 1995): no. 168. This charter
N O T E S198
is nearly identical in content to Alfonso IX’s given on the same day,
although different wording confirms the use of a different chancellor.
Alfonso IX 2: no. 127.
10. John W. Williams, “León: The Iconography of the Capital,” in Cultures
of Power: Lordship, Status, and Process in Twelfth-Century Europe, ed.
Thomas N. Bisson (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press,
1995), pp. 234–36, 238–39 and 249–51 [231–58]. Linehan, History and the
Historians, pp. 210–14, 357–75, and 402–4.
11. CM 4.85, p. 326.
12. Colección documental de la catedral de Astorga II (1126–1299) ed. Gregoria
Cavero Domínguez and Encarnación Martín López (León: Centro de
Estudios e Investigación, “San Isidoro,” 2000): no. 939. San Isidoro con-
tinued to be a focal point of royal patronage. Patrimonio San Isidoro: nos.
174 and 175; Alfonso IX 2: nos. 159 and 162.
13. CM 4.85, p. 326.
14. María Luisa Bueno Domínguez suggested that Berenguela and Alfonso’s
1201 donation to the cathedral of Zamora was to reward Bishop Martín
for his efforts with the papacy on their behalf. Historia de Zamora: Zamora
de los siglos xi–xiii (Zamora: Fundación “Ramos de Castro,” 1988),
pp. 119–120. See also Peter Linehan, “Santo Martino and the Context
of Sanctity in Thirteenth-century León,” in Past and Present in Medieval
Spain, ed. Peter Linehan, Variorum Reprints (Aldershot: Ashgate, 1992),
p. 691 [689–97], and Linehan, History and the Historians, p. 253.
15. Diplomatic traditions, and not the relative power of the queen, go far to
explain Blanche of Castile’s absence from French charters. Shadis, “Blanche
of Castile,” in Capetian Women, pp. 137–61, and Nelson, “Medieval
Queenship,” in Women in Medieval Western European Culture, p. 201.
16. Alfonso IX 2: no. 112.
17. “[S]ub rege domno Adefonso cum regina castellana domna Berengaria.”
Colección diplomática del monasterio de San Vicente de Oviedo años 781–1200,
ed. Pedro Floriano Llorente (Oviedo: Diputación de Asturias, CSIC,
1968), v. 1: no. 367. Historian Alexandre Herculano asserted that Oviedo
uniquely objected to Berenguela’s marriage to Alfonso, and supported
the interdict. Alexandre Herculano, Historia de Portugal desde o començo da
monarchia até o fim do reinado de Affonso III, ed. David Lopes (Paris, Lisbon:
Livrarias Aillaud & Bertrand, 1915), p. 270. A charter from San Vicente
similarly described Teresa by her nationality. This may explain the cler-
ics’ insistence on Berenguela’s identity as Castilian—a near relative. San
Vicente de Oviedo 1: no. 348.
18. “Regnante rege Alfonso cum Regina domna Berengaria in Legione et in
alia multa terra.” Tumbo viejo de San Pedro de Montes ed. Augusto Quintana
Prieto (León: Centro de Estudios e Investigacion “San Isidoro,” 1971):
no. 254; see also no. 255.
19. Patrimonio San Isidoro: no. 178; Colección diplomatica del monasterio de San
Vicente de Oviedo: siglos xiii–xv, ed. Ma. Josefa Sanz Fuentes and Juan
N O T E S 199
Ignacio Ruiz de la Peña (Oviedo: Imprenta Gofer, 1991) 1.1 (1201–1230):
no. 3.
20. “Dei gratia Legionis atque Gallecie regina.” Alfonso IX 2: no. 181.
21. January 18, 1204 Zamora. Documentos del archivo catedralicio de Zamora
primera parte, 1128–1261, ed. José Luis Martín (Salamanca: Ediciones
Universidad, 1982): no. 61; Bueno Domínguez, Historia de Zamora: no.
112, p. 250.
22. María Vélaz’s grandfather was the powerful count Ponce Vela de Cabrera,
her mother the countess Sancha Ponce. Barton, Aristocracy, pp. 35, 284–85.
Villalobos was particularly important as one of the contested “frontier”
territories between Castile and León, and Rodrigo Pérez’s role as a go-
between should be seen in this light. Rodríguez López, Consolidación,
pp. 160–61, 167.
23. Archivo catedralicio Zamora: no. 52; Bueno Domínguez, Historia de Zamora:
no. 108.
24. Alfonso IX 2: no. 165.
25. Alfonso IX 1, pp. 18–26 and 50; González, Fernando II, pp. 69–70.
26. Documentos del monasterio de Villaverde de Sandoval (siglos xii–xv), ed.
Guillermo Castan Lanaspa (Salamanca: Ediciones Universidad de
Salamanca, 1981): no. 5. This charter was misdated to October 26, 1168;
Leonor and Alfonso married in 1170.
27. Sandoval: nos. 11, 15, and 16.
28. Sandoval: no. 24.
29. Sandoval: no. 32.
30. Sandoval: nos. 33–35 and 37; no. 39, dated October 26, 1204, is well
past the time when Berenguela returned to Castile. Sandoval monks
were not the only ones behind the times: documents from Carracedo
note Alfonso ruling with Berenguela in June and July 1204, and as late
as December 1205. Cartulario de Santa María de Carracedo 992–1500,
ed. Martín Martínez Martínez, 2 vols. (Ponferrada: Instituto Estudios
Bercianos, 1997), v. 1: nos. 194, 195, and 198. Although these charters
often acknowledge the local lordship of the former Leonese queen Teresa
of Portugal in Villafranca, several also acknowledge the reign of the
Castilians before the union of Castile and León in 1230. See Carracedo:
nos. 177, 210, 212, 229, 336, 349, and 350.
31. Sandoval: no. 43. Their majordomo, Gonsalvo Rodríguez and their merino,
García Rodríguez, are also named. A second document from 1208 men-
tions also Álvaro Nunez as alférez. Sandoval: no. 44.
32. Sandoval: nos. 45 and 48.
33. “Regnante rege donno Adefonso cum regina Helynore in Toleto et
in Castella. Regina Beregaria possidente Valentiam. Sub mano eius
Gundissalvus Roderici. Didacus Avas tenens motam Valentie. Villicus
Gundissalvus Roderici.” Sandoval: no. 50; also, no. 51.
34. Sandoval: nos. 56 and 57.
35. Alfonso IX 2: no. 135; Alfonso VIII 3: no. 681.
N O T E S200
36. Documentos de Salamanca: nos. 108, 110, 113, and 119. The known itin-
erary of the Leonese court suggests Berenguela and Alfonso were in
Salamanca six times between July 1197 and July 1204. Alfonso IX 2: nos.
113, 116, 130, 154, 155, and 169. See also El monasterio de Santa María de
Moreruela (1143–1300), ed. María Luisa Bueno Domínguez (Zamora: Caja
de Ahorros Provincial de Zamora, 1975): no. 36; “Regnante rege Alfonso
in Legione et in Galletia et in omni suo regno mandante in Salamanca sub
eius de Regina domna Berenguela,” dated 1200.
37. Alfonso IX 2: no. 179.
38. Alfonso VIII 2: nos. 407 and 556.
39. Dated tentatively 1202. Alfonso IX 2: no. 163.
40. Alfonso IX 2: no. 163.
41. Alfonso VIII 3: nos. 579 and 633.
42. Alfonso IX 2: no. 163.
43. Alfonso IX 2: no. 181.
44. Alfonso IX 2: nos. 183 and 185.
45. Alfonso IX 2: no. 189; Alfonso IX 1, p. 118.
46. “Regina domina Berengaria dominante Castrum Viride. Roderio
Roderici sub manu Regina castrum viride tenente.” Carta de vencion deci-
ertas heredades de Villafrontín. BN ms. 700 folio 240r.
47. Alfonso IX 2: no. 219.
48. AHN Sección Clero, Eslonza, Carpeta No. 967, charters no.1, 2, 12, 13,
14, 15, and 20 recognize Berenguela as “domina de Valencia,” (no. 1), or
“regnante regina berengaria in Valencia” (the rest). Berenguela’s lordship
in Valencia was also noted in the cartulary of Carracedo: Carracedo: no.
371. For Villalpando, see Cartulario de monasterio de San Pedro de Eslonza,
ed. Vicente Vignau y Ballester (Madrid: La Viuda de Hernando, 1885):
nos. 144, 145, and 149.
49. Aurelio Calvo, ed. San Pedro de Eslonza (Madrid: CSIC, 1957), pp. 117–18.
50. The conf lict with Algadefe and Santa Marina would have taken place
between 1217 and 1230, for Berenguela is described as “Queen of Castile
and Toledo,” and the petition is addressed to Alfonso IX, who died in
September 1230. The members of the commission are identified by their
first initials and patronymics, as well as their positions. “Abbot M. of San
Isidoro” was undoubtedly Martín, abbot from at least 1222 until 1247. See
San Isidoro: nos. 213 and 252. “R. Gutierrez, an archdeacon” was likely
Rodrigo Gutierrez, an archdeacon of León active in 1217. José María
Fernández Caton, Catálogo del archive historico diocesano de León (León:
Centro de Estudios e Investigación San Isidoro, 1978), C-11, pp. 230–32.
“F. Alfonso, a canon of León” has been identified as a “ juez del cabildo”
serving under Alfonso IX. Tomás Villacorta Rodríguez, El cabildo catedral
de León (León: Centro de Estudios e Investigación “San Isidoro,” 1974),
pp. 519–20, and no. 1.
51. Calvo, San Pedro de Eslonza, pp. 117–18, and no. 149.
52. Berenguela was consistently identified with the lordship of Valencia
throughout her life. Five years after she died, in 1251, Fernando III
N O T E S 201
confirmed a privilege that Berenguela had given to the alcalde in Valencia
around 1224. Fernando III 3: no. 831.
53. Documentos de la iglesia colegial de Santa María la Mayor (hoy Metropolitana)
de Valladolid, ed. Manuel Mañueco Villalobos and José Zurita Nieto
(Valladolid: Imp. Castellana, 1920): nos. 6, 7, 11, and 12. In 1230, the
“queen’s merino” was established in Valladolid, and although it is unclear
which queen—Berenguela or Beatriz—is referred to, it strongly indicates
the continued lordship for the queen in that city. Santa María la Mayor:
no. 28. See also Adeline Rucquoi, Valladolid en la edad media 1: Genesis de
un poder (Valladolid: Junta de Castilla y León, 1987), pp. 164–66.
54. Patrimonio San Isidoro: no. 231; Colección documental del monasterio de Santa
María de Carbajal, 1093–1461, ed. Santiago Domínguez Sánchez (León:
Centro de Estudios e Investigación “San Isidoro,” 2000): nos. 124 and
127.
55. Patrimonio San Isidoro: nos. 236–38, and 241; Carbajal nos. 128–30, 132, and
133; Fernández Caton, Catálogo Catedral León, BC-15, p. 411; Villacorta
Rodríguez, El cabildo catedral, p. 531.
56. Patrimonio San Isidoro: no. 256. Martin asserts that Berenguela ceded the
tenancy of León to Alfonso in 1238, but his evidence for this is unclear.
“Négociation,” 50.
57. The Castilian ad hoc approach to the problem may be compared with
the Aragonese development of the office of the queen-lieutenant; see
Earenfight, María of Castile, and Silleras-Fernández, María de Luna.
58. Either Alfonso or Constanza may have been born after Berenguela’s
return to Castile. Only the birth order of Leonor and Fernando is cer-
tain. González thought Leonor was probably born in the second half of
1198; calculating that Berenguela gave birth on an average of every fif-
teen months, he placed Constanza’s birth at the end of 1199, Fernando’s
at the end of June 1201; Alfonso at the end of 1202, and Berenguela
in 1204. Following Lucas of Túy, González states that Leonor died on
November 12, 1202. Fernando’s birth can be confirmed to some extent
by his first appearance in his parents’ charters in September, 1201, in a
gift to San Isidoro: Patrimonio San Isidoro: no. 174; Fernando III 1, p. 62,
nn3 and 4. González calculates Fernando’s birthdate based on the expres-
sions of his age in the Chronica latina and the De rebus Hispanie in July 1217.
Fernando III 1, p. 62, n6.
59. CM 4.85, p. 325; Alfonso IX 1, p. 421, n11.
60. Alfonso IX 2: nos. 156, 166 and 179.
61. Alfonso IX 2: no. 185.
62. DRH 8.13, p. 277.
63. At some point after Alfonso VIII’s death, Fernando returned to his
father’s kingdom, perhaps after the death of his eponymous half-brother
that same year, but more likely in 1215 or 1216; see below.
64. DRH 7.24, p. 247.
65. CM 4.84, p. 324. The first three castles were actually given to Berenguela
in 1209, and the second three in 1207. See below.
N O T E S202
66. Later, Lucas asserted that a number of the castles had been wrongfully
taken from the king of León and that as a gesture of friendship Alfonso
of Castile returned some of them to the Leonese, who destroyed them.
Alfonso VIII’s magnanimous gesture was also possibly one of domina-
tion, as he returned the castles to Alfonso IX following the battle of Las
Navas de Tolosa (1212), in which a sullen Alfonso IX had refused to par-
ticipate. CM 4.91, pp. 330–31. The exchange of castles was part of a larger
treaty between the kings of Portugal, León and Castile. Alfonso VIII 1,
p. 749. On the difficulty of negotiating the different perspectives of Lucas
and Rodrigo, see Reilly, “Bishop Lucas,” 786–88.
67. With one exception: Candrei in Galicia was later assigned to Alfonso IX’s
daughters Sancha and Dulce in 1217. Alfonso IX 2: no. 342; Echegaray,
Guerra y pacto, pp. 318–19.
68. Specifically, Alfonso of Castile endowed his grandson with the castles of
Monreal, Carpio, Almanza, Castrotierra, Valderas, Bolaños (de Campo),
Villafrechós, and two castles called Siero. Alfonso of León gave Fernando
Luna, Argüello, Gordón, Ferrara, Tiedra, Arbuey, and Alba de Aliste.
Alfonso IX 2: no. 205.
69. Some of Berenguela’s rents were to come from Benavente, Villafranca,
and Valcárcel from which the other former queen of León, Teresa of
Portugal also collected her income. Alfonso IX 2: no. 205. Other income
was derived from Astorga, Avilés, Mansilla, Oviedo, Ponteferro, and
whenever they would become “liberated,” the four castles of Toroño.
70. Alfonso IX 2: no. 205. These treaties, therefore, disinherited Alfonso IX’s
older son Fernando from his first marriage.
71. Roger Wright, El tratado de Cabreros (1206): estudio sociofilológico de una
reforma ortográfica (London: Department of Hispanic Studies, Queen Mary
and Westfield College, 2000).
72. Namely, the castles of Argüello, Gordón, Luna, Alba de Aliste, Tiedra,
Cabreros, Villalugán, Peñafiel, Almanza, and Portella. Alfonso IX 2:
no. 219.
73. Alfonso IX 2: no. 251. González says that this treaty was necessary because
of trouble caused by rogue knights, both Castilian and Leonese, along
the Castile-León frontier, and implies that Berenguela inf luenced the
outcome of the treaty in favor of the Castilians. Alfonso IX 1, pp. 129–31;
Echegaray, Guerra y pacto, p. 328; Rodríguez López, Consolidación,
pp. 166–67.
74. Patrimonio San Isidoro: no. 194. The document was also confirmed by
“Fernando Reyna” [Fernandus Regine] “Reyna” was possibly a matro-
nymic, but more likely “Fernando Regine” was one of the queen’s men.
75. CM 4.84, p. 324.
76. Patrimonio San Isidoro: no. 228.
77. In June 1227, a gift to the monastery of Carracedo recognized Berenguela
as the “lady of Villalpando,” [sennora de Villalpando]. Don Lope held the
tenancy of Villalpando from Berenguela, and Álvaro Fernández held it
from Don Lope. Carracedo: no. 324.
N O T E S 203
78. Rodríguez López, Las Huelgas de Burgos 1: no. 51; Las Huelgas 1: no. 93.
79. CL 18, pp. 52–53; DRH 7.35, p. 257.
80. CL 20, pp. 55–56; DRH 7.36, p. 258.
81. CL 20, p. 56.
82. CL 25, p. 64; CM 4.91, p. 331.
83. CL 31, p. 73. Martin sees this as another instance of Juan attempting to
reduce Berenguela’s role. “Négociation,” 7.
84. Alfonso VIII 3: no. 963. Italics added. Realizing he was ill, Alfonso VIII
confirmed and updated his will of 1204. Thus his previous intention
to have Leonor serve as regent and corule with her son remained valid.
Alfonso VIII 3: nos. 969 and 976.
85. Rodrigo was absent brief ly during the Fall of 1215, when he attended
the Fourth Lateran Council in Rome. See Pick, Conflict and Coexistence,
pp. 65–66; Linehan, History and the Historians, pp. 328–31.
86. DRH 9.1, p. 281. Doubleday argues that Rodrigo’s perspective was
skewed, as he received many royal favors that ceased when Berenguela
lost the regency. Doubleday also argues that the passage shows that “a
rather broad segment of the aristocracy was ill at ease with Berenguela’s
regency.” Lara Family, p. 53. It is unclear, however, whether it was
Berenguela herself, her gender, or regency that made the nobles uneasy.
87. CM 4.85, p. 326.
88. DRH 9.1, p. 281; Alfonso VIII 1, pp. 150–70; Doubleday, Lara Family,
pp. 36–38.
89. Doubleday, Lara Family, p. 52; CL 64, pp. 52–53.
90. Doubleday says that Berenguela granted Rodrigo jurisdiction over
Milagro. Lara Family, p. 53. The relevant charter is Alfonso VIII 3: no.
965, dated November 6, 1214, immediately after Enrique’s acclamation as
king. Enrique issued the charter which does not mention Berenguela, but
it may be correct to assume her inf luence here. Other privileges granted
to Rodrigo include Alfonso VIII 3: nos. 964 and 966–68.
91. Martin considers these impulses in the context of resistance to Berenguela’s
regency of Enrique I. “Négociation,” 8.
92. A husband might have provided Berenguela with the appropriate military
foil to her feminine identity, but any marriage under the circumstances
would have been seen as an attempt at a royal coup. Weissberger consid-
ers the legacy of this ideology for Queen Isabel in the fifteenth century;
even ceremonial sword-wielding was distinctly gendered. Isabel Rules,
pp. 44–47.
93. CL 31: p. 73. Enrique’s confirmation of his father’s testament, dated
January 18, 1215, is the first (and possibly only) charter issued by Enrique
to acknowledge his sister’s role. Alfonso VIII 3: no. 976.
94. ACT Z.9.M.1.2. described in Cartularios de Toledo, no. 358. This is the
only known extant seal belonging to Berenguela. One manuscript copy
of an 1198 charter describes Berenguela’s seal depicting the arms of León
on one side and a queen on the other. Fueros y privilegios (León), BN ms
6683, f. 82; Colección documental Astorga 2: no. 939.
N O T E S204
95. Rezak, “Seals,” in Women and Power, p. 73.
96. DRH 8.1, p. 282.
97. DRH 9.1, p. 281, and CL 31, p. 73.
98. DRH 9.1, p. 281–82. Archbishop Rodrigo says that he received the
promise of homage and fealty. It is not clear whether Rodrigo means
instead of, or as well as, to Berenguela. Juan of Osma does not mention
the archbishop. CL 31, p. 73. Archbishop Rodrigo’s revision of events
highlights his own role in Enrique’s government, as well as his loss of
power; it obscures Berenguela’s central role. For Rodrigo, an essential
point is that Álvaro and his men had reason to be considered “perni-
cious traitors.” Cirot, who edited the Chronica latina in the early part of
the twentieth century, interpreted the chronicler to mean that homage
was performed to Berenguela, but “entre les mains” of the archbishop:
Rodrigo acted as Berenguela’s appropriate, male proxy. See G. Cirot,
“Chronique latine des rois de Castille,” Bulletin Hispanique 19 (1913): 83,
n6 [2–101]. The text itself, however, does not demonstrate this.
99. CM 4.92, p. 332.
100. AHN, Codice L. 976 Tumbo de Sobrado, folio 77. González suggests
that the presence of such “personages” probably indicates an agree-
ment between the two kingdoms at this time. Extant documents reveal
Alfonso IX’s presence in nearby Benavente (March 7) and Astorga
(March 22), supporting this hypothesis. Alfonso VIII 1, p. 222.
101. Fernando III, p. 70.
102. Berenguela may have adopted this motto from Pope Clement III; it
appears on the papal bull recognizing the foundation of Las Huelgas
photographed in Valentín de la Cruz, El monasterio de Santa María la
Real de Huelgas de Burgos (Editorial Everest, S.A., León 1990). See also,
Muñoz y Rivero, “Signo rodado,” 224–25.
103. Psalm 142:10: “doce me ut faciam voluntatem tuam/ quia tu Deus
meus/ spiritus tuus bonus deducet me in terra recta.” Biblia sacra: iuxta
vulgatem versionem, ed. Robertus Weber and Roger Gryson (Stuttgart,
Deutsche Bibel Gesellschaft, 1969, 1994).
104. “Regnante rege Henrico cum sorore sua regina Berengaria in Toleto
et Castella.” Graciliano Roscales Olea, Monasterio de Santa María de la
Vega (cartulario e historia) (Palencia: Diputación de Palencia, 2000): no. 4;
Lupián Zapata, Epitome, p. 76. Lupián Zapata also describes a royal priv-
ilege dated May 6, given in Logroño, from Enrique acting “cum sorore
mea Regina Berengaria.” Epitome, p. 77.
105. Alfonso VIII 3: no. 1007.
106. Alfonso VIII 3: no. 981; DRH 9.1, p. 281.
107. Alfonso VIII 1, p. 227; Alfonso IX 2: nos. 334 and 340; Alfonso VIII 3:
no. 1005.
108. CL 23, p. 73.
109. Doubleday, Lara Family, p. 54.
110. DRH 9.1, p. 282.
N O T E S 205
111. CL 32, p. 73–74. Members of the Giron family had consistently func-
tioned as the majordomo at the courts of Alfonso VIII and Fernando
III. Ana Rodríguez López, “Linajes nobiliarios y monarquía castellano-
leonesa en la primera mitad del siglo xiii,” Hispania 53/3 n. 185 (1993):
845–46 [841–59]; Rodríguez López, Consolidación, pp. 148–50.
112. DRH 9.2, p. 282. Rodrigo named “Lupus Didaci de Faro, Gunsaluus
Roderici et fratres eius, Rodericus Roderici et Aluarus Didaci de
Camberis, Aldefonsus Telli de Menesis et alii nobiles.”
113. González believes that these were the places, rents, and services of
Valencia, Castroverde, Castrogonzalo, Bolaños, and Villafrechós given
to Berenguela in the Treaty of Burgos in 1207. Alfonso VIII 1, pp. 226,
n306. Her former husband, not her father, endowed Berenguela in this
treaty, although probably Alfonso VIII played a large part in obtaining
these grants for his daughter. Alfonso IX 2: no. 219.
114. Demetrio Mansilla, Iglesia castellano-leonesa y curia romana en los tiempos
del Rey Fernando: estudio documental sacado de los registros vaticanos (Madrid:
CSIC, Instituto Francisco Suárez, 1945), Appendix no. 1, p. 272.
115. DRH 9.2, p. 282.
116. DRH 9.3, p. 283.
117. CL 32, pp. 74–75; DRH 9.3, p. 283.
118. Furthermore, reigning kings generally were not assassinated in this
period. Doubleday, Lara Family, pp. 52, and 55–56. Lucas of Túy does
not mention this matter.
119. CL 32, p. 75.
120. CL 32, p. 75. Here Rodrigo differs on chronology, DRH 9.2, p. 282.
Doubleday says Berenguela’s “forces captured Autillo.” Lara Family,
p. 55.
121. DRH 9.3, p. 283.
122. DRH 9.3–4, p. 284.
123. CL 32, p. 76; also DRH 9.4, p. 284.
124. DRH 9.2, p. 283. González suggests that Berenguela may have called
Innocent’s attention to the marriage through bishops dispatched to the
pope. Alfonso VIII 1, p. 229. See also Luciano Serrano, Don Mauricio,
obispo de Burgos y fundador de su catedral (Madrid: Blass, S.A., 1922),
pp. 33–34, and Demetrio Mansilla, Inocencio III y los reinos hispanos
(Rome: Iglesia Nacional Espanola, 1953), p. 30, n30.
125. DRH 9.2, p. 283. Mafalda was known for her sanctity; her subsequent
reputation, which Archbishop Rodrigo helped to create, depended
upon her previous chastity. See Flórez, las reinas católicas, pp. 534–38.
Álvaro’s personal ambition goes unmentioned in the Chronica latina, and
this is another example of either Rodrigo’s privy knowledge or his spite.
Lupián Zapata’s spin was that Mafalda, having been promised a king,
was insulted when offered a mere vassal, and thus chose the convent.
Epítome, p. 84.
126. Alfonso VIII 1, pp. 233–36; DRH 9.3, pp. 283–84.
N O T E S206
127. What were these boys doing on the roof? Rodrigo says they were unsu-
pervised. DRH 9.4, p. 284. CL 32, p. 76, says that someone threw a
rock and accidentally wounded the king that way. A late source identi-
fies the unfortunate youth who threw the projectile as Iñigo Mendoza,
who had recently joined Enrique’s court. Colección de los primeros fueros y
leyes generales de Castilla, Manuscript, Hispanic Society of America HC
NS4/607, Folio 115 r. See Doubleday, Lara Family, pp. 56–57; see also
CM 4.92, p. 332. Enrique died on May 26, 1217; Latin Chronicle, p. 73,
n15; Alfonso VIII 1, p. 233, n340.
128. CL 32, p.76; DRH 9.4, p. 285 also. Enrique’s skull can be identified
among the royal bones at Las Huelgas because of the neat square hole
in it, the effect of trepanation. Victor Escribano García, “La calavera de
Enrique I de Castilla,” Boletín de la institución Fernán González 27 (1949):
250–64.
129. Alfonso VIII 1, p. 237, n335; Doubleday, Lara Family, pp. 55–57. Martin
also suspects Berenguela’s “friend” Bishop Tello of Palencia, in whose
court the accident purportedly took place. “Négociation,” 12.
130. CL 33, p. 76; DRH 9.4, p. 285; Fernando III 1, pp. 235–36.
131. This fits, however, with some modern historians’ assessment that Juan
of Osma sought to elevate Fernando at the expense of Berenguela. See
Martin, Hernández, and Linehan, cited throughout.
132. Rodrigo suggests that Alfonso suspected the real reason behind
Fernando’s departure, but was persuaded to let him go anyway. DRH
9.4, p. 285.
133. Shadis, “Blanche of Castile,” in Capetian Women, pp. 144–46.
4 The Labors of Ruling: The Mothering Queen
1. Janet L. Nelson, “Early Medieval Rites of Queen-Making and the
Shaping of Medieval Queenship,” in Queens and Queenship in Medieval
Europe: Proceedings of a Conference Held at King’s College April 1995,
ed. Anne J. Duggan (Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 1997), pp. 301–15;
Ordines Coronationis Franciae: Texts and Ordines for the Coronation of
Frankish and French Kings and Queens in the Middle Ages, ed. Richard
A. Jackson, 2 vols. (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press,
1995); John Carmi Parsons, “Ritual and Symbol in English Medieval
Queenship to 1500,” in Women and Sovereignty, ed. Louise Olga
Fradenburg (Edinburgh: University of Edinburgh Press, 1992),
pp. 61–65 [60–72].
2. Poulet, “Capetian Women and the Regency,” in Medieval Queenship,
pp. 93–116.
3. Jordan discusses the distinction between informal power, associated
generically with women, and authority, associated with men. Women,
Power and Religious Patronage, pp. 21–24, and 33–34.
4. Shadis, “Blanche of Castile,” in Capetian Women, p. 143.
5. CL 33, p. 77.
N O T E S 207
6. DRH 9.4, p. 285.
7. CL 33, p. 77; Rucquoi, Valladolid en la edad media, v.1, pp. 164–65.
8. CL 33, p. 77. The queen’s party was received in San Justo, but in nowhere
else in Castilian Extremadura; DRH 9.4, p. 285.
9. DRH 9.4, p. 285; CL 34–35, pp. 77–78; Doubleday, Lara Family, p. 57.
10. According to Rodrigo the houses were too crowded together, and the
streets were too narrow. DRH 9.5, p. 286.
11. CL 35, p. 78.
12. CL 35, 78–79; see also DRH 9.5, pp. 285–96; PCG 1029, p. 713.
13. “ . . . nolens destiture Castellam proprii regis solatio,” CL 35, p. 78.
14. CL 43, p. 85; Hernández, “La corte de Fernando III,” pp. 116–24,
and Linehan, “Apostillas,” p. 377, in Fernando III y su tiempo; Martin,
“Négociation,” 19–21.
15. DRH 9.5, pp. 285–286. Lucas emphasized not the drama of these devel-
opments but rather the good fortune in Fernando’s rule (fortune nonethe-
less guided by the king’s mother). CM 4.93, p. 332.
16. Martin, “Négociation,” 20.
17. CL 33, p. 76; DRH 9.5, pp. 285–86; CM 4.93, p. 332. O’Callaghan
believes the charter referred to was a separate charter, “not extant, it was
likely drafted during the curia of Carrión in 1188.” The Latin Chronicle,
p. 74, n3. See Chapter Two.
18. Both Juan and Rodrigo refer to Berenguela’s femininity or gender in
framing her “renunciation”; Martin, “Berenguela,” in Historia de las
mujeres, pp. 574–75; see also Martin, “Négociation.”
19. Martin, “Négociation,” 23.
20. DRH 9.5, p. 286.
21. But not a cortes precisely, given the irregularity of the meeting and the
partisan nature of the participants. Martínez Diez, “Curia y cortes,” in
Las Cortes de Castilla y León, p. 146.
22. DRH 9.5, p. 286; CL 36, p. 79.
23. CL 36, p. 94; DRH 9.5, p. 286.
24. CL 36–37, p. 80; see also DRH 9.6, p. 287.
25. CL 37, p. 80; DRH 9.6, p. 287.
26. DRH 9.6–7, pp. 287–88; CL 37, p. 80.
27. DRH 9.6, p. 286–87; CL 36, p. 79.
28. CL 37, p. 80; DRH 8.7, p. 287.
29. Michael Enright, Lady with a Mead Cup: Ritual, Prophecy and Lordship in
the European Warband from la Tène to the Viking Age (Dublin: Four Courts
Press, 1996), pp. 21–22, and 29–30 on the keeping and dispensing of royal
treasure and gifts.
30. DRH 9.7, p. 288, echoing CL 38, p. 80.
31. CL 38, p. 81. Archbishop Rodrigo enthusiastically repeated the story, as
did the Primera crónica general, stressing Álvaro’s humiliation. DRH 9.7,
p. 288; PCG 1031, p. 716.
32. CL 38, p. 81. Lucas of Túy only hints at Berenguela’s role in capturing
Álvaro and acquiring his castles; CM 4.94, p. 333.
N O T E S208
33. Crónica de la población de Avila, ed. Amparo Hernández Segura (Valencia:
Anubar, 1966), p. 40. Berenguela is the “fija del mejor señor que en el
mondo ovo e mas desventurado.” It is unclear why Alfonso VIII would
be characterized as unlucky, whether as the most unlucky ruler (e más),
or as the best ruler, albeit (e mas) unlucky, perhaps because of the deaths
of his sons. Here the Crónica prefigures the characterization of the sinful
and sonless Alfonso VIII in Sancho IV’s Castigos. See Chapter 1.
34. Crónica de Avila, p. 40. For the probable date, see Hernández Segura,
Crónica de Avila, p. 14. I thank Cynthia L. Chamberlin for sharing her
translation.
35. Exiled from Castile, Álvaro died soon after. Doubleday suggests that
Berenguela had Álvaro tortured in retaliation for his earlier mistreatment
of her follower, Gonzalo Rodríguez Girón; Lara Family, pp. 57, and 155,
n75, citing Alfonso IX 1, pp. 183–84.
36. Rodríguez López, “Sucesión regia y legitimidad política,” 41.
37. CL 40, p. 84 calls it as outright rebellion; See Fernando III 1, p. 139. On
the timing and nature of these rebellions, and the veracity of the letters
in the French archives despite their obvious problems, and the nature of
these disputes, see Ana Rodríguez López, “Quod alienus regnet et here-
des expellatur. L’offre du trône de Castille au roi Louis VIII de France,”
Le Moyen Âge 105.1 (1999): 101–128; Rodríguez López, “Légitimation
royale et discours sur la croisade en Castille aux XIIe et XIIIe siècles,”
Journal des Savants 1 (2004): 136–38 [129–63]; and “Linajes nobiliarios,”
850–52, 858; See also Hernández, “La corte de Fernando III,” in Fernando
III y su tiempo, pp. 110–19.
38. Layettes 2: nos. 1813–21 (improbably dated to 1226, the first year of Louis
VIII’s reign). In all, the Castilians included Rodrigo Díaz de Cameros
(Layettes, no. 1813); Gonzalo Pérez de Molina (no. 1814), Rodrigo González
de Orbaneja (no. 1815), S. Perez de Gavara (no. 1816), Álvaro González
de Orbaneja (no. 1817), Pedro González de Marañón (no. 1818), P. Díaz
(no. 1819), García Ordoñez de Roa (no. 1820) and G, count of Ferrara (no.
1821). Rodríguez López, “Quod alienus . . . ,” pp. 126–27. See also Berger,
Blanche de Castille, pp. 31, 33 and 35–36; Gérard Sivéry, Blanche de Castille
(Paris: Fayard, 1990), pp. 76–78; Doubleday, Lara Family, p. 63, n9; and
below. This maneuver had a historiographic impact as well. Lupián Zapata
defended Berenguela as the eldest, but others, such as Juan de Mariana,
thought Blanche had been cheated of her rightful inheritance. However,
Mariana finesses the point, acknowledging that Berenguela was the legit-
imate heir, having been twice declared so by her father. “Tratado apolo-
getico en defensa de mayoria de la Reina Doña Berenguela; y el derecho
que tuvo a los reynos,” in Lupián Zapata, Epitome, pp. 33–47; Mariana,
Historia de España, pp. 350–51. Hernandez, “La Corte de Fernando III,”
citing Le Nain de Tillemont, in Fernando III y su tiempo, p. 113.
39. Carlos Estepa Díez, “Frontera, nobleza y señoríos en Castilla: El señorío
de Molina (siglos xii–xiii),” Studia historica. Historia Medieval 24 (2006):
68–82 [15–86].
N O T E S 209
40. CL 38: p. 82; DRH 9.8, pp. 288–89.
41. Alfonso IX 2: no. 350 (November 26, 1217); See also DRH 9.9, p. 289.
42. AHN Sección Clero: Palencia, Nuestra Sra. de Benevivere, Carpeta 162,
no. 10.
43. For example, Crónica anónima de Sahagun, ed. Antonio Ubieto Arteta
(Zaragoza: Pedro Garcés Cariñena, 1987), p. 135.
44. Epistolae saeculi xiii e regestis pontificum romanorum selectae per G. H. Pertz, ed.
Carolus Rodenberg, 3 vols. (Berlin: Weidmann, 1883–94), v. 1: no. 762,
p. 662. Modern historians might prefer the term “queen mother” rather
than queen, but this is how Berenguela designated herself.
45. Brundage, Law, Sex, and Christian Society, p. 235; Atkinson, The Oldest
Vocation, p. 75.
46. CL 40, p. 82.
47. CL 40, p. 82; DRH 9.10, pp. 290–91. In 1222, Honorius III con-
firmed Beatriz’s dower: Demetrio Mansilla, ed., La documentación pon-
tificia de Honorio III (1216–1227) (Rome: Instituto Español de Estudios
Eclesiásticos, 1965): no. 411; See also Serrano, Don Mauricio, p. 45.
48. Serrano, Don Mauricio, pp. 42–43.
49. Linehan, History and the Historians, pp. 594 and 596–97.
50. Flórez, Las reinas católicas, v.1, p. 554, implies she buckled the swordbelt
on Fernando after he donned another “belt of knighthood,” but Rodrigo
uses the verb “deaccinxit.” DRH 9.10, p. 291. Rodrigo was present
and as a senior churchman may have inf luenced the liturgy. Cf. Ruiz,
“Unsacred Monarchy,” p. 124, and Linehan, History and the Historians,
pp. 593–95; and p. 595, nn123–24. Alfonso X forbid women to create
knights: “Moreover, the ancients held that an empress, or a queen, not-
withstanding she might inherit her dignity, had no authority to create a
knight, although she could request or command certain knights in her
dominions, who had the right to confer the order of knighthood, to do
so.” Partidas, 2.21.11. Alfonso X did not, however, forbid women from
un-buckling a knight’s belt and thus confirming his knighthood; he was,
however uncomfortably, fully aware of his grandmother’s precedent.
PCG 1034, pp. 718–19.
51. CL 40, p. 84. A charter dated December 12, 1219 from Burgos refers to
Fernando’s knighting and his wedding, but not the cortes. Fernando III 2:
no. 93. Both Juan of Osma and Rodrigo relate that the parliament was
attended by all nobles, lords, knights, and important men of the king-
dom. DRH 9.10, p. 291. From the presence of noble women, Evelyn
Procter assumes this cortes was purely ceremonial; Curia and Cortes, pp.
77–78. Given Berenguela’s usual presence, Procter’s characterization of
the cortes deserves review; later queens, such as María de Molina, partici-
pated in full, genuine cortes. Procter also notes that this was similar to the
parliament held at the marriage of Fernando’s sister Berenguela to Jean
de Brienne in 1224. The complement of estates present and the implied
expense suggests a working cortes was convened. Martínez Diez, “Curia y
Cortes,” in Las Cortes de Castilla y León, p. 146.
N O T E S210
52. DRH 9.10, p. 291; see also CL 40, p. 83.
53. Despite being sent to her grandmother’s care in León, María died as an
infant. Although Beatriz died in Toro and was buried in Las Huelgas,
María was buried at San Isidoro in León. Berenguela held León at the
time. CM 4.101, p. 340.
54. For example, Geoffrey of Beaulieu, Vita Ludovici noni, RHF, v. 20, p. 4;
See also Joinville, The Life of Saint Louis, trans. René Hague (London:
Sheed and Ward, 1955), 16.71, p. 41.
55. DRH 9.10, p. 290.
56. DRH 9.18, p. 300. The later Primera crónica general implies that Fernando
asked his mother to find his new bride; PCG 1048, p. 735.
57. Teulet, ed. Layettes 2: no. 1713; Berger, Blanche de Castille, p. 201; and Jean
Richard, Saint Louis, Crusader King of France, trans. Jean Birrell, abridged
and ed. Simon Lloyd (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press,
1992), pp. 32 and 56–57.
58. Berger, Blanche de Castille, p. 326, citing Matthew Paris, Chronica Majora,
ed. Henry Richards Luard 4 vols. (1872–83, Reprint: Wiesbaden: Kraus
Reprints, 1964): 3, pp. 327–28; see also Fernando III 1, p. 114. Fernando’s
seven sons left little likelihood that a future king of Castile would become
count of Ponthieu. Eventually, Fernando’s daughter Eleanor inherited the
county from her mother. Fernando III 1, p. 114; Teulet, Layettes, 2: nos.
2699–2700; Parsons, Eleanor of Castile, pp. 32–33.
59. Brundage, Law, Sex, and Christian Society, pp. 235–40 and 364–65.
60. Cynthia L. Chamberlin, “The ‘Sainted Queen’ and the ‘Sin of Berenguela’:
Teresa Gil de Vidaure and Berenguela Alfonso in Documents of the
Crown of Aragon, 1255–1272,” in Iberia and the Mediterranean World of
the Middle Ages: Studies in Honor of Robert I. Burns, S.J., ed. Larry J. Simon
(Leiden: Brill, 1995), pp. 303–21. On Juan Alfonso, see Fernando III 1,
p. 88; Mansilla, Iglesia castellano-leonesa: no. 53, p. 319; and Peter Linehan,
The Spanish Church and the Papacy in the Thirteenth Century (Cambridge,
UK: Cambridge University Press, 1971), p. 230.
61. Estepa Díez points out that no specific evidence ties the marriage of
Alfonso and Mafalda to the treaty of Zafra. However, the treaty, the
marriage, and the subsequent patronage of the monastery of Buenafuente
were all steps in the same process of the pacification of the Lara. We
should expect to see marriage play a role in these negotiations. “Frontera,
nobleza y señoríos,” 73. See also Hernández, “La Corte de Fernando III,”
p. 119.
62. On the peace of Zafra, see DRH 9.11, p. 292; CL 41, p. 84; and PCG
1035, p. 719. On Buenafuente, see María del Carmen Villar Romero,
Defensa y repoblación de la línea del Tajo en un lugar determinado de la provincia
de Guadalajara: monasterio de Santa María de Buenafuente (Zaragoza: Caja
de Ahorros de Zaragoza, Aragón y Rioja, 1987), pp. 20–21, and appen-
dix, no. 19; Fernando III 1, p. 88, and Fernando III 3: no. 703. See also
Rodríguez López, “Quod alienus . . . ” 122–23; and “Linajes nobiliarios,”
852. See also Doubleday, Lara Family, pp. 63–64. Estepa Díez says that
N O T E S 211
Alfonso sold the monastery to his mother-in-law who then converted
the institution into one for women; Estepa Díez does not appear to have
consulted Villar Romero. “Frontera, nobleza y señoríos,” 80.
63. Martin, Négociation, 44–46.
64. Fernando III 3: no. 533.
65. Fernando III’s legitimacy might have been the issue. Fernando III 1,
pp. 247–49. Innocent III had declared Alfonso IX’s children with
Berenguela illegitimate, but in 1218 Honorius III legitimized Fernando
as his father’s heir. Mansilla, Honorio III, no. 179, pp. 141–42. Interestingly
Alfonso IX made no plans for Alfonso de Molina, which would have
fit with tradition. Two generations earlier Alfonso VII intended to have
his sons Sancho and Fernando rule Castile and León separately. Reilly,
Alfonso VII, pp. 128–29, 134–38, and 144–45.
66. Alfonso IX 2: no. 342.
67. Alfonso IX 2: nos. 346 and 347; also nos. 372, 378, 411, and 523. Alfonso
acted “with the consent” of his daughters in a few important charters late
in his reign, in which the infantas also participated in the agreements
being made, including a fuero for the newly conquered town of Cáceres,
and two charters of agreement with the Order of Santiago. Alfonso IX 2:
nos. 596–97, 613, and 620. Earlier examples of infantas confirming come
from Urraca’s court, where her sisters Sancha and Elvira, and her daugh-
ter Sancha regularly confirmed royal charters. The latter Sancha was a
powerful presence throughout the reign of her brother Alfonso VII. His
daughters confirmed his charters in the last year of his life (1157), but
only one, Constanza, did so regularly in earlier years. Reilly, Alfonso VII,
pp. 139–41, 144, and 151. For Sancha see also, but with caution: García
Calles, Doña Sancha. That the practice fell into desuetude is probably due
to a lack of royal sisters in the intervening generation as well as the split
between Castile and León.
68. Alfonso IX 2: no. 350. Alfonso IX included his brother and mayordomo
Sancho Fernández in this agreement. Sancho Fernández died in 1220,
having fallen from favor after 1218. On Sancho’s potential as an heir to
the throne, see Alfonso IX 1, p. 187.
69. Alfonso IX 2: no. 372.
70. Alfonso IX 2: nos. 373 and 415. The king of Portugal was Sancha and
Dulce’s maternal uncle Afonso II. Charters between 1217 and 1230:
Alfonso IX 2: nos. 339, 372, 415–16, 435–36, 441, 547–48, 550, 613, and
620. Martin has pointed to the increased inf luence of the Portuguese at
Alfonso IX’s court in this period. “Négociation,” 29–31.
71. Alfonso IX 2: no. 620. An unpublished charter shows that Sancha and
Dulce were recognized as heirs outside of the king’s court: “Regnante
Rege dompno Alfonso cum filiabus suis infantibus dompna Sancia et
dompna dulcia in legion, gallecia, asturiis et Extremadura.” Madrid,
AHN Sección Clero, Catedral de Salamanca, carpeta 1881, nos. 17 and
18 [16 and 18 December 1223].
72. Fernando III 1, pp. 250–51; CL 42, p. 84.
N O T E S212
73. DRH 7.13, p. 247; CM 4, p. 325.
74. CL 42, pp. 84–85.
75. Jean had married Marie de Montferrat (d. 1219); their only daughter
Yolande, queen of Jerusalem (d. 1228), was the second wife of Emperor
Frederick II.
76. CL 42, p. 85, states that upon leaving, the infanta and her husband were
given a “generous gift” [munera larga] and commended to God.
77. Fernando III 1, p. 252, n94.
78. CL 42, p. 85.
79. CL 60, p. 103.
80. CL 60, p. 103.
81. DRH 9.14, p. 295.
82. DRH 9.14, p. 295; see also CL 60, pp. 103–4.
83. DRH 9.14, p. 296; CL 60, p. 104.
84. DRH 9.14, p. 296.
85. Alfonso VIII 3: no. 681.
86. DRH 9.14, p. 296.
87. For example, Alfonso IX 2: nos. 607, 610, 618, and 619 (from 1229 to
1230).
88. CL 60, p. 104.
89. DRH 9.14, p. 295.
90. DRH 9.15, p. 296.
91. CM 4, p. 339; DRH 9.14–15, p. 296; see also Fernando III 1, p. 256.
92. DRH 9.14, p. 296.
93. CL 60, p. 104.
94. DRH 9.15, p. 296; Fernando III 2: no. 270. The Chronica latina echoes the
treaty almost verbatim, because it may have been the Castilian chancel-
lor, Juan of Osma, who prepared the treaty. CL 60, p. 104; Fernando III
1, pp. 504–9.
95. See Chapter 3, n. 68, p. 202.
96. Fernando III 2: no. 270.
97. Rodríguez López, “Sucesión regia y legitimidad política,” 31.
98. DRH 9.15, p. 297.
99. CM 4.99, p. 339.
100. Martin suggests that the women’s gender permitted the conf lict
to be resolved by negotiation instead of warfare—and a humiliat-
ing defeat for the Leonese who remained loyal to Sancha and Dulce.
“Négociation,” 35.
101. PCG 1036, p. 720; DRH 9.12, p. 292. But see Linehan, “Don Rodrigo
and the Government of the Kingdom,” CLCHM 26 (2003): 98–99
[87–99].
102. Mansilla, Iglesia castellano-leonesa: nos. 50, 52, 54, 62, and 63. For August
15, 1256, Louis IX’s chancellor Jean Sarrasin noted expenses in Paris
“pro fratre regis Hispaniae et pro universitate clericorum . . .” Tabulae
Ceterae, RHF 21, pp. 328b; Fernando III 1, p. 112.
103. Kristen died a few years later, but Felipe then married the Castilian
noblewoman Leonor Ruiz de Castro. Munch, Sancha, and Gayangos,
N O T E S 213
“La princesa Cristina de Noruega y el Infante Don Felipe, Hermano de
Don Alfonso el Sabio,” BRAH 74 (1919): 39–65; Regino Inclán Inclán,
“Sepulcro del Infante D. Felipe, Hijo del Rey Fernando III El Santo,”
BRAH 75 (1919): 143–84, especially Appendix 2: 169.
104. DRH 9.12, p. 292; PCG 1036, p. 720. Mansilla, Iglesia castellano-leonesa:
no. 57.
105. Mansilla, Iglesia castellano-leonesa: no. 71; Fernando III 1, p. 112;
Hernández, Cartularios de Toledo: no. 500.
106. Mansilla, Iglesia castellano-leonesa, p. 187, n192. Berenguela’s eponymous
granddaughter entered Las Huelgas as a child oblate in 1241. There is no
evidence that the elder Berenguela was behind this profession, although
it seems logical that she was involved in, and approved it. See Shadis,
“Piety, Politics and Power,” in Cultural Patronage, pp. 208–9; Gayoso,
“The Lady of Las Huelgas,” 92–116.
107. Chapter One provides a literary example of Leonor at court. See also
Procter, Curia and Cortes, pp. 19–21, 134, and 233–34; Earenfight,
“Maria of Castile, Ruler or Figurehead?,” 45–61.
108. Nelson, “Medieval Queens,” p. 200. Queens did sit in judgment in lit-
erature, however.
109. Lupián Zapata cites a cortes in 1239, which Berenguela attended. Epítome,
p. 132. He may be confused about the date of Fernando III’s marriage
to Jeanne de Ponthieu in 1237, when Fernando held a cortes to celebrate
the wedding. O’Callaghan, Cortes of Castile-León, p. 82.
110. CL 44, p. 87.
111. Libro de los fueros de Castilla, ed. Galo Sanchez (Barcelona: El Abir, 1981),
p. 3.
112. Crónica anónima de Sahagún, p. 139.
113. Colección de los primeros fueros, folio 115r.
114. Lisa Bitel, Women in Early Medieval Europe, 400–1100 (Cambridge, UK:
Cambridge University Press, 2002), p. 278; Huneycutt, “Intercession,”
pp. 126–46; Parsons, “The Queen’s Intercession,” pp. 147–77.
115. O’Callaghan, The Latin Chronicle, p. 125, n2; Fernando III 1,
pp. 132–33.
116. Mencia’s mother was Fernando’s half-sister, Urraca Alfonso, one of
Alfonso IX’s natural children.
117. CL 66, p. 108.
118. CL 66–67, pp. 108–9.
119. In the meantime, Berenguela also ameliorated the situation with Lope
Díaz, who recognized the king’s suzerainty over his castles, and received
them properly from the king through his bailiff. Berenguela promised
him this tenancy for fifty years, and Fernando confirmed Berenguela’s
promise. CL 66, p. 108. Martin suggests the women’s intervention
enabled the preservation of male honor. “Négociation,” 38–41.
120. “domine regine, matri mee, in principio regni me impendistis,” Fernando
III 2: no. 8 (Nov. 26, 1217).
121. AHN Sección Ordenes Militares, Ucles, Carpeta no. 311, nos. 10
and 11.
N O T E S214
122. One record of a sale between María Díaz and the monastery of Santa
María de Aguilar del Campóo notes the reign of Fernando “in Toledo
and in Castile and in León and in Galicia and in Cordoba with his
mother Queen Berenguela” in 1237. AHN Cleros 944B; Becerro mayor
del monasterio premonstratenses de Santa María de Aguilar de Campóo, 91r.
There are many, many more examples to be had; thus far out of a ran-
dom sampling of documents, I have noted similar “regnante” clauses
for 1218, 1222, 1224, 1234, 1235, 1236, 1237, and 1243. Regarding
Berenguela’s loss of power, see Linehan, “Apostillas,” in Fernando III y
su tiempo, pp. 389–90; and Linehan, “Don Rodrigo,” 95, 99.
123. Mansilla, Honorio III: no. 548; M. León Cadier, Bulles originals du XIIIe
siècle conserves dans les archives de Navarre (Rome: L’école française, 1887):
no. 23.
124. Epistolae saeculi xiii, ed. Rodenberg, v. 1: no. 762. Fernando wrote
to Gregory at the same time, including a claim to Fadrique’s impe-
rial inheritance. Rodenberg, Epistolae saeculi xiii, nos. 760 and 761. In
a highly speculative and provocative discussion, Martin suggests, fol-
lowing Linehan’s lead, that Berenguela may have been writing to the
pope to complain about her increasing ostracism at Fernando’s court.
Martin, “Négociation,” 50. Without greater evidence, it is uncertain
that Berenguela’s release of the tenancy of León and general retirement
were not due to her age and indeed the fulfillment of her life’s work.
125. Elaine Tuttle Hansen, “The Powers of Silence: The Case of the
Clerk’s Griselda,” in Women and Power, pp. 230–49; Michelle Freeman,
“The Power of Sisterhood: Marie de France’s ‘Le Fresne,’ ” in Women
and Power, pp. 250–64; Joan Ferrante, “Public Postures and Private
Maneuvers: Roles Medieval Women Play,” in Women and Power,
pp. 213–29.
5 “The things that please God and men”: Berenguela,
Conquest, and Crusade
1. CM 4.100, pp. 339–40.
2. Lucas authored De altera vita fideique controversies adversus albigensium errors
libri III between 1230 and 1240, and was deeply concerned about the
presence of heretics in León. Lucas of Túy, De altera uita, ed. Juan de
Mariana (Ingolstadt: Hertfroy, 1612). Evidence for large, organized
groups of heretics, however, is scanty. Javier Faci Lacasta and Antonio
Oliver, “Los estamentos eclesiasticos y las estructuras socials en los sig-
los xii y xiii,” Historia de la iglesia en España: la iglesia en la España de los
siglos viii al xiv, ed. Javier Fernández Conde, 2 vols. (Madrid: Biblioteca
de Autores Cristianos, 1982), v. 2, pp. 104–11.
3. PCG 1132, pp. 772–73.
4. Rodríguez López, “Légitimation royale,” 132–36.
5. Rodríguez López, “Légitimation royale,” 156–60.
6. O’Callaghan, Reconquest and Crusade, p. 10.
N O T E S 215
7. Blanche’s reaction, “when she heard that he [Louis IX] had taken the
Cross, as he told her, too, himself, she was as miserable as if she had seen
him dead,” is well known. Joinville, Life of St. Louis, p. 51. At the same
time, Blanche clearly supported crusading itself. Matthew Paris relates
that the queen took a vow as Louis’s proxy when he was seriously ill.
Probably she did not expect that he would fulfill the vow personally,
but rather would support a crusade financially. Paris, Chronica Majora 4:
pp. 397–98; Berger, Blanche de Castille, pp. 368–69.
8. O’Callaghan, Reconquest and Crusade, p. 3.
9. Jonathan Riley-Smith, The First Crusade and the Idea of Crusading
(Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1986), pp. 18–25.
O’Callaghan, Reconquest and Crusade, pp. 31–32.
10. O’Callaghan, Reconquest and Crusade, pp. 24–27.
11. Bernard F. Reilly, The Contest of Christian and Muslim Spain, 1031–1157
(Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1995), pp. 211–12.
12. The protection was actually dated the day before the indulgence; Mansilla,
Honorio III: nos. 574–76.
13. Fernando III 1, pp. 279–82, citing Mansilla, Honorio III: nos. 148, 149, and
207; see also no. 155; Pick, Conflict and Coexistence, pp. 52–53.
14. Baldwin, Government of Philip Augustus, p. 80; James M. Powell, Anatomy
of a Crusade, 1213–1221 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press,
1986).
15. The historiography of analyzing the “religious content” of this territo-
rial conquest is explained by Peter Linehan, “Religion, nationalism and
national identity in Medieval Spain,” Studies in Church History 18 (1982):
166–67 [161–99].
16. Rodríguez López, “Légitimation,” 153.
17. James A. Brundage, “Prostitution, Miscegenation and Sexual Purity,” in
Crusade and Settlement, ed. Peter W. Edbury (Cardiff: University College
Cardiff Press, 1985), pp. 57–58 [57–64]; Riley-Smith, First Crusade,
p. 24.
18. Constance M. Rousseau, “Home Front and Battlefield: The Gendering
of Papal Crusading Policy (1095–1221), in Gendering the Crusades, ed.
Susan B. Edgington and Sarah Lambert (New York: Columbia University
Press, 2002), p. 38 [31–44].
19. Rousseau, “Home Front and Battlefield,” in Gendering the Crusades, pp.
31–44; James A. Brundage, Medieval Canon Law and the Crusader (Madison:
University of Wisconsin Press, 1969), p. 77.
20. James A. Brundage, “The Crusader’s Wife: A Canonistic Quandry,”
Studia Gratiana 12 (1967): 441 [425–41]. For Queen Marguerite, see
Joinville, The Life of Saint Louis, pp. 124–25.
21. Jordan, Louis IX, pp. 70 and 80.
22. Alfonso VIII 1, pp. 995–1071; Marcelino Menéndez y Pelayo, “El siglo
xiii y San Fernando,” in Estudios y discursos de crítica histórica y literaria,
ed. Miguel Artigas, 7 vols. (Santander: CSIC, 1940), v. 7. pp. 57–58
[47–61]; Pick, Conflict and Coexistence, p. 17. Pick contends that the battle’s
N O T E S216
significance lay not in the extension of territory, but in the reduction of
the Almohad army and the introduction of the crusading ideal in Spain
by Archbishop Rodrigo. Conflict and Coexistence, pp. 43–46. Echegaray
discusses the combatants as a “coalición cristiana” and contextualizes the
battle in the wider European ambit. Guerra y pacto, pp. 338–39.
23. Rodríguez López, “Légitimation,” 151–60.
24. Pick has argued most recently that it was “Rodrigo’s idea . . . to urge
Spanish participants to make the unusual move of thinking of them-
selves as crusaders while acting in the peninsula.” Conflict and Coexistence,
p. 37.
25. Linehan, History and the Historians, pp. 295–97.
26. This is a main premise of Pick, Conflict and Coexistence, building on the
work of Linehan, History and the Historians.
27. Alfonso VIII 3: no. 898. Alfonso’s lengthier letter to Pope Innocent III
confirms that Las Navas was a crusade, and discussed the papal indul-
gences granted to crusaders coming to Spain. Berenguela’s letter is much
shorter and appears to be an independent composition: there are no par-
allel phrases (excepting one referring to the king’s distribution of booty),
and a great difference in the number of casualties reported. Alfonso VIII
3: no. 897 (to Innocent III).
28. I am grateful to Theresa Vann for sharing with me in advance of publica-
tion a copy of her paper, “Our father has won a great victory: Berenguela’s
account of the Battle of Las Navas de Tolosa, 1212”; an earlier version of
this paper was presented at the conference, “Remembering the Crusades,”
Fordham University, New York: March 28, 2008. See also Hernández,
“La Corte de Fernando III,” in Fernando III y su tiempo, pp. 107–8.
29. Alfonso VIII 3: no. 898.
30. Alfonso VIII 3: no. 897.
31. CL 25, p. 62.
32. CM 4.90, p. 330.
33. DRH 8.10, p. 274. On the unreliable nature of medieval sources regard-
ing numbers, see O’Callaghan, Reconquest and Crusade, pp. 143–46.
34. Some historians have inferred that these were the female inhabitants of
Úbeda, which the Christians captured shortly thereafter. See Vann, “Our
father.”
35. Elena Lourie, “Black Women Warriors in the Muslim Army Besieging
Valencia and the Cid’s Victory: A Problem of Interpretation,” Traditio 55
(2000): 181–209.
36. Alfonso VIII 3: nos. 897 and 898. Rodrigo probably had access to these
letters—as well as his own memory—when he described the battle in the
De rebus Hispanie. He also described the huge amount of booty, and fur-
thermore emphasized the Castilians’ discretion in the acquisition of these
riches (in contrast to the Aragonese). DRH 8.11, p. 275; see also Pick,
Conflict and Coexistence, pp. 21 and 45. Arab historians, however, made
little distinction among the behavior of the Christian conquerors. Ibn Abi
Zar says that no prisoners were taken; Rawd al-Qirtas, trans. Ambrosio
Huici Miranda, 2nd. ed., 2 vols. (Valencia: J. Nácher, 1964), v. 2, p. 467.
N O T E S 217
The seizure of goods is confirmed by ‘al-Marrakuši: “Alfonso went out
from that place, after filling his hands and those of his companions with
riches and things belonging to the Muslims.” Abu Muhammad Abd al-
Wahid al-Marrakushi, Kitab al-mu ‘yib fi taljis ajbar al-Magrib, Lo admira-
ble en el resumen de las noticias del Magrib, in Colección de crónicas árabes de
la reconquista, trans. [Spanish] Ambrosio Huici Miranda 4 vols. (Tetuán:
Editora Marroquí, 1955), v. 4, p. 267.
37. Pick, Conflict and Coexistence, p. 21.
38. O’Callaghan, Reconquest and Crusade, p. 71.
39. While Berenguela associated Thibault with the French, he was in fact
a Poitevin—at the time an English subject—and the son of a Spaniard.
Hernández, “La Corte de Fernando III,” in Fernando III y su tiempo,
p. 109.
40. Ruiz, “Unsacred Monarchy,” in Rites of Power, p. 116; Hernández, “La
Corte de Fernando III,” in Fernando III y su tiempo, pp. 108–10.
41. Alfonso VIII 1, p. 1072. O’Callaghan, Reconquest and Crusade, p. 78, n2.
Pick describes the “limited penetration of what might be called a recon-
quest ideology” in the aftermath of Las Navas, but as she also points
out, material circumstances were such that renewed or extended military
potential for all sides was severely limited. Conflict and Coexistence, pp. 46
and 58.
42. Fernando III 1, p. 278, n1.
43. Fernando III 1, p. 278.
44. Alfonso IX 2: no. 352. The main purpose of this treaty was to buy Alfonso
IX’s friendship after Enrique I’s death, by paying 11,000 maravedís
to him.
45. Ibn ‘Idarı al-Marrakus ı, Al-Bayan al-Mugrib Fi Ijtisar Ajbar Muluk al-
Andalus Wa al-Magrib in Colección de Crónicas Árabes de la Reconquista,
ed., trans. Ambrosio Huici Miranda, 4 vols. (Tetuán: Editora Marroquí,
1953), v. 2, p. 283; Fernando III 1, p. 285.
46. Mansilla, Honorio III: nos. 268 and 269. See also Fernando III 1, p. 283;
Pick, Conflict and Coexistence, p. 53; O’Callaghan, Reconquest and Crusade,
pp. 80–82.
47. Fernando III 1, p. 284.
48. Hugh Kennedy, Muslim Spain and Portugal: A Political History of al-Andalus
(London: Longman, 1996), pp. 261–62.
49. Rodríguez López sees this as a key moment in the historiography of
understanding the nature of Fernando’s independent and legitimate rule.
“Sucesión regia y legitimidad política,” pp. 25–26.
50. CL 43, pp. 85–86. Lomax supplies the date; Derek Lomax, The Reconquest
of Spain (Longman: London, 1978), p. 137.
51. Martin suggests that Juan’s reference to the Holy Spirit was the necessary
rhetorical device to invoke a power superior to Berenguela’s, initiating
Fernando’s emancipation from his mother. “Berenguela,” p. 581; but see
Reilly, “Bishop Lucas,” p. 783. Martin’s argument, which corresponds to
those made by Linehan and Hernández, cited throughout, derives largely
from an interpretation of Juan’s perspective on Berenguela as being
N O T E S218
oppositional. See Linehan, “Apostillas,” p. 383, n33, which also connects
this perspective to the historiography of Blanche of Castile’s relationship
with her son Louis, in particular the idea that he used the crusades as a
means to free himself of his mother’s dominion. See especially Jordan,
Louis IX.
52. O’Callaghan, Reconquest and Crusade, pp. 80, 82–83; Mansilla, Honorio
III: no. 209.
53. CL 44, p. 86. Italics added.
54. Reilly, Urraca, p. 124, and pp. 155–56; Dillard, Daughters of the Reconquest,
pp. 15, 29, and 75.
55. Indeed, Reilly cautions that the entire passage itself may be a “borrowed
set-piece.” “Bishop Lucas” 783.
56. CL 44, p. 87.
57. O’Callaghan, Reconquest and Crusade, p. 21.
58. The conquests of Jaume I of Aragón in Valencia and the Balearic Islands,
and the extension of Portuguese rule in the Algarve must be considered
here as well.
59. DRH 9.13, pp. 292–93.
60. Pick, Conflict and Coexistence, p. 59.
61. Rodríguez López, “Sucesión regia y legitimidad política,” 25–26.
62. “Et la noble reyna donna Berenguela, su madre del rey don Fernando,
con amor et con bien querencia dese su fijo, queriendol estoruar de yr uengar
los tuertos que los moros le fazien, f izol consagrar a Dios, asi commo diz la
estoria, los comienços de su caualleria, et alongar por mas tiempo las
treguas que el auie puestas con los alaraues, et non le dexaua mouer por alla.”
PCG 1036, p. 720. Italics added.
63. DRH 8.12, p. 292.
64. Dillard, Daughters of the Reconquest, p. 24, citing Deuteronomy 24:5.
65. Kennedy, Muslim Spain, p. 262; Lomax, Reconquest of Spain, pp. 137–39;
Fernando III 1, pp. 289–91.
66. CL 46, p. 88; Fernando III 1, p. 294; Kennedy, Muslim Spain, p. 262;
Lomax, Reconquest of Spain, p. 137.
67. CL 44, p. 87; Fernando III 1, pp. 293–94.
68. Fernando III 1, p. 296.
69. Fernando III 1, p. 286; Mansilla, Honorio III: nos. 574–76.
70. Mansilla, Honorio III: nos. 148, 155, 207, 208, 209, 210, and 268. See also
Linehan, Spanish Church and the Papacy, pp. 8–17.
71. Chronicon de Cardeña, in España Sagrada: Theatro geographico-histórico de la
iglesia de España. Enrique Flórez et alia, eds. 2nd ed. (Madrid: A. Marin,
1747–1879), 51 vols., v. 23, pp. 373–74.
72. Kennedy, Muslim Spain, p. 264. Lomax, Reconquest of Spain, p. 139.
73. CL 49, p. 93; See also Ibn Khaldún, Histoire des berbères et des dynasties
musulmanes de l’Afrique septentrionale, ed. William MacGuckin Slane, et
alia, 4 vols. (Paris: P. Geuthner, 1925–56), v. 4, p. 234. Fernando III 1,
p. 304. Kennedy, Muslim Spain, p. 364.
74. CL 50, pp. 93–94. Italics added.
N O T E S 219
75. CL 50, p. 94.
76. Rousseau, “Home Front and Battlefield,” in Gendering the Crusades,
pp. 31–44.
77. Possibly, however, they ref lected the new “short-timer’s attitude” compli-
cating crusades elsewhere. See Laurence W. Marvin, “Thirty-Nine Days
and a Wake-up: The Impact of the Indulgence and Forty Days Service
on the Albigensian Crusade, 1209–1218,” The Historian 65.1 (Fall, 2002):
75–94; O’Callaghan, Reconquest and Crusade, p. 125.
78. Fernando III 2: no. 250; Bullarium Ordinis militiae de Calatrava, ed. Ignácio
José de Ortega y Cotes and Juan Francisco Alvarez de Baquedano
(Madrid: Marin, 1761), pp. 61–62.
79. Enrique Rodríguez-Picavea Matilla, “El Campo de Calatrava en la época
de Fernando III,” in Fernando III y su tiempo, pp. 369–73 [343–74]. For an
example of the association of the Campo de Calatrava with Berenguela,
see Juan Miguel Mendoza Garrido, “La organización del territorio cala-
travo en época de Fernando III. El caso de Bolaños,” Archivo hispalense:
revista histórica, literaria y artística 234–36 (1994): 335–50.
80. Kennedy, Muslim Spain, pp. 266–67.
81. CM 4.100, p. 339; Lomax, Reconquest of Spain, p. 145.
82. Lomax, Reconquest of Spain, p. 145.
83. CL 70, p. 112.
84. Fernando III 1, pp. 323–31.
85. The Chronica latina ends its narrative with the conquest of Córdoba and
Fernando’s triumphant return to his mother in Toledo. CL 74 and 75,
p. 118. In 1248, two years after Berenguela’s death, Fernando captured
the city of Seville.
86. CM 4.101, pp. 341–42.
87. CM 4.101, pp. 341–42; CL 74, p. 117; PCG 1047, p. 734; Lomax, Reconquest
of Spain, p. 146.
88. DRH 9.17, p. 300.
89. DRH 9.17, p. 300.
90. DRH 9.17, p. 300.
91. “Con tetas llenas de virtudes le dio su leche de guisa que, maguer que
el rey don Fernando era ya varon fecho et firmado en edat de su fuerça
conplida, ssu madre la reyna donna Berenguella non quedo nin quedaua
de dezirle et ensennarle acuçiosamiente las cosas que plazen a Dios et a
los omnes—et lo tienen todos por bien—et nuncal mostro las costunbres
nin las cosas que perteneçien a mugeres, mas los que fazie a grandez de
coraçon et a grandes fechos.” PCG 1047, pp. 734–35.
92. Jordan, Louis IX, pp. 116–22.
93. PCG 1074, p. 748.
94. Lomax, Reconquest of Spain, p. 151.
95. On the date of the composition of the Poema, see Colin Smith, The
Making of the ‘Poema de Mio Cid (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University
Press, 1983); Richard Fletcher, The Quest for the Cid (New York: Knopf,
1999). On booty, see Dillard, Daughters of the Reconquest, esp. p. 75. Pick
N O T E S220
discusses in detail Rodrigo’s preference for conquest over booty, arguing
that he was “for a long time out of step with his peers over the mat-
ter. Conflict and Coexistence, p. 17. On ritual purification, see DRH 9.13,
p. 294.
6 “Making Lament”: Death, Grief, Memory, Identity
1. Statuta capitulorum generalium ordinis cisterciensis, ed. Josephus-Marie
Canivez, 8 vols. (Louvain: Bibliothèque de la Revue d’Histoire
Ecclésiastique, 1933) 2: 1251, cap. 7.
2. Canivez, Statuta 2: 1252, cap. 5, p. 377. Blanche had been formally asso-
ciated in prayers with the Order in 1222 (Layettes 1: no. 1557, p. 556),
but this relationship had existed since her parents founded Las Huelgas in
the year of her birth. In 1244, she requested a memorial for her parents;
Canivez, Statuta 2: 1244, cap. 12.
3. Canivez, Statuta 2: 1251, cap. 7 and Statuta 2: 1252, cap. 5; cited earlier.
“Amicis” could also mean “relatives.”
4. Canivez, Statuta 2: 1252, cap. 6.
5. Canivez, Statuta 2: 1241, cap. 12. The Cistercians remembered Blanche
after her death; Canivez, Statuta 2: 1253, cap. 6.
6. Canivez, Statuta 2: 1243, cap. 9 (for Leonor); cap. 15 (for Constanza).
7. Canivez, Statuta 1: 1217, cap. 33.
8. Canivez, Statuta 2: 1244, cap. 47.
9. Canivez, Statuta 2: 1245, cap. 17.
10. James S. Amelang, “Mourning Becomes Eclectic: Ritual Lament and the
Problem of Continuity,” Past and Present 187 (May 2005): 21–31 [3–31];
Elizabeth Valdez del Alamo, “Lament for a lost Queen: The sarcoph-
agus of Doña Blanca in Nájera,” in Memory and the Medieval Tomb, ed.
Elizabeth Valdez del Alamo and Carol Stamatis Pendergast (Aldershot:
Ashgate, 2000), p. 48 [43–80]; Rocío Sánchez Ameijeiras, “Monumenta et
memoriae: The thirteenth-century episcopal pantheon of León Cathedral,”
in Memory and the Medieval Tomb, pp. 270–71 [269–300]; José Filgueira
Valverde, “El ‘Planto’ en la Historia y en la Literatura Gallega,” Cuadernos
de studios Gallegos 4 (1945): 511–606.
11. Filgueira Valverde, “El ‘Planto,’ ” 514–16.
12. Partidas 1.4.44, p. 36.
13. Cited in Filgueira Valverde, “El ‘Planto,’ ” 564–67.
14. Amelang, “Mourning Becomes Eclectic,” 4.
15. Filgueira Valverde, “El ‘Planto,’ ” 557–59. This gendered distinction in
manners of grief was noticed by Christine Mitchell Havelock in “Mourners
on Greek Vases: Remarks on the Social History of Women,” Feminism and
Art History: Questioning the Litany, ed. N. Broude and M. S. Garrard (New
York: Harper and Row, 1982), pp. 51–52 [45–61]; and by Del Alamo,
“Lament for a Lost Queen,” in Memory and the Medieval Tomb, p. 48.
16. Patrick J. Geary, Phantoms of Remembrance: Memory and Oblivion at the
End of the First Millennium (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994),
pp. 53–54 and 63–68; plates 1–10.
N O T E S 221
17. Georges Duby, Women of the Twelfth Century, 3 vols; 2: Remembering the
Dead, trans. Jean Birrell (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1997),
p. 14.
18. DRH 7.36, p. 258.
19. CL 20, pp. 55–56.
20. DRH 7.36, p. 258.
21. Sánchez Ameijeiras, “Monumenta et memoriae,” in Memory and the Medieval
Tomb, p. 282 n7, and pp. 270–71; Del Alamo, “Lament for a lost Queen,”
in Memory and the Medieval Tomb, p. 52.
22. Vann, “Castilian Queenship,” in Queens, Regents and Potentates, p. 140,
citing Alfonso VIII 3: no. 884.
23. Riquer, Los trovadores 2: no. 216, pp. 1085–87.
24. DRH 7.36, p. 258.
25. PCG 1009, p. 688.
26. Much of Alfonso X’s first partida was a Castilian adaptation of canons
promulgated at the Fourth Lateran Council in 1215. See “Introduction
to the First Partida,” in Burns, ed. Partidas 1: p. liii.
27. DRH 8.15, p. 280. The Primera crónica general was less eloquent, perhaps
downplaying Berenguela’s unsanctioned behavior. PCG 1024, p. 708.
28. CL 28, p. 69.
29. DRH 8.15, p. 280.
30. DRH 9.1, p. 281. I am grateful to Dr. Lucy Pick for suggesting this line
of speculation to me.
31. Alfonso VIII 3: no. 769; CL 31, p. 73; DRH 9.1, p. 281.
32. Escribano García, “La calavera de Enrique I,” 250–64. Enrique’s remains
include bones from the skull and upper body, with a partially preserved
thorax separated from the lower body, which was intact and more suc-
cessfully embalmed. This suggests that the boy’s body was embalmed
soon after his death, probably within a day, but not soon enough to stop
the natural processes of decomposition, which normally began at the
upper part of the body, and would have been accelerated at the site of
the wound on the head. CL 32, p. 76, and CL 36, pp. 79–80; DRH 9.4,
p. 285, and DRH 9.6, p. 287.
33. CL 36, pp. 79–80; DRH 9.6, p. 287.
34. CL 36, p. 80; also DRH 9.6, p. 287.
35. PCG 1030, pp. 714–15.
36. Crónica del Fernando Cuarto, v.1, ch. 2, p. 132. Italics added. María per-
formed a similar act of charity and domination for her enemy Prince Pere
of Aragón. Crónica del Fernando Cuarto, v. 2, pp. 103–4.
37. Lupián Zapata, Epitome, p. 105. The Primera crónica general confirms his
dire poverty and burial at Uclés, but says nothing about Berenguela.
PCG, cap 1033, p. 717. Gonzalo Argote de Molina’s Nobleza de Andalucia
was first published in 1588. Argote de Molina himself cited “la general
Historia en el cap. 11 del lib. 4.” See Gonzalo Argote de Molina, Nobleza
de Andalucia, ed. Manuel Muñoz y Garnica (1866; Repr. Jaén: Instituto de
Estudios Giennenses, 1957), p. 124.
38. Traducción gallega 1, p. 778.
N O T E S222
39. Gómez-Moreno asserts that one sepulcher belonged to a daughter Leonor,
of whom I can find no record, whereas González assigns the tomb in
question to Sancho. Manuel Gómez-Moreno, El real panteón de las Huelgas
de Burgos (Madrid: CSIC, 1946), p. 11; Alfonso VIII 1, pp. 200–203. This
tomb is carved with a memento mori inscription dated 1194; Gómez Barcena,
Escultura gótica, p. 187; see also Walker, “Leonor of England,” pp. 366–67.
40. The tomb described as the infante Sancho’s depicts mourners, possibly
parents, but does not evoke lamentation or grief; Gómez Barcena, Escultura
gótica, p. 187. Compare the tomb of Blanca of Navarre; Del Alamo,
“Lament for a Lost Queen,” in Memory and the Medieval Tomb, pp. 43–79.
41. Alfonso VIII 3: no. 888; Las Huelgas 1: no. 109; Gómez Barcena, Escultura
gótica, pp. 187 and 193.
42. See Canivez, Statuta 2: 1222, cap. 9; Statuta 1: 1157, cap. 63.
43. Las Huelgas 1: no. 215.
44. Gómez Barcena, Escultura gótica, p. 194.
45. Kathleen Nolan, “The Queen’s Body and Institutional Memory: The
tomb of Adelaide of Maurienne,” in Memory and the Medieval Tomb, p. 249
[249–67].
46. Nolan, “The Queen’s Body,” in Memory and the Medieval Tomb, p. 252.
47. Shadis, “Piety, Politics and Power,” in Cultural Patronage, pp. 211–13; Terryl
N. Kinder, “Blanche of Castile and the Cistercians,” Commentarii cister-
cienses 27.3–4 (1976): 163 and 183 [163–88] and Armande Gronier-Prieur,
L’Abbaye Notre-Dame du Lys a Dammarie-les-Lys (Seine-et-Marne: Amis
des monuments et des sites de Seine-et-Marne, 1971).
48. Walker’s ideas about Alfonso VIII’s inspiration for the foundation of Las
Huelgas should be taken into account as well. Such potential inspiration
does not necessarily replace that of the queen, but rather may complement
it. Walker, “Leonor of England,” 346–68.
49. There is an apparent absence of artistic or funerary patronage during the
turbulent years of Enrique I’s reign and the first few years of Fernando
III’s rule. David Raizman has argued, however, that the unnamed patron-
ess behind the production of the later Morgan Beatus may have been
Berenguela. The manuscript’s unfinished state may certainly be attributed
to lack of funds in the early 1220s. On the other hand, the patroness, while
probably a royal woman, just as likely was the nun/infanta Constanza, or
the infanta Leonor. David Raizman, “Prayer, patronage and piety at Las
Huelgas: new observations on the later Morgan Beatus (m. 429),” in Church,
State, Vellum and Stone: Essays on Medieval Spain in Honor of John Williams, ed.
Therese Martin and Julie Harris (Leiden: Brill, 2005), pp. 235–74.
50. Francisco Antón y Casaseca, Monasterios medievales de la provincia de
Valladolid (Valladolid: Librería Santarén, 1942), p. 173.
51. Luis Fernández Martín, “Colección diplomática del monasterio de Santa
María de Matallana,” Hispania Sacra 25.50 (1972): 412 [391–35]; Canivez,
Statuta 1: 1217, cap. 33.
52. Antón y Casaseca, Monasterios medievales, p. 172. Fernández Martín,
“Colección diplomatica,” 385.
N O T E S 223
53. Antón y Casaseca, Monasterios medievales, p. 172. Beatriz, however, was
buried at Las Huelgas.
54. Antón y Casaseca, Monasterios medievales, p. 193. These tombs are cur-
rently housed at the Museu Nacional d’Art de Catalunya in Barcelona.
55. Rodríguez López, El real monasterio, p. 268; Flórez, Las reinas católicas, v. 1,
pp. 601–602.
56. For a full description of this tomb, see Gómez Barcena, Escultura gótica,
pp. 196–97; see also Del Alamo, “Lament for a Lost Queen,” in Memory
and the Medieval Tomb, p. 68, n19.
57. Berenguela’s initial tomb prepared at her death in 1246 indeed may have
been plain and humble, but the act of translation seems inconsistent with
the act of moving the body from one plain tomb to another.
58. Rodríguez López, El real monasterio pp. 141–42; Las Huelgas 2: no. 439.
59. Las Huelgas 3: no. 596.
60. Rodríguez López, El real monasterio, p. 169; Gómez-Moreno states that
the simple tomb attributed to Queen Berenguela, opened in this cen-
tury for study, contained two bodies; one well preserved (the queen) but
the other decapitated. Gómez-Moreno, El real panteón real, p. 30. One
wonders how he decided which body belonged to the queen: perhaps he
recognized her because she had managed to keep her head.
61. PCG 1030, p. 714.
62. Rodríguez López notes that three Constanzas (Queen Berenguela’s sister,
daughter, and granddaughter) and Isabel of Molina (another granddaugh-
ter) among others were all interred in tombs without surviving adorn-
ment. El real monasterio, p. 264.
63. The literature on the intersection of Christianity, gender, and embodi-
ment is vast, and growing: See, to begin, the work of Caroline Walker
Bynum, especially, The Resurrection of the Body in Western Christianity,
200–1336 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1995).
64. Parsons, Eleanor of Castile, p. 207.
65. Parsons, Eleanor of Castile, pp. 205–206. Division of the body was not
entirely unusual: Blanche of Castile, for example, left her heart to Lys
while her body was buried in Maubuisson. The division of Blanche’s body
between her two favorite foundations adds a new dimension to the prob-
lem of these patrons’ affirmation of their lineage and family future, since
it seemed to signify a kind of fracturing of one source of that lineage, the
mother herself. Yet, the patron’s purpose behind foundation was reiterated
by this act of disarticulation, emphasizing the roles of the nuns in caring
for the dead and on the patron’s love for a particular convent. That this
was effective as part of a greater program to establish lineage was borne
out by future generations’ continued use of both monasteries for the same
purpose. On the practice of the division of corpses, its origins and signif-
icance, especially for the royal family of France, see the work of Elizabeth
A. R. Brown, “Death and the Human Body in the Late Middle Ages,”
Viator 12 (1981): 221–70; “Burying and Unburying the Kings of France,”
in Persons in Groups: Social Behavior as Identity Formation in Medieval and
N O T E S224
Renaissance Europe, ed. Richard C. Trexler (Binghamton, NY: Medieval
and Renaissance Texts and Studies, 1985), pp. 241–66; and “Authority, the
Family and the Dead in late Medieval France,” French Historical Studies 16.4
(1990): 803–32. Brown argues that Blanche divided her body for “personal
reasons and not because of family ties,” but I suggest that family ties were
at the forefront of Blanche’s mind in establishing Lys and Maubuisson, and
that future members of the royal family chose burial in these places because
of those ties; Brown, “Authority, the Family, and the Dead,” p. 811.
66. CL 28, pp. 68–69.
67. PCG 1067, p.745.
68. PCG 1073, p.748.
69. Corpus medievale cordubense 1 (1106–1255) ed. Manuel Nieto Cumplido
(Córdoba: Publicaciones del Monte de Piedad y Caja de Ahorros de
Córdoba, 1979): no. 320.
70. Hernández, Los cartularios de Toledo: no. 450; “La Guardia, Villa del
Partido de Lillo, Provincia de Toledo–Datos Históricos,” ed. Fidel Fita,
BRAH 11.5 (Nov. 1887): no. 12, p. 408 [373–431].
71. Sources do not agree on the date of Blanche’s death, but Eudes of Rouen
records her burial at Pontoise on November 29, and states that he was
present. Odo Rigaldus, The Register of Eudes of Rouen, trans. Sydney M.
Brown, ed. Jeremiah F. O’Sullivan (New York: Columbia University
Press, 1964), p. 167. The Norman Chronicle dates her death to November
27, corresponding to Eude’s information about her funeral and burial;
E chronico Normanniae RHF t. 23, p. 214.
72. Louis Carolus-Barré, Procès de canonisation de Saint Louis (1272–1297):
essai de reconstitution, ed. Henri Platelle (Rome: École Française de Rome,
Palais Farnèse, 1994), p. 75; see Del Alamo, “Lament for a Lost Queen,”
p. 71, n62, for prayer and citations for liturgy. According to the chronicles
of Saint-Denis, however, Blanche had been at Melun when she became
so ill that death seemed imminent. Fully aware of this, she packed up
and made haste to Paris; only after her death was her body carried to
Pointoise. Chroniques de Saint-Denis, RHF, v. 21, pp. 116–117. At Paris,
Blanche put her affairs in order and made her will; Guillaume de Saint-
Pathus, Vie de Saint Louis, ed. H-François Delaborde (Paris: A. Picard et
Fils, 1899), p. 15.
73. Berger, Blanche de Castille, pp. 414–415; Primat, Chronique, trans. Jean du
Vignay, RHF, t. 23, p. 10; Canivez, Statuta 2: 1253, cap. 6.
74. Urraca’s will was revised by her husband Afonso II; Figanière, Memorias
das rainhas, Appendices 5 and 6, pp. 235–42.
75. If she had been a man, surely she would have been buried with a sword.
Later, Sancho IV was buried with his sword, created by Andalusi silver-
smiths. Feliciano, “Muslim Shrouds for Christian Kings?” in Under the
Inf luence, pp. 123–24.
76. Gómez-Moreno, El panteón real, p. 30, no. 19 [plate 64].
77. Olivia Remie Constable, Trade and Traders in Muslim Spain (Cambridge,
UK: Cambridge University Press, 1994), p. 180.
N O T E S 225
78. The Art of Medieval Spain, A.D. 500–1200 (New York: Metropolitan
Museum of Art, 1993), p. 108; see also Concha Herrero Carretero, Museo
de telas medievales: monasterio de Santa María la Real de Huelgas (Madrid:
Editorial Patrimonial Nacional, 1988), pp. 102–3.
79. Dorothy G. Shepherd, “A Treasure from a Thirteenth-Century Spanish
Tomb,” Bulletin of the Cleveland Museum of Art 65 (April, 1978): 111–34. See
especially the “technical note” that strongly suggests the clothes recov-
ered from Bishop Gurb’s tomb were manufactured in the same workshop
as Berenguela’s cushion, “A Treasure,” 130–32.
80. Cruz, Las Huelgas de Burgos, p. 50. Inventario de bienes muebles historico-
artisticos (base de datos Goya). Pillow: http://www.patriomonionacional.es/
PRESENTA/servicio/conser.htm. Servicios Culturales y de Investigación.
Conservación de Obras de Arte. Documento 4135 (Telas [pillow].
Patrimonio Nacional Collección TE, Inventory No. 00650512 (the pil-
low), and Patrimonio Nacional Colección MU, Inventory No. 00652178
(the door). http://www.patromonionacional.es. Accessed: October 15,
2007.
81. The Art of Medieval Spain, pp. 107–8.
82. Gómez-Moreno, El panteón real, pp. 53–54.
83. Feliciano, “Muslim Shrouds,” in Under the Inf luence, p. 118.
84. Sheila Blair and Jonathan Bloom propose one of several options for inter-
preting Christian responses to the sometimes religious and sometimes
decidedly secular scripts in items that ended up in church treasuries:
Christians were unable, or unwilling to read the texts, or, they simply did
not care. “From Secular to Sacred: Islamic Art in Christian Contexts,”
Sacred/Secular: 11th–16th Century works from the Boston Public Library and the
Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, ed. N. Netzer (Chestnut Hill, MA: Boston
College, 2006): 115–19.
85. Sheila Blair, explains that this text in particular was easy to weave and
often abbreviated. Private Correspondence: July 29, 2008.
86. Herrero Carretero, Museo de Telas, pp. 121–24.
87. Feliciano, “Muslim Shrouds,” in Under the Inf luence, p. 115.
88. Avinoam Shalem, Islam Christianized: Islamic Portable Objects in the Medieval
Church Treasuries of the Latin West (Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 1996),
p. 130.
89. George Ferguson, Signs and Symbols in Christian Art (1954; repr. London:
Oxford University Press, 1977), p. 23; Basilio Pavón Maldonada, Arte
toledano islámico y mudéjar (Madrid: Instituto Hispano-arabe de Cultura,
1973), pp. 219–23.
90. Jerrilynn D. Dodds, “Mudejar Tradition and the Synagogues of Medieval
Spain: Cultural Identity and Cultural Hegemony,” in Convivencia: Jews,
Muslims and Christians in Medieval Spain, ed. Vivian B. Mann, et alia (New
York: George Braziller with The Jewish Museum, 1992), p. 124.
91. Dodds, “Mudejar Tradition,” in Convivencia, pp. 126–27.
92. Gómez-Moreno, El panteón real, pp. 23–24, 30.
93. Constable, Trade and Traders, p. 180.
N O T E S226
94. Jerrilyn D. Dodds, “Islam, Christianity and the Problem of Religious
Art,” The Art of Medieval Spain: A.D. 500–1200, p. 32 [26–37]. Possibly
these goods were sold by Christian merchants who would receive booty
as part of their pay for participating in battles. Another source might be
the steady stream of Andalusi Christians and Jews who had emigrated
to the northern kingdoms under the Almohads; Juan Zozoya, “Material
Culture in Medieval Spain,” in Convivencia, p. 165 [157–74].
95. Shalem, Islam Christianized, p. 79.
96. Pick, Conflict and Coexistence, pp. 127–37; Nirenberg, Communities of
Violence, pp. 245–46.
97. Canivez, Statuta 2: 1252, cap. 6.
98. Joinville, Life of Saint Louis, p. 36.
Conclusion A Perfect Friend of God
1. DRH 9:17, p. 300.
2. Linehan, Spanish Church and the Papacy, pp. 330–34. See also Cynthia
L. Chamberlin, “Unless the Pen Writes as It Should”; the Proto-Cult of
Saint Fernando III in Seville in the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries,”
in Sevilla 1248: congreso internacional conmemorativo del 750 aniversario de la
conquista de la ciudad de Sevilla . . . ed. Manuel González Jiménez (Seville:
Centro de Estudios Ramón Areces, 2000), pp. 389–18. Carolus-Barré,
Procès de canonisation de Saint Louis, p. 75. Daniel Papebroch, Acta vitae
S. Ferdinandi III in Acta Sanctorum: Mai: tome VII (1684; repr. Brussels:
Culture et Civilisation, 1969) pp. 280–14, especially pp. 385–86.
3. Jane Tibbetts Schulenberg, “Female Sanctity: Public and Private Roles,
ca. 500–1100,” Women and Power, pp. 102–125. Michael Goodich, Vita
Perfecta: The Ideal of Sanctity in the Thirteenth Century (Stuttgart: Anton
Hiersemann, 1982), p. 173.
4. Goodich, Vita Perfecta, p. 175, on the “new ideal of sainthood [which]
demanded works of social service.” Overall, Goodich found, female
saints in the thirteenth century comprised 25 percent of the total; among
women, a higher proportion of saints were royal, suggesting that visibility
was indeed a factor in identifying sanctity. The majority of these women
remained single, took holy orders if separated, maintained chaste mar-
riages or resisted marriage. Goodich, Vita Perfecta, Appendix, “Master
List of Thirteenth Century Saints,” pp. 213–41. Blanche of Castile’s
daughter Isabelle was a good example of such a woman. Field, Isabelle of
France, pp. 37–42 and 167–70.
5. Las Huelgas: no. 439.
6. Poulet, “Capetian Women and Regency,” in Medieval Queenship,
pp. 93–116.
7. Rodríguez López, Consolidación, p. 164.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Note: The bibliography which follows represents unprinted materials, those
sources most frequently cited in this study, those which refer explicitly to
Berenguela, or those sources which contributed most substantially to the
formation of my ideas about women and rulership in the Middle Ages. Full bib-
liographic information can be found for all works cited in the notes.
Primary Sources: Unprinted Sources
Archivo Histórico Nacional, Madrid
Sección Clero
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Palencia, Nuestra Sra. De Benevivere, Carpeta 162
Salamanca, Cathedral, Carpeta 1881
Sección Ordenes Militares
Ucles, Carpeta 311
Codices
Tumbo de Sobrado L. 976
Becerro mayor del monasterio premonstratenses de Santa María de Aguilar de Campóo
L. 944
Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid
BN ms 700. Privilegios concedidos por los reyes de Castilla y de León a la iglesia de León.
Carta de vencion de ciertas heredades de Villafrontín
BN ms 6683, Fueros y privilegios (León)
Hispanic Society of America
Colección de los primeros fueros y leyes generales de Castilla por el Sr. Rey Sn. Fernando.
Manuscript, HC NS4/607.
Toledo, Cathedral Archive
ACT A.2.G.1.5
ACT Z.9.M.1.2
B I B L I O G R A P H Y228
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Weissberger, Barbara F. Isabel Rules: Constructing Queenship, Wielding Power.
Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2004.
Wheeler, Bonnie and John Carmi Parsons, eds. Eleanor of Aquitaine: Lord and
Lady. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002.
‘Abd Allah. See al-Bayyası
‘Abu al-Wahid b. Yusuf, 134
abdication, 3, 14–15, 17, 21, 98–99,
136, 163
Abu Yahya Zakariya, Almohad
vizier, 134
Adelaide of Maurienne, queen of
France, 161
Afonso, infante of Portugal, 4, 150
agency, 9, 11, 24, 41, 50
al-Andalus, 17, 81, 116, 124, 133, 135,
138, 141–45, 169, 170
Alarcos, Battle of, 48, 61
Alba de Aliste, 202nn68, 72
Al-Bayyası, 140–41
Alcobaça, 167
Alexander II, Pope, 126
Alfonso de Molina, 44, 70, 71, 82,
83, 99, 109, 145, 162, 201n58,
210nn61, 62, 211n65
Alfonso I, King of Aragón,
51, 197n6
Alfonso II of Aragón, 25
Alfonso IX, King of León, 2, 56, 59,
61, 76–80, 91, 92, 96, 99, 101,
107, 109, 114, 120, 143, 191nn14,
16, 194n55, 64, 195–96n74,
197nn6, 7, 8, 198n14, 200n36,
50, 204n100, 211nn65, 68, 70,
213n116
marriage to Berenguela, 2, 3, 20,
30, 52, 54, 59, 62, 64, 66–70, 76,
78–79, 83, 106
relationship to Fernando III, 82,
110, 194n55
relationship with Alfonso VIII,
53–54, 58, 61, 62, 190n11,
202n66
succession of daughters, 51, 95,
110–14, 211nn67, 71
Alfonso VI of León-Castile, 2, 51,
191n165
Alfonso VII, Emperor of
Castile-León, 2, 27, 30, 35, 56,
74–75, 111, 126, 178n13,
211n67
Alfonso VIII, King of Castile 2, 10,
24, 27, 33, 35–36, 38, 52–55,
57–58, 61, 64, 66–67, 69,
78–79, 87–88, 96, 107, 109, 143,
185n33, 189n2, 190n11, 191n16,
194n55, 195n74, 202nn66, 68,
205nn111, 113
and succession of Berenguela, 2, 33,
49, 54, 60, 100, 104, 208n33
as coruler with Leonor, 38, 42, 50,
76, 143, 203nn84, 97
claims to Gascony, 31, 184n25
claims to Navarre, 29–30, 59
crusades, 61, 86, 129–31, 133, 136,
150, 216n27
death of, 82, 86, 104, 133, 151,
155, 165
marriage to Leonor, 23, 25–26, 29,
52, 57, 67
patronage, 8, 36, 37, 40, 46–48,
160, 186n60, 187n74, 194n63,
222n48
Alfonso X, King of Castile-León 42,
57, 60, 107, 109, 116, 165
INDEX
I N D E X238
Alfonso X—Continued
and the Primera crónica general, 8,
40, 48, 139–40. See also Primera
crónica general
and the Siete partidas, 27, 44, 151,
184n16, 209n50
as Infante, 42, 82, 107, 120,
139, 145
Alfonso XI, 158
Alfonso Téllez, 93–94
Alfonso, Infante of Aragón, 4, 73,
171, 196n90
Algadefe, 81, 200n50
Almanza, 202n68, 72
Almohads, 61, 86, 129, 133, 134, 139,
143, 216n22, 226n94. See also
crusades; Muslims
Alphonse of Poitiers, 197n91, 166
Álvar Pérez, 118–19
Álvaro Fernández, tenant of
Villalpando, 202–3n77
Álvaro Núñez de Lara, 91, 98–99,
101–2, 120
as alferez, 87, 199n31
as regent for Enrique I 87–95, 119,
156–57, 192n25, 205n125
conf lict with Berenguela, 87–88,
93–94, 98, 101, 102–3, 137,
204n98, 207nn 31, 32
death of, 158–59, 208n35
Álvaro Rodríguez, “queen’s man”,
43, 187n81
Aparicio, “queen’s man”, 43, 187n82
Ardon, 83, 85
Argote de Molina, Gonzalo, 158,
221n37
Argüello, 83, 85, 202nn68, 72
arras agreements, 12, 20, 25–32, 38,
40, 43, 52, 55–56, 61, 63–67,
70, 74, 76, 78–80, 83–84, 96,
109, 113, 176, 183n7, 183–84n11,
194n59. See also Leonor of
England Leonor of Castile
Berenguela, Queen dower
dowry
Astorga, 76, 112, 195n66, 202n69,
204n100
Asturias (region), 28, 29, 77, 78, 91,
195n66
Augustinian Order, 162
Autillo, 94, 95, 98, 205n120
Avila, 43, 44, 102–3
Avilés, 202n69
Baeza, 140–41
Baños de la Encina, 141–42
barraganas, barraganía, 195–96n74.
See also Berenguela Alfonso
Barruelo, 77, 80
Beatriz of Swabia, Queen of Castile,
57, 81–82
death and burial of, 107, 108, 152,
162, 165, 210n53, 223n53
marriage to Fernando III, 108, 116,
117, 118–20, 129, 140, 152
patronage, 201n53, 209n47,
210n53, 223n53
tenancy of León, 85, 105–7
Belorado, 29, 102
Benavente, 113–14, 202n69,
204n100
Berengaria of Navarre, 31, 59–60
Berenguela Alfonso, 109
Berenguela, infanta, Lady of
Las Huelgas (daughter of
Fernando III), 5, 107, 116,
163–64, 113n106
Berenguela, Infanta of León, 70, 72,
82, 105, 110–12, 117, 201n58,
209n51
Berenguela, infanta, Lady of Las
Huelgas, (daughter of
Alfonso X ), 60
Berenguela, Queen of Castile
and León
Alfonso IX of León, and: divorce
from, 3, 26, 68–71, 199n30;
marriage to, 2–3, 20, 25–26,
30, 52, 54, 62–67, 194nn59, 61,
198n17; treaties with, 83–85,
I N D E X 239
104, 111, 119, 133–34, 202nn65,
69, 73, 205n113
as a grandmother, 116, 120, 163,
210n53, 213n106
as Queen of León, 63–66, 74–83,
85–86, 96
betrothal to Conrad of
Rothenburg, 2, 20, 27, 38,
51–59, 105, 119, 189n2,
190–91n11, 191n16, 192n20.
See also Seligenstadt, Treaty of
birth of, 32–33, 43, 104, 208n38
burial of, 163–64, 167–70, 174,
223nn57, 60
childhood, 32–34, 40, 50, 52, 54
correspondence, 94, 120–21,
129–33, 141, 146, 214n124,
216n27
crusade, and 21, 86, 124–25,
127–28, 129–33, 135–38,
139–40, 141–42, 144–47, 175
death, 145, 149, 165–66, 167
dispensation of wealth, 74, 79, 102,
123, 143–44, 154
Fernando III, and: corule with,
14, 82, 98, 104, 123, 124, 129,
138, 147, 150, 159, 161–62,
176, 187n73 (redo this entry);
establishment as king of Castile,
14–15, 98–103; establishment as
king of León, 112–15
historiography of, 7–9, 12, 15–20,
100–1, 138–40, 189n2, 203n83,
204n98, 206n131, 207n18. See
also femininity, masculinity
image and representation of, 1, 88,
91, 203n94, 204n102
kingdom of Castile, and: as heir to,
2, 20–21, 33, 38, 49, 55, 60, 64,
95, 97–98, 104, 208n33, 208n38;
as regent of, 3, 20, 44, 73, 86,
87–92, 93, 96, 119, 192n25,
193n43, 203nn86, 90, 91; civil
war in, 92–103, 205n120,
207n32, 208n35
lordship, 3, 64–66, 74, 78–80,
81, 83–86, 101, 200nn48,
50, 201nn52, 53, 56, 202n77,
210n53, 214n124
marriage of children, 3, 105–9,
111–12, 219n61, 210n56
mourning, 21, 151, 154–56, 157–59
patronage, 7–8, 12, 19, 20, 40, 41,
63, 69, 73–76, 80, 83, 87, 91, 96,
123, 142, 159–62, 174, 194n63,
197n7, 198n14, 210n61, 222n49
relationship with Rodrigo Jiménez
de Rada, 8, 87–88, 156, 173
relationship with sisters, 3–5, 61,
63, 94, 108, 129–33, 150
treaties with Muslims, 133, 134,
139
See also mothers, mothers and sons,
co-rule
Bernardo, bishop-elect of Segovia,
120
Bertran de Born, troubadour,
184n25
besamanos, 53
betrothal, 2, 20, 51, 52–54, 60,
63–64, 95, 106, 190n3. See also
Treaty of Seligenstadt
Blanca of Castile. See Blanche of
Castile
Blanca of Navarre, daughter of
Thibault, 109
Blanca of Navarre, wife of Sancho III,
29, 31, 35, 57, 222n40
Blanche of Castile, 3, 14, 32, 33,
71–74, 96, 97, 104
crusades, and 124–25, 128–33, 138,
147, 215n7
death and burial of, 165, 166–67,
220n5, 223–24n65, 224n72
historiography of, 5, 16–19, 34,
104, 174, 181–82n41, 208n38,
217–18n51
infant of Castile, 54, 61, 108, 110,
125, 132–33, 146, 150, 170, 174,
182n54, 197n91, 198n15
I N D E X240
Blanche of Castile—Continued
marriage, 3, 13, 31, 48, 70–71, 130,
183n11, 189n2
patronage, 149–61, 220n2, 194n63
regency, 4, 14, 71, 73, 97, 129, 138,
147, 149, 166–67
relationship with Louis IX, 9, 18,
107, 120, 217–18n51
widowhood, 71–72
see under Berenguela,
correspondence; relationship
with sisters
bodies,
division of, 165, 223–24n65
of the dead, 95, 101, 131, 151–57,
165, 167–69, 221n32, 223nn57,
60, 224n72. See also burial
of the king, 13, 51, 72, 165
of the queen, 13, 47, 164–65, 167,
223n60, 224n72
reproductive bodies, 13, 44, 164.
See also pregnancy
body politic, 10, 61, 72, 137. See
also cortes, kingdom of Castile
kingdom of León
Bolaños de Campo, 84, 205n113, 142,
202n68
booty, 129, 131–32, 141, 144, 146–47,
169–70, 216nn27, 36, 219–20n95,
226n94
breastfeeding as metaphor, 34, 145.
See also nurses, nursing
Brown, Elizabeth A. R., 223–4n65
Brundage, James, 128, 192n33,
195n73
Buenafuente, monastery of, 106, 150,
162, 210nn61–62
Burgos,
bishop of, 70, 99, 117, 137, 156. See
also Mauricio, bishop of Burgos
cathedral of, 60, 100, 104, 106,
162, 209n51, 185–86n52
city and region, 4, 25, 28–29, 35,
39–41, 43, 63, 93–95, 102,
116–18, 154, 160, 167–68
treaty of, 80, 83–85, 110, 119,
205n113
burial, 37, 75, 91, 96, 101, 131, 141,
151, 153–63, 165, 167–68,
210n53, 221n37, 223–24n65,
224nn71, 75. See also mourning,
tombs
Cabreros,
castle of 195n66, 202n72
treaty of, 80, 83–85, 100, 110, 112,
119, 142, 195n67
Calatrava, castle of, 132
Order of, 111, 142
Camino de Santiago, 11, 40
Campo de Calatrava (region), 142,
219n79
Candrei, 195n66, 202n66
canon law, 54, 58, 60, 64, 67, 71–72,
128–29, 191n14, 191n33, 195n67,
196n87, 221n26
canonization, 36, 166, 174, 226n4
Capilla, 140–42
Carracedo, 199n30, 200n48, 202n77
Carrión, 28–29, 91, 117, 137, 191n14.
See also cortes, of Carrión
Castigos para bien vivir, 48, 208n33
Castile-León
division of, 2, 111
unification of, 3, 8, 21, 64, 96,
113–15, 123, 124, 199n30
Castillo de Doña Berenguela, 142
Castro Cisneros, 95
Castro family, 36
Castro Gonzalo, 84, 195n66,
205n113
Castrojeriz, 28–29, 116
Castrotierra, 202n68
Castroverde, 34, 77, 79–80, 195n66,
205n113
Celestine III, Pope, 59, 61, 62, 194n57
Charles of Anjou, 166, 197n91
charters
arras charters, 12, 26, 27, 63, 183n7,
190n7. See also arras
I N D E X 241
as sources: indicating corule,
34–35, 37–38, 50, 76–78, 85,
104, 199n30, 211n71; nonroyal
charters, 35, 43, 74, 77–78, 80,
85, 88, 91, 104, 187nn73, 74,
82, 198n17, 199n30, 211n71;
patronage charters, 36, 37,
40–41, 63, 74–75, 88, 91, 162,
194n63, 197n9; royal charters,
7, 31, 35, 36, 37, 39, 40–41, 42,
44, 46, 50, 57, 60, 63, 74–77,
80, 82, 86, 88, 91, 100, 104, 111,
114, 117, 162, 187n82, 190n11,
191n14, 194n63, 197n9, 201n58,
203nn90, 93, 94, 209n51, 211n67
confirmation practice in, 35, 42,
86, 110, 191n14, 202n71,
202n74, 211n67
intitulation practice in, 33, 35, 80,
111, 119
witnessing of, 35, 46, 55, 63, 64,
66, 79, 85, 88, 91, 111, 192n20
chastity, 16, 51, 67, 95, 100, 107–9,
115, 183n1, 205n125, 226n4
Chronica latina regum Castella, 8–9,
31, 32, 54–55, 98, 102, 113,
118, 131, 137, 139, 140, 152,
155, 191n16, 194n55, 201n58,
204n98, 205n215, 212n94,
219n85. See also Juan of Osma
Chronicle of Otto of St. Blaise, 190n5,
192nn31–32
Chronicon de Cardeña, 141
Chronicon mundi, 7–9, 123, 139, 197n7
as source for the Primera crónica
general, 9. See also Lucas of Túy
descriptions of Berenguela in
Chronicon mundi, 8, 16, 19,
75–76, 83, 85, 87, 100, 114, 123,
197n7, 207n32
Cistercian Chapter General, 149–50,
160, 162
Cistercian Order, 4, 5, 12, 37, 39, 40,
77, 87, 109, 116, 146, 149–51,
159–62, 164, 166–67, 171, 220n5
civil war, 93, 96, 102–3, 137, 175. See
also rebellion
Coca, 98
Compostela, archbishop of, 68, 70,
191n14
Conrad of Rothenburg, 2, 20, 38,
51–59, 63, 105, 106, 189n2,
190n5, 190–91n11, 191n16,
192n32. See also Seligenstadt,
Treaty of
consanguinity, 3, 20, 60, 62, 75, 95,
106, 191n14, 198n17
as an impediment: 53, 60, 62
defiance of: 57, 60, 68, 59,
62, 118
papal objection to: 68, 95
consent,
regarding crusading: 128–29,
135–37
regarding marriage: 55, 58, 60,
67, 72
see under co-rule, charters
Constance of Castile, queen of
France, 197n236. See also
Constanza, daughter of
Alfonso VII
Constance of Sicily, 58–59
Constanza, daughter of Alfonso VII,
211n67. See also Constance of
Castile
Constanza, Infanta of Castile, nun
and Lady of Las Huelgas 3–5, 12,
16, 32–33, 61, 94, 116, 150, 163,
167–68, 170, 194n63, 220n6,
222n49, 223n62
Constanza, Infanta of León, nun and
Lady Las Huelgas 4–5, 70, 82,
116, 201n58, 223n62
conveniencia, 11, 181n38. See also
convivencia, tolerance
convivencia, 11, 168, 170, 181n38. See
also conveniencia, tolerance
Córdoba, 11, 19, 126, 141, 143–44,
214n122
cathedral of, 144, 166
I N D E X242
Córdoba—Continued
Christian conquest of, 123, 125,
140–44, 219n85
Great Mosque of, 144
Coria, 78
cortes, 10, 11, 53, 100, 117, 190n7,
207n21
and women, 11, 60–61, 106, 117,
209n51
of 1219, 106–7, 209n51
of 1224, 117, 138, 209n51
of 1237/39, 117, 213n109
of Carrión, 53–58, 60, 100,
190n14, 207n17
of San Esteban de Gormaz, 52–53,
190n11
corule, corulership, 10, 14, 20, 23, 34,
42, 50, 82, 97–98, 111, 143, 145,
147, 174–76
between husbands and wives, 25,
34–35, 38, 76–77, 41, 50, 82, 127
between mothers and sons 38, 85,
104, 120, 124, 127, 147, 166,
203n84, 214n122
Council of Clermont, 126, 128
Crónica anónima, 191n18
Crónica de la población de Avila, 102–3,
208n33
Crónica ocampiana, 49, 177n5
crusades,
Holy Land, 124–27, 141
Iberian, 86, 117, 124–27, 128, 138,
141, 167, 215–16nn22, 24, 27.
See also Las Navas de Tolosa;
Fernando III; kingship
indulgence, 61, 124, 126, 136–38,
141, 215n12, 216n27
papal protection, 124, 126, 141,
215n12
preaching, 86, 128–30, 136, 137
vow, 124–25, 128, 138–39, 141,
215n7
women in, 74, 127–29, 131, 137,
142, 174. See also Berenguela,
and crusades
Cuenca, siege of, 36
De altera vita, 7, 214n2
De rebus Hispanie, 8–9, 40, 126, 152,
173, 201n58. See also Rodrigo
Jiménez de Rada
Diego Avas, 78
Dillard, Heath, 35
divorce, 4, 26, 58, 61, 66, 71, 73, 96,
114, 192n33, 194n55
Dodds, Jerrilyn, 170, 181n38
Doubleday, Simon, 94, 95, 203n86,
n90, 205n120, 208n35
dower, 25–29, 38, 52, 55–56, 63–64,
67–69, 72, 83, 183–4n11,
194n59, 209n47. See also arras
dowry, 25, 27, 31–32, 55, 64, 67, 112,
183n11, 184n16, 189n2
Duby, Georges, 152
Dueñas, 28, 98
Dulce, Infanta of León, 110–15,
202n67, 211nn70, 71, 212n100
Earenfight, Theresa, 6, 14, 178n10,
179n17
Echegaray, Esther Pascua 53, 216n22
Eleanor of Aquitaine, 23–26, 29,
31, 37, 39, 59, 60, 161, 177n4,
189nn103, 105
Eleanor of Castile, Queen of England,
165, 210n58
Elvira, infanta of León, daughter of
Alfonso VI, 211n6
Elvira, nurse to Berenguela, 33–34
Elvira, queen-regent of León, 178n13
embalming, 156, 164, 221n32
Enrique I, 43, 150, 154
birth, 33
death, 20, 33, 91, 95–96, 98,
111, 133, 156, 206nn127–29,
217n44
reign, 2, 3, 20 41, 44, 60, 71,
73, 85–96, 104, 119–20, 133,
156, 175, 192n25, 193n43,
203nn90, 91, 93, 204nn98,
104, 222n49
relationship with Berenguela, 44,
60, 73, 86–89, 91–92, 94–95
I N D E X 243
Enrique III, 193n45
Enrique, infante of Castile, 107,
158–59
Eslonza. See San Pedro de Eslonza
Estefanía (nurse to Berenguela), 33
Eugenius III, 126
excommunication, 61–62, 68, 81, 93,
118, 160
exogamy, 57, 60, 108
Facinger, Marion, 5, 177n5
Fadrique, infante of Castile, 107, 120,
214n124
fazañas, 117
Feliciano, María Judith, 168–69,
181n38
Felipe, infante of Castile,
archbishop-elect of Seville, 107,
116, 212n103
femininity, 16, 19, 44, 46, 106, 121,
142, 145, 188n91, 203n92,
207n18
Fernando Alfonso, canon of León, 81,
200n50
Fernando García (León), 79
Fernando II, King of León, 2, 36, 80,
111, 191n12, 197n6
Fernando III, King of Castile-León.
See also Iberian kingship
accession to Castile, 3, 15, 98–101,
156–57
birth and youth, 38, 43, 64, 69–71,
80, 82–85, 91–92, 95, 98, 156,
201nn58, 63, 202n68, 206n132,
211n65
canonization, 174
children, 42, 107, 116, 120, 139,
140, 210n58
court of, 42, 109, 118–19, 152,
205n111, 213nn116, 119
crusades of, 123–44: initiation of,
124–25, 126, 128–29, 133–40,
217n51; siege of Capilla, 140–42;
siege of Córdoba, 125, 142–44;
146, 219n85
death of, 166, 167, 171
early rule of Castile, 3, 101–4, 117,
121, 133, 207n15, 222n49
inheritance of León, 3, 8, 88, 110,
112–15, 194n55
marriages of, 55, 57, 82, 105–7,
108, 176, 209n51, 210n56,
213n109. See also Beatriz of
Swabia, Jeanne of Ponthieu
masculinity, 19, 142, 144–45, 147
relationship with mother, 3, 9,
18–19, 81, 106–9, 115, 119, 120,
140, 144–45, 165–66, 217n51. See
also corule; Queen Berenguela
Fernando IV, 60–61
Fernando Sánchez, 88
Fernando, infante of Castile (son of
Fernando III), 107
Fernando, Infante of Castile, 33, 34,
38–39, 40, 50, 57–58, 78, 85,
96, 101, 150–54, 157, 160, 168,
190n3, 192n32, 185n33, 194n63
Fernando, Infante of León (son of
Teresa of Portugal), 82, 194n55,
201n63, 202n70
Fernando, son of al-Bayyası, 141
Flórez, Enrique, 7, 16–17, 163
Florián de Ocampo, 49, 177n5
Fontevrault, 37, 39, 160, 161, 171
Franciscan Order, 4, 158, 177n6, 171
Frederick I Barbarossa, German
Emperor, 38, 52, 55, 57–59, 105,
189n2, 190n5
Frederick II, German Emperor, 105,
212n75
fueros, 27, 74, 76, 79–80, 117, 211n67
ganancias, 26
García Fernández de Villamayor,
42–43
García Lorenzo, 89, 91
García Martínez de Contreras, 42, 44
Gascony, 31–32, 37, 184n25
Geary, Patrick, 152
gender
and authority, 3, 15, 20
and power, 10, 15, 20
I N D E X244
gender—Continued
and rulership, 56, 82, 106, 139, 157,
207n17
expectations and ideology, 6,
14–19, 50, 55, 87, 88, 101, 106,
113, 120–21, 145, 147, 144, 173,
203nn86, 92, 212n100
limitations, 5, 13, 33, 63, 82, 96, 99
See also femininity, masculinity, sex
and gender, women and military
culture
Gil, chancellor, 37, 43
Giron family, 91, 93, 205n111,
208n35
González, Julio, 57, 58, 62, 63,
184n25, 187nn74, 81, 191nn14,
16, 194n57, 195–96n74, 201n58,
202n73, 204n100, 205nn113,
124, 222n39
Gonzalo Núñez de Lara, 92
Gonzalo Pérez Manrique, lord of
Molina, 104, 109, 208n38
Gonzalo Rodríguez [Giron],
majordomo, 86, 93–95, 98,
199n33, 208n35
Gonzalo Rodríguez, tenant of
Valencia, 78, 195nn68, 70
Gonzalo, bishop of Toledo, 58,
192n32
Gordón, 83, 85, 202nn68, 72
Gregory IX, Pope, 120, 160, 214n124
Gregory of Sant’Angelo, papal legate,
58, 61
grief, 34, 50, 150–53, 155–56, 158,
160, 165, 171, 220n15. See also
mourning, llanto
Guillem de Burgued, troubadour, 46
Guillermo, abbot of Sahagún,
117, 121
Guiraut de Calansón, 153
Henry II, King of England, 23, 37,
189n103
and Fontevrault, 37, 39
and St. Thomas Becket, 35
arbitration between Castile and
Navarre, 29–31
marriage negotiation with Castile,
25–29, 31
Henry III, King of England, 108
Henry, King of Germany, 55, 58–59
Herculano, Alexandre, 198n17
Hernández, Francisco Javier,
206n131, 217n51
historiography. See Berenguela,
Queen of Castile-León Blanche
of Castile
Honorius III, Pope, 93, 120, 126–28,
136, 141, 209n47, 211n65
Hospital de la Regina/del Rey,
Burgos, 40–41, 50, 154,
187nn73, 74
Howden. See Roger Howden
Hyacinth Bobo. See Celestine III,
Pope
Ibn Hud, 118–19, 143
imperial claims and identity, Iberian,
2, 26, 56–57, 107, 117, 120,
214n124
infantado, 186n60
infertility, 49
inheritance, 2, 3, 6, 29, 31, 34, 40, 68,
72, 107, 115, 120, 174–75, 183n9,
196n90, 214n124
Berenguela and, 12, 95, 115, 164
Fernando and, 38, 83–84, 96, 110,
114, 194n55
See also hereditary queenship
Iñigo de Mendoza, 206n127
Innocent III, pope, 20, 64, 67–70,
83, 95, 127–28, 130–32, 195n67,
205n124, 211n65, 216n27
Innocent IV, Pope, 163, 174
intercession, 23, 50, 62, 75, 76,
103, 110, 115, 117–18, 188n92,
194n61
interdict, 68, 69, 198n17
Isabel, infanta, daughter of Sancho IV,
61, 158
I N D E X 245
Isabel, queen of Castile-Aragon, 6,
19, 173, 203n92
Isabelle of France, 197n91, 226n4
Isabel of Molina, 223n62
Jaume I, King of Aragón, 4, 14,
25–26, 52, 60, 70–71, 73, 109,
150, 171, 178n8, 196n89,
218n58.
Jean de Brienne, 111–12, 117, 140,
209n51, 212n75
Jeanne de Ponthieu, 82, 108, 116–17,
120, 129, 150, 165, 176, 213n109
Jerusalem, kingdom of, 111–12, 126,
128, 141, 212n75
Jocelyn, Bishop of Sigüenza, 36–37
John, King of England, 31–32, 37, 69,
183n11
Juan Alfonso, bishop of Palencia, 109,
210n60
Juan of Osma, author of the Chronica
latina, 7, 8, 60, 62, 85, 86, 94–95,
99, 100–2, 104, 105, 112, 118,
135, 139, 143, 155, 165, 191nn14,
16, 204n98, 206n131, 209n51
as bishop, 144
as chancellor of Castile, 8, 116, 114,
212n94
See also Chronica latina
Juan of Soria. See Juan of Osma
Kantorowicz, Ernst, 13
kingship, Iberian, 1, 20, 10, 14, 27,
34–35, 44, 76, 87, 98, 107,
124, 174
kingship, ideal, 108–9, 124, 129, 132,
133, 155–56, 165
kingship and crusades, 74, 124–25,
127, 129–32, 136, 175. See also
Alfonso VIII, Fernando III,
Louis IX, crusades
knighting, 54–56, 58, 88, 106–7, 140,
191n16, 209n51
and women, 56, 88, 106, 117, 137
Kristen of Norway, 116, 212n103
Lady of Las Huelgas, 4, 5, 116. See
also Constanza, infanta of Castile
Constanza, infanta of León, and
Berenguela, infanta of Castile,
daughter of Fernando III
lament, lamentation. See llanto. See
also grief, mourning
Lara family, 35, 36, 87, 104, 109,
210n61. See also Álvaro Núñez
de Lara
Las Huelgas of Burgos, Santa María
la Real, 4, 5, 39, 40, 43, 63, 85,
94, 106, 116, 150, 161–62, 171,
213n106
and convivencia, 167–68
as a royal mausoleum, 39, 91, 101,
154–57, 160, 162–64, 166–67,
206n128, 223n53
foundation and construction of, 37,
39–41, 48–50, 61, 161, 186n60,
188n92, 204n102, 210n53,
220n2, 222n48
See also royal mausoleums
Las Navas de Tolosa (Battle of ), 85,
86, 125, 127, 129–33, 146, 169,
170, 202n66, 216n27, 217n41
Lateran Council, Fourth, 203n84,
221n26
Le Goulet, Treaty of, 71, 183n11,
189n2
Le Nain de Tillemont, 181–82n41
León
bishop and see of, 9, 68–69, 191n14
city of, 7, 62, 75–78, 81–82, 112,
114, 143, 176, 201n56, 210n53,
214n124
kingdom of, 2–3, 8, 10, 18, 36, 53,
58, 61, 63–66, 68–70, 71, 73–78,
80, 83–84, 88, 91–92, 100, 104,
105, 110–15, 123–24, 127, 137,
147, 156, 176, 194n55, 196n87,
202n66, 211nn65, 67
Leonor Núñez de Lara, 36
Leonor of Castile, Queen of Aragon,
3–5, 13–14, 25–26, 33, 43, 52,
I N D E X246
Leonor of Castile—Continued
60, 70–74, 94, 150, 163, 167–68,
170–71, 178n8, 196n90, 220n6,
222n49
Leonor of England, Queen of
Castile,
birth and childhood, 24
corule with Alfonso VIII 26,
34–35, 37, 38–39, 50, 76, 77–78,
97, 143
death, 156, 165
dower, 25, 26–31, 38, 52, 67,
184n19
Gascony, and, 31–32
household, 24, 41–43, 187nn76, 81,
82, 199n33
intercession, 61–62, 194nn55, 61
marriage, 23, 24, 48, 57, 189nn103,
105, 199n26
motherhood, 14, 24, 32–34, 52, 57,
67, 160, 171
mourning, 151, 152–54
patronage, 24, 35–37, 39–41, 47,
49–50, 154, 160–61, 187n74,
194n63, 222n48
Plantagenet relations, and, 23,
31–32, 37, 39
regency, 39, 44, 86, 93, 104,
203n84
representations, 44–48, 50,
187–88n86,
Leonor Ruiz de Castro, 212n103
Leonor, infanta of Castile. See Eleanor
of Castile
Leonor, Infanta of León, 64, 69, 75,
82, 210n58
Leonor, infanta, daughter of
Fernando IV, 61
Liber de miraculis S. Isidori, 7. See Lucas
of Túy
limpieza de sangre, 49
lineage
elevation of, 7, 125, 154, 173
preservation of, 1, 2, 12, 13, 15, 23,
55, 87, 96, 100, 104, 105–6, 108,
110, 119, 139, 147, 155, 159, 162,
167, 223n65
royal attention to, 2, 12, 24, 35, 88,
98, 155
women and, 2, 12, 13, 44, 49, 55,
96, 97, 103, 105, 112, 159, 167
Linehan, Peter, 8–9, 106, 180n24,
206n131, 214n124, 216n26,
217–18n51
llanto, 151–55, 157–58, 165, 166. See
also mourning
Logroño, 28, 31, 204n104
Lomax, Derek, 191n14, 217n50
Lope Díaz de Haro, 93, 95, 98, 118,
213n119
Lope Díaz, tenant of Villalpando, 85,
202n77
Louis IX, King of France, 4, 55, 97,
108, 145, 165, 166, 171, 174,
182n54, 197n91
and crusade, 125, 127–29, 138,
215n7, 217–18n51
relationship with mother, 9, 18,
107, 128, 217–18n51
Louis VIII, King of France,
marriage to Blanche of Castile, 3,
4, 37, 48, 71, 73, 130
offer of Castilian throne, 104, 108,
149–50, 182n54, 208n38
See also Blanche of Castile; Treaty
of Le Goulet; Philip Augustus
Louis, prince of France (son of
Louis IX), 60
Lucas of Túy, 7–8, 62, 91, 115, 131,
144, 201n58, 202n66, 205n118,
207n15
as deacon of San Isidoro, 7
as bishop of Túy
relationship with Jiménez de
Rada, 9
See also Chronicon mundi
Luna, 83, 85, 202nn68, 72
Lupian Zapata, Antonio, 7, 158,
204n104, 205n125, 208n38,
213n109
I N D E X 247
Mafalda de Molina. See Mafalda
González de Lara
Mafalda González de Lara, 109, 162,
210n61
Mafalda of Portugal, 60, 95,
205n125
Mafalda, Infanta of Castile, 33, 61,
167, 185n31, 194n64
Mansilla, 113, 195n66, 202n69
Manuel, infante of Castile, 107
Marguerite de Provence, Queen of
France, 129
María de Castilla, Queen of Aragón,
6, 183n1
María de Luna, Queen of Aragón, 6
María de Molina, Queen of
Castile-León, 158–59, 173,
209n51, 221n36
María Vélaz, 77, 199n22
María, infanta of Castile, 107, 210n53
María, infanta, daughter of
Enrique III, 193n45
Mariana, Juan de, 194n61, 208n38
Marie, Countess of Ponthieu, 108
marriage
and Christianity, 26, 53–54, 58,
59–60, 61, 67–70, 95, 105,
107–9, 191n14, 192n33
as a source of power for women, 2,
13, 51–52, 55, 56, 70, 71, 72, 80
as a political strategy, 2–3, 10,
25–26, 51, 53–54, 57–58, 60,
62–63, 69, 83, 95, 105–6,
109–10, 111–12, 210n61
as a source for women’s history, 12,
20, 26, 51, 54–55, 70, 189n2
Martín González de Contreras,
majordomo, 42–43
Martín López de Pisuerga, archbishop
of Toledo, 192n32
Martín, abbot of San Isidoro,
1222–47, 81, 200n50
Martín, bishop of Zamora, 77, 198n14
Martin, Georges, 9, 16–17, 100,
110, 193n43, 201n56, 203nn83,
91, 206nn129, 131, 212n100,
213n119, 214n124, 217n51
Mary, Mother of God. See Virgin
Mary
masculinity, 16–20, 50, 106, 142,
147
Matallana, monastery. See Santa
María de Matallana
Matthew Paris, 17, 215n7
Maubuisson 159, 160, 162, 166, 171,
223–24n65
Mauricio, bishop of Burgos, 156. See
also Burgos
Mayor Alfonso de Meneses, 162
Mayorga, 113, 195n66
Medina del Campo, 28, 113
memorialization, 21, 39, 131, 149–51,
153–54, 159, 166–67, 220nn2, 5,
10. See also mourning
Mencia López, 118–19, 213n116
Mencia, abbess of San Andrés de
Arroyo, 86
Meneses family, 162, 223n54
mercy, 74, 93, 103, 118, 135, 158–59,
166, 173
military orders 87, 142, 146. See also
individual orders
Molina, 109, 150
Morgan Beatus, 222n49
Morocco, 4, 130, 133, 134,
151, 177n6
mothers, motherhood, 3–4, 14–15,
32, 80, 96
as teachers or models, 19, 23, 32, 50
expectation for queens, 1, 23, 32,
56, 73
mothers and sons, 18–19, 23, 50,
72, 96, 107. See also Berenguela,
Blanche of Castile; Leonor of
England; Louis VII; Fernando
III; Infante Fernando
mothers in lineage, 12, 15, 23, 57,
96, 107
practice of, 3, 33–34, 40, 41, 63,
105–15
I N D E X248
mourning, 40, 131, 151–60, 166–67,
171, 175, 222n40. See also grief,
memorialization
Muño Mateos, 103
Muño, 28, 101–2, 157
Muslims,
Christian alliances with, 3, 61,
118–19, 139, 140–41, 146
Christian attitudes towards, 9, 29,
61, 126–27, 135–36, 144, 146
Christian familiarity with, 146,
167–68, 170, 175, 115n3
See also al-Andalus, Morroco,
crusades, convivencia
Navarre, Kingdom of, 10, 25, 28–29,
31, 38–39, 57–60, 109, 120,
193n39
necropolises. See royal mausoleums
Nelson, Janet, 72, 117
Nobleza de Andalucia, 221n37
Northampton, studium generale, 37
Notre Dame la Royale. See
Maubuisson
Notre-Dame de Lys, 159, 160, 162,
171, 223–24n65
Nuño Pérez de Lara, count, 35–37
nurses, nursing, 33–34, 43. See also
breastfeeding, wetnursing
O’Callaghan, Joseph F., 8, 138,
190n7
oblation, 115–16, 213n106
Ocampo, Florian, 49, 117n5
Oviedo, 77, 191n14, 195n66, 202n69,
191n14, 198n17
bishop of, 191n14, 198n17
Palencia, 28, 67, 91, 95, 98, 101
pantheons. See royal mausoleums
Paredes de Nava, 118
Paris, 116, 212n102, 224n72
Parsons, John, 52, 177n4
patronage, 11–12, 24, 35–37, 63, 69,
87, 91, 123, 159–63, 164, 169,
171, 176, 181n39, 194n63, 197n7,
198n14, 210n61, 222n49, 223n65
literary and scholarly patronage,
7–8, 12, 46–47, 75, 96, 123, 152
women’s patronage, 4, 7–8, 11–12,
35, 37, 39–41, 49–50, 73–76, 80,
115, 159–63, 177n6
Pedro Ferrández de Benavides, 79,
195n68
Pedro González de Lara, 109
Pedro I, 170
Pedro, Infante of Portugal, 113
Pedro, infante, son of Sancho IV, 158
Peñafiel (Castile), 28–29, 184n19
Peñafiel (León), 202n72
Pere, Infante of Aragón, 196n90,
221n36
Philip Augustus, King of France, 58,
132, 133, 150, 183n11
Philip, Duke of Swabia, 58, 105
Pick, Lucy, 126, 181n38, 215n22,
216nn 24, 26, 217n41, 221n30
planctus, genre. See llanto
plans (troubadour). See llanto
planto. See llanto
Poema de mio Cid, 146, 218n95
Ponteferro, 202n69
Pontoise, 224nn71, 72
Portella, 195n66, 202n72
Pozuelo, 165
pregnancy, 13–14, 32–33, 37, 64, 82,
160. See also motherhood
Primera crónica general, 8–9, 40, 49,
139–40, 145, 154, 157–58,
164–66, 175, 177n5, 188n92,
192n32, 194n55, 207n31,
210n56, 221nn27, 37. See also
Alfonso X
primogeniture, 12, 104, 110
Procter, Evelyn, 60, 193n45, 209n51
queen-lieutenants, 6, 13, 183n1,
201n57
queens, as anomalies, 5, 17, 19, 97,
182–83n60
I N D E X 249
queens, hereditary, 5–6, 13, 23, 51,
72, 147, 164, 191n18. See also
Berenguela, Urraca, Isabel
queens, literary treatment of, 17–18,
46–48, 152
queens, married. See queens-consort
queens-consort, 5, 13, 23, 50, 73,
96, 51, 70, 71–72, 97. See also
individual queens
queenship, 3–6, 13, 14, 20, 21, 23–24,
25, 34, 35, 39, 41, 42, 47, 50, 51,
70–72, 74, 77, 80, 96, 97, 107, 125,
127, 144, 174–75, 177n4, 1278n11
and ritual, 21, 97, 98, 100, 158, 158
Iberian, 6, 14, 127, 173
idealization of, 44, 47, 154
See also individual queens;
rulership; mothers
Rachel, 24, 48. See also Raquel
Fermosa
Raquel Fermosa, 48–49, 50, 167,
189n105. See also Rachel
Rassow, Peter, 57, 59, 190n7, 193n41
rebellion, 21, 51, 103–4, 109, 113–14,
124, 139, 157, 208n37. See also
civil war
regency, 3, 4, 14, 20, 44, 59, 70, 73,
87–93, 96, 98, 104, 119, 138,
155–56, 175, 193n43, 203n86,
91. See also individual regents
remembering. See memorialization
reproduction, 1, 3, 12, 13–14
repudiation. See divorce
Rezak, Brigitte Bedos, 44
Richard I, King of England, 31, 37,
59, 150, 153, 184n25
Robert de Torigny, abbot of
Mont-Saint-Michel, 24
Robert of Artois, 166, 197n91
Rodrigo Díaz de Cameros, 93, 104,
208n38
Rodrigo Gonzalvo de Valverde, 94
Rodrigo Gutierrez, archdeacon, 81,
200n50
Rodrigo Jiménez de Rada,
Archbishop of Toledo, 8–9,
86–88, 91, 109, 113, 116, 117,
140, 154, 156, 162
author of De rebus Hispanie, 7–9,
16, 19, 39–40, 58, 62–63, 83, 89,
93–94, 101, 113, 144, 146,
153–54, 156, 173, 204n98,
205n125, 207n31. See also
De rebus Hispanie
as crusader, 8, 86, 126, 129, 134,
137, 146, 215–16n22, 216n24
Rodrigo Pérez de Villalobos, 66, 77,
80, 195n68, 199n22
Rodrigo Rodríguez de Giron, 91–93
Rodríguez López, Amancio, 163–64,
187n74
Rodríguez Lopez, Ana, 124, 139, 176
Roger Howden, 62, 68–69, 194n55
royal mausoleums. See Las Huelgas,
Fontevrault, Alcobaça,
Notre-Dame la Royale
(Maubuisson), Notre-Dame de
Lys, Westminster Abbey, San
Isidoro de León
Rueda, 83, 85
rulership, 14, 19, 51, 156, 175
female rulership, 2, 17, 55–56, 87
See also corule
Sahagún, monastery of, 56, 117, 121
Saint-Denis, abbey, 161 Chronicles of,
224n72
St. Isidore of Seville, 7
St. Martín of San Isidoro, 197n7, 75
St. Thomas Becket, altar (Cathedral
of Toledo) endowment of, 35–37,
44, 50
St. Thomas Becket, cult of, 35–37,
185–86n52
Salamanca,
bishop of, 191n14
cathedral of, 185nn31, 52
city of, 64, 78–79, 81, 84, 143,
200n36
I N D E X250
Salazar y Acha, Jaime, 42, 187n76
Salvatierra, castle 141, 142
Salvatierra, Order of, 79
San Clemente de Toledo, 37
San Esteban de Gormaz, 52–53, 190n7
San Isidoro de León, 7, 75, 76, 80, 81,
159, 198n12, 200n50, 201n58,
210n53
San Justo, 207n8
San Pedro de Eslonza, 74, 76, 77,
80–81
San Vicente, Oviedo, 77, 198n17
Sancha López, nurse to Infanta
Blanca, 33
Sancha Ponce, 199n22
Sancha, daughter of Alfonso IX,
95, 110–15, 202n67, 211n71,
212n100
Sancha, Infanta of Castile, daughter
of Alfonso VIII: d. 1184, 33, 160;
c. 1199, 33, 61, 194nn63–64
Sancha, Infanta of León, daughter of
Alfonso VI, 211n67
Sancha, Infanta of León, daughter of
Alfonso VII, 197n6
Sancha, Infanta of León, daughter of
Urraca I, 74, 178n13, 211n67
Sancha, nurse to Infanta Urraca, 34
Sancho Fernández, alferez of
Alfonso IX, 91, 99, 211n68
Sancho II, King of Portugal, 4
Sancho III, King of Castile, 2, 35, 57,
111, 191n12, 211n65
Sancho IV, King of Castile-León,
9, 48–49, 60–61, 158, 192n19,
208n33
Sancho VI, King of Navarre, 25,
28–31, 59, 224n75
Sancho VII, King of Navarre, 197n6
Sancho, infante of Castile, 32–33,
160, 222nn39, 40
Sancho, infante of Castile, archbishop
of Toledo, 107, 116
sanctity, sainthood, 164, 166, 171,
174–75, 205n125, 226n4
Sandoval. See Villaverde de Sandoval
Santa María de Aguilar de Campóo,
214n122
Santa María de la Vega, 91
Santa María de Matallana, 150, 162
Santa María de Tórtoles, 194n63
Santa María la Real. See Las Huelgas
Santa María, Valladolid, 100
Santa Marina, 81, 200n50
Santiago, Order of, 35, 64, 74, 111,
120, 211n67
seals, sealing practices: 44–46, 60,
88–89, 94, 100, 111, 187–88n86,
203n94. See also signo rodado
Segovia, 98, 102, 120
Seligenstadt, Treaty of, 27, 28, 29, 33,
38, 52–59, 60–61, 64, 67, 100,
114, 120, 189n2
sepulchers. See tombs
Seville, 116, 141, 143, 165, 167, 219n85
sex and gender, 13, 15–18, 55, 102,
121, 154, 171, 173. See also
gender, masculinity, femininity
sex and sexuality, 6, 14, 19, 47, 49,
67, 71–72, 33, 105, 107–9, 115,
182n43, 183n1, 196n89. See also
chastity, marriage
Siero de Riaño, 84
Siero, 202n68
Sierra de Guadarrama, 113
signo rodado, 44, 46, 91–92. See also
seals sealing practices
Sobrado, 91
Sordello, 17–18, 182n54
Stafford, Pauline, 51
Tariego, 28, 95, 156
Tello, Bishop of Palencia, 86–88, 93,
98, 156, 206n129
Teresa Fernández, countess, queen of
León: 35–37
Teresa of Portugal, queen of León:
59, 61, 76, 99, 105, 110, 113–15,
194n55, 199n30, 202n69
Thibault of Blazon, 133, 217n39
Thibault, King of Navarre and Count
of Champagne, 109–10
I N D E X 251
Tiedra, 202nn68, 72
Tierra del Campo (region), 64, 79,
195n66
Toledo,
archbishop, 8, 58, 70, 126, 137, 141,
154, 192n32. See also individual
bishops
cathedral and see 8, 9, 35, 36, 39,
75, 88, 116, 166, 187n82
city of, 24, 37, 39, 48, 86–87, 111,
113, 127, 132, 140–42, 144, 165,
187n82, 219n85
tolerance 146. See also convivencia
tombs, 7, 47, 152–53, 160–64,
166–69, 170, 174, 185n31,
222nn39, 40, 223n54, 56, 57, 60,
62, 225n79
Tordehumos, Treaty of, 61
Toro, 77, 113–14, 186n52, 210n53
Toroño, 202n69
Traducción gallega de la primera crónica
general, 158, 185n31
troubadours 17–18, 46–47, 152–53,
184n25, 189n103. See also
individual troubadours
Tudela, 31
Tumbo de Sobrado, 91
Úbeda, 118, 143, 216n34
Uclés, 158–59, 221n37
Urban II, Pope, 126, 128
Urraca Alfonsez, Queen of León, 77
Urraca Alfonso, natural daughter of
Alfonso IX, 213n116
Urraca I of Castile-León, 2, 6, 51, 72,
137, 182n43, 191n18, 193n44,
211n67
Urraca of Castile, Queen of Portugal,
3–5, 31, 33–34, 40, 52, 54, 61,
70–71, 73–74, 85, 150, 167, 170,
177n6, 183–84n11, 194n63,
224n74
Valcárcel, 202n69
Valderas, 84, 202n68
Valencia de Don Juan. See Valencia
Valencia, 78, 80–81, 84–85, 92, 114,
195nn66, 70, 200n48, 201n 52,
205n113
Valencia, kingdom of, 218n58
Valladolid,
city of, 15, 63, 81, 93, 98–102, 142,
158, 201n53
Treaty of 83–85, 110, 119, 195n67
Vann, Theresa, 36, 44, 130, 216n28,
Villalugán, 195n66, 202n72
Villafranca (León), 199n30, 202n69
Villafrechós, 79, 84, 202n68, 205n113
Villalar, 113
Villalobos, 199n22
Villalpando, 79, 83–85, 92, 113,
200n48, 202n77
Villaverde de Sandoval, 77–78,
199n30
Virgin Mary, images and associations
with: 62, 132, 144, 153, 163–64
virility. See masculinity
Visigoths, 2, 6, 34, 127, 195n67,
196n87
Walker, Rose, 186n60, 222n48
Weissberger, Barbara, 19, 203n92
Westminster Abbey, 165
wetnursing, 33–34. See also nursing
widowhood, 25–26, 39, 67, 70–72,
114, 192n23, 196n87
women and military culture, 10, 11,
56, 62, 66, 87–88, 97–98, 101–2,
106, 123, 128, 131–32, 137,
203n92, 209n50, 212n100
yantar, 83–84
Yusuf al-Mustansir, 134
Zafra,
fortress, 104
treaty of, 104, 109, 210n61
Zamora, 77, 78, 143 cathedral of,
198n14
Zapata, Antonio Lupián, 7, 158,
179n18, 204n104, 205n125,
208n38, 213n109