Anthropology Andes

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DOI: 10.1177/0308275X9301300104 1993 13: 77Critique of Anthropology

Silvia Rivera CusicanquiAnthropology and Society in the Andes : Themes and issues

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Anthropology and Society in the AndesThemes and issues

Silvia Rivera CusicanquiAndean Oral History Workshop, La Paz

In 1973, the Maoist group Sendero Luminoso (Shining Path) broke awayfrom the Peruvian Communist Party, Patria Roja (Red Nation), andannounced its preparation for a prolonged peoples war. At the time theintellectuals and political leaders of the Peruvian left wing considered theevent to be inconsequential. Seven years later, the Senderistas carried outtheir first armed attack: a symbolic sabotage of the May 1980 presidentialelections in a small, isolated settlement in the Ayacucho highlands.Bewilderment, disbelief and even scorn were the initial reactions to theevent from the majority of the left wing. At the time the main politicalparties were engaged in the electoral contest, following drawn-outFrentista negotiations and more than a decade of discussions with thereformist military governments.During the course of the 1980s, the violence arising from the guerrilla

presence and the efforts to repress them has increased in a geometriccurve. Violence has extended geographically and demographically toaffect diverse regions. Violence reaches from areas of traditional life-style,such as the Ayacucho highlands (the initial epicentre of guerrilla activity),to areas given over to trading, such as the Mantaro Valley and agriculturalzones bordering the Peruvian Amazon. Paradoxically some of theseregions figure among the most well-known and heavily studied areas inanthropology which, with other related disciplines, has enjoyed a longhistory in Peru, as witnessed by the number of excellent published textsthat are not to be found in any of the other Andean countries.The problem this situation raises for Andean studies could not be more

acute, as it calls for an examination of the very meaning behind our work.Distanced as we may be from applied anthropology or state policy imposedon the indigenous population, we cannot deny that anthropology has adiagnostic role to play when it comes to the conflicts and problemsexperienced by that community. Even disciplines which appear to be far

Critique of Anthropology 1993 (SAGE, London, Newbury Park and New


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removed from the present such as Andean ethnohistory and archaeologyraise valid questions about todays world. We only have to mention JohnV. Murras work to see that this is the case. His work on the highproductivity levels of Andean agriculture with its original solutions to thechallenges thrown up by altitude, climatic instability and the distributionand circulation of produce continues to furnish us with useful insights andcould inspire creative solutions to todays serious problems of ecologicalimbalances, falling productivity levels and rural impoverishment.Up until the appearance of the Senderista phenomenon, few would have

dared question that anthropology and other related disciplines hadaccumulated sufficient knowledge of Andean reality to fully understandthe motivating forces and tendencies of the historic denouement of theregion. By 1980, the national tradition of research stretched back half acentury and anthropology had been established at university level for atleast 40 years. Peruvian anthropology was the unquestioned doyen amongthe regions disciplines. Bolivian anthropology was the least advanced ofall and it was not until the 1970s that research in the territory came into thehands of nationals. It was as late as the 1980s before the first Department ofAnthropology at university level was opened. At this stage in thedevelopment of Bolivian anthropology, the work of Peruvian colleagueswas a constant source of inspiration and instruction. Nevertheless, todaywe are still asking ourselves: what was the hidden malaise brewing withinPeruvian society during the 1970s which the social sciences failed toidentify? Which aspects of the situation were passed over or misin-terpreted ? What can we learn from the Peruvian case, beyond the brilliantacademic school that has given so much to scholars of the Andean world?

This paper is an attempt to answer these questions, highlighting some ofthe issues concerned with understanding the relationship between thesociopolitical context and anthropological work in Peru and Bolivia. Fromthis comparative and thematic standpoint I also hope to identify thedeficiencies in research and interpretation which exist in anthropologicalstudies in both countries, and to indicate some key issues for a futureagenda.

I do not intend to produce a systematic bibliographic essay on theanthropological output of the last two decades, but instead wish toconcentrate on certain significant problematic issues in order to under-stand the interaction between anthropology and society in both countries.Furthermore, I must point out that I will not be limiting myself solely to thefield of anthropology. I intend to take into account studies from histori-ography and other disciplines which I see as important for the illustrationof each theme. This unorthodox point of departure allows me to place the


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anthropology of our countries within the context of the present crisis ofrural violence which affects Andean agronomy. It also enables me tointerpret anthropology as a science which not only helps us to understandAndean society in the past and in the present but which will also give us themeans to envisage a less catastrophic future for these communities.

1. Andean achievements and the recovery ofAymaraautonomyOne of the most outstanding elements of Andean ethnohistory is the way inwhich the originality and creativity of precolonial Andean societies isrelated in positive terms. John V. Murra made great advances in his studiesof the multicyclical organization of food production created by the Andeancommunities (ranging across several ecological levels and subject tosui-generis, non-mercantile, circulation mechanisms). His work formedthe basis for the development of a series of studies aimed at investigatingthe technological and agronomic aspects of these systems as well as theirideological and organizational mechanisms. The functioning of the verti-cal control of multiple ecological levels system in the past and present, andthe study of the conditions of its breakdown or continuation formed themain body of Murras work. In particular, his fresh studies brought to lightsomething that neither the state bureaucrats nor the developmentalistanthropologists of the preceding decades had perceived. Namely, that inmany Andean regions, despite the centuries of outside aggression anddestruction, Andean peoples continued to use these systems to confrontthe risks posed by an agriculture weighed down by the limitations of theAndean environment and the negative effects of a fundamentally unequalmarket. These findings implicitly or explicitly questioned the predominantview that mercantilization and specialization of peasant production werethe only ways to overcome rural underdevelopment and misery.The research carried out in Peru and Bolivia during the 1970s on the

vertical control of multiple ecological levels system and other themesrelated to the organization and internal rationality of Andean societieshas two very distinct patterns of development in the two countries. In Perua much greater volume of work has been produced which has had widergeographical distribution and a stronger academic resonance. In contrast,in Bolivia the impact of ethnohistoric findings is felt more on the sociallevel rather than in the academic sphere. In order to explain this situation Imust digress here and refer to the context in which this research was carriedout.

In both Peru and Bolivia the early 1970s was a time of fundamental social


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shifts and transformation. In Peru, the military regime of VelascoAlvarado had just passed one of the most radical, long-awaited andcontroversial agrarian reform acts the continent had ever seen. Thisresulted in a diversified and multifarious left wing finding itself in control ofpractically all the popular and peasant organizations and groups that wereto participate in the process - either in support of the reforms or inopposition to them. In the face of heated controversy over the fate of theagrarian question, ethnohistory was totally marginalized and at timesdirectly accused of serving the enemies of the people. Having beencondemned to the sidelines, the field of ethnohistory went through a periodof exuberant expansion. New research projects grew up which attemptedto refute the verticality system and establish its limitations. A whole newschool of anthropologists and ethnohistorians emerged dedicated to theanalysis of the rich universe of Andean ideology.The paradox here was that the Peruvian left wing wasted no time in

making a great show of its enormous sensitivity towards the Andean worldand the genuine preoccupation it felt in connection with the exploitation ofthe Indians. Nevertheless, during the 1970s there was a prevailing splitbetween the rhetoric surrounding the Andean world and the actualpractices of the left wing in those areas of popular life subject to itsinfluence. In the case of Ayacucho, Flores Galindo conceives this split as acontradiction between the regions economic backwardness and theflowering of intellectual life in the University of San Cristobal deHuamanga. It can also be added that the dominant Marxist current tendedto subordinate and reduce the ethnic problem to a class analysis,concealing a subtle form of usurpation of the Andean subject who wasconverted into a mere object of discussion and political manoeuvring. Thedominance of the capital city and its physical distance from the Andeanreality also affected a good part of the politico-academic discussion, sinceAndean was never considered to be anything more than a rhetoricalelement in the theories and characterizations of the country, andunderwent interminable discussion as to its correct Marxist interpre-tation.The Bolivan context differs radically in this sense from the Peruvian one.

In 1971 a bloody coup ddtat killed left-wing hopes for an imminent socialrevolution, and inaugurated a dictatorial regime that was to last until 1978.Having been forced into hiding, the left-wing leaders and cadres had littletime to discuss something so apparently irrelevant to their immediatepreoccupations as the technological and organizational advances ofprehispanic Andean society. Indeed, this is an issue which has hardly beena subject for discussion in Bolivia to this day. The Bolivian Marxist


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sociologist Danilo Paz was an exception. He worked on the Inka State forhis doctoral thesis but only in order that he could continue the debatewhich started in the 1930s between Jose Antonio Arze, founder of the PIR(Partido de Izquierda Revolucionario - Revolutionary Left Party), and theFrench researcher Baudin (1908) on the socialist or communist nature ofthe Inka Empire.

In spite of prevailing repression during the mid-1970s, a series ofimmediate and long-term historical circumstances led to the emergence ofan autonomous indigenous movement in the Aymara highland plains. Themovement, later referred to as Katarism-Indianism, remained almostinvisible until its emergence in 1977. Since its beginnings the movementhad an urban component, principally in La Paz and Oruro, which served tobreak its isolation and connect it with new currents of thinking. Thus in theKatarist-Indianist movement various groups came together, linking upcultural and political elements as well as rural and urban unions. In thecourse of its development and consolidation the movement formulated aprogramme of economic and cultural demands on behalf of the peasantry,which they classified as an exploited class and the largest ethnic group tosuffer colonial oppression. The Katarists were able to formulate thisprogramme without the intervention of any external forces.The magnitude of the movement, particularly among its union sources,

was put to the test in 1979 with the foundation of the largest peasantorganization in contemporary Bolivian history: the CSUTCB - Confedera-ci6n Sindical Unida de Trabajadores Campesinos de Bolivia (the UnitedUnion Confederation of Bolivian Peasant Workers). Until recently,Katarist hegemony within the confederation was indisputable. A fewmonths later, the Katarists launched an important national mobilizationagainst neoliberal economic measures that affected peasant production.Food supplies to the largest cities were paralysed for more than two weeks,bringing back the memory of Tupac Kataris 1781 siege of La Paz for boththe Katarists and their oppressors, the Qara minority.The interpersonal channels of influence between the few individuals

interested in Andean issues in Bolivia and the Katarist leaders came in theform of a systematization of ideas from their own experience. Thus, forexample, the leader Simon Yampara, a sociology graduate, had as a childpersonally experienced the itinerant migration to the valleys on the PacificCoast where his family and community maintained links with relations andwhere previous generations had owned land. Later, from his post asDirector of the National Insitute of Colonization and as Minister ofAgriculture during the Siles Suazo government (1982-5), he tried toinfluence a change in orientation of state policy, which had never


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recognized the double land tenancy held by Aymara settlements in thesubtropics. The same is true of Mauricio Mamani, the Aymara anthropolo-gist who was given a post in the Ministry of Peasant Affairs. As a ministerhe tried to sensitize the State on the issue of traditional use of coca leaves.These links demonstrate the significant path which the scant but valuable

knowledge of Andean societies (both precolonial and contemporary)acquired by anthropological science was to take. First- or second-generation Aymara migrants, with university educations, taking an activepart in the organizational and political revitalization of the Indianmovement, were in a privileged position to facilitate constructive ex-changes and adaptations to research projects in the interests of the peopleinvolved, and not solely to serve the purposes of the academic community(which in any case was in too weak a position to impose any demands).Aymara intellectuals thus played a decisive role in the learning process ofacademic investigation, being involved as much in the academic world as inthe political and trade union spheres. In this way, not only the verticalitytheory but many other connected issues such as ethnic hierarchy systems,symbolism and ritual calendars had direct and immediate channels ofideological circulation, breaking down the barriers between lay knowledgeand academic knowledge. Although the findings of Andean ethnohistoryreached the rural Aymara people in a poorer form due to inevitabletranslation problems, there is no doubt that these findings fell on fertileground, being incorporated into the Aymara social utopia which, nour-ished by its past, reaches into the future, using anthropological conceptsand findings as intercultural mechanisms of communication and legiti-mization.

ll. Andean uprisings: Part of the National Question orlifeblood of a multi-ethnic plan?The previous analysis deals with other important themes related to theunderstanding of Andean societies such as uprisings, mobilization andQhichwa and Aymara resistance movements against colonial or republicanoppression. As with the theme of Andean achievements in whichethnohistory has realized its major advances, the issue of rebellion hasgenerated a much greater volume of studies and published works in Peruthan in Bolivia, in both anthropology and history. The early periods ofresistance have been analysed only by Peruvian researchers. The greatrebel period of 1780-82 sees an impressive profusion of studies, although inBolivia the national research tradition is on a much smaller scale.Nevertheless, of the two countries, it is in Bolivia that the Tupak Amaru,


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Tupak Katari and the Nicolas and Damasco brothers rebellions have anongoing significance for the indigenous peasantry. The oral tradition,coupled with the massive diffusion of historical research and ideologicalcriticism and reflection among Indianist thinkers have contributed tocreate a lasting image of the 1780-82 movement, and one which takes onnew meaning in the face of present struggles.An important implication of this phenomenon is that the emergent

cultural and unionist organizations among the Aymara peasantry incorpor-ated the historic connotations of the Katari anticolonial struggles into theirdemand platform, to such an extent that the official ideology of the stateRevolutionary Nationalism came under fierce criticism. This situation hasnot arisen in Peru, although this cannot be taken as an indication that theindigenous peoples in that country are less subject to mechanisms ofoppression and colonial domination. For one thing the organization of thePeruvian peasantry had none of the autonomous characteristics of theAymara movement, nor did it succeed in incorporating anticolonial andethnic dimensions into its struggle to any real extent. This was due largelyto the nature of its leadership, which was, to a great extent, subject toexternal control by individuals linked to the Marxist parties and dominatedby urban middle-class cadres. Furthermore, criticism of the nationalistideology of the state was little short of impossible given that these veryparties and left-wing ideologies are, even today, responsible for itscontinuation. The legitimacy and significance that Peruvian intellectualsconferred upon the so-called national problem is proof of this andcontrasts sharply with the scant attention given to this issue in Bolivianintellectual political debate. Seen from the classic perspective, Bolivia ismuch less a nation than Peru, despite, or perhaps because of, the fact thatthe social dimensions of its national revolution have always run deeper andhad more lasting social effect.The most explicit example as regards the differences of emphasis in

research is that of the study of 19th- and 20th-century uprisings. For someyears now, in Peru, a debate has been unfolding surrounding theindigenous movements of the Peruvian highlands which emerged when theWar of the Pacific was in full force. The debate is between, among others,Heraclio Bonilla and the historians Nelson Manrique and FlorencioMallon. The argument in brief is that, according to Manrique and Mallon,the ideology of the peasants who fought in the war against Chile took onproto-national characteristics as a result of the Chilean invasion and theorganization of the indigenous guerrillas under General Caceres. ThusManriques (1981: 381) central aim is to explain the nationalist conduct ofthe Indians which would appear to contradict the widely held premise that


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the Peruvian nation was inexistent. Bonilla, on the other hand, supportsthe idea that indigenous peasants are incapable of formulating any trulyuniversal ideology, and that they can perceive conflict only at the local,village level.

This debate has no bearing on Bolivian reality for two reasons. First, thestudies done on 19th- and 20th-century Andean uprisings by anthropolo-gists and other social scientists give a great deal of support to a school ofthought critical of nationalism, the official historiography of which hadeliminated from the scene those autonomous Andean uprisings thatpredated the formulation of the first unions in the 1930s. Secondly, thenationalist arguments (which since the 1950s employed Lenins diatribesagainst the Narodniks to invalidate indigenous struggles) turned out to beanachronistic reworkings of the most reactionary tendencies.Meanwhile the Katarist-Indigenous movement was planning the

struggle for a multinational, multilingual state. This was to be the basis forits political platform and it was one which overcame the usual westernmodels for the so-called national question. The Aymara plan for amultinational state focused on the one hand on a problem of democracyand human rights and in this sense addressed itself to the liberal elements inthe institutions of the country. Furthermore, it had an unintentionallypostmodernist tone incompatible with nationalist and Stalinist formu-lations. And finally, it explicitly raised the problem of decolonization thatin my opinion constitutes the crucial element that differentiates betweenthe Bolivian and Peruvian cases. The implications these facts have forresearch cannot be ignored.

So, despite the fact that studies on the indigenous uprisings of the 19thand 20th centuries are noticeably fewer in Bolivia, the social impact ofthese studies and their connections with the ideological dynamic of theindigenous movement are very much in evidence. Furthermore, there isconsiderable involvement of researchers of Aymara origin. Their workshows fertile crossovers between a solid academic training and an ethnicidentity firmly committed to the recovery of an autonomous vision of theindigenous past.

///. Indians in citiesThe Indian presence in the city of Lima is a subject which has received scantattention in anthropology. With the notable exceptions of Altamiranos(1984) thesis, the oral histories recorded by Matos Mar (1986) and a recentstudy by G61te and Adams (1987) suggestively entitled The Migrants


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Horses of Troy, Perus research tradition, so strong in other anthropologi-cal and ethnohistoric areas, is relatively poor when it comes to consideringthe ethnic identity of migrants and the cultural conflicts experienced bythem. In contrast, this represents perhaps the only area of study in whichBolivian anthropology comes out ahead.Two underlying phenomena here demonstrate the interaction between

anthropology and society. On the one hand, in accordance with thetendencies of dominant thinking, this factor points to the prevalence ofsupposed integrationists, something which calls for more detailed investi-gation. The usual identity attributed to a peasant/indigenous person whohas moved to the city is that of migrant or slum-dweller. So mostattention has been focused on the development of this new identity,through studies on the formation of neighbourhood movements, actiontaken to change the distribution of urban land and the organization of thesettlers (see Matos Mar, 1984). Nevertheless, it is also known that thesemigrants form residents&dquo; associations - in Lima as well as in La Paz andother Andean cities - which is proof that the previous identity had not beentotally abandoned. This line of investigation has nevertheless beenpractically abandoned, which to my mind indicates the underlying belief inthe inevitable assimilation of the migrants into the melting pot of a singledominant creole culture (see Degregori and Blondet, 1987; Matos Mar,1988). This point is well illustrated by the anthropologists Degregori andBlondet who view the shift of squatters from Limas slums to citizens(that is, integrated into the national polis), as a fundamental process thatshapes the identity of the rural migrants to the city.

In contrast to the Bolivian case, the predominance of the integrationistinterpretation in opposition to those interpretations which reaffirm theexistence of distinct ethnic identities in Lima is partly due to the verydifferent urban configurations of the two countries. The strong African-American cultural presence and the Asiatic population on the Peruviancoast, in conjunction with the colonial tradition so sharply depicted inSalzar Bondys memorable essay, have generated a situation in whichactual ethnic suppression is the norm. Thus there is widespread loss of themother tongue, internalization of a devalued image of the culture of origin,and a predisposition towards all that is urban, in other words all that is anapproximation of the dominant western cultural model. However, sincemost researchers are actually members of this same dominant culture, thesuppression of this issue in research studies may also be conditioned by theunequal relations between the two subjects. It is certainly the case that theethnic identity of the migrants in Lima seems to be relegated to the farthestreaches of their consciousness, and that this is reflected in the migrants


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way of organizing and programmes of demands, as well as in therelationships they develop with researchers and other outside agents. I amconvinced that the presence of these forms of ethnic suppression andrepression is actually a substantial component of the problem of internalcolonialism that exists in relations between the dominant culture and thedominated native ethnicities and cultures, which it is the anthropologiststask to unravel and explain.

In La Paz the very opposite is true. Ever since its foundation it has been acity of two parts - one Indian, the other Spanish. Its history shows apermanent contradiction between the imported city model and thecommunal Andean model which structures both the communal activitiesand communal perceptions of its inhabitants. Right up to the present halfthe population uses the Aymara language, and a growing revitalizationrather than a breakdown of Andean cultural expression is evident in thelife of the city. Naturally enough this situation led to a greater number ofstudies being carried out with the aim of focusing on this reality. Those whotook part in the research, having suffered less cultural conflict, did not feelthe need to camouflage their ethnic identity. The pride of the urban Indianin La Paz has few parallels in Latin America. The subtle culturalcounter-hegemony that this implies must affect all spheres of collectivebehaviour, including anthropological and social thinking. However, it hasyet to be seen how common is this phenomenon to cities in the Peruvianhighlands. This would help to explain why the relationship between thelocal intellectuals and the population being researched differs from regionto region. Similarly, we would have to take into account the extent to whichthe prevailing attitudes behind research - so often obsessed with the notionof nationhood - create obstacles to the recognition of the complexelements, at times hidden and underground, that make up the ethnicidentity of a given population, and the no less hidden and explosivecolonial conflicts that these very elements bring to light.

EpilogueWe have seen how, in both Bolivia and Peru, the work of anthropology andrelated disciplines during the last two decades has been enriched andchallenged by their historical and social context. In order to demonstratethe problems that presently confront anthropologists of the region we mustbegin with the Senderista phenomenon. Perhaps now we are in a position toset out some of the effects on anthropological thinking in our countries thathave resulted from the emergence of the Senderistas. In the case of Peru,apart from the obvious fact that extensive areas of the interior are under


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military control and as such totally inaccessible to both the media andresearchers, the impact of the Senderista phenomenon on the socialsciences has largely been of a positive nature (if I can use that term giventhe drama of the circumstances). A debate grew up during the 1980s,principally in connection with the historians Alberto Flores Galindo andManuel Burga, surrounding the existence of an Andean utopia. This wasbased on a complex process of interaction between the memory of aprehispanic autonomous past and the conditions and realities of a colonialsociety. This school of thought in Andean studies puts a hithertou ~heard-of emphasis on the problem of the formation of collectiveidentities, and explores the role that historic memory and the remoteAndean past play in this process. In this way, knowledge of Andeanrealities lights the way to a connection between the past and the present,the highlands and the coast, the countryside and the city, rediscovering ineach case the political significance of culture and everyday life, the relationbetween academic knowledge and the lay knowledge possessed by thosepopulations under investigation by anthropologists and historiographers.The image of a rural Peru criss-crossed by regional and class conflict thusbegins to give way to another image in which ethnic conflict and colonialsystems of dominance gain prominence. The manifestations of the latterelements may at times be less blatant but they are far more ubiquitous andquotidian.These shifts in emphasis and outlook are apparent in Manriques (1988)

reinterpretation of his own 1981 study on the indigenous uprisings duringthe War of the Pacific. In his first book the word indigenous seemed to bemerely a euphemism and an adjective to describe the peasant identity ofthe Central Highland guerrillas. His greatest preoccupation was tounderstand how the peasants could formulate a national ideology. In hisnew (1989) study, on the other hand, Manrique points out his own changein perspective:

... the issue of nationalism, which was central to the previous study, willplay a less important part in the present study in which I wish to focus on thetwo issues of ethnic and class conflict within the landowning highlandsocieties towards the end of the nineteenth century. (1989: xxx)

The result is that a more subtle, involved and complex analysis ofethni-class relations replaces what in effect constituted a reductionistinterpretation of the indigenous peoples. This interpretation is not only tobe found in Manriques previous book but dominated most of the Peruviansocial sciences during the 1970s. It was in that study that Manrique firstintroduced the theme of colonial violence into his work, describing it as the


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definitive structural element in the shaping of Indian-Mestizo relationsthroughout history, from 1532 up until the present. This analysis is takeneven further in his most recent work (1989) on the phenomena whichcharacterize contemporary guerrilla conflict in Ayacucho and otherregions.

Alberto Flores Galindos analysis of the Sendero Luminoso links thepresent situation with a series of indigenous mobilizations of past decadeswhich, despite being discussed in terms of class confrontation, hid anunresolved ethnic dimension that had to reappear later through armedconfrontation (see Flores Galindo, 1987: 304ss). He describes the Sender-istas as:

... youths of Andean origin, Westernised by their education and migration,contingents of new Mestizos who slot themselves into a much older history,which goes back to colonial times, and who since then, as suggested by PabloMacera, speaking of Garcilazo, had been containing their frustrations.(1987: 325)

Many of them are the invisible urban Indians who have suffered a brutalrepression of their very identities through western cultural oppressionwhich turns them into individuals full of rage and frustration. They areconscious of the fact that it is necessary to destroy the system which isoppressing them but do not have a very clear idea of the nation they wantfor the future. The fact that the Peruvian intelligentsia was unable to detectthe presence of the problems embodied by Sendero Luminoso leads FloresGalindo to directly attack the mainstream current of thinking which, whilethe Senderista phenomenon was unfolding, was outlining the image of amore modern country, where urbanisation was irreversible and ... whichconfirmed the disappearance of all that was Andean (1987: 325). Thisindicates that the incapacity to realize the significance that the Andean pastcontinues to have for Peru today is partly responsible for the monumentalhistorical crossroads that is sinking this country into a future overshadowedby uncertainty.

Perhaps the earlier tendencies in thinking would not have made suchheadway in Peru had the catastrophic appearance of the Senderistaphenomenon not come about. The Senderistas represent a questioning ofthe dominant western forms of political principles, which until now havelargely escaped left-wing criticism. In the Bolivian case, there is a longhistory of such questioning, but the crisis of the 1980s has also manifesteditself in dramatic ways. On the one hand, the labours of the state and theleft-wing parties, as well as the nationalist bias of the indigenousmovement, have come together to provoke a profound decline of theKatarist-Indianist movement, as much in the political sphere as in union


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circles. Furthermore, the rejection of Marxism as the analytical paradigmof the social sciences, has led to a political re-evaluation of the issues anddemands raised by the indigenous movement during the 1970s, but con-verted into an electoral gimmick or parliamentary rhetoric in the hands ofnon-indigenous sectors. Thus we find ourselves in an ever-worsening situ-ation which is hardly the best of circumstances in which morally committedand intellectually solid anthropological work can flourish. Nevertheless,the ideas already put forward warrant a research agenda which responds tothe challenges already discussed and which are, perhaps, relevant to bothPeru and Bolivia. The first issue is that of internal colonialism (which callsfor monographic works as well as theoretical reflection and interpretativeessays). Another theme, ignored for so many decades, is that of thephenomena associated with Mestizos and the transformation of identities.Here it is evident that it is necessary to overcome the idea of gradual andpainless integration and syncretism in order to show the colonial dialec-ticism that the State and dominant cultures propose to the dominatedcultures as the framework for the formation of identities. Finally, the needfor further study in all the areas mentioned (and in all areas, including themost obscure, which will further the development of our discipline) shouldnot be incompatible with a move towards distribution oriented towards theneeds of the actual communities being studied and the training of aca-demics and intellectuals who will be able to systematize the thinking andsocial ideals that the struggle stands for.The recent happenings in Bolivia serve as a warning of the potential

dangers of a superficial revitalization, complemented by neither adeepening of understanding nor by solid and long-term moral commit-ment. While the 1970s saw anthropological reflection complementing theformation of identities and the Indian autonomous mobilization, to someextent, the 1980s have produced an explosion of pro-indigenous treatises,accompanied by a rather more conventional course of action in the form ofreinforcement of dominant western principles. The double moral standardthat has historically characterized the colonial oppression of the majorityof the indigenous population is being repeated in new variations on thepeculiar discourse of today. Now not only the left wing, but the populistsand the Bolivian right wing make a point of stating their intention to defendall that is Andean. However, in the sphere of institutional reforms de-manded by the indigenous organizations - autonomy, bilingual and inter-cultural education as the minimum programme, and a multi-cultural andmulti-ethnic state as the long-term plan - little or nothing has beenachieved. We can thus affirm that today the field of Bolivian anthropologyconfronts a delicate dilemma: either it should serve as a legitimizing


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instrument to new forms of domination and co-option of the indigenousdemands in the new plans of liberal politics and the dominant authorities;or it should systematize and offer instruments of analysis and confrontationto the indigenous populations towards which its actions are oriented.Although the advances made during the 1980s are few in number, and inmany ways suffered setbacks, we can conclude that the option remainsopen and that the language of ideas and words has not yet been shut down.

Translated by Jody Gillett

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