" A I:+ - j-?i +JJI -91 international foundation for development alternatives

fundacion international para alternativas de desarrollo

fondation internationale pour un autre developpernent

CONTENTS

INTRODUCTORY NOTE; B r i e f f o r t h e North-South Summit (Mahbub u l Haq)

. Development problems i n t h e Scandinavian p e r i p h e r y ( J u s s i Raumolin)

L16conomie cach6e: Esquisse d 'une p rob l6mat ique ( Ignacy Sachs )

. Concen t ra t ion i n i n d u s t r i a l s e c t o r : A c h i l l e s ' heel o f l a n d r e f o r m (Kamal Nayan Kabra)

. The t r a n s i t i o n toward s e l f - r e l i a n c e : Some thoughts on t h e r o l e o f p e o p l e ' s o r g a n i z a t i o n s ( B r i a n Mac C a l l )

. Global commons and g l o b a l waste lands: An i d e a f o r u n i f y i n g t h e approach t o a new w o r l d resource t r a n s f e r system (H.M.R. Brewste r )

INTERACTIONS

Donald l ' i m p o s t e u r ou l ' i m p 6 r i a l i s m e racon t6 aux en fan ts (Simone F o r s t e r ) The p o l i t i c a l i m p l i c a t i o n s o f c h i l d p a r t i c i p a t i o n : Steps toward a p a r t i c i p a t o r y s o c i e t y (Simon N icho lson and Raymond Lorenzo) S o c i a l - c u l t u r a l i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r Europe o f another development model i n t h e 1980s: A p r o j e c t on p a r t i c i p a t i o n (NIO Youth, Amsterdam) P lann ing f o r t h e urban ecosphere ( T j e e r d D e e l s t r a ) P r o j e t de c r 6 a t i o n e t de fonct ionnement d ' u n a t e l i e r d ' i n n o v a t i o n s s o l i d a i r e s (Jean-Claude Hamelet) Swedish debate on maldevelopment (Nordal Akerman) Peace Char te r ( P e t e r Codogan)

A RANDOM SAMPLE OF S P I N OFFS FROM IFDA DOSSIERS

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FOOTNOTES / NOTES / NOTAS

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executive cornmiltee . ismo~i-sobri aMaila, ahmed ben salah (co-chairman), gamani corea, mahbub ui haq, enrique lglesias, ,an meijer (co-chairman), marc nerfin (president), lustinion I. rweyemamu, ignacy sachs, wan somavia, maurice f. strong, ingo thorsson

secretariat: 2, place du march&, ch - 1260 nyon, swltzerland: telephone 41 (22) 61 8282; teiex 28840 ifda ch: cable f i ~ d , geneva

BRIEF FOR THE NORTH-SOUTH SUMMIT by Mahbub ul Haq

A North-South Summit may meet in June 1981 in Mexico, according to present indications. History offers few such opportunities to think collectively about our global future. Careful preparations are needed from now on to realize the full potential of such a Summit meeting.

If I had a chance to brief the Summit, I would stress the essen- tial principles, not the details; the broad architecture, not the intricate design. Political breakthroughs come from a change in political perceptions, not from detailed technocratic blueprints.

My message to the North-South Summit will be a simple one.

(1) Please recognize that the world's economic and political crisis is not a temporary one. It is deeply rooted in present international structures and institutions. National actions alone will not help, unless the global structures themselves are changed, preferably through an orderly dialogue and certainly in the long term interest of all nations.

(2) What is really at issue is a sharing of economic and political power, within nations as well as internationally. It will prove extremely disruptive if existing power has to be changed only through the organization of countervailing power or through uni- lateral national or collective actions. There is a historic oppor- tunity for all of you to engineer an orderly change, and to mini- mize the costs of transition.

What is urgently needed is for the global community to finally show its readiness to assume certain global responsibilities in key areas of policy and to set in motion certain mechanisms and processes through which these responsibilities can be implemented. Such a political compact of global responsibilities should include an agreement in at least the following essential areas:

- An internationally accepted floor below absolute poverty all over the globe and a concrete framework through which this objec- tive can be reached over the next two decades.

- An agreed system of international food security, based on addi- tional investment for less-developed countries' national produc- ion, adequate food reserves, and emergency assistance in times of crisis.

(cont. on page 96)

I F D A DOSSIER 22 , MARCH/APRIL 1981

B U I L D I N G BLOCKS

DEVELOPMENT PROBLEMS I N THE SCANDINAVIAN PERIPHERY by J u s s i Raumolin H a l t i a n t i e 4 P 118 SF-01600 Vantaa 60 , F in land

Orignal l anguage : Eng l i sh

Abstract: The a r t i c l e traces the development process i n Finland since the t ~ r w of the century cnd discusses possible al ternat ives for the future. I t re fers to Iceland's experience for comparison and contrast. I t shows that development on the Northern periphery of Europe shares many character is t ics o f the process i n the Third World: wonoeulture, export-orientation, domi.nation by big powers, imi tat ion of inappropriate yodels, concern wi th "catching up". Also that , before Finland f e l l i n t o the post-1945 maldevelopment trap, i t s policies of self-reliance, national control of key resources and agrarian reform helped i f to weather the economic storms of the 1930s.

PROELEMES DE DEVELOPPEMENT DANS L A PERIPHERIE SCANDINAVE

Resume: -- Get a r t i c l e retrace Ze processus de developpement de la Finlande depuis l e debut de ce si2cZ.e e t exnmine des al ternat ives p o s s i b l e ~ pour Pave- n i r . Des references 2 Zfexp6rience d? I ' Is lcnde servent de comparaison e t de contraste. On vo i t que l e s prob lhes de la p6ripheri.e nordique de Z'Europe presentent plus d'un t r a i t comrnun avec eeux du Tiers t'onde: monoculture, pro- duction vouee 2 Z'exportction, domination des grandes puissances, imi tat ion de moddes inadequats, souci de ' ra t t raper ' . On vo i t 6galement qu'avant que la Finlande ne tombe duns la trappe du maldevelop~ement, a p e s Y945, une polit ique d'autonomie, l e controle national des ressources-el6 e t la reforme agraire l 'avaient ai-dge 2 se protiger des troubles &onomiques des anndes 30.

PROELEMAS DE DESARROLLO EN L A P E R I F E R I A ESCANDINAVA

Resumen: El informe t r a m e l proecso de desarrollo en Finlandia desde e l comienzo del s ig lo , y presentaposih1esaZternativas para e l future. Se r e f i e r e a la experiencia de Islandiu para compavacio% y contrasts . Se demuestra que e l descrrollo en la periferia norte6a de Europa t iene muchas semejanzas y comparte caracter<sticaa de2 hsmo proceso en e l Tercer W o : monocuZtura, orientaci6n hacia la exportaci6n, dominuci6n por las grandes potencias, i m i - taci6n de modelos y i c o apropiados, la preoci~paei5n por "alcanzar" ("catching up"). Tamhien se demuestra que en e l per<odo antes de 1945, antes que Finlan- dza cuyera en, [a trampa d e l m a l d e s a r r o l l ~ una p o ~ 6 t i c a de autonomia e l control nacional de recursos c laves y de i-eforma agrarariu,ayud6 a1 a capear e l temporal economic0 de los aiios 30.

Jussi Raumolin

DEVELOPMENT PROBLEMS IN THE SCANDINAVIAN PERIPHERY

Finland and Iceland: Dependent Economies

Both Finland and Iceland are located in the periphery of the Occi- dent and so exposed to external influences from the centre. Fin- land's and Iceland's dependencies start from geographical and his- torical dependencies. Any kind of geographical determinism has been out of fashion in the international development discussion and geographical dimension has often been put aside. Anyway, it cannot be abstracted away if one discusses the development prob- lems of the peripheral areas located close to the polar circle. What do I mean here by using the notion of geographical dependency? I mean the specific climatic conditions, such as long winter and short cultivation period exposed to climatic hazards, specifici- ties of local ecosystems, characteristics of natural resources, location of people in regard to main continental communication channels and to the dominant economic and political formations. Because of the harsh Northern nature, both Iceland and Finland have been the most sparsely populated countries in Europe and suf- fered from famines during their history.

Both Iceland and Finland were colonized by their Scandinavian neighbours in the Middle Ages. Iceland fell under Norwegian rule in the thirteenth century and the Swedish Crown conquered Finland from the twelfth century onwards. In the fourteenth century, Ice- land with Norway came under Danish rule. From the Middle Ages up to the nineteenth century Finland was kind of an eastern buffer- zone of the Swedish empire for the control of the Baltic Sea and against the growing Russian might.

During the Napoleonic wars, Russia seized Finland from the weakened Swedish Empire, and Finland became an autonomous Grand Duchy of the Russian Empire, a kind of a buffer-zone of Russia for the control of the Baltic Sea and for the security of the capital, St. Petersburg. The trade monopoly of the Danish Crown on Iceland was removed already before these wars and the Danish grip began to loosen. In the first half of the last century, na- tionalist movement became organized both in Iceland and in Finland and foreign trade was liberated in the middle of the century. In- dustrialization of the centre and new communication technology opened Icelandic fisheries and Finnish forests for growing export and led to economic development in both countries. Modern textile and engineering industry got impetus in Finland through Russian market. In the beginning this development was initiated both in Finland and Iceland by foreigners but by and by, and partly through the cooperative movement,the Finns and Icelanders took over the control of their national economy.

During the Russian Revolution, Finnish Parliament declared the country independent. Social conflicts in Finland and the Russian example led, however, to a Civil War and the winning side, the so- called Whites,could have the independence recognized by Western Dowers only in 1919. Iceland received sovereignty in 1918, but it

was still united with Denmark under the Danish Crown. The Republic of Iceland was founded in 1944.

The Finnish Development Success during the Interwar Years

The leaders of independent Finland had strongly in mind the war experience when they began to develop the national economy for the new Finland. The war had closed the Baltic Sea to Western trade. The chaos provoked by the Russian Revolution, the Civil War in Finland and the revolutionary events in Germany left Finland iso- lated and on the edge of famine. Some people even starved to death. Germany tried to colonize the Finnish economy to the service of the German war effort in 1918. Finnish political leaders had learnt their lesson: their policy aimed at the increase of self- sufficiency. The control and the utilization of Finnish natural resources should be in Finnish hands.

An agricultural reform was carried out: cottagers achieved the right to redeem the leased land and landless workers had the right to have a farm of their own. Rural settlement was actively sup- ported, the state founded state-owned fertilizer factories, agri- cultural research was expanded, new cultivation methods were prop- agated and domestic production protected by customs. Forest re- sources were considered as fundamental for the national wealth and new forest legislation forbade the destruction of forest. For- est research was expanded and forest resources invented. Forest industry was export industry par excellence: ninety per cent of its production was exported and this export together with timber export made over four-fifths of the total export. By pulp and paper production,the industry aimed at the increase of value added in export. Wood-based export had great influence on the develop- ment of the countryside and home market industry. Finnish forests in the South were owned by the peasantry, peasants financed new construction and machinery by revenues from timber selling and small peasants found in lumbering works necessary part-time jobs during the winter when cultivation was not possible. New machinery and power stations for forest industry was principally made in Finland.

Finnish economic performance during the Great Depression was one of the best in the whole Europe. There was a combination of rea- sons as for the Finnish success. Firstly, the demand of pulp and paper was expanding in general and the export of these products was not as exposed to the customs restrictions as eg. the export of agricultural products and of machinery. Secondly, Britain passed the Depression relatively well and continuously provided outlets for Finnish export. Thirdly, Finnish export products were very competitive because of the deflation policy of the Bank of Finland and of new investments of forest industry. Finnish paper and pulp industry utilized the latecomer's advantages and was able to expand its production and its market share continuously during the Depression. Fourthly, in comparison with the industri- alized centre, Finland was still little industrialized and the countryside was not fully commercialized so that people living there could retire into a kind of closed household economy. Final- ly, the Finnish countryside was not so overpopulated and the pro-

d u c t i o n s t r u c t u r e s o o n e s i d e d a s i n E a s t e r n Europe

I c e l a n d p a s s e d t h e G r e a t European Wars 1914 - 1918 a s an o u t s i d e r and e x p o r t e a r n i n g s i n c r e a s e d . A f t e r t h e war, s t e p s were t a k e n t o h a l t t h e e r o s i o n . I c e l a n d i c economy e x p e r i e n c e d , however, g r e a t d i f f i c u l t i e s d u r i n g t h e G r e a t D e p r e s s i o n . The n a t i o n a l economy was h e a v i l y dependent on t h e e x p o r t o f f i s h p r o d u c t s and p r i c e s f e l l down, S o u t h e r n European m a r k e t c o l l a p s e d and B r i t i s h and German m a r k e t s were r e s t r i c t e d by i m p o r t q u o t a s . The I c e l a n d e r s t r i e d t o a d a p t t h e f i s h p r o d u c t i o n t o t h e a l t e r e d c o n d i t i o n s by d e v e l o p i n g h e r r i n g f i s h e r i e s , e s t a b l i s h i n g f a c t o r i e s f o r p r o d u c i n g h e r r i n g o i l and m e a l r a n d q u i c k f r e e z i n g p l a n t s . T h i s d i d n o t , however, h e l p much and g r e a t b a l a n c e o f payment d i f f i c u l t i e s and c o n s i d e r a b l e unemployment c o u l d n o t b e e s c a p e d . The I c e l a n d e r s e s t a b l i s h e d heavy i m p o r t r e s t r i c t i o n s , b u t t h e b a l a n c e o f payments k e p t on de- t e r i o r a t i n g and t h e f o r e i g n d e b t c o n t i n u e d t o grow. The p o s s i b i l i - t i e s o f i m p o r t s u b s t i t u t i o n were bad because o f t h e v e r y s m a l l s i z e o f home marke t and t h e l a c k o f d o m e s t i c raw m a t e r i a l s .

The growth o f i n d u s t r i a l o u t p u t i n F i n l a n d was one o f t h e h i g h e s t among t h e Western n a t i o n s between 1932 and 1938. The p r o d u c t i o n v a l u e o f home marke t i n d u s t r y d o u b l e d and t h e l a b o u r f o r c e engaged i n t h i s i n d u s t r y i n c r e a s e d by s e v e n t y p e r c e n t . F o r e i g n t r a d e b a l - a n c e was p o s i t i v e and F i n l a n d was a b l e t o pay back f o r e i g n d e b t s . I n f a c t , I would l i k e t o p r e s e n t t h e h y p o t h e s i s t h a t t h e F i n n i s h p e o p l e l i v e d from t h e p o i n t o f view o f s e l f - r e l i a n t development i n q u i t e o p t i m a l c o n d i t i o n s , b o t h i n r e g a r d t o t h e p a s t and t o t h e f u t u r e , i n t h e l a t e t h i r t i e s . T h e r e was a c e r t a i n c o i n c i d e n c e o f d i f f e r e n t f a c t o r s which may have c o n t r i b u t e d t o t h e f a c t t h a t p e o p l e seemed t o be s a t i s f i e d w i t h t h e l i v i n g c o n d i t i o n s o f t h a t t i m e .

F i r s t l y , t h e b a s i c s e c t o r s o f n a t i o n a l economy, a g r i c u l t u r e and f o r e s t i n d u s t r y were founded on t h e e x p l o i t a t i o n o f d o m e s t i c r e - newable r e s o u r c e s and t h e r o l e o f f o r e i g n i n p u t s i n t h i s produc- t i o n p r o c e s s was l i m i t e d . Energy s e l f - s u f f i c i e n c y was h i g h : t i m b e r was u t i l i z e d a s f u e l , w a t e r power produced e l e c t r i c i t y and a s t h e c a r p o p u l a t i o n , t r a c t o r p o p u l a t i o n and a l i k e was s m a l l , impor ta - t i o n o f o i l was o f s m a l l q u a n t i t y . I r o n and s t e e l p r o d u c t i o n on d o m e s t i c b a s i s was s t a r t e d .

Secondly , c l i m a t i c c o n d i t i o n s were e x c e p t i o n a l l y good. Summers were l o n g and warm and c u l t i v a t i o n p o s s i b i l i t i e s were r e a s o n a b l e even i n t h e North. N a t u r a l env i ronment was s t i l l q u i t e u n s p o i l e d . Water p o l l u t i o n c a u s e d by p u l p and p a p e r i n d u s t r y and urban sew- a g e was l i m i t e d and a i r p o l l u t i o n was a l m o s t unknown because o f c l e a n e n e r g y p r o d u c t i o n , s m a l l number o f p r i v a t e c a r s and low i n - d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n d e g r e e s . U t i l i z a t i o n o f modern i n t e n s i v e c u l t i v a - t i o n methods i n a g r i c u l t u r e and s i l v i c u l t u r e was o n l y i n t h e be- g i n n i n g s o t h a t d i s t u r b a n c e s t o e c o l o g i c a l s y s t e m s were few. The a l m o s t v i r g i n n a t u r e was w e l l p r e s e r v e d i n t h e N o r t h , and l o c a l and r e g i o n a l c u l t u r a l l a n d s c a p e s were c o n t i n u o u s l y v a r i e d . I n t h e s e c o n d i t i o n s , n a t u r e c o n s e r v a t i o n was a k i n d o f e l i t i s t hobby and d e a l t m a i n l y w i t h t h e p r o t e c t i o n o f n a t u r a l monuments and o f s p e c i e s endangered by t h e s p r e a d i n g o f c u l t i v a t i o n .

Thirdly, national economy functioned well and could provide work for the people. The production was still mainly small-scale but the development of power production, electrification and mechani- zation liberated both peasants and workers from the most heavy physical labour. On the other hand, modern rationalization move- ment was only in the beginning. The economy did not function well only in the national centre but also in the periphery.

Fourthly, all children attended obligatory elementary school, and the development of medical care eliminated by and by the worst traditional diseases. During the Centre-Left coalition government in the late thirties, social security was expanded and workers gained the right to paid vacations. The basic structures of modern welfare state were built.

Fifthly, people felt that Finnish politics was internally deter-. mined and national identity was deeply rooted in the most of the population. National traditions were cultivated and emphasized. This did not exclude the cultivation of local, regional and class traditions which may, in most cases, have contributed to the strong national identity. Many associations, societies, cooperatives and alike were active both at local and national level. Social change was slow, the most conservative features disappearing, but the life was not yet too hurried, problems not very complicated, world close to people comprehensible and bureaucracy poorly developed.

As for the satisfaction level of the people, the exceptional con- ditions seemed to limit internal and external demonstration effects and relative deprivation. As nationalism was strong, a kind of agrarian ideology dominated the society, communications abroad were limited, the impact of the Great Depression was disastrous on many industrialized and agrarian countries and as Stalinist Russia was known forbrutal collectivization andpurges, people had not very much reason to envy what happened outside Finland. Be- cause of official agrarian ideology, the strong position of the Peasant Party in politics and considerable -agricultural supports, the urban way of life was not much envied in the countryside even if population growth and difficulties of small peasantry continu- ously pushed people to the towns. Peripheries except Southern Carelia did not feel excluded from national development. There was no rich aristocratic class in Finland to introduce conspicuous habits and the urban middle class had a rather puritan attitude in regard to consumption. Neither the conservatives nor the peasan- try knew the concept of continuous progress and the belief of the urban middle class in technological progress was not boundless,so that desires and wishes concerning the future were not excessive. The standard of life of the industrial workers rose considerably and the Social- Democratic workers felt better and better home in "bourgeois" Finland. As the Communist Party was forbidden, the Communists naturally felt deprived even if their living conditions got better as elsewhere in the society-excluding, however, the leaders in prison or emigrated to the Soviet Union.

This "Arcadia" did not, however, last long. As Stalin and hitler distributed the cards around the Baltic Sea, Finland got involved in World War I1 . At first, Finland fought alone against the

Soviet Union and lost the battle. Then, Finland participated in the German attack to the East and lost the battle. The life was hard in Finland,as the necessities were strictly rationed. Finland was, anyway, together with Britain, the only country in Europe which participated in the war and was never occupied during the war. Iceland was again an outsider in the war and prewar economic difficulties vanished rapidly. All the catch could be sold to the Allies on very favourable terms and foreign debts were wiped out. During the war, tlie U.S. Army took on the defence of Iceland and many military constructions were built so that labour shortage existed on the isr~and.

The Imitative Afterwar Development

Typical of the Finnish and the Icelandic economy was the infla- tionary spiral which continued after the normal afterwar infla- tionary burst had passed by, for example, in Scandinavia. There were many reasons for it. Firstly, the investment rate was con- tinuously high in both countries. As the domestic capital was scarce, these investments were partially financed by inflation. As domestic resource basis was inelastic, the continuous invest- ment demand reinforced inflation by creating bottlenecks and it led to new speculative investments. Secondly, in both countries the monoculture export was very sensitive toups and downs in in- ternational demand, and during the upward trade cycle, export-led expansion caused export-led inflation. No effective public policy to control this tendency was established: there were many interests which were against cutting export earnings during the expansion. The export sector was like a state in the state. Thirdly, monoculture export sector rationalized production and was effective: it was able to pay good wages. As the trade unions adopted the principle of solidarity in wages policy, the wages were raised in other sectors and especially in the expanding service sector without any consideration of the increase of labour productivity.

Fourthly, agricultural policy established both high prices and subsidies. As farming conditions close to the Polar Circle are not very favourable, production costs are necessarily high. Agricul- tural policy both in Iceland and in Finland favoured domestic ag- riculture so that import of such products which could be produced domestically was prevented. After the war, the parity of agricul- tural earnings and industrial earnings was introduced and when the prices of agricultural products rose, the prices were subsidized through the state budget. Fifthly, in addition to high individual earnings, copious social services and security was demanded. The role of state budget became more and more expansive and fiscal policy was not able to limit the demand. On the other hand, tight monetary policy was not allowed because it would provoke unemploy- ment.

You can say that after the war, a kind of inflationary-illusionary society was formed both in Iceland and in Finland. The cargo cult of American way of life arrived in Iceland already during the war and Finland as a borderland without national identity was much ex- posed to the competition between the systems. As a compensation

for the Eastern dependency, American way of life was adored. On the other hand, Swedish welfare state was built in the neighbour- hood of Finland and was well known also in Iceland. It was foolish and millenaristic to wish both American way of life and Swedish welfare state to arrive in small, extreme-northern, not diversi- fied and peripheral economies, such as Finland and Iceland,but people had their cherished illusions. The smaller the difference, the deeper the resentment. The claim for equality in consumption expanded the wishes and desires,and the consumption functioned by the limitless dialectic of identity and differentiation. The elites in power tried to domesticate the afterwar democratic radi- calism via inflationary illusion.

Already before the Finnish association with EFTA in 1961, the Fin- nish forest industry started a massive investment proqramme to be able to exploit the potential of the Finnish forest resources in res- ponse to expanding international demandfor pulp and paper prcd- ucts. This investment was mainly financed by World Bank loans: the World Bank considered the Finnish specialization in forest indus- try as natural and export-led growth strategy was concomitant to its development ideology.

The religion of growth was eagerly predicted in Finland in the be- ginning of the sixties and the State Committees for Economic Ex- pansion legitimized the massive investments in the forest industry sector. Especially the Social Democrats presented a chimeric tar- get: Finland should overtake Sweden. The Finnish economists and planners had read American growth theories: the first phase of in- dustrialization produces external and regional imbalance: but the maturation phase diminishes the need to import and regional im- balance will finally get balanced. Forest industry export had a strong multiplier effect overall on the Finnish economy and so it induced a rapid industrialization process in Finland in the early sixties. Industrial paradise seemed, in fact, to approach: growth rate was one of the highest in the Western world.

The export led growth in forest industry production did not solve in itself the problem of industrialization. The creation of high- ly capital intensive paper and pulp production did not create many new jobs directly. On the other hand, the cost pressure of growing timber prices led to growing rationalization of lumbering works. Traditional labour force of small peasant-horse combination was replaced by new machinery utilized by some professional forest workers. The viability of small farms especially in the North and in the North-East was based on the combination of small scale agriculture and lumbering works. Now this combination was broken. So the expansion of forest industry production diminished the jobs in the countryside. Furthermore, it led to the growing pollution of many lakes.

The growth of farm units and the mechanization and intensification of agricultural production led in the fifties to an overproduc- tion, especially of cattle-based products. Cattle raising was the most appropriate production line in the Finnish conditions. As high cost Finnish products were not at all competitive in the in- ternational market, they were exported with great subsidies. One

solution to the problem of big agricultural subsidies, overproduc- tion and export subsidies was the Swedish type of rationalization: a small number of efficient farmers should take care of production. The Peasant Party opposed this kind of solution by all its forces. It would drastically diminish the number of its supporters, and to the Party's mind, Finnish industry was not able to absorb the mas- sive emigration of people from the countryside. The Peasant Party had, however, strong interests in the expansion of forest industry production, and it. supported new investments in this industry. It was thus not agairst the industrialization process as a whole. The Peasant Party was the leading force in the Centre-Right coalition governments in the early sixties. It tried to prevent the rural emigration by big agricultural subsidies and by directing public investments to the North. The construction works in the North did not, however, create stable jobs and new paper and pulp industry, chemical industry and metallurgical industry plants were capital intensive and did not create many new jobs either. No positive in- dustrialization programme was adopted under the rule of the Peas- ant Party which, however, tried to adapt to industrialization and urbanization processes by changing its name to the Centre Party.

After the Left won the Parliamentary elections in 1966, Centre- Left coalition governments governed in Finland up to the seventies. The first task of the new coalition was to take care of domestic economic crisis and finally, the Finnish currency was strongly devalued in 1967. After the prospects of the international eco- nomy became better and as the Finnish competitive position was good, strong export-led growth burst started in Finland in late sixties. The Social Democrats, the leading power of the coalition government and embittered by their long wandering in opposition, wanted to make from Finland a new Sweden in a couple of years. As the overproduction of agricultural products was growing, and grow- ing thanks to the agricultural policy of Centre Party, (the ear- lier Peasant Party), a drastic reform was now made. The cultiva- tion area and the number of cattle were reduced, active manpower policy (following the Swedish examp1e)was established to promote the emigration from the countryside and the structural change of economy. Business legislation was reformed so that capital-inten- sive production was favoured at the expense of the labour-inten- sive one. Furthermore, the state promoted new capital-intensive industry outside the traditional forest industry sector. The foun- dation of the new state industry took place, however, without any coherent industrial policy.

As elsewhere, Finland experienced radical social criticism through the New Left in the late sixties. It got good publicity because the direction of state broadcasting company had Leftist sympathies. The Communists and Social Democrats wanted to reform Finnish so- ciety radically. Plans for constitutional reform, industrial de- mocracy, university reform, army reform, criminal legislation re- form etc., were introduced, the abortion law renewed and state planning institutions reinforced. At the same time, welfare state construction was intensified. Following the Swedish example, ele- mentary schooling was reformed by the establishment of obligatory comprehensive school. Public health system was strongly expanded

and pension insurance system developed. Labour protection was in- creased. The Social Democrats had the idea of reforming the socie- ty by the state administration and to increase the state control over economic and social activities. The Finnish society started to get strongly bureaucratised, like Sweden, in the late sixties.

The speeding up of the structural change, social criticism and so- cial reform provoked a great upheaval in the Finnish society in the late sixties. As people were kept in the countryside artifi- cially before, the radical change in the agricultural policy and the promotion of structural change led to massive rural emigration. Because Finland belonged to the free Nordic labour market, because Sweden lacked labour force, because the Swedish wage level was very high compared with that in Finland after the Finnish devalua- tionand as the urban and industrial centres in Southern Finland were not able to offer housing and job to all rural migrants, the emigration to Sweden was so massive that the Finnish population diminished absolutely in the late sixties. This kind of peacetime diminution has taken place before only in Ireland during the con- temporary history of Europe.

As the change was ultrarapid and as capital intensive industry was favoured, the Finnish industry was not able to offer jobs for nu- merous migrants from the countryside. This led to rapid expansion of the service sector which became overdimensioned in regard to the industrial basis. As the urbanization proceeded rapidly, new housing was produced industrially in a great hurry so that new suburbs in South Finland became monotonous and socially one-sided and services were often lacking. On the other hand, the social structure in the countryside was left really damaged. As the role of state and social reforms were expanded, taxation rate increased heavily. The Finnish imitation of the Swedish model was so abso- lute that no consideration was given to the facts that the promo- tion of structural change and the introduction of school reform had already failed in Sweden before they were taken in Finland. So when the support for emptying regions was intensified in Fin- land, it was already many years too late.

To turn to Iceland, the Icelandic economy was liberalized after a great devaluation in 1960 and the following stabilization prog- ramme was supported by the IMF and the OECD. Iceland however, joinedtheEFTA only in 1970. As the terms of trade were very favourable since 1960 and herring catches were exceptionally good, Iceland experienced strong economic growth in the early sixties. The inflation rate persisted, anyhow, higher than in Scandinavia. On the other hand, no diversification took place and the Icelandic economy remained very vulnerable. The export of goods and serv- ices formed over forty per cent of gross national product and the export consisted almost totally of fish products.

In the middle sixties, it became evident that there was overfish- ing of haddock and herring in the Icelandic waters and herring catches started to drop drastically in the late sixties. The Ice- landic decision-makers only now hurried to get the economy diver- sified. The influence of big foreign companies on the national culture and decision-making had been suspected. The industrial

utilization of abundant water power resources was activelyprmted. In 1966, the Icelandic Government signed an agreement with an h r - ican company for the construction of diatomite filter-aids plant and the plant started the production in 1968. The Government signed in 1966, too, a contract with a Swiss company for the construction of a big aluminium smelter. Strong efforts were made to promote the domestic building of fishing boats. As inflation persisted and catches started to drop, the Icelandic economy experienced again great difficulties in the late sixties. On the other hand, follow- ing the mechanization and rationalization of fishing and farming, population concentrated more and more around the capital, Reykja- vik. As the size of population in Iceland was only 200,000 and the urbanization was not as drastic as in Finland in the late six- ties, the living conditions in the towns kept relatively balanced.

"The great reorganization of the Finnish nature" in the sixties had aroused only spotty local protest and, for example, big power companies could get through in the North their special interest in the water regulation projects at the expense of other interests. Nor did the great upheaval in the Finnish society provoke exten- sive grass root protestation. Some protests against the suppres- sion of local services took place in the countryside and action groups were formed in the towns against the renewal of old quar- tiers but the development developed. On the political level, new conservative pressure groups were founded, the Christian League arose to defend the traditional values and the "poujadist" Rural Party found many new supporters. A clear movement towards the Right took place in the parliamentary elections in 1970 and the Left lost its majority. The Finnish New Left disappeared from the public scene quite rapidly. SomeLeftists joined the reformist parties and soon became institutionalized: new consultative bodies were established and new posts founded in the expanding state ad- ministration. On the other hand, the revolutionary rhetoric of the minority group of the Finnish Communist Party, absolutely loyal to the Soviet Union, pleased many young leftists and so they got in- tegrated into a very traditional left.

The result of the so-called protest elections of 1970 did not, however, change the shape of the governing coalition. President Kekkonen pushed the same parties to continue ruling. In gen- eral, the party system in Finland strengthened its grip on the Finnish society: party activities became subsidized through the state budget, appointments on party political grounds to different administrative posts became common, big established parties tried to monopolize the right to political activity,and party political influence and battle extended overall in the society. One can say that a kind of political class separate from the people became established by and by. As the inflationary pressures were continu- ously powerful, labour market organizations became integrated to the official incomes policy system. This incomes policy system has extended its activity sphere and forms a clear corporative institution.

The growth of state bureaucracy, of party system and of corporative system and the transfer of opinion toward the Right has made the Finnish society very closed to new ideas and initiatives and these

conservative characteristics have been accentuated by the auto- cratic policy of President Kekkonen. Irrespective of the parlia- mentary elections of the seventies, the same coalition has been governing Finland since 1966. By the excuse that important foreign policy projects, such as the organization of the European Security and Cooperation Conference in Helsinki, presupposed stability and continuity in the Finnish politics, President Kekkonen made him- self elected president by Parliament by an exceptional law accept- ed by the great majority of parties in 1973. The constitution pre- supposes the organization of popular voting in presidential elec- tions.

The Crisis of the Seventies

After Britain decided to join EEC, Finland started to negotiate on a Free Trade Agreement with the EEC. As the making of the agree- ment was officially considered to be in the interest of foreign policy and the export industry,and as it was seen to guarantee the future growth possibilities, no large discussion around the con- sequences of the agreement and around development alternatives took place. The Communist Party and the Left Wing Social Democrats were critical and maintained that by the agreement Finland would be more and more bound to the capitalist West. They proposed in- stead a closer cooperation with the Comecon countries. The ecolog- ically-oriented criticism emphasized that internationalization of the Finnish economy would make it very difficult to change the orientation on development towards a more self-reliant direction and, furthermore, it made the Finnish economy very suspectible to the coming crises in the world economy.

The traditional conservation movement in Finland became radical- ized in the wake of the New Left criticism. New ecological ideas arrived from the United States through Sweden to Finland towards the end of the sixties. Many State Committees around the environ- mental questions were established and several reforms concerning the legislation and the administration were proposed, but very few proposals were put into practice. No central administration was established, because the Centre Party and the Social Democratic Party could not find a compromise about the location of the new administration in the existing ministry structure. No special law controlling air pollution was enacted. The only sector where a clear action was taken was the prevention of water pollution.

The ecologically-oriented criticism around the Free Trade Agree- ment was the first effort to create sensitivity and alternatives to the maldevelopment in Finland. Political parties tried to re- cuperate the new ideas and the emerging movement: the Centre Party presented a new green programme and the Left colonized the con- servation movement. It seemed that this new radicalism became domesticated like the New Left before.

The contents of the Free Trade Agreement were settled in 1972 and as the international economy was in full expansion, Finnish export industry, state officials, dominant political parties and economic experts decided again to catch up with Sweden and to make Finland fully industrialized. Finnish economic problems were expected to

be s o l v e d by a g r e a t i n v e s t m e n t boom. A s t h e e x p e r t s saw t h a t F i n - l a n d was f a c i n g l a b o u r s h o r t a g e i n . t h e f u t u r e and a s t h e new i n - v e s t m e n t s s h o u l d produce good wages, t h e new i n v e s t m e n t s were v e r y c a p i t a l - i n t e n s i v e . I n t e r n a t i o n a l l o a n s were t a k e n and c r e d i t ex- p a n s i o n a l l o w e d f o r t h e f i n a n c i n g o f t h e new i n v e s t m e n t s . But from where t o g e t t h e new r e s o u r c e s f o r t h e e x p a n s i o n ? F o r e s t growth d i d n o t a l l o w f o r any s i g n i f i c a n t e x t e n s i o n o f t i m b e r p ro- d u c t i o n and t h e p e o p l e c o u l d no more be moved i n g r e a t numbers from "low p r o d u c t i v e " a g r i c u l t u r e t o " h i g h p r o d u c t i v e " modern s e c - t o r s . How t o make i m p o r t - b i a s e d i n d u s t r i e s c o m p e t i t i v e and how t o pay t h e growing i m p o r t o f i n p u t s ? S t r o n g i n t e r n a t i o n a l demand and d o m e s t i c i n v e s t m e n t boom c o u l d n o t a v o i d provoking an o v e r - h e a t i n g o f t h e F i n n i s h economy.

F i n l a n d was w e l l on t h e way t o p roduce a d o m e s t i c economic imbal - a n c e b e f o r e t h e consequences o f Yom Kippur war l e d t h e i n t e r n a - t i o n a l economy i n t o a d e e p c r i s i s . As F i n l a n d r e c e i v e d most o f t h e i m p o r t e d o i l from t h e S o v i e t Union and a s t h e p r i c e o f f o r e s t i n - d u s t r y p r o d u c t s i n t h e e x p o r t m a r k e t i n c r e a s e d , F i n n i s h d e c i s i o n - makers f o r a w h i l e p r e s e r v e d t h e i l l u s i o n t h a t t h e s o - c a l l e d o i l c r i s i s would n o t have a g r e a t i n f l u e n c e on t h e F i n n i s h economy. Heavy i n v e s t m e n t a c t i o n c o n t i n u e d i n 1974. A s t h e S o v i e t Union t i e d t h e p r i c e o f i t s e x p o r t o i l t o t h e i n t e r n a t i o n a l m a r k e t , a s t h e d o m e s t i c i n f l a t i o n became rampant and t h e s l a c k e n i n g i n t e r n a - t i o n a l demand made t h e e x p o r t c o l l a p s e , t h e f o r e i g n i n d e b t e d n e s s grew a l m o s t e x p o n e n t i a l l y . Domestic demand had t o be r a d i c a l l y c u r b e d i n 1976. The unemployment r a t e r o s e r a p i d l y . A new expan- s i o n i n t h e i n t e r n a t i o n a l economy was w a i t e d f o r a s a new Mess iah , b u t i t d i d n o t o c c u r and F i n l a n d was f u r t h e r m o r e compel- l e d t o d e v a l u e i t s c u r r e n c y i n 1978.

T u r n i n g t o I c e l a n d , t h e n e e d f o r c o n s e r v a t i o n o f f i s h e r i e s became more and more e v i d e n t i n t h e o p e n i n g o f t h e s e v e n t i e s . As t h e I c e - l a n d e r s were v i t a l l y dependent on t h e p r o d u c t i v i t y o f t h e f i s h e r - i e s , t h e y e x t e n d e d t h e f i s h e r y l i m i t s t o 50 m i l e s i n 1972. B r i t a i n d i d n o t a c c e p t t h i s e x t e n s i o n and s o - c a l l e d "Cod War" was waged i n t h e I c e l a n d i c w a t e r s d u r i n g t h e f o l l o w i n g y e a r s . I c e l a n d had t o t h r e a t e n i t s w i t h d r a w a l from t h e NATO t o g e t t h e d i s p u t e s e t t l e d . I n t h e wake of t h e d i s c u s s i o n s o f t h e I n t e r n a t i o n a l Law of t h e Sea Conference , I c e l a n d e x t e n d e d h e r f i s h e r y l i m i t s t o 2 0 0 m i l e s i n 1975. A s t h e s e n s i t i v i t y t o c o n s e r v a t i o n was s t r o n g i n t h e b e g i n n i n g o f t h e s e v e n t i e s , t h e P a r l i a m e n t p a s s e d a r e s o l u t i o n a l l o t t i n g a l a r g e sum o f money t o t h e b a t t l e a g a i n s t t h e e r o s i o n a n d f o r t h e r e c l a m a t i o n o f l o s t a r e a s i n 1974. The u t i l i z a t i o n o f g e o t h e r m a l and waterpower e n e r g y k e e p s t h e I c e l a n d i c a i r v e r y c l e a n .

A s t h e t e r m s o f t r a d e were f a v o u r a b l e , c a t c h e s good and t h e i n t e r - n a t i o n a l demand buoyant i n t h e b e g i n n i n g o f s e v e n t i e s , t h e I c e - l a n d i c economy e n j o y e d t h e boom b u t t h e e x p a n s i o n l e d a g a i n t o a s t r o n g i n f l a t i o n . Aluminium e x p o r t s t a r t e d d i v e r s i f i c a t i o n process o f t h e e x p o r t p r o d u c t s . I c e l a n d p a s s e d t h e d e e p c r i s i s y e a r s 1974 - 1975 i n t h e wor ld economy a l m o s t w i t h o u t unemployment, because t h e t e r m s o f t r a d e were c o n t i n u o u s l y f a v o u r a b l e , t h e e x p o r t d i d n o t f a l l , and b e c a u s e t h e r e a l wages l e v e l a d j u s t e d downwards. Trade b a l a n c e was, however, v e r y n e g a t i v e and f o r e i g n i n d e b t n e s s

i n c r e a s e d . New upward tendency i n t h e e x p o r t s t a r t e d a s e a r l y a s i n 1976. The enforcement of t h e conse rva t ion measures was, however, d i f f i c u l t i n t h e f a c e of expanding f o r e i g n demand, and t h e f i s h i n g s e c t o r i n v e s t e d h e a v i l y i n new v e s s e l s d e s p i t e o f f i c i a l e f f o r t s of r e s t r a i n t . So I ce l and i s f a c i n g t h e problem of e f f i c i e n t s o c i a l c o n t r o l of t h e f i s h i n g i n d u s t r y complex.

With t h e eye on t h e energy c r i s i s , I c e l a n d s t a r t e d t o c o n s t r u c t t h e f i r s t b i g power p l a n t u t i l i z i n g geothermal h e a t and a c o n t r a c t was s igned wi th a Norwegian company f o r t h e c o n s t r u c t i o n of a f e r r o - s i l i c o n p l a n t . I c e l a n d has a l l p o s s i b i l i t i e s t o produce do- m e s t i c a l l y t h e energy needed w i t h t h e excep t ion of t h e o i l -based communication s e c t o r . But how t o f i n d an a l t e r n a t i v e f o r t h e i n - f l a t i o n n a r c o s i s ?

D i f f i c u l t i e s i n t h e Search of A l t e r n a t i v e s

I n t h e middle of t h e s e v e n t i e s , it seemed t h a t t h e p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l l i f e became normalized i n F in l and a f t e r t h e b u r s t s toward t h e end of t h e s i x t i e s and i n t h e beginning of t h e s e v e n t i e s . The New L e f t became i n t e g r a t e d , t h e " p o u j a d i s t " Rural P a r t y broke up i n i n t e r n a l d i s s e n s i o n s , t h e C h r i s t i a n League g o t e s t a b l i s h e d a t t h e margin of t h e dominant p a r t y system, g r a s s - r o o t movements seemed t o d i sappea r and emerging e c o l o g i c a l movement became in t eg - r a t e d i n t o t h e p a r t y system. Emerging popular r e v o l t a g a i n s t t h e heavy t a x a t i o n was c a n a l i z e d by minor reforms i n t h e t a x a t i o n sys- tem bu t a l l k ind of t a x f r a u d s a r e i n c r e a s i n g .

The o i l c r i s i s and t h e consequent e f f o r t t o i n c r e a s e t h e f u t u r e s h a r e of n u c l e a r power i n t h e power product ion d i d n o t p a s s , how- eve r , w i thou t d i s c u s s i o n . The s t a t e power company had bought t h e f i r s t n u c l e a r power s t a t i o n s from t h e S o v i e t Union toward t h e end of t h e s i x t i e s and t h e power company of t h e p r i v a t e i n d u s t r y bought a d d i t i o n a l u n i t s from Sweden i n t h e e a r l y s e v e n t i e s . A s t h e c i t y of He l s ink i planned t o c o n s t r u c t a n u c l e a r power s t a t i o n n o t f a r away from t h e c i t y , l o c a l a n t i - n u c l e a r a c t i o n groups were founded and a c r i t i c a l d i s c u s s i o n around t h e energy p o l i c y s ta r ted .

When t h e F inn i sh economy f e l l i n t h e deep c r i s i s i n 1976 and t h e p receden t e r r o r s , conservat i sm and i n e r t i a of t h e s t a t e bureaucra- cy , t h e dominant p a r t y system and co rpo ra t iv i sm became even more e v i d e n t , some new movement took p l a c e i n t h e F inn i sh c i v i l society. A new r e l i g i o u s r e v i v a l i s t movement had suddenly enormous succes s . People s t a r t e d t o look f o r n a t i o n a l r o o t s , i n t e r e s t i n a l l t r a d i t i o - n a l and old t h i n g s i n c r e a s e d and t r a d i t i o n a l a g r a r i a n i d e a s of home p roduc t ion ga ined new a p p r e c i a t i o n . Some v i l l a g e s i n t h e coun- t r y s i d e t r i e d t o reanimate t h e t r a d i t i o n a l v i l l a g e l i f e . New e c o l - o g i c a l movement o u t s i d e t h e p a r t y c o n t r o l emerged and took d i r e c t a c t i o n s f o r t h e n a t u r e conse rva t ion . An t i -bu reauc ra t i c c r i t i c i s m was heard o v e r a l l . The o l d " p o u j a d i s t " Rural P a r t y r e g i s t e r e d a new succes s i n t h e pa r l i amen ta ry e l e c t i o n o f 1979.

When t h e new Messiah of t h e new growth i n t h e i n t e r n a t i o n a l economy d i d n o t seem t o a r r i v e and grave unemployment kep t on p e r s i s t i n g t h e o f f i c i a l F in land" s t a r t e d t o change i d e a s i n 1978. Energy p o l i c y p l anne r s n o t i c e d t h a t i t was neces sa ry t o t r y t o i n c r e a s e

radically domestic self-reliance in the energy production. Sudden- ly, many people found out that the utilization of domestic renew- able resources should be extended and intensified. State officials and all the parties, even the Left, spoke now for the importance of the small and medium size enterprise. Even the Left started to criticize the bureaucratization of life and to speak for the im- portance of national and traditional values.

What has then been done in practice? Almost immediately after the rise of the oil price, the forest industry, a great energy utilizer, started to develop new production technology utilizing more effec- tively the enerqy potential of the production process. It has good possibilities to achieve a very high degree of energy self-reliance in its production process. Many farmers started to use timber again as fuel for heating. Some farmers developed the old wind mill technology and some local small scale water power stations were again put into practice. A couple of multienergy houses have been constructed and some companies are starting the series production of this kind of houses. The State Energy Administration is now subsidizing the research for energy alternatives and the re- Pair works for the increase of heat isolation in buildings. That is very important for the enerqy saving because winter is long and cold in Finland.

On the other hand, "the official Finland" considers that the ap- propriate response of the Finnish peripheral economy to the chal- lenge of the new international division of labour is the more active participation in the international exchanges. Innovation and marketing capacity should be developed, etc. The participa- tion in the free trade is not put into question. I do not know if this type of internationalization is possible taking into consid- eration of the limited capacities of the Finnish economy but, in any case, it is not worth hoping for. I

If one is sketching alternatives for the Finnish development, many development challenges should be considered. Firstly, the problem of marginalisation in the new international division of labour. Secondly, the adaptation possibilities to the future crises in the world economy. Thirdly, the correction of internal maldevelopment. Fourthly, the challenge of the NIEO as proposed by the Third World countries and fifthly, the challenge of not too great a disturb- ance of the actual Soviet interests in Finland.

It is very easy to write imaginary development utopias taking, for example, no consideration of the external position of the Finnish peripheral economy,as has been done in Finland. Instead, writing concrete utopias is extremely difficult. I have, however, one concrete starting point; the development success in Finland during the interwar years. Finland participated actively, through the forest sector, in the international exchanges and, on the other hand, customs-protected home market industry and agriculture were able to offer work to people. The standard of living was good and development quite self-reliant.

The eventual adjustment toward a controlled dualistic economy starts from a very difficult situation. Finland is economically

and politically dependent on a long term economic cooperation with the Soviet Union and on the free trade with the West. The internal power structure is very conservative and lacks imagination. The research in Finland is more and more administratively controlled and lacks alternative ideas and ideas about alternatives. New so- cial movements are unorganized, represent different interests and do not have any common strategy. So "the official system" may be able to recuperate them again. How to unite, for example, neo-pu- ritan religious movements, feminism, ecological movement etc. in acoherentbloc around the ideas of alternative development?

It is clear that the material standard of living would decline from the prevailing standard if Finland should move toward a more closed economy. As the internal market is small, the efficiency of the home market industry cannot be the greatest. On the other hand, the export sector around the forest industry should be very com- petitive. If the internal price level rises because of the new customs policy, export subsidies may be necessary. The question how to transfer the surplus from the efficient export sector to the social purposes, would be one of the most complicated problems of the new economic system. Even if the material standard would decline in a more closed economy, it is possible to prepare this adjustment quite smoothly. If some future international crisis would take care of this downward adjustment, it would be drastic and very difficult.

The preparation of a more closed alternative development model presupposes a great quantity of research. It presupposes, for example, the knowledge of an alternative national and regional input-output structure of the economy, a good knowledge of the possibilities of multisided utilization of domestic renewable na- tural resources and a creation of new soft technology. As the ex- port sector should also be capable of innovation, the research and development is a strategical sector in the change toward the new economy. As the experimentation is necessary for the new develop- ment model, a new legislation allowing many kinds of social, eco- nomic and technological experiments is one of the main prerequi- sites for the change.

The international sector around forest industry is able to help the Third World countries in the reforestation of eroded areas and in the utilization of forest resources. Some projects are already in action in this field. As Finland lacks oil and minerals, long term economic cooperation between Finland and the Third World countries may benefit both sides. The effort toward the more self- reliant development is not possible in isolation, and Finland should try find a cooperation with like-minded countries. One se- rious possibility for cooperation would be the bloc of Northern countries: . Scandinavia, the Scandinavian periphery and Canada. That kind of cooperation would aid Canada to become less dependent of the United States, the Scandinavian countries less dependent of the EECand Finland and Iceland to diversify their economies. The Northern nature poses many common and special adjustment prob- lems. This kind of new development bloc would, on the other hand, be able to aid the Third World countries especially in the devel- opment of basic sector such as farming, fishing, forestry and

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m e t a l l u r g y .

A S c e n a r i o f o r t h e F u t u r e

I n t h e f i r s t p h a s e , t h e r e w i l l be o f f i c i a l s e a r c h f o r t echnolcg ica l a l t e r n a t i v e s , e s p e c i a l l y i n t h e f i e l d o f e n e r g y p o l i c y . On t h e o t h e r hand , t h e r e w i l l a l s o be a r e a n i m a t i o n o f t r a d i t i o n a l v i l - l a g e l i f e i n t h e c o u n t r y s i d e . Some town-dwellers a r e go ing t o c r e a t e c o o p e r a t i v e e x p e r i m e n t s o f a l t e r n a t i v e l i f e a t t h e o u t - s k i r t s o f towns and i n t h e c o u n t r y s i d e . Some monas te ry t y p e r e l i - g i o u s e x p e r i m e n t s o f a l t e r n a t i v e l i f e w i l l be s e e n i n t h e c o u n t r y - s i d e . By and by, t h e r e w i l l d e v e l o p some b o d i e s g i v i n g a d v i c e f o r a l t e r n a t i v e e x p e r i m e n t s . A l t e r n a t i v e movements w i l l p r e s e n t a can- d i d a t e i n t h e p r e s i d e n t i a l e l e c t i o n s i n t h e m i d d l e o f t h e e i g h t i e s i n o r d e r t o s e n s i t i z e p u b l i c o p i n i o n t o t h e need f o r a l t e r n a t i v e s o l u t i o n s .

When t h e e x i s t i n g o l d p e a s a n t r y l e a v e s a g r i c u l t u r a l work, a d r a s t i c need o f l a b o u r w i l l be f e l t on t h e c ~ u n t r y s i d e . On t h e o t h e r hand, t h e s t r u c t u r a l unemployment e s p e c i a l l y among t h e y o u t h i s g o i n g t o p e r s i s t i n towns. The s t a t e a d m i n i s t r a t i o n w i l l f i n a l l y b e g i n t o s u p p o r t t h e m i g r a t i o n o f p e o p l e from urban d i s t r i c t s t o c o u n t r y - s i d e . S p e c i a l c r e d i t i n s t i t u t i o n s w i l l b e c r e a t e d and c o n s u l t i n g a c t i v i t i e s expanded. When a c r i s i s i n wor ld economy w i l l suddenly hamper t h e p o s s i b i l i t i e s o f t r a d e , i t w i l l be g e n e r a l l y a c c e p t e d t h a t a l t e r n a t i v e e x p e r i m e n t s have p r e p a r e d a way f o r some v i a b l e a l t e r n a t i v e s c o n c e r n i n g t h e whole s o c i e t y .

DOSSIER F I PAD 22 , M A R S / A V R I L 1981

L'ECONOMIE CACHEE: ESQUISSE D'UNE PROBLEMATIQUE par Ignacy Sachs Centre International de Recherche sur lfEnvironment et le Développemen (CIRED) 54 bd. Raspail, 75270 Paris Cedex 06, France

Langue originale: Françai

~ ' 6 ~ 0 ~ 0 ~ 1 E C A C H ~ E : ESQUISSE D ' U N E P R O B L ~ M A T I Q U E

Version préliminair pour discussion

L 'art ic le qui. s u i t a à © t présent à la Table ronde sur "L'Economie submergée cachée souterraine, inv i s ib le , parallèle informelle: une multiple r à © a l i t ou une seule?".

Cette table ronde, organisé à Rome du 16 au 18 octobre 1980 par l e Conseil I t a l i e n des Sciences Sociales avec la collaboration de la Maison des Sciences de L'Homme (Parts) , a réun des chercheurs, univers i taires e t syndica'iistes i t a l i e n s , françai e t espagnols. Elle ava i t pour ob jec t i f de prdparer un colloque international qui pourrait se t e n i r d ' i c i deux ans.

En sciences sociales, les modes sont rarement accidentelles et encore moins innocentes. A quoi donc attribuer l'attention portee récemmen un peu partout dans le monde aux différent aspects de l'économi caché et du hors-marché

Les causes en sont multiples, souvent différente d'un pays 3 l'autre, tantô conjoncturelles, tant8t structurelles. J'en mentionnerai cinq, qui me paraissent importantes.

1. L'intérà des historiens et anthropologues pour l'étud des économie et des sociétà paysannes ne demande pas a 8tre justi- fié Leurs recherches ont 6tà stimulée au cours des vingt der- nière année par la "d6couverte" des 6crits de Chayanov et des populistes russes qui le précédère Elles réponden en outre .3 un besoin pratique (ou si l'on préfèr politique): mieux com- prendre le sens et les impasses de la Révolutio d'Octobre et, plus généralemen la dynamique de la modernisation et du change- ment social des sociétà paysannes qui constituent, faut-il le rappeler, la majorità de la population mondiale. Dans le Tiers Monde, l'éche des strat6gies mimétique de modernisation est attribuable en partie au fait qu'elles furent conçue avec un

outillage intellectuel empruntà à l'économi entrepreneuriale de marché au mépri des réalità plus complexes oà le marche et le hors-marchà s'enchevstrent au sein de l'exploitation familiale suscitant une rationalità propre.

2. L'éche des modèle dualistes simplifié pour rendre compte des réalit6 de l'économi sous-développà et, en particulier, des phénomèn urbains du Tiers Monde a attirà l'attention sur le

"second circuit", l'économi informelle sans laquelle la survie serait sans doute impossible, mais dont l'existence ne saurait êtr invoqué pour justifier des stratégie de croissance qui per- mettent à une minorità d'accéde rapidement à la modernità au prix de la marginalisation de la majorité invité à se débrouil ler dans le secteur informel.

3 . Partout dans le monde, l'essor des mouvements féministe a rappel6 l'importance de l'économi domestique et a permis de mesurer les inégalità économique et sociales entre sexes et groupes d'âg s'exprimant par le partage inéga de la charge du travail et de ses fruits. En ce qui concerne l'économi formelle de marché les femmes constituent un tiers de la force de travail, mais reçoiven à peine 10% du revenu et possèden 1% du patri- moine. En revanche, si l'on tient compte de l'économi caché du secteur domestique, elles participent pour 2 / 3 des heures tra- vaillées A quoi il faut ajouter dans les sociétà paysannes, le travail "gratuit" des enfants allant de pair avec le chômag et le sous-emploi des adultes. l/ Aussi peut-on rappeler la boutade de Galbraith: la sociét de consommation ne pourrait jamais fonction- ner sans l'apport des crypto-domestiques, c'est-à-dir des femmes, la "démocratisation par rapport à la sociét féodal tenant au fait qu'en gros, chacun peut se payer une femme, alors que seuls les grands seigneurs pouvaient entretenir une suite de serviteurs.

Faut-il en conclure, comme le font précipitammen certains mouve- ments féministes que le problèm se ramèn à faire payer les femmes pour leurs services, c'est-à-dir à les transformer en domestiques, en permettant ainsi que l'économi marchande pénèt au coeur mêm de la vie familiale? A quel point faudrait-il arrê ter, le cas échéan la comptabilità des services?

Ce n'est pas le lieu de poursuivre cette discussion ni de s'occu- per des cas de figure plus ou moins piquants comme celui du patron qui épous sa cuisinièr et rédui de cette faço le revenue na- tional, dont on se sert comme preuve acontrario pour imputer des valeurs marchandes aux activité domestiques de nos épouses S'engager dans cette voie reviendrait à admettre tacitement deux prémisse Ggalement discutables: que le problèm consiste à faire payer un travail gratuit sans rien changer à la division des tâche et 2i l'asymétri des rapports sociaux à l'intérieu de la

1/ Le film Padre Padrone, réalis par les frère Taviani, en constitue une - saisissante illustration.

famille et que l'argent constitue un étalo universel permettant de quantifier, comme s'il s'agissait de transactions cor-~erciales, des relations de réciprocit affective nouée en dehors ce la sphsre marchande.

Il reste que le problèm de l'égalit entre les sexes est ::bricuà dans celui des rapports entre la sphèr marchande etle hcrs-r-arché de la place assigné à celui-ci dans la sociétà et ?lus ~énéral ment des différente façon dont d'économiqu s'enchâss 5x . s le social pour employer la terminologie de K. Polanyi. Nous y re- viendrons.

4. Si l'établissemen de la comptabilità nationale a constituà un énorm pas en avant pour doter les décideur d'un cadre quantita- tif rigoureux, en contrepartie elle les rend peu sensibles, quand ce n'est pas aveugles, aux phénomèn qui déborden ce cadre. Cr, la réalit économiqu et sociale est considérablemen plus riche que les modèle des statisticiens. Ce décalag est de plus en plus apparent, non plus seulement dans le Tiers Monde, mais aussi dans les pays industrialisés qu'ils soient capitalistes ou socia- listes.

Dans les pays de l'Europe de l'Est, c'est toute une "seconde éco nomie" qui s'est mise en place, de dimensions assez réduite si l'on essaye de l'évalue en termes de PNB, mais importante en termes de temps de travail social et surtout de satisfaction de demandes urgentes de la population en services et biens de con- sommation auxquelles l'économi officielle sclérosà est inca- pable de répondre

D'abord réprimà au titre de sabotage économiqu et de marchà noir, elle vint peu à peu à êtr tolérà à des degré divers, donnant lieu à l'existence de marché "bariolés alors que dans certains domaines les autorité encouragent l'initiative privé auparavant détruite Manifestation de la débrouillardis des populations vi- vant depuis quarante ans (et plus de soixante ans en URSS) soit en économi de guerre soit sous l'emprise d'une planification bureaucratique,'la "seconde économie fonctionne comme une vérita ble soupape de sûretà réduisan le décalag entre l'offre inadap- té aux besoins et la demande effective. Elle entraîn aussi une redistribution des revenus et de la richesse aux effets complexes à évaluer mais oeuvrant plutô dans le sens des inégalità so- ciales.

La mêm dt5brouillardise s'observe dans des conditions sans doute différente et à un degrà moindre (sauf ueut-êtr en Italie qui cumule certaines caractéristique de pays industrialisà avec celles d'un pays sous-développé dans les pays industrialisé de l'occident. Elle constitue presque un mode d'existence pour une partie des immigrants (par exemple, les 'wetbacks' mexicains aux Etats-Unis) contraints à travailler au noir avec perte de salaire et à auto-produire des logements précaires non pas par choix mais par nécessità A/ Les marginaux qui tournent

l / Ce qui ne veut pas dire que l'autoconstruction ne soit pas à encourager, - commme l ' a montrà J. Turner, mais dans certaines conditions bien pré cises.

volontairement le dos à la sociét de consommation font de cette débrouillardis la pierre de touche de leur engagement idéologique

Mais le plus souvent, le travail au noir et l'échang hors-marchà de services spécialisà entre professionnels de haute volée l/ constituent une faço prosaïqu d'échappe au fisc jugà trop lourd et aux cotisations de sécurit sociale. Nous avons affaire à un effet pervers de l'instauration du "Welfare State", dont chacun aspire à recevoir les prestations mais personne ne veut payer les frais.

5. La crise actuelle donne une dimension nouvelle aux interroaa- tions sur l'économi caché et le hors-marché

Faut-il proscrire le travail au noir parce qu'il augmente le taux de chômag ou, au contraire, modifier la législatio et l'assiette des cotisations sociales de manièr à ce que la distinction entre travail au clair et au noir s'amenuise? Un tel assouplissement est-il compatible avec une.protection efficace des travailleurs contre l'exploitation débridé

L'impasse actuelle du "Welfare State" servira-t-elle de prétext pour démantele la sécurit sociale et marchandiser la santà et l'éducation plut? que de susciter des expérimentation novatrices allant dans le sens d'une auto-production communautaire de certains services?

Quels enjeux se cachent derrièr la socio-économi duale? Il est possible d'imaginer une sociét post-industrielle dans laquelle le hors-marchà formà par des secteurs communautaires et domestiques reprendront un grand essor, renversant ainsi la tendance actuelle vers la marchandisation totale de nos société la participation aux activité de ces deux secteurs ne signifiant d'ailleurs nulle- ment l'abandon du travail professionnel, mais plutô un partage de temps différen au niveau individuel et familial.

Selon une conception un peu différente 2 / le secteur hors-marchà devrait produireles biens et services essentiels distribué gratuitement à tous les citoyens. Ceux-ci, en contrepartie, lui consacreraient un certain nombre d'année de leur activité grou- pée ou réparties et assureraient tous les travaux pénible indis- pensables au bon fonctionnement de la sociétà Par contre, la pro- duction et distribution du superflu relèverai du marché

Mais le concept de socio-économi duale peut aussi recouvrir une véritable économi d'apartheid avec deux secteurs juxtaposés le secteur de pointe, moderne et dynamique, de plus en plus productif

l / Phénomè observà dans les pays anglo-saxons et en seandinavie. -

2 1 Les frère Goodman, Ernesto Rossi, R. Bahro la préconisen chacun à sa - façon

mais i ncapab le d ' a b s o r b e r t o u t e l a f o r c e de t r a v a i l d i s p o n i b l e e t , à s e s c à ´ t à © l e p a r c pour l e s l a i s s à © pour compte du système i n v i t à © à v i v r e comme i l s peuvent en dehors du systèm e t du marchà o r i n c i w a l ou , a l t e r n a t i v e m e n t , a s s i s t g s , r e léquà aux ré s e r v e s e t goulags de t o u t e s s o r t e s . C e t t e d e r n i à ¨ r v i s i o n de socio-économi duale s ' i n s c r i t dans le d r o i t f i l de s tendances a c t u e l l e s des p o l i t i a u e s c o n j o n c t u r e l l e s de f u i t e en avan t s ans changement de cap , à l ' a i d e d e s q u e l l e s l e s pays i n d u s t r i a l i s à © a f f r o n t e n t a u j o u r d ' h u i l a c r i s e s t r u c t u r e l l e .

Economie cachée i n f o r m e l l e , seconde , second c i r c u i t ; gconorpie ou s e c t e u r aorr.estique; marchgs p a r a l l $ l e s , n o i r s ; t r a v a i l au no i r ;ho r s - marché t i e r s - s e c t e u r . . . t ous c e s te rmes e t b i en d ' a u t r e s encore s e recoupent en p a r t i e s ans à ª t r synonymes, s ' a d r e s s a n t à t e l ou t e l a s p e c t p a r t i c u l i e r de l a probl6matique g à © n à © r a l r e f l à © t a n l e s o r i e n t a t i o n s e t l e s s p à © c i a l i t à des chercheurs ou t o u t simplement des p r à © f à © r e n c scmantiques. Un e f f o r t de taxonomie s ' impose comme p r à © a l a b l de d i a logue u t i l e e n t r e l e s d i f f à © r e n t e équipe de che rcheu r s engagée dans l ' à © t u d de l 'économi cachée P l u t à ´ que de v o u l o i r imposer une g r i l l e u n i f i à © e t c o n t r a i g n a n t e , il f a u t commencer p a r c l a r i f i e r l e s d i f f à © r e n t concepts employé e t s ' e f f o r c e r d ' à © t a b l i des p a s s e r e l l e s pe rme t t an t l a t r a d u c t i o n mutue l l e des r à © s u l t a t de recherche . Les p r o p o s i t i o n s q u i s u i v e n t o n t pour b u t d 'amorcer l a d i s c u s s i o n .

L'économi caché m ' a p p a r a à ® comme l e terme le p l u s g à © n à © r a englo- ban t t o u t ce q u e l a c o m p t a b i l i t à n a t i o n a l e l a i s s e p a s s e r , s o i t pour des r a i s o n s c o n c e p t u e l l e s s o i t pa rce que les donnée l u i s o n t o c c u l t à © e s L'économi caché e n g l o b e r a i t a i n s i , d ' une p a r t l ' e n - semble des phénomèn hors-marché y compris l 'économi domestique e t d ' a u t r e p a r t t o u s l e s ~ h à © p a r a l l à ¨ l e p l u s ou moins " i l l à © g a u x "

Un c a s p a r t i c u l i e r e s t c e l u i des s e r v i c e s d i spensé g r a t u i t e m e n t p a r l ' E t a t e t comptab i l i sé au c o à » des f a c t e u r s , e s s e n t i e l l e m e n t l e s s a l a i r e s des employé du s e c t e u r p u b l i c . Ce c a s nous a i d e à v o i r q u ' i l f a u t d i s t i n g u e r l e hors-marchà du t r a v a i l du ho r s - marchà des b i e n s e t s e r v i c e s .

A p a r t i r de c e t t e d i s t i n c t i o n , il d e v i e n t p o s s i b l e d ' à © t a b l i p lu- s i e u r s c a s de f i g u r e , une s o r t e de t y p o l o g i e des s i t u a t i o n s q u i , ensemble, forment l e champ d ' i n v e s t i g a t i o n de l 'économi caché e t q u i d e v r a i e n t f a c i l i t e r son à © t u d comparative. L e t a b l e a u c i - a p r à ¨ met en évidenc l e s p r i n c i p a l e s s i t u a t i o n s de r à © f à © r e n c

L16cc.w.ie domestique.

L'économi de marché privé et publique, y compris le secteur coopcratif, qui peut avoir aussi une composante de 4 et 6, défini ?lus loin.

Le "?.ers-marché du secteur public.

La ?reduction des services et des biens par les producteurs a-to-ieres et lt6conomie paysanne familiale, à concurrence de ses ver.tes sur le marché L/ Les 7arché parallsles "bariolés auxquels correspond l'essen- tiel 52 travail au noir (présen aussi dans 4). La classi- fication des marché parallèle est à faire pour chaque cas f.tir: - £ - A , étan donnà l'éventai des situations observées des conditions institutionnelles et des dispositions légale dont dEpen5 la frontièr entre l'économi de marchà "officielle" et les narché parallèles

L'économi communautaire hors-marché activité bénévole vie associative etc.

L'économi domestique "colonisée comme l'appelle Illich le "do it yourself" commandà par l'achat de "kits" offerts par l'économi marchande et simple appendice de celle-ci. A remarquer quand mêm qu'une subversion de cette culture de consommation est possible, comme l'a montrà brillamment Michel de Certeau; elle opèr par braconnage et, à travers l'invention du quotidien" cré une culture populaire origi- nale.

11 L'Gconomie paysanne est une combinaison de 4 et 1. -

De nos jours, 1 comporte toujours un éléme de 7, dans la mesure oà le secteur domestique est puissamment éauio en biens durables - appareils électro-mgnagers cuisinieres, voitures etc. l/ - d'habitude fournis par le marché Cet équipemen forme l'aopareil de consommation ainsi appel6 par analogie avec l'appareil de pro- duction.

Les sept situations de référen énumérà ci-dessus et leurs combinaisons éventuelle ne constituent pas une classification rigide, mais un simple point de dépar wour analyser dans toute leur complexità les configurations réell de 1'6conomie cachée

Comment mesurer l'économi cachée

Au premier abord, les activité des marché parallsles se prête raient à une évaluatio en prix de marché Encore faudrait-il aue les prix pratiqué dans le marchà officiel aient une réalit éco nomique, ce qui est loin de constituer le cas génér dans les pays de l'Europe de l'Est. 2/

Par contre les activité hors-marchà ne sont pas réductibles par définition 2 une évaluatio marchande. Je m'inscris en faux contre les deux méthode les plus couramment appliquées l'évalu ation des activité non-marchandes selon les prix de marchà des services et des biens analogues et le calcul du coû d'oopportunité

Comme le savent bien les historiens de l'économi pour avoir but6 au mêm problèm dans leurs recherches sur les 6conomies paysannes, évalue la production non-marchande en prix de marchà et imputer au travail fourni gratuitement dans le secteur domestique des remu- nération calculée au taux des salaires, repose sur deux hypo- thèse difficilement admissibles: que ces prix du marchà sont insensibles aux variations des flux marchands; surtout,que les autoproducteurs ont le choix entre l'autoproduction ou la vente de leur force de travail, ce qui suppose une demande illimité et fragmenté de main-d'oeuvre et un niveau de salaires stable.

Quant au calcul de coû d'opportunité il repose sur la wrémiss tout à fait intenable que chaque professionnel a la possibilità d'augmenter à son grà la part de son temps d'actività profession- nelle et de voir sa rémunérati croîtr proportionnellement. Du

l/ Probablement il faudrait y inclure aussi les logements. -

2 1 On serait presque tentà d'y essayer la démarch inverse et de prendre les - ~ r i x pratiqué dans les marché parallèle comme prix de référen pour évalue l'économi marchande. Mais les deux sphère d'actività ne se recou- pent que partiellement. Par ailleurs, les conditions de fonctionnement des marché parallèle sont trop particulière pour quelles puissent servir de norme. Enfin, leurs prix s'établissen en fonction de ce qui se passe (ou ne se passe pas) sur le marchà officiel, nous sommes donc enfermé dans un cercle vicieux.

reste, le résulta auquel on aboutit par le biais de ce calcul va contre le bon sens: une heure de promenade des enfants du PDG en compagnie du pèr "vaut" dix, vingt, cent fois plus que la mêm promenace en cowagnie d'une gouvernante, selon l'importance des rémunératio que le PDG sacrifie en redevenant pèr pour une petite heure!

Une approche plus prometteuse pour évalue les activité hors- marchà s'offre 2 travers l'analyse des emplois du temps de sociétà Le hors-narchà (et à plus forte raison l'économi cachée consti- tue au bas mot une bonne moitià de notre actività globale, à cer- tains aspects plus importante pour notre bien-étr (ou son absence) que la noitià marchande, les deux pouvant idéalemen se compléte ou bien se >oser en concurrents.

L'articulation du hors-marchà et de l'économi marchande m'appa- raî corme une dimension essentielle du projet social dont l'archi- tecture caché se dévoil en dgmontant la mécaniqu de l'horloge sociale. Pour ce faire, il faut dgpasser l'étud minutieuse des budgets-tengs et remonter à l'étud comparative des modsles cul- turels des temps sociaux, holistiques et diachroniques.

La perte de prgcision dans la mesure quantitative des hén no mèn hors-narchà sera récom~ensà par une meilleure compréhensio de leur dynamique et de l'éventai des modèle de sociét considérà sous l'angle de l'articulation du marchà et du hors-marché

Avant d'ouvrir utilement le déba normatif, il faut donc procéde a une double démarch comparative - étud de l'économi caché telle qu'elle s'offre à nos yeux dans différent pays et étude dans leur devenir historique, des mod5les culturels des temps sociaux. Une fois ce préalabl acquis, il devrait êtr possible de mieux apprgcier les différente positions idéologique qui s'affrontent à présen au sujet de la place, des contenus et des fonctions du hors-marchà dans la sociét post-industrielle et plus généraleme des rapports entre l'Etat, le marchà et la socié tà civile. Et, il s'agirait de voir aussi dans quelles politiques et instruments pourrait se traduire le yari sur le hors-marchà comme un lieu privilégi d'épanouissement,collecti et individuel, de l'autonomie et de la créativitÃ

BUILD I NG BLOCKS

C O N C E N T R A T I O N I N INDUSTRIAL S E C T O R : ACHILLES' H E E L OF LAND REFORM by Kamal Nayan Kabra Reader i n Economics I n d i a n I n s t i t u t e o f P u b l i c A d m i n i s t r a t i o n I ndrapras tha E s t a t e New D e l h i 110002, I n d i a

O r i g i n a l language: Engl i s h

Abstract: Land reform attempts i n India since independence have failed. Moreover, land osmership patterns have becomemore polarized i n the 60s and 70s. The workforce employed i n agriculture has remained constant a t 73% for decades, re f l ec t ing frozen social structures and absolute growth of the rural poor. The paper explains why t h i s happened and what could be done t o bring about change.

Indian land reform was based on i n e f f e c t i v e legal-administrative measures, whereby the rich/poor power relat ions a t the grass-root level remained un- changed. What i s needed i s a massive expansion of employment and income opportunities i n the non-agriculture sectov t o enable the rural poor t o acquire some degree of independence i n the i r social existence. One stumbling block i s however that Indian industry, although dynamic, i s highly concentrated i n terms of ownership. The establishment of a new l ink between land reform and industr ial development i s crucial whereby especial ly private industr ial and corporate asse t s should be deconcentrated.

AGRAI RE

R6sum6: Les e f f o r t s de reforme agraire en Inde depuis lfind6pendance ont 4chou6. Qui plus es t , la structure de la propriete fonci&e s les t polaris6e depuis 1960. La force de travai l employee duns I fagricul ture e s t demeuree constante (73%), re f lg tan t l e blocage des structures e t la croissance absolue de la pauvret6 r w a l e . Cet a r t i c l e explique Zes raisons de ce t t e s i tuat ion e t examine ce qui pourrait Stre f a i t pour La changer.

La reforms agraire indienne a 6t6 fbndie sur des mesures legales e t administra- t i v e s inef f icaces qui sont demewees sans e f f e t sur l e s re lat ions entre riches e t pauvres duns l fespace ZocaZ. Un ehangement demanderait une extension mas- s i ve de LfempLoi e t Zfaccroissement du revenu dans Le s e c t e w nfin-agricole de mani2re 6 assurer un minimum drind6pendance sociale a m pauvres ruraux. Un obstacle res ide dans l e f a i t que l f i n d u s t r i e indienne, quoique dynamique, demeure fortement coneentree quant 2 sa propriete. De nouveaux l i ens entre

(cont. a l a page lO(36) )

Kamal Nayan Kabra

CONCENTRATION IN INDUSTRIAL SECTOR: ACHILLES' HEEL OF LAND

REFORM */

There a r e many i n d i c a t o r s t o show t h a t t he s ta te-sponsored process o f socio-economic development, s t a r t e d i n I n d i a i n t h e e a r l y 1 9 5 0 1 s , has been aground s i n c e t h e middle of t h e l a s t decade.

In t h e many hypotheses which have been forwarded t o exp la in t h i s phenomenon, t h e c r u c i a l r o l e has been a t t r i b u t e d t o worsening con- c e n t r a t i o n o f l and ownership through t h e f a i l u r e o f a g r a r i a n reforms and r u r a l i n s t i t u t i o n a l change, which has l i m i t e d t h e growth of markets f o r i n d u s t r i a l and a g r i c u l t u r a l commodities, r e s t r i c t e d supply o f a g r i c u l t u r a l raw m a t e r i a l s , and has r e s t r i c - t e d an o v e r a l l improvement of a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c t i v i t y and r e - duc t ion of i n e q u a l i t i e s i n economic and s o c i a l sphe res . While t h e c r u c i a l r o l e i n t h i s con tex t i s o f t h e f a i l u r e s of l and reform programmes, t h e emphasis has g e n e r a l l y been p laced on p o l i t i c o - a d m i n i s t r a t i v e measures, whose implementation is impeded by t h e absence of a r e a l and e f f e c t i v e " p o l i t i c a l w i l l " and l ack of o r g a n i s a t i o n on t h e p a r t of t h e poor peasan t s , o r t h e p o t e n t i a l b e n e f i c i a r i e s .

However, t h e l and ownership p a t t e r n i s such, t h a t t h e problem when posed i n t h i s form, p r e s e n t s t h e fo l lowing dilemma: land r e d i s t r i b u t i o n i s needed i n o r d e r t o reduce t h e concen t r a t ion of l and ownership. However, t h e power e n t a i l e d by concen t r a t ed ownership j eopa rd i se s e f f e c t i v e implementation of land d i s t r i b u - t i o n programmes. Thus, any l and reforms, which l eave t h e p r e s e n t power equa t ions a t t h e g r a s s r o o t s l e v e l and a t t h e t o p b a s i c a l l y unchanged, cannot ensu re e f f e c t i v e deconcent ra t ion of land owner- s h i p .

The con ten t ion of t h i s n o t e i s t h a t a p o l i c y package which can ( a ) c r i t i c a l l y a l t e r t h e modus operand! of t h e socio-economic pro- c e s s e s and t h u s reduce t h e power e x e r c i s e d by concen t r a t ed l and ownership and ( b ) develop t h e non-ag r i cu l tu ra l s e c t o r and, hence, reduce t h e dependence of t h e r u r a l poor on the landed i n t e r e s t s , can provide t h e e s s e n t i a l p recond i t ions f o r s u c c e s s f u l implemen- t a t i o n of l and reforms, w i thou t i nvo lv ing a thorough p r i o r r e - s t r u c t u r i n g of t h e s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l se t -up .

The e x t e n t of importance and power a t t a c h e d t o l and can be appre- c i a t e d by t h e f a c t t h a t t h e p ropor t ion o f t h e Ind ian workforce

*/ Synopsis of Author's Working Paper No. 2 (Land Reforms and Industrializa- tion: Some Institutional Linkages and their Implications) of the Public Policy and Planning Division, Indian Institute of Public Administration, New Delhi.

engaged i n a g r i c u l t u r e and a l l i e d a c t i v i t i e s , s i n c e 1921, has remained p r a c t i c a l l y unchanged a t about 7 3 % . This would imply an a b s o l u t e i n c r e a s e i n t h e number of persons engaged i n a g r i c u l t u r e of about 80 m i l l i o n . A s a r e s u l t , p r e s s u r e on land has s t e a d i l y been i n c r e a s i n g , r e s u l t i n g i n a lower p e r c a p i t a a v a i l a b i l i t y of l and . This d e c l i n e i n p e r c a p i t a a v a i l a b i l i t y becomes even more s i g n i f i c a n t when it i s seen i n t h e l i g h t of an a b s o l u t e i n c r e a s e i n t h e a r e a under c u l t i v a t i o n .

For t h i s l a r g e and growing p ropor t ion o f a g r i c u l t u r a l l a b o u r e r s , t h e l a n d l o r d i s t h e major s o u r c e o f work and income. There e x i s t s a s t r o n g p a t r o n - c l i e n t r e l a t i o n s h i p between t h e landowners and t h e r u r a l poo r , t h e l a t t e r be ing used t o gene ra t e a s u r p l u s pro- duc t by t h e former.

S imul taneous ly , t h e r e i s observed an i n c r e a s i n g skewedness i n t h e d i s t r i b u t i o n o f l and ownership, implying a b i g i n c r e a s e i n t h e p ropor t ion of l a n d l e s s a g r i c u l t u r a l l a b o u r e r s between 1951-1971. Moreover, t h i s was a l s o a p e r i o d o f massive inves tments i n a g r i - c u l t u r e - i n t h e form of i r r i g a t i o n , community development, c r e d i t p r o v i s i o n , new t echno logy , p r i ce - suppor t p o l i c i e s , and a b i g i n c r e a s e i n t h e u r b a n - i n d u s t r i a l demand f o r a g r i c u l t u r a l p roduc t s owing t o unprecedented l e v e l s of inves tment i n i n d u s t r i a l develop- ment. A l l t h i s i n c r e a s e d t h e p r o f i t a b i l i t y of a g r i c u l t u r e and, coupled wi th a h i g h l y concen t r a t ed land-ownership , led t o t h e emer- gence and c o n s o l i d a t i o n o f a c l a s s o f r i c h and b i g f a rmer s .

Thus, a s a r e s u l t of t h e s e p o l i c i e s of a g r i c u l t u r a l development, t h e r u r a l s e c t o r has become more p o l a r i s e d and s h a r p l y d i f f e r e n - t i a t e d wi th t h e sma l l and margina l fa rmers (owning up t o two h e c t a r e s o f l a n d ) forming t h e l owes t end of t h e spectrum, and t h o s e owning 4 h e c t a r e s o r more c o n s t i t u t i n g t h e t o p of t h e pyra- mid.

Th i s c l a s s s t r u c t u r e , which becomes a dominant c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f t h e e n t i r e network of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s i n t h e r u r a l a g r i c u l t u r a l s e c t o r , h a s a s i g n i f i c a n t impact on t h e way t h e 'marke t ' penet ra- t e s t h e r u r a l economy. The r u r a l poor n e c e s s a r i l y have lower bar - g a i n i n g s t r e n g t h when compared t o t h e b i g g e r l a n d l o r d s , on account o f t h e i r lower economic and a s s e t - h o l d i n g p o s i t i o n s l e a d i n g t o unfavourable te rms governing t r a n s a c t i o n s i n t h e s e markets . Rein- f o r c i n g t h i s i s a s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e wherein t h e lower s t r a t a depend on t h e r u r a l r i c h f o r work o p p o r t u n i t i e s and f o r c r e d i t du r ing d rough t , and t h e n o n - a v a i l a b i l i t y o f p a s t s av ings f o r t h e sma l l landowners, which f o r c e s them t o market t h e i r o u t p u t immediately a f t e r h a r v e s t and g i v e s them unfavourable p r i c e s .

Given such power i n t h e hands of t h e landowners and t h e r e s u l t i n g dependence of t h e r u r a l poor on t h o s e who wie ld t h e l e v e r s o f power i n employment, f i nance and market ing , t h e l ega l - admin i s t r a - t i v e p r o c e s s e s f o r e f f e c t i n g r e d i s t r i b u t i o n o f l and a r e of l i t t l e use . Nor i s it p o s s i b l e f o r t h e r u r a l poor t o mob i l i ze themselves s u c c e s s f u l l y and e f f e c t i v e l y , and t h u s i n t e r v e n e i n t h e l e g a l p roces ses .

However, s i n c e eve ry group can mobi l ize i t s e l f , t h e e s s e n t i a l t a s k i n mob i l i za t ion f o r a g r a r i a n r e s t r u c t u r i n g i s t o i d e n t i f y t h e ways and means f o r meeting t h e cha l l enge of counter -mobi l iza t ion by t h e landed i n t e r e s t s .

The e s s e n t i a l p recond i t ions f o r changing t h e p a t t e r n of r e source ( l a n d ) ownership through mob i l i za t ion then r e q u i r e s a s i t u a t i o n of economic development which ( a ) p rov ides t h e poorer s e c t i o n s wi th a l t e r n a t i v e sou rces of employment and more s t a b l e incomes and ( b ) i n c r e a s e s t h e p r o f i t a b i l i t y and s t a b i l i t y of farm o p e r a t i o n s , and hence t h e farm s u r p l u s , and thus induces and enab le s t h e land- ho lde r s t o go i n f o r non-farm inves tments . The former w i l l imply a s t r u c t u r a l s h i f t i n t h e occupa t iona l p a t t e r n away from a g r i c u l - t u r e and a l l i e d a c t i v i t i e s and t h u s reduce t h e dependence of t h e r u r a l poor on t h e b igge r l a n d l o r d s . The l a t t e r , i f accompanied by expansion of non-farm employment, w i l l g ive t h e l and lo rds fewer o p p o r t u n i t i e s t o expand t h e i r c a p i t a l through a g r i c u l t u r a l opera- t i o n s and t h u s weaken the v e r t i c a l s o c i a l and economic l i n k s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f t h e Indian r u r a l s e c t o r .

This process of s o c i a l development b r i n g s i n t o the open many con- f l i c t s o f i n t e r e s t between t h e b i g g e r landowners and t h e r u r a l poor , and more impor t an t , between t h e b i g c a p i t a l i s t s of t h e urban s e c t o r and t h e poor o f t h e r u r a l s e c t o r , a s t h e process of c a p i t a - l i s t product ion s t a r t s o p e r a t i n g i n t h e farm s e c t o r . The horizon- t a l l i n k s among t h e masses can , t h e n , be s t r eng thened , g i v i n g b i r t h t o c o g n i t i v e , i n s t i t u t i o n a l and p o l i t i c a l p recond i t ions f o r e f f e c t i v e mob i l i za t ion and counter -mobi l iza t ion .

Thus, any advancement i n t h e d i r e c t i o n of implementation of l and reforms must r e s t on socio-economic development, which by s t r e n g t h - en ing i n t e r s e c t o r a l l i n k a g e s , reduces t h e d i r e c t and immediate dependence of t h e r u r a l poor on t h e r u r a l r i c h and t h u s g ives t h e former t h e w i l l and c a p a c i t y t o c o l l e c t i v e l y move f o r t h e r e a l i - z a t i o n of t h e i r long-term goa l s .

Counter -mobi l iza t ion by t h e b igge r landholding c l a s s e s a g a i n s t any l and r e d i s t r i b u t i o n programme i s l i k e l y t o be both s i z e a b l e and e f f e c t i v e . And i f it were t o succeed, it would imply e i t h e r non- e x i s t e n c e of any o t h e r power-grouping i n t h e s o c i e t y o r an a l l i - ance between t h e landed i n t e r e s t s and o t h e r power c e n t r e s - mainly wi th t h e i n d u s t r i a l c a p i t a l i s t c l a s s . Thus i n t h e process of implementing l and r e d i s t r i b u t i o n programmes, we must assume on t h e p a r t of t h e c l a s s of i n d u s t r i a l i s t s e i t h e r i n d i f f e r e n c e o r an a l l i a n c e wi th t h e landed o r t h e l a n d l e s s c l a s s .

A t a t h e o r e t i c a l and programmatic l e v e l , t h e dominant i n d u s t r i a l c l a s s may accep t l and reforms a s a n a t i o n a l programme f o r t h e fo l lowing r easons : ( a ) i t w i l l expand t h e r u r a l market f o r indus- t r i a l commodities by l ead ing t o g r e a t e r e q u a l i t y of income and employment d i s t r i b u t i o n ( b ) i t w i l l i n c r e a s e supply o f raw mate- r i a l s and l abour t o t h e urban s e c t o r ( c ) by s t i m u l a t i n g a g r i c u l - t u r a l development, it w i l l r a i s e t h e r a t e of c a p i t a l accumulation

( d ) a g r a r i a n reform may make a s u b s t a n t i a l c o n t r i b u t i o n t o t h e problem of p roduc t ive abso rp t ion of our v a s t and growing s u r p l u s manpower, t h u s r e l i e v i n g t h e burden on t h e i n d u s t r i a l s e c t o r .

However, t h e poor implementation of land reforms g ives r ise t o doubt r ega rd ing t h e e x i s t e n c e and s t r e n g t h of t h e commitment t o l and reforms on t h e p a r t of t h e i n d u s t r i a l i s t c l a s s e s .

The coun te r -p res su res a t work a r e many.

1. To o b t a i n any k ind of a c t i v e suppor t from t h e i n d u s t r i a l i s t s , t h e programme of l and reforms shou ld have a c l e a r - c u t t h r u s t r ega rd ing t h e k ind of p rope r ty and p roduc t ion r e l a t i o n s it i s going t o encourage. However, t h e l and reform p o l i c i e s may t end t o show d i v e r g e n t t h r u s t s and o r i e n t a t i o n . These programmes may, e . g . , be a n t i - f e u d a l and may encourage c a p i t a l i s t r e l a t i o n s i n a g r i c u l t u r e - e .g . by d i s t r i b u t i n g t h e l and of f e u d a l absen tee l a n d l o r d s over l a r g e s e l f - c u l t i v a t e d sc i en t i f i ca l ly -managed farms growing commercial c rops .

2 . A l t e r n a t i v e l y , t h e a n t i - f e u d a l programme may, a t t h e same t ime, have a pro-small , peasant farming, and hence an a n t i - c a p i t a l i s t , a n t i - c e n t r a l i s i n g t h r u s t .

3 . The l inkage between a g r a r i a n r e s t r u c t u r i n g and i n d u s t r i a l development set up a t an ' a p r i o r i ' l e v e l i s based on a number of i m p l i c i t assumptions, which do n o t always o b t a i n i n c o u n t r i e s l i k e I n d i a . The impact o f i n c r e a s e d employment and o u t p u t a r i s i n g from t h e i n t r o d u c t i o n o f a sma l l farm economy and land reforms may be f e l t more i n t h e form of i n c r e a s e d consumption of food (due t o h igh income - e l a s t i c i t y f o r food e t c . ) r a t h e r t h a n i n t h e form of l a r g e r f lows of marketed s u r p l u s t o t h e non-ag r i cu l tu ra l sec- t o r . This i s p a r t i c u l a r l y s o , g iven t h e below-subsistence wage r a t e i n t h e a g r i c u l t u r a l s e c t o r .

I t may be argued, on t h e c o n t r a r y , t h a t i nc reased product ion w i l l l e a d , n o t on ly t o a r i s e i n t h e consumption l e v e l of t h e r u r a l poor , b u t a l s o t o a commensurate improvement i n food product ion . However, t h e t ime l a g i n the movement o f wages and food o u t p u t may cause a se t -back t o t h e r a t e of r e t u r n on i n d u s t r i a l i n v e s t - ment.

4 . The e x i s t e n c e o f a l a r g e army o f semi-employed a g r i c u l t u r a l l a b o u r e r s and sma l l and marginal farmers ,wi th t h e i r fami ly and cas te-based s o c i a l organisa t ion ,becomes a sou rce of cheap labour f o r t h e i n d u s t r i a l c a p i t a l i s t c l a s s , which a programme l i k e t h a t of l and r e d i s t r i b u t i o n i s l i k e l y t o d i s t u r b .

Thus an e f f e c t i v e and o p e r a t i o n a l cornmonality of i n t e r e s t s l i n k i n g t h e r u r a l p o o r ' s we l lbe ing wi th t h e behaviour p a t t e r n of t h e i n d u s t r i a l c a p i t a l i s t i s n o t s o e a s i l y p e r c e p t i b l e - p a r t i c u l a r l y f o r t h e i l l i t e r a t e and i n a r t i c u l a t e r u r a l poor.

Thus, we f i n d a v a c i l l a t i n g a t t i t u d e of t h e i n d u s t r i a l c a p i t a l i s t s towards r u r a l r e s t r u c t u r i n g and, on t h e o t h e r hand, absence o f

any a l l i a n c e between t h e r u r a l and urban poor i n t h e framework of s o c i a l p roduc t ion r e l a t i o n s . T h i s , viewed i n t h e c o n t e x t o f e f f e c t i v e coun te r -mob i l i za t ion by t h e landed i n t e r e s t s a g a i n s t implementat ion of programmes of l a n d r e d i s t r i b u t i o n , f r u s t r a t e s any a t t e m p t a t r u r a l r e s t r u c t u r i n g .

The on ly p o s s i b l e a l t e r n a t i v e t o a g r a r i a n r e s t r u c t u r i n g i t s e l f must be one t h a t would l e a d t o t h e growth of employment i n such p r o p o r t i o n s s o a s t o reduce t h e dominance of buyers i n t h e r u r a l l abour market . Such an expansion of n o n - a g r i c u l t u r a l employment r e q u i r e s a s t e a d y expans ion of non-landlord-based employment of un-and-under-employed l abour a s a neces sa ry condi t ion . The mag- n i t u d e of t h e employment must be such t h a t n o t on ly t h e e n t i r e n a t u r a l i n c r e a s e i n n o n - a g r i c u l t u r a l workforce i s absorbed i n t h a t s e c t o r i t s e l f , b u t it a l s o draws o f f an i n c r e a s i n g magnitude o f t h e workforce p r e s e n t l y engaged i n a g r i c u l t u r e .

Th i s does n o t mean t h a t t h e r e i s no scope l e f t f o r i n c r e a s e d pro- d u c t i v e a b s o r p t i o n of l abour i n a g r i c u l t u r e . But s i n c e c a p i t a l i s t fa rming t e n d s t o have a labour-saving b i a s , an i n c r e a s e i n t h e demand f o r l abour i n a g r i c u l t u r e pre-supposes t h e i n c r e a s e d impor- t ance of wa te r and biology-based a g r i c u l t u r a l technology a p p l i e d t o a sma l l farm economy. The l a t t e r is b a s i c a l l y dependent on a remoulding o f e x i s t i n g l and r e l a t i o n s which have been seen t o be caught i n a v i c i o u s c i r c l e o f socio-economic f o r c e s . Thus, t h e major s t e p has t o be i n t h e form o f i n c r e a s e d n o n - a g r i c u l t u r a l employment.

This argument a l s o does n o t i n t e n d t o deny t h e r o l e o f r u r a l works and employment programmes. Only, given t h e p r e s e n t power ba l ance , it i s u n l i k e l y t h a t a r e a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t amount of r e s o u r c e s can be a l l o c a t e d f o r such p r o j e c t s , and t h e r e i s always t h e f e a r of l eakages o f t h e r e s o u r c e s a l l o c a t e d , away from t h e i n t ended b e n e f i c i a r i e s , t o l i n e t h e pocke t s of t h e r u r a l r i c h . Thus, d e s p i t e t h e i r undoubted u t i l i t y , t h e y cannot become a s u b s t i t u t e f o r n o n - a g r i c u l t u r a l employment p a r t i c u l a r l y ove r t h e long run .

Thus, t h e l i n k between t h e growth, expans ion and s t r u c t u r e of t h e non-agrar ian s e c t o r and t h e development of t h e a g r a r i a n s e c t o r is b a s i c t o a p roces s of a g r a r i a n r e s t r u c t u r i n g . However, s i n c e t h e e m p i r i c a l f a c t s of non-implementation of l and r e d i s t r i b u t i o n laws a r e sought t o be r e c t i f i e d through p o l i t i c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n a l f ac - t o r s , t h e r o l e o f an o v e r a l l p a t t e r n of development i n g e n e r a l , and of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n i n p a r t i c u l a r , ha s o f t e n been underplayed o r taken a s given a t i t s p r e s e n t r a t e and p a t t e r n o f development.

H i s t o r i c a l l y , t h e r e i s no denying t h e f a c t t h a t i n c o u n t r i e s l i k e I n d i a , i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n and e x t e n s i o n o f commerce have n o t s i g - n i f i c a n t l y c o n t r i b u t e d t o t h e a b s o r p t i o n of s u r p l u s r u r a l man- power i n t h e n o n - a g r i c u l t u r a l s e c t o r . Bu t , t h i s i s e s s e n t i a l l y an outcome of a s p e c i f i c h i s t o r i c a l s e t of c o n d i t i o n s i n c l u d i n g t h a t of t h e i n s t i t u t i o n a l m a t r i x which i s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of t h e count ry .

The s u c c e s s f u l exper ience of Japan i n e f f e c t i n g s i g n i f i c a n t l and reforms i s o f t e n c i t e d t o hold many l e s sons f o r I n d i a , p a r t i c u - l a r l y i n t h e form of involvement of t h e p o t e n t i a l l y b e n e f i c i a r y peasan t s and t h e r o l e of s t r o n g p o l i t i c a l suppor t f o r t h e pro- gramme of a g r a r i a n r e s t r u c t u r i n g . This narrow view over looks t h e f a c t t h a t t h i s has been p o s s i b l e only due t o t h e r a p i d develop- ment of i n d u s t r y and non-ag r i cu l tu ra l s e c t o r s , which were changing t h e man-land r a t i o conducive t o g r e a t e r independence on t h e p a r t of t h e Japanese peasan t s . In f a c t , t h e percentage of t h e Japanese workforce dependent on a g r i c u l t u r e and a l l i e d a c t i v i t i e s f e l l from 43.2% 'i-n 1940 t o 19 .7% i n 1970.

In I n d i a , t h e p ropor t ion of t h e workforce engaged i n a g r i c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t i e s has remained unchanged a t 73% s i n c e 1921. This means t h a t t h e non-ag r i cu l tu ra l employment has f a i l e d t o draw workers away from land. F u r t h e r , t h e growth of non-ag r i cu l tu ra l s e c t o r employment has been s o slow t h a t it f a l l s s h o r t of even t h e natu- r a l i n c r e a s e i n n o n - a g r i c u l t u r a l popu la t ion . And the s h a r e of manufacturing employment i n t h e t o t a l non-farm employment has a l s o been d e c l i n i n g .

Between 1961-71, t a k i n g account of t h e i n c r e a s e i n workforce and t h e i n c r e a s e i n n o n - a g r i c u l t u r a l p u b l i c and p r i v a t e s e c t o r employ- ment, an e s t ima ted 4.7 m i l l i o n jobs seems t o be t h e magnitude of t h e throw-back from non-ag r i cu l tu re t o a g r i c u l t u r e and o t h e r un- o rgan i sed informal a c t i v i t i e s . S i m i l a r l y , t he throwback from non-ag r i cu l tu re du r ing 1962-76 i s e s t i m a t e d a t 7.9 m i l l i o n .

The i n s u f f i c i e n t r a t e of growth o f non-ag r i cu l tu ra l work opportu- n i t i e s , r e s u l t i n g i n t h e unabated dependence of t h e r u r a l poor and undiminished power of landholding may w e l l consp i r e t o gener- a t e a p o l i t i c a l w i l l which dec ides t o decree t h a t whatever r e - t u r n s o f s u r p l u s land have become a v a i l a b l e s o f a r d e f i n e a l l t he s u r p l u s l and a v a i l a b l e f o r r e d i s t r i b u t i o n . Hence land r e d i s t r i - bu t ion programmes may o f f i c i a l l y be termed a s a c losed c h a p t e r , having been proved unproduct ive , i f n o t counter -product ive .

The p a t t e r n of ownership and c o n t r o l of a s s e t s i n t h e non-agricul- t u r a l s e c t o r , though r a r e l y h i g h l i g h t e d , has an impor tant s i g n i - f i c a n c e i n terms o f employment gene ra t ion . Though t h e S t a t e s e c t o r p l a y s an impor tant p a r t i n I n d i a ' s non-ag r i cu l tu ra l s e c t o r , i t s a c t i v i t i e s a r e l i m i t e d i n scope and coverage, and t h u s we need t o concern o u r s e l v e s mainly wi th t h e p r i v a t e non-ag r i cu l tu ra l s e c t o r , and wi th t h e co rpora t e s e c t o r i n p a r t i c u l a r which can be cons idered f u l l y r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of t h e o rgan i sed non-ag r i cu l tu ra l s e c t o r .

The c o r p o r a t e s e c t o r i s dominated by l a r g e i n d u s t r i a l houses and e s t i m a t e s on growth of t h e i r a s s e t s show a h igh ly skewed d i s t r i - b u t i o n of n e t a s s e t s i n t h i s s e c t o r . While t h e t o p 20% companies

hold about 2/3rds of t h e t o t a l a s s e t s , t h e lower 8 0 % o f t h e com- panies account f o r about l / 3 r d of t h e t o t a l a s s e t s only .

A h igh degree of concen t r a t ion of a s s e t s i n the non-ag r i cu l tu ra l s e c t o r i n gene ra l and t h e i n d u s t r i a l s e c t o r i n p a r t i c u l a r i s r e l a t e d wi th some o t h e r a s p e c t s o f t h e socio-economic r e l a t i o n s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of t h e non-ag r i cu l tu ra l s e c t o r . The narrow com- manding h e i g h t s of t h e co rpora t e s e c t o r have a sha rp ly def ined r e g i o n a l , communal and c a s t e complexion. The market r e l a t i o n s a r e mainly t h e legacy of a c o l o n i a l economic p o l i c y and a pos t - c o l o n i a l fo re ign c a p i t a l and t echno log ica l import p o l i c y , accom- panied by p r o t e c t e d domestic markets f o r Sta te-sponsored growth of impor t - subs t i t u t ing i n d u s t r i e s . This a l s o d e f i n e s t h e mutual accomodation which has developed between Indian and fo re ign c a p i t a l .

Fu r the r , t h e savings r a t e d i sp l ayed by t h e non-ag r i cu l tu ra l s e c t o r could n o t have l e d t o apprec i ab le a d d i t o n a l employment. However, the c o r p o r a t e s e c t o r has been i n v e s t i n g and us ing a mul t ip l e of i t s savings . This t hey have been doing mainly wi th t h e h e l p of borrowings from c e n t r a l and S t a t e governments, p u b l i c f i n a n c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s , and t h e household s e c t o r . As a r e s u l t , co rpora t e inves tments vary from 10-13% of g r o s s domestic c a p i t a l format ion , whi le i t s sha re i n domestic s av ings v a r i e s between 5 % t o 1% and l e s s .

The product-mix o f t h e Indian i n d u s t r i e s has shown a b i a s i n r e c e n t y e a r s towards du rab le consumers goods and b a s i c and c a p i t a l goods i n d u s t r i e s , i n d i c a t i n g a h ighe r c a n i t a l labour r a t i o . I n f a c t , f i x e d c a p i t a l pe r employee i n t h e f a c t o r y s e c t o r i s such t h a t an inves tment of 1 lakh rupees would ha rd ly s u f f i c e f o r employment of f o u r persons ,whi le i n t h e smal l s e c t o r t h e same inves tment can e a s i l y employ over 2 0 0 persons . Thus, t h e h igh c a p i t a l i n t e n s i t y , s av ing and inves tment behaviour , product-mix, and t e c h n i c a l f i n a n c i a l c o l l a b o r a t i o n b i a s i n t h e o rgan i sed f a c t o r y s e c t o r p u t s l i m i t a t i o n s on t h e e x t e n t t o which a d d i t i o n a l workforce can be accommodated i n t h i s s e c t o r . Hence i n t r o d u c t i o n of employment expansion a s a b a s i c and i n t e g r a l p a r t of t h e objec- t i v e s of t h e s e p rocesses r e q u i r e s t h e replacement of t h e t y p i c a l mo t iva t iona l p a t t e r n of a p r i v a t e e n t e r p r i s e market economy by some s o c i a l l y responsive o r g a n i s a t i o n a l ownership form.

Thus, on account of only c u r s o r i l y t a k i n g no te o f t h e r e l a t i o n - s h i p between a g r a r i a n r e s t r u c t u r i n g and t h e pace and p a t t e r n of development i n t h e non-ag r i cu l tu ra l s e c t o r , p a r t i c u l a r l y wi th r e s p e c t t o t h e socio-economic r e l a t i o n s o b t a i n i n g i n both t h e s e s e c t o r s and t h e i r i n s t i t u t i o n a l l i n k a g e s , t h e mechanism and pre- cond i t ions f o r e f f e c t i v e s o c i a l mob i l i za t ion f o r ensu r ing a g r a r i a n r e s t r u c t u r i n g i n t h e country were n o t recognised. This l e d t o an over-emphasis on t h e r o l e of l e g a l - a d m i n i s t r a t i v e measures t o such an e x t e n t t h a t i t was expected t h a t d e s p i t e t h e cont inued ope ra t ion of t h e p r e s e n t power r e l a t i o n s h i p s a t t h e g r a s s r o o t l e v e l , t h e r e w i l l be enough w i l l and c a p a c i t y a t t h e apex l e v e l

t o o r g a n i s e a movement o f t h e r u r a l poor f o r e f f e c t i n g r e d i s t r i - b u t i o n o f economic a s s e t s i n f a v o u r o f t h e p r e s e n t l y d i s p o s s e s s e d c l a s s e s . I n much o f l i t e r a t u r e and o f f i c i a l documents , i t i s n o t p e r c e i v e d t h a t t h e c o n t i n u e d dominance a t t h e lower l e v e l by t h e r i c h can h a r d l y c r e a t e c o n d i t i o n s i n which t h e " t o p " c a n s u c c e s - s f u l l y i n t e r v e n e a g a i n s t t h e i n t e r e s t s o f t h e power-base, e x c e p t when one i s v i s u a l i z i n g a p r i o r p o l i t i c a l r e v o l u t i o n .

What i s n e e d e d , t h e n , i s a mass ive e x p a n s i o n o f work and income o p p o r t u n i t i e s , i n t h e more c e n t r a l i z e d and dynamic n o n - a g r i c u l t u - r a l s e c t o r , t o e n a b l e t h e r u r a l p o o r t o a c q u i r e a minimum d e g r e e o f independence i n t h e i r s o c i a l e x i s t e n c e . The i n t r o d u c t i o n o f measures t o b r e a k m o n o p o l i s t i c c o n c e n t r a t i o n i n t h e n o n - a g r l c u l - t u r a l s e c t o r s t h e n becomes t h e f i r s t t a s k f o r i n i t i a t i n g t h e c h a i n r e a c t i o n f o r I n d i a n s o c i a l and economic development , and t h e pos- s i b i l i t y o f t h e l a n d e d i n t e r e s t s j o i n i n g i n t h e c o u n t e r - m o b i l i z a - t i o n by t h e i n d u s t r i a l c a p i t a l is u n l i k e l y a s t h e former i s a l r e a d y peeved a t t h e e x c e s s i v e f a v o u r s shown t o t h e l a t t e r , i n t h e form o f S t a t e s u p p o r t and d i r e c t t r a n s f e r s o f f u n d s and s a v i n g s t o l a r g e i n d u s t r i a l g roups . Such S t a t e s u p p o r t t o t h e i n d u s t r i a l c a p i t a l i s t c l a s s o r i g i n a t e s main ly from t h e e f f e c t i v e use o f economic power by t h e b i g b u s i n e s s and i t s a s s o c i a t e s t o c a r r y p o l i t i c a l p r o c e s s e s , p l a n n i n g , p o l i c y and i m p l e m e n t a t i o n i n t n e i r f a v o u r .

Thus a programme o f d e c o n c e n t r a t i o n o f p r i v a t e i n d u s t r i a l and c o r p o r a t e a s s e t s and t h e t r a n s f e r o f c o n t r o l o v e r p r o d u c t i v e a s s e t s f rom t h e l a r g e i n d u s t r i a l h o u s e s t o t h e S t a t e t o b e used f o r p l a n n e d s o c i a l good remains t h e o n l y a l t e r n a t i v e t o removing t h e i n s t i t u t i o n a l and t e c h n o l o g i c a l c o n s t r a i n t s f o r a phenomenal i n c r e a s e i n employment t o e n s u e .

Rësumà ( s u i t e de l a page l ( 2 7 ) )

ta r i forne agraire e t la croissance indus t r i e l l e , l e capi tal favorisant la &concentration du capital. ' industriel priv6, sont a ins i cruciaux.

L A CONCENTRACION I N D U S T R I A L : TALON D E A Q U I L E S D E L A REFORMA

A G R A R I A E N L A I N D I A

Resmen: Los esfuerzos para real izar una reforma agraria en la India despué de la independenc-ia han fracamdo. Ademas, la estructuru de la terratenencia se ha polarizado en las anos sesenta y se tenta . La fuerza obrera empleada en la agvicz~ltura sique siendo igual ( 7 3 Z j , refZe.jando e l bloque0 de las estruc- t w a s y e l amento absoLuz de ta pobreza rural . Este informe expliou e l porquL de es ta situacion y examina l o que se podr& hacer para e fectuar cambios.

La reforma agraria india estaba fundada en medi-das jur'idicas y administrativas inef icaces que pemanecieron s i n jamas oambiczr las relaciones entre r ieos y pobres dentro del espaeio local. Paru e fectuar cambios se necesitar& una extension masiva de empleo y un amento de ingresos en e l secior no agricuZtor. Estoaseguraria un minimo de indepencia social a los pobres en e l sector rural. Un obstaculo es ta en e l hecho que l a 'industria -india, aunque dinamica, sigue altamente concentrada en cuanto a su propriedad. E s i.mprescindible forjar nuevos vineulos entre la reforma agraria y e l desarro l l o industr ial , favori- zando a s i la deconcentracion de l capital industr ial privado.

B U 1 L D 1 NG BLOC KS

THE TRANSITION TOWARD SELF-RELIANCE: SOf'tE THOUGHTS ON THE ROLE OF PEOPLE'S ORGANIZATIGNS by Brian Mac Cal1 FA0 Via delle Terme di Caracalla 1-00100 Rome, Italy

Original language: English

Abstract: Participation of the rural masses i n the development process kas o f t en been propos& as an objective of an al ternat ive development. T'his paper suggests the need for more emphasis on popular participation as a t0~)ard.s the al ternat ive . Unless more e f f e c t i v e uays are found o f uorking wi th the non- govermental sector, uords such as "participation" u i l l be coopted by bureau- cracies i n t o our language without influencing the fundamental t ransi t ion pro- cess.

Research on rural uorkers and on peasant movements lias become qui te fashiona- ble . Research on the power structure t k a t dominates the i r existence i s more d i f f i e u l t t o find. I t i s suggested here rhat more careful research i s above ail needed on the re lat ions betueen tkose who have pouer and those who do no t . The rural masses m s t be involved i n looking in to the process of the i r own development. Vays must be found of supporting the growing nvmber of t r u h innovative app~oaehes to people's participation and self-reliance. What I w e s of research, what types of edu.cation and training, what forms of organization can heZp i n the transi t ion touards a more Jus t Society?

LA TRANSITION VERS L'AUTONOMIE - QUELQUES REFLEXIONS SUR LE RÔL

DES O R G A N I S A T I O N S D E BASE

Résume La participation des rassce rdurales au processus de d6veloppement a souvent ét proposé comme m ob jec t i f d 'un autre développement Cet a r t i c l e suggèr l e besoin d'accorder pli's a ' a t t en t ion à la participation populaire comme un moyen de s 'approcher d ' ^ne a l t e rna t i ve . S i l'on ne trouve pas des moyens plus e f f i caces de trav~yi Z l e r avec l e secteur non-gouvernemet~tol, des mots comme "participation' seront ri 'cup6~6s dans l e langage courant des bureai'- c ra t i e s e t demeureront sans impact sur l e s processus réel de transi?icn.

La recherche sur l e s t ravai l leurs ruraux e t l e s mouvements paysans e s t à la mode. La recherche sur la structure de pouvoir qui domine leur existence e s t plus rare. I l e s t suggér i c i que l ' on a besoin de plus de recherche s r r l e s re lat ions entre ceux qui détiennen l e pouvoir e t ceux qui en sont ; fiv6s. Les

masses rurales doivent uooiy la poss ibl i tà de participer à l 'analyse mêm des processus de leur propre développement I l faut trouver les moyens d'appuyer l e nombre croissant de démarche ~~, ir i tablement innovatrices à la participation e t à 2 'autonomie; que l l e s type: de recherche, quel l e éducation quelles formes d'organisation peuvent contribuer à l a transi t ion vers une sociz tà plus juste?

L A T R A N S I C I O N H A C I A L A A U T O N O M I A - ALGUNAS R E F L E C C I O N E S SOBRE E L

P A P E L D E L A S O R G A N I Z A C I O N E S D E B A S E

Resumen: La participacion de las masas rurales en e l proceso de desarrollo se ha propuesto, a menudo, como objet ivo de otro desarrollo. Este i n f o ~ m e sugiere que e s necesario paner mas i n f a s i s en la participacion popular como medio de - abo~arse a una a l t e m a t i v a . S i no se eneuentra la manera mas e f i eaz de tra- b&ar con e l sector no-gubemamental, las palabras eomo "participacion" seran recuperadas dentro del idioma<orrientede las burocracias y e s tas palabras permanecerar. s i n 'impacto sobre los verdaderos procesos de transieioh.

Las investigaciones sobre los obreros rurales y los movimientos sociales de los paisanos son de moda. Mas paras son las in i~est igaeiones sobre la estrue- tura de poder que domina la exis tencia de éstos El autor sugiere q7~e e s necesario sobretodo invest igar las relaciones entre aquellos que tienen e l poder y los que son privados de poder. Las masas rurales deben tener la posi- bil idad de participar al ana l i s i s mismo de l proceso de su proprio desarrollo. Ha$ que busear la manera de apoyarlos tramites inovadores en euanto a la par- tieipac'ion y a la autonomia. iQuà cluse de investiducibn, quà educaei&, quà formas de organizaeion son l i s que contribuircin a la transicion hacia una soeiedad mas jus t i?

Brian Mac Call

T H E T R A N S I T I O N TOWARD S E L F - R E L I A N C E : SOME THOUGHTS ON T H E ROLE OF

PEOPLE'S ORGANIZATIONS

INTRODUCTION

Participation of the rura l masses in the development process has often been proposed a s an objective of an alternative development. This paper suggests the need for more emphasis on popular participation a s a m towards the elusive "alternative". Unless more effective ways a r e found of working with the non-governmental sector for a more equitable society, words such a s "participation" will be coopted into our language and into our various bureaucracies without influencing the fundamental transition process we a r e meant to be discussing.

Research on rura l workers and on peasant movements has become quite fashionable. Research on the power structure that dominates their existence i s more difficult to find. It i s suggested here that more careful research i s above all needed on the relations between those who have power and those who do not - in particular in relation to food, land and agriculture. The rura l masses must be involved in looking into the process of their own "development". Ways must be found of supporting the growing number of truly innovative approaches to people's participation and self-reliance which a r e so dispersed and so vulnerable in the rura l a reas . What lines of research, what types of education and training, what forms of organization can help in the transition towards a more just society.

The people themselves need to be involved in the study and practice of ways in which authority can be maintained without using coercive force. Are we ready to face the r i sks inherent in participatory research? Can it become a dynamic counterforce to so much of the non-participatory research on rural development in Asia which i s mostly financed from non-Asian sources? What useful inter-relations can be proposed in this whole context between governmental and non-governmental forces?

Though a non-Asian, I have been asked to help in formulating some of the questions from which we may work towards a clearer idea of an alternative development for Asia. * I t rust that this meeting will, in itself, be an expression of the alternative for which we a r e ready to struggle. Are we ready to listen to each other more carefully and even ready to re-consider some of our own ideas? If we a r e , we can maybe lay the base for a dynamic network of development workers with a clear commitment to social change and we can maybe devise ways of getting meaningful support to them.

A PERSONAL VIEW OF THE PROBLEM

The evident failure of the "trickle down" theories of development in terms of fundamental change in the life of the small farmer and landless worker forces us to a serious re-evaluation of development strategies. Earl ier this year , the Regional Represen- tative for FAO in Asia, Dr. D.L. Umah, re-stated the well known fact that the benefits of development have not been distributed equitably. "The real incomes of the poorest sectors in many Asian countries have even gone down - he said - and it has also become clear that the main constraints to a just development a r e not basically a matter of technology. The issue we face i s not the technology of food production, but who controls the agricultural resources and the levers of power and who, therefore, benefits from them. Inequality in control over productive resources i s the primary constraint on food production and on equitable distribution". The relative unsuccess of the so-called "green revolution" in transforming the lives of the rura l masses, has brought us face to face with the dilemma

* This paper i s adapted from a personal presentation made to the UNITAR International Conference on Alternative Development Strategies and the Future of Asia, New Delhi, March 1980.

foreseen byMahbub u l Kaq when he said tha t i n the in te rna t iona l order as within na t iona l o r d e r s initial poverty itself becomes the most formidable handicap in the way of redressa l of such poverty, unless there i s a fundamental change in the existing power s t ructures . A growing number of experts see the world food problem a s a problem of poverty and s tructures - a problem that involves competing interests of those who have power and those who do not. There can no longer be much doubt but that rural development takes place in a political context.

Preparation for the World Conference on Agrarian Reform and Rural Develop- ment (WCARRD), in Rome July 1979, brought some of these issues out into the open. However, criticisms were expressed from some quarters that FAO had not c lear ly enough defined the concept of r u r a l development o r that i t saw rura l development a s a managerial problem in a conflict-free social setting. A group of non-governmental organizations even proposed that the Conference be re-named the "World Conference on Agrarian Conflict". Looked a t in retrospect, one might question whether these statements were mere rhetoric o r whether FAO could have taken a more "radical" approach. What weight can we give to the joint statement of the international non-governmental organizations made towards the end of the Conference, when they said that many of the statements made in the plenary hall had acknowledged that conventional approaches to agrar ian reform and ru ra l develop- ment had failed to improve the conditions of the ru ra l poor but that the belief still appeared to persis t in many quarters that the conventional model of ru ra l economic growth could even be made to work for the poorest - with a little modification and refinement?

'"Ve do not accept this - the joint statement went on - because national and international strategies up to now have not been merely inadequate: in most cases they hzve been the -strategies. They have often had negative effects on the ru ra l poor who were meant to be the main beneficiaries. We believe that the root causes of under- development and ru ra l poverty go much deeper and demand a radical re-thinking of policies and a radical reorganization of the power s t ructure that impoverishes these poor. It i s zur considered conx$ction that a new for r u r a l development i s needed and that this new model must involve a substantial t ransfer of power to the ru ra l poor. This only emphasizes the need for structural reforms a s a basis for rea l ru ra l development".

A. s a critical analysis might well help to light the path ahead of u s , it i s perhaps of more t1,an purelv academic interest to ask whether F A O could have stimulated a more ir,-de?tt, analysis of agrar ian reforms since 1966 and of the hypothesis that the control ever the means to produce food has been tightened? Could the enormous present power of the established domi'hant groups - above a l l transnational corporations operating in food and agriculture - have been challenged in a more meaningful way? The answer i s debatable. Perhaps the international climate was not such a s to allow for facing up to the inherent social conflict situations.

But leaving aside the past, can we learn for the future in terms of follow up to WCARRD? Can we help mobilize support for a more radical analysis both in and outside the UN system and how can we best involve both governments and the non-governmental sector in the mobilization?

Agrarian conflict does certainly already exist on a large scale. Violence - both direct and indirect o r s t ructural - exists and i s visible in many parts of the world. Less visible perhaps i s the growing daily violence against people in the form of malnutrition, unem~loyment and poverty. How can we help the peasant and landless worker to defend himself? Can we promote a concept of creative conflict leading to an alternative develop- ment? Given the basic resolutions that have come from WCARRD - in part icular those concerning People's Participation - i t should now be possible to re - s ta r t a more ser ious dialogue between governments and people's organizations in their many forms in the Third World. Meetings involving leading f igures from both governments

and the non-governmental sec to r - can sure ly help launch t h i s dialogue on the - bas i s of c lea re r understanding of what we a l l mean by r u r a l development.

Areas of alliance can perhaps be foreseen for the probably painful transition to a develop. ment based on growing self-reliance for Asia.

A POSSIBLE' WAY AHEAD

Areas of work - closely interlinked - where governments and people's organi- zations might work together a r e those of research, education and training and oreanization, The interlinking of the three i s , I believe, achieved through the addition of the concepts of

a r t ic i~a t ion and self-reliance, In this context, we need to examine the extent to which ;resent Asian governmentsad the "intellectuals" we here represent, can promote self- reliance and make a hitherto subaltern class (at least in most countries) capable of "hegemony": of belief in itself a s a potential ruling class and credible a s such to other classes - both before and during the transition to power. Can we play a role in this creation of the new social ca r r ie rs for a more just and equitable society?

Of all the new values to be created for an alternative development, self-reliance i s the most important. I fully concur with Haque, Mehta, Rahman and Wignaraja when they spoke of self-reliance in their 1977 proposals "Towards a theory of rura l development and stated that "Asia has depended too long on external masters and rura l Asia has depended too long on the city. The rura l poor have been subservient too long to the rura l rich and to the "officer" sent from the city, a subservience that has been forced upon them; in the process their own initiative and vitality have been sapped. The result i s a history of exploitation of the "dependant" by the "master". The dependant, appearing to have no self respect, commands no respect from others. He i s laughed at by the world and despised at the same time a s he i s squeezed. Asia cannot develop unless it rejects the soft option and resolves to be self-reliant. This means building up a combination of material and mental reserves that enable one to choose one's own course of evolution, uninhibited by what others desire. It requires maximum mobilization of domestic resources for poor societies, but above all it requires psychological and institutional staying power to meet c r i s i s situations when the supply of essential materials i s too short. This staying power i s best attained collectively; individually a hungry man feels isolated and his mental reserve wanes; collectively this reserve i s reinforced for each and collective resolve - gives individuals strength to fight calamity with heads high."

I have chosen to quote from authorative Asian sources here, a s my experience of Asia i s limited. What 1 have seen does, however, fully confirm the views 1 have quoted. 1 know that the same ideas on mentalities of dependency ..old good for the periphery of Europe. I have seen what our Asian colleagues say borne out in very practical terms in the North-African context when I spent some years working on rura l training projects with the Algerian Trade Unions (UGTA) in Morocco, prior to Algerian independence. The term "self-reliance" may not have been in fashion then, but 1 had the privilege to see collective staying power being built up from nothing. One can see how it has lasted the Algeria0 people up to the present day.

If research, education/training and oreanization a r e looked at in the light of what 1 have been saying, they can, 1 believe, be instrumental in grasping what i s implicit in the concept of "praxis": that both understanding the world and changing i t a r e one. Let's examine the three:

i . r e s e a r c h can, in fact , be designed s o a s to ensure that increased understanding and self-determination a r e direct resul ts of the subjects' participation. In addition to noting the attention given to the concept of "participator resea rch" in recent UN repor t s , one can cite a more than practical research/act ion project concerning village level grain storage in Tanzania. Star t ing from the idea that grain losses could be substantially reduced through the efforts of the villagers themselves, the "experts" insisted that the problem be tackled a t village level and designed tlie researchlact ion in such a way that the villagers themselves maintained con-rol a t every stage of the project. The strikingly positive resul ts obtained effectively reinforce the view that, in o rder for development to liberate people from poverty, i t must involve a process of which they a r e in control. 1 mention this example to show how the self-help o r "enabling" approach took the education of people themselves to be part of the development process - not p s t the grain storage. Other examples have been pin-pointed through the FAO - FFHCIAD programme that s e t out to link the FAO with peoples' organizations in stimulating peoples' participation in their own development. Studies evaluating resea rch a s a dialogical p rocess a r e just beginning to come into circulation. What we now need to ensure i s that the theory i s r e fe r red back to vhe7e the action i s taking place,

11. Education and training can, in fact, be designed to promote self-reliance. Literacy education o r technical education can, of course, have a value in themselves, but they a r e severely limited until they move to make people aware of trie reality that surrounds them. Education is political when i t teaches the peasant "to write his own reality and not only to write words", a s Paulo Fre i re ¥-.a put it . In the case of Mozambique, to take one ra the r interesting example, education i s being developed so a s to link i t with the concrete necessities of the c o ~ n t r y ' s socio-economic development. Speaking recently, the Mozambican Xinis ter of Education and Culture has laid s t r e s s on the fact that pract ice Geternines consciousness - not the other way around.' An attempt i s being made to appiy as a principle of revolutionary education the linking of the school with 1t.e workplace, of study with production. The objective i s essentially political. To transform the mentality, transform the students into producers who identify with the worker and peasant c lasses , who identify with their aspirations, interests and struggles. The new Mozambique i s making efforts to create close h+.- A - oetween the schools and the centres of production. The Minister , Graca Machel, has stated that: "if the school i s not linked with the community, i t can no longer be an agent of change in the society, nor can the community influence the school. If we forge a close link between school and community, school and production, we can ensure a permanent link between theory and pract ice, between intelligence and the hand, one of the basic principles of our educational policy". In the rethinking of the role of education and training, support fo r ideas such a s those of Paulo Fre i re and Graca Machel have also come from non - governmental sources. The International Council of Adult Education, has ictively promoted the practical application of such participatory concepts both in the Participatory Research Project and in very practical fields such a s ru ra l sanitation technology. Others a r e deeply involved.

The International Union of Nutritional Sciences began some exciting and innovative rethinking of food and nutrition education under changing socio-economic conditions in preparing fo r the 1978 International Congress on Nutrition in Rio d e Janeiro. It was stated there that "if one accepts that malnutrition in the final analysis resul ts from a maldistribution of food and the means for food production, then nutrition educators must come to gr ips with the need for redistribution of such resources and orient their activities accordingly. We have too long thought of ignorance a s our chief enemy and failed to real ize

that one cannot educate people to use techniques and materials to which they have limited access. Nutrition educators must question why segments of the population a r e denied access to the means of adequate nutrition and how such means can be secured for them. From this it follows that nutrition educators like everyone else play a political role in al l societies. This role varies between societies and, of course, depends upon the ideology. This in turn demands recognition that the distribution of resources and even the food and nutrition practices in a society a r e not accidental but reflect the conflicting interests and power relations in that society. Nutrition educators may be constrained to work within social frameworks not of their own choosing. But they should understand that the distribution of resources within and between societies i s not fixed nor inevitable. This understanding should underlie the form and content of their activities".

This type of approach i s also being ractised by Asian peoples' organizations such a s the People's Health ~ e n t r e k o n o s h a s t h a ~ a Kendra in Bangladesh and - to quote another practical example - has been demonstrated in an experimental plan for- community action in North-East Brazil in 1975 where nutritionists moved beyond traditional nutrition education to "facilitating the convergence of forces towards the attainment of humanizing conditions". My Indian colleague, Ms. Kamla Bhasin, has been working with FAO - FFHC/AD programme for more than three years now to evolve methods of participatory training that can challenge the traditional concept of "rural extension". Working with change agents in the field in eight Asian countries, she has helped to build what I believe to be an important part of an alternative strategy for rura l training in Asia. She has shown in practice how such types of change agents can elicit maximum participation of people and assist in setting in motion a process of critical awareness, leading on to the organization of people for self-directed community action for change. They can also help the small farmers, peasants and fishermen and women to develop stronger receiving mechanisms so that they do not wait endlessly for the benefits of economic development to "trickle down" to them. It i s clear that such innovative attempts to build on the peasants self-reliance a r e on the increase. How can we give them more support?

~ i i . On the issue of oreanization for self-reliance, the strategies must surely be primarily those elaborated by the unions and the rural people's own organization, but the issue of stimulating cohesiveness of this force in non-socialist Asia still needs to be tackled. The Action Plan adopted by WCARRD does, in fact, give priority to the 1LO recommendations on the rights of peasants and rura l workers to organize and play a leading role in rural development. But where do we go from this statement of principle? Whilst FAO has already initiated a se r ies of consultations with the unions on how this most thorny of issues might be tackled in a practical way, only one specific project - the Workshop on the Participation of Agricultural Workers and Peasants in African Rural Development - Mogadishu 1978 - has even begun to examine how progress might be made. The cards on this issue have hardly been dealt - though the unions have heavily criticised FAO's timid programme on Rural Organizations of the Agrarian Poor. Can Asia be be a region where the issue i s frankly tackled in cooperation with governments and the unions and the rura l poor? It i s clear that someone must make the next move, but we a r e far from a shared idea of the relation between the intellectual and the ~ o r k e r / ~ e a s a n t o r from a strategy concerning a ~easant /worker alliance - at least in non-socialist Asia.

Linking social organization back to resea rch and education we confront Gramsci's fundamental problem of the creatlon of the new proletarian Welqnschauung which should f i r s t of a l l penetrate the mlnds of the governed and limit popular consent to what he defined a s the reigning liberalism of the State (thus making the conquest of power passible); and then, when power i s won, secure the widest possible active consent for the new State . The proletariat had to become both the dominant class and the ruling c lass . It must dominate to overcome and liquidate capitalist groups; and i t must rule , in the sense of assume the moral and intellectual direction of society, in o rder to win over to socialism al l the groups which had some reason to oppose capitalism. He wrote: 'A social group can, and indeed must be ruling before i t conquers the power of government (and this i s itself one of the principal conditions for the take-over of power); afterwards, when it i s exercising power, i t becomes the dominant group a s well, but i t must s t r lve to remain the ruling group.' That IS, the proletarian army must be ideologically equipped, i t must be armed with a new WeltOpschauung, new ways of llving and thinking, a new morality, new ideas, to oppose to the bourgeois n s i o n of existence. Only thus will the fortification fall, will the liberal consensus be weakened, and a new proletar ian State sustained by the active consent of i t s future subjects be born.

After the conquest of power, the exercise of power: Lenin himself, Gramsci points out, s t ressed the importance of the cultural struggle, in opposition to the various 'economist' t rends. He developed the theory of 'hegemony' (domination plus intellectual and moral direction) a s the complement to his theory of the State a s force (the dictatorship of the proletariat), and a s the contemporary form of Marx ' s doctrine. Its significance was clear : dom~nation (coerc~on) i s one form of power, and historically necessary a t a given moment; rule by infellecmal and moral hegemony i s the form of power which guarantees stability, and founds power upon wide-ranging consent and acquiescence. 'F rom the moment in which a subordinate soclal group becomes real ly autonomous and hegemonic, and calls forth a new type of S ta te , there a r i ses the concrete need for a new intellectual and moral o r d e r , that i s , a new type of soclety, and hence a need for the most universal concepts, the most refined and dec l s~ve 16eological weapons'. This IS, I believe, s t i l l a central theme for any serious d ~ s c u s s ~ o n on the transition to a self-reliant society.

NEW LINE OF APPROACH

If we have learnt from our mistakes and begun to reconstruct an alternative theory, what can we now propose, so a s to give rea l support to those directly involved in the struggle fo r development?

We have seen at least that a s tar t has been made.

Promoting and supporting peoples' participation in development has, in fact, been the mam emphasis of the international programme of FAO/Actlon f o r Development for more than five years . Approaches to the stimulation of peoples' participation in ru ra l development have been elaborated through national and reg~ona l projects bringing together governmental services , na t~ona l Institutes and the voluntary sector . Following a programme plann~ng exercise with national partner organizations from Asla In 1972173, the major programme emphasis of FAO - FFVCJAD In the Asian reglon has been on "participatory trainins" - a s epitom~sed by the two-stage Regional Change Agents Programme mentioned ea r l i e r . A parallel initiative of FAO in the Asian reglon - in cooperation with the Asian Cultural Forum on Development - has brought together both governmental and non-governmental sectors w t h peasants and small farmers organ~zat ions and with ru ra l t r ade unions in a se r ies of consultations related to the theme of participation

in agrar ian reform.

The relationship between participation and development resea rch has for some time also been the concern of the Geneva-based UN Research Institute for Social Development. UNRISD's programme - related to the themes of livelihood and participation - aims b t h at influencing the decisions of those with political power & with complementing the efforts of those struggling for social justice. The Popular Participation Programme of UNRISD i s articulated with resea rch projects on Food Systems and Society and on The Impact on Women of Socio-economic Changes. One can see the potential interest of building up functional links between such FAO and UNRISD approaches and other UN initiatives such a s the International Labour Organization's programme on Part ic ipatory Organizations of the Rural Poor o r the World Health Organization's studies on Community Involvement in Primary Health Care.

0x1 the NGO side, l have mentioned your Participatory Research Project. The Project already gives support to a wide network engaged actively in some forms of participatory resea rch relating to peoples' analysis of their own problems for purposes of change. In Asia Of course you work through the Asia and South Pacific Bureau of Adult Education. Another alternatlve network from the non-governmental sector i s the Food Policy Study Group of the International Peace Research Association. This Group aims to promote the exchange of ideas between individual development resea rchers working on food issues and agrar ian conflict a s related to social change. Their work in 1978 on the theme of Food Aid versus Self-reliance i s particularly relevant. A new South Eas t Asian Research Clearing House i s a b u t to be se t up to encourage a coherent approach to alternatlve o r participatory resea rch in Asia. The growing international network of ISIS: the Women's International Information and Communication Service - with their recent work on Women, Land and Food Production - can certainly help ensure a genuine influence of the "other half of humanity" in the t r ans i t~on towards self-reliance. Rural workers organizations exist at international, regional and local levels. Other dynamic national o r local people's organizations and institutes a r e myi-lad throughout Asia.

I would like then to propose the u t ~ l i t y of an alllance between some of those I have mentioned, in o rder to work out a common programme of support to a research/act ion network linking groups and organizations - and parts of our bureaucracies - involved in the practice of "participation" in r u r a l Asia . An oppomni ty must be provided to relate current theory with the practice of participation at the local level and to work out policy alternatives and the mechanisms fo r supporting the growing number of ongoing programmes in the reglon which a r e already developing innovative approaches to participation and self-reliance. There would seem to be a strong argument in favour of pooling knowledge and resources in this field - using o u r imaginations a s well a s our bureaucratic minds and bringing together those actively involved in the theory and pract ice of "participation". Through direct links - a sort of people's TCDC* - one could hope to clar i fy the ways and means whereby we can more effectively support ongoing fleld work and better relate our own activities to the needs a s felt by the populations concerned.

In summary, it seems that there already exist a growing number of ongoing programmes in Asia to develop innovative approaches to participation and self-reliance which depend not alone on governments but a lso on voluntary b d i e s o r people's organiza- tions. These a r e in most countries b t h dispersed and vulnerable but can in cer tain cases be supported through evaluation, training and resea rch projects. It seems evident that we need to promote the fuller par t~cipat ion of the NGO sector in the formulating, testing, operation and evaluation of alternative development strategies based on people's participa- tion. Additionally, there i s a need for a g rea te r exchange of ideas between such more basic groups and f o r the adaptation of resea rch and evaluation methods to their needs and to increase their self-reliance.

* Reference to UN Conference on Technical Cooperation amongst Developing C o u n t r ~ e s .

There i s also a need to involve basic organizations in dialogue w t h researchers on alternative forms of participatory research that they can control, o r where they can at least be equal partners and be involved with the researchers in collecting information, testing hypthese , creating new knowledge and developing the idea of the w r k s h o p a s a method of evaluation, research and learning. Development research needs to be put at the service of those involved in the practice of participation, but it i s mainly inaccessible to them. Such research must take account of the reality a s seen by the subject of the research and by his o r her identification of a reas where clarity o r analysis a r e a felt need.

It seems finally that participatory research implies a link between research and action o r between theory and practice. Such links a r e at least one of the ways of ensuring that the concept of participation i s not emptied of i ts real significance when coopted into international development language. Support - and, of course, financing - of t ~ l y participatory research can also help to counter-balance a growing tendency to concentrate development research resources on existing non-participatory power structure.

CONCLUSION

Could this meeting support a series of action-oriented workshops along these lines in Asia o r other regions? 1s the proposed alliance a valid one? UN progress in such unconventional development thinking certainly depends greatly on more active government support, but this in turn often depends on the stimulation of the non- governmental sector. If the ICAE can give this lead - and there i s to my mind no doubt but that Asian peoples' organizations a r e ready to take up the challenge - then there i s perhaps a role for peoples' organizations in the transition to an alternative where the scales a r e weighed in favour of what Gramsci described a s "the optimism of the will - a s against the pessim~sm of reason". 1 remember Ghandi's question: "How i s my action going to affect the poorest and weakest member of society". Today I believe we need also ask ourselves how our actions a s intellectuals a r e going to help the pocrest and weakest members of society mobilize and organize SO a s to become the subjects rather than the objects of development and of history and to become a coherent and disciulined force in t h i process of transition.

BUILDING BLOCKS

GLOBAL COMMONS AND GLOBAL WASTELANDS: AN IDEA FOR UNIFYING THE APPROACH TO A NEW WORLD RESOURCE TRANSFER SYSTEM by Havelock H.R. Brewster 10 Chainn Edmond Rochat 1217 Meyrin/GE, S w i t z e r l a n d

O r i g i n a l language: E n g l i s h

Abstract: The idea i s gathering force that the international community should use the global commons - whether resources (eg. f i sh , sea-bed minerals) or u t i l i t i e s (eg. a i r , sea and space routes, radio frequencies, use of a i r and sea for waste disposal) - as sources of international revenue. But the con- cept o f a common heritage v i eh i n natural resources has a counterpart - not much discussed - i n the common respons ib i l i t y t o compensate for the hardships caused by the disequi l ibr ia of nature (eg. arid or excessively wet climates, pest-ridden zones, floods, storms, earthquakes). These "global wastelands" or d i s u t i l i t i e s should be the object o f international expenditure financed by taxes and charges on global commons. The linked concepts of commons and waste- lands provide an amoral and apo l i t i ca l basis for international resource trans- fers and a geophysical Jus t i f i ca t ion for special a t t en t ion t o the needs of Third World countries currently cZassi f ied - rather shakily - as "Zeast- developed".

HERITAGE COMMUN, RESPONSABILITE COMMUNE

Risumi: L ' id ie se Apand que la communauti internationale devrai t u t i l i s e r l"heri.taae connnun de 11hwnanit6 - q u ' i l S 'agisse de ressources animales ou minerales ou de services, eorme l e s routes airiennes, maritimes ou spat iales , I ' u t i l i s a t i o n de I'atmosph2re ou des mere pour se dibarrasser des dichets - come source de revenue internat ional . Mais Le concept d'un patrimoine c o m n r iche en ressouroes naturet les a une contrepartie, dont on ne parle guere, duns la responsabi l i te commune d ' a t t h u e r l e s d i f f i c u l t & s r i su l tan t de causes naturel les (par ex. climat aride ou excessivement hwnide, zones i n f e s t i e s de f lantes ou d ' insectes nuis-ibles, inondat-ions, tempetes, tremblements de t e r m ) . Ces zones d i f f i e i l e s devraient b i n i f i c i e r de mesures internationales finan- c&es pap des taxes e t pril2vements sur l 'usage des ressources de 1 'heritage commun. Le 'jumelage' des aspects positit's e t n e w t i f s de l 'her i tage c o m n sera i t une base,, n 'impliquant ,jugement n i moral n i polit ique pour un trans- ferb de ressources international e t fournir'ait une jus t i f i ca t ion giophysique 2 l ' a t t en t ion p a r t i d i 6 r e que requisrent l e s besoins de ceux des pays du Tiers Monde que I'on continue d'appeler 'les mains ddveloppdsf.

(Resurnen espanol en l a pagina 1 2 ( 5 8 ) )

Havelock R. Brewster */

GLOBAL COMMONS AND GLOBAL WASTELANDS: AN I D E A FOR U N I F Y I N G THE

APPROACH TO A NEW WORLD RESOURCE TRANSFER SYSTEM

- But uho i s t ha t on the o ther s i de o:" gou? T.S. Eliot The Waste Land)

. and the Lord brought an eas t w i n d upon the , land a l l t ha t day, and a l l t ha t n iah t , and

when it m s morning, the eas t wind brought the locus ts . (Exodus X : 13 )

Global resources and global utilities

Recently the notion of 'global commons' has been used to escape the rationalization of international resource transfers on ethical grounds. Richard Cooper, l/ for example, put forward a principle that ethical arguments, based on the welfare of individuals, can- not be used to support resource transfers that do not serve ethi- cal aims, the verification of which is impeded by the affirmations of sovereignty by Third World countries. This problem is more familiar in the difficulties which governments encounter in seeking parliamentary approval for foreign aid appropriations in circumstances where there is doubt about the moral aims of the potential recipients, particularly when compared with those of other potential recipients, including those in the donor country itself.

However, in Cooper's view, there are other ways in which congru- ence can be attained, through the application of the notion of 'mutual gain' arising from the co-operative management of 'global commons'. Cooper's global commons include the living resources of the oceans, the atmosphere and oceans as media for waste disposal, radio frequencies and civil air and merchant shipping routes.

* / The author was encouraged to put down these thoughts by participants in an - informal meeting on the least-developed countries organized by IFDA (November 1979). They form part of a wider effort related to the concep- tual basis of international economic policy. The views expressed here are personal to the author and should not be attributed to UNCTAD, the insti- tution to which he is presently affiliated.

l/ Richard N. Cooper, in Jagdish N. Bhagwati (ed), The New International Eco- - nomic Order: The North South Debate, MIT Press, Cambridge, 1977; and 'A New International Economic Order for Mutual Gain', Foreign Policy, No. 26, Spring, 1977.

Revenues, in his conception, may be raised as a by-product of the efficient management of these commons, for example, from fisheries, permitting the beginnings of transfers through a world fiscal system.

These ideas could be developed further. To begin with, it seems beneficial to make a distinction, for operational purposes, be- tween commons as global resources and commons as global utilities. As global resources, Cooper's perception limits the issue to one of the distribution of 'rents'. That perception is unlikely to be shared by large parts of the world where the concern will be more with the appropriation of the social product of mankind than with the distribution of rents. Not surprisingly therefore Cooper's results are quantitatively trivial - $2 billion by 1985 from ocean resources (official development assistance is currently about $14 billion a year).

As global utilities, their resource transfer potential still re- mains to be politically exploited by the Third World. Some $1,000 billion worth of merchandise trade is now transported on the world's sea routes; similarly, $50 billion worth of traffic moves on the world's air routes. And the pollution content of close to $3,000 billion worth of industrial output and transportation is dumped into the world's seas and atmosphere. Third World countries would not of course, be exempt from any world tax or fee-paying system instituted for the use of global utilities, but what they would gain on the expenditure side (a matter to be discussed below) would far exceed what they would have to pay as taxation or fees.

To these sources of world revenue we need to add certain other qlo- bal utilities which are also the common inheritance of mankind. These utilities could be even more income yielding than those mentioned above, and the effect of such taxation or fees might eventually be an incentive to divert the use of resources from wasteful or harmful activities to more productive and peaceful employments. These other utilities are the earth's interior, the atmosphere, space and the planets. The activities which would become subject to super high and progressive rates of taxation or fees are nuclear test explosions, missile tests, orbiting satel- lites, spacecraft flights, planetary landings, earth re-entry, planetary installations and resources,and space experiments.

Cooper and his colleagues Kaiser and Kosaka I/ have indeed, in the Trilateral Commission, given some thought to international policy in regard to activities making use of some of what are described here as global utilities, specifically with respect to pollution and the use of nuclear energy. While fully recognizing the 'glo- bal character' of the activities involved, their proposals never- theless fail to recognize any global utility costing as, at least,

l / Richard N. Cooper, Karl Kaiser, Masataka Kosaka, Towards a Renovated International System, The Trilateral Commission, New York, 1977.

a part of the solution to the problem. Thus, in the case of pol- lution, they follow a rule-makina approach - the need to adopt conscious parallels in pollution standards', together with anti- pollution technical assistance to the socialist and Third World countries and support for worldwide surveillance. And again, with regard to the non-peaceful uses of nuclear energy, their solutions stop short at rule-making for nuclear power cooperation to prevent the spread of nuclear weapons, for the control of the use of nu- clear fuel and the reprocessing of nuclear waste material and for East-West detente. Cooper and his colleagues have, however, not shown any awareness that rule-making without responsibility (sanc- tions) can be no more credible, acceptable and workable interna- tionally than it is nationally or than it has been in the past. Before the rule-effective utopia arrives, therefore, the Third World would seem to be on solid ground in claiming a fair return for the use and misuse of mankind's communal resources and utili- ties.

Global wastelands and global disutilities

It should be self-evident that mankind has commonly inherited not only global resources and utilities, but global wastelands and disutilities. The political implications of the dual nature of this concept of common inheritance seem not,however,to have been recognized.

There is indeed a recognition that international assistance for damages created by natural calamities should be more adequate and automatic. However, there still remains, even in efforts being promoted through the United Nations system, the notion that"aidW, in some sense, is being dispensed; that there is an opprobrious distinction between recipient and donor; that the decision to make transfers for these purposes is a right retained by the transferor; that the size and timing of such transfers as well as the disaster which is the object of the transfers are to be unilaterally decided by the transferor depending on his momentary sense of generosity or charity, humanitarism or pity; that the transferee should be specially grateful and beholden to the transferor; and finally, that responsibility does not extend beyond immediate rescue from the worst ravages of the disaster. The very language which is currently in use, even as the international community seeks to radically reform the present world economic order, is psychologi- cally revealing in its sub-conscious stress on mendicity - disaster relief, food aid, concessionality, preference, debt-relief, libe- ralization, official development assistance.

The proposition being shaped here is that mankind has also commonly inherited certain global wastelands or disutilities, the conse- quence of which - it follows - is mankind's communal obligation, where necessary, to treat and, if possible, to cure them. The international community can thus be said to be heir to an indivi- sible responsibility for ensuring non-ethically-justified resource

transfers for dealing with these special problems. In recent eras, moreover, this undischarged responsibility would have increased in inverse proportion to the possibility for migrating beyond the nation state's political frontiers.

It may be worthwhile, for a readership of social scientists, to explain in somewhat greater detail the concept of global waste- lands or disutilities. In other contexts, these are elemental geophysical phenomena. I/ Unfortunately, however, geophysics has hardly had the opportunity of influencing international economic relations and policies. The term global wastelands, as used here, refers, for the most part, to states of serious natural disequili- brium in the world. I have tried to arrange the principal such conditions in generic categories, as follows:

(1) aridity (deserts, semi-deserts, scrub, steppe)

(2) hydropathy (excessive water: floods, rainfall and other precipitation)

(3) cyclogeny (hurricanes, cyclones, tornadoes, monsoons, other special winds)

(4) diastropy (earthquakes and other earth movements)

( 5 ) vulcanicity (volcanoes and other solid, liquid and qaseous eruptions)

(6) glaciation (ice-deserts, tundra)

(7) microbism (excessive animal and plant pests)

Similarly, I have tried to arrange cross-sectionally the explana- tory forces behind these states of disequilibrium in generic categories as follows:

(a) internal terrestrial forces (primeval cosmic energy)

(b) external terrestrial forces (differential pressure dis- tribution, thermodynamic disquilibrium)

(c) extraterrestrial forces

(d) cosmic forces

(solar radiation, planetary gravitational forces, asteroid strikes)

(earth rotation, earth orbit, earth curvature).

I/ Grateful acknowledgement for a crash course to Jennifer Brewster who should not, however, be held responsible for any deficiency of knowledge displayed here or for any damage inflicted on the professional jargon and on the English language.

In other words, each of these states of natural disequilibrium can largely be explained in terms of one or a combination of these terrestrial, extraterrestrial or cosmic forces. At once they are recognizable as systemic natural phenomena. They neither origi- nate through the agency of man in a particular location nor can they be controlled by any localized endeavour. They are truly systemic phenomena - in contrast to the forces behind certain artificial states of instability in nature such as deforestation, some forms of erosion, environmental pollution and soil, mineral and ocean depletion.

Consider just one case. The occurrence and timing of the South Asian monsoon is dependent on a combination of such forces as the planetary wind system, earth rotation and thermal differentials. This is all rather commonplace to the physical scientist, but, rearettably, the political implications of natural instability havehadhardly any impact on global economic management.

"Special problems" or zones of natural instability?

The international community presently treats the "least developed countries" together with "land-locked developing countries" and island developing countries" as "special problems". This cate- gorization has presented problems from the standpoint of their differentiation from other Third World countries, the rationali- zation of the economic features peculiar to them and between them, and the formulation of international policy responsive to their unique status in the spectrum of underdevelopment. For example, the thirty "least developed countries" are viewed simplistically as quantitatively different in economic and social terms from other Third World countries. This is reflected likewise in the policy measures which have been proposed - essentially a stronger dose of the UN general practictioner medicine for underdevelopment. It is not surprising therefore that even in UIiCTAD's "substantial new programme of action for the least developed countries" there is little or no sense of priority. Manifestations of "least development" take the place of diagnoses of the phenomenon. The methodology lacks an ontological perspective. The term landlocked countries is physically self-descriptive, but it has not been possible to support the claim that the particular physical charac- teristic referred to justifies special status in the economics of underdevelopment. Similarly, with the island countries.

The United Nations Committee for Development Planning made the observation that a high proportion of the "least developed coun- tries" are located in two areas of the world: middle Africa and 'southern Asia'. I/ What, however, is more economically signifi-

l/ Report on the Twelfth Session, supplement No. 6, United Nations, New York, - 1976. Thanks to Justin Rweyemamu for discussion relating to this point.

cant is that the area of the world situated in the 10' to 30Â North latitude, which roughly corresponds to the regional areas men- tioned, is characterized by a rather high incidence of global wastelands. It is an area of very marked natural disequilibrium of various kinds. Setting aside political frontiers for the time being, the concentration of "least development" in these latitudes becomes even more overwhelming. For in this case, it would ern- brace, apart from those already recognized as "least developed" countries situated wholly or partly in this belt, such areas of the world as southern Eq-ypt, Saudi Arabia, Iran, Pakistan and China, northern India, Burma, Thailand, Vietnam, the southern Caribbean and Central America, central and northern Mexico. Some areas in this zone apparently manage to escape "least development" only because of fortuitous, artificial, temporary or political circumstances - tor example, Saudi Arabia, the Gulf States and Iran (petroleum), Pakistan, India, Burma, China (political), the Caribbean (tourism and proximity to the United States), Central America (proximity to the United States).

A visual examination of the geophysical maps suggests that, while natural conditions of instability may be found all over the world there is an unusually high concentration of them in the 1 0 to 30 6

North latitude as compared with other zones. In Figure 1, the occurrence of these conditions in that latitude is shown. This geophysical phenomenon provides us then with a new approach to the "special problems". The three special categories of countries can be unified, to a considerable extent, through the presence of common generic natural conditions of disequilibrium.

In a general policy approach, of course, it would be desirable not to restrict the zones of natural instability to any particular latitude or longitude. A physical and unified rationale none- theless remains. Indeed, in the gee-economic sense the North- South symbolization is without much meaning (politically, it is of course nonsensical). The world's zone of underdevelopment is located substantially in the 0' to 30Â north latitude and there are two zones of economic development, one north of 3 0 north lati- tude (North America, East and West Europe, Japan) and one south of 20Â south latitude (southern South America, southern Africa, Australasia).

Many other advantages are derived from such an approach. To begin with, the idea of natural instability is symbolically symmetric with the familiar and accepted concept of economic instability. It has none of pejorative political connotations associated with the term "least developed" and avoids attribution of responsibi- lity, whether to Third World orindustrial countries, for the state of "least development". It introduces some flexibility into the present rigid categorization of countries so that even those countries with particular localized problems of natural instabi- lity, such as Egypt, India, China or the Philippines, as well as some of the industrialized countries in principle would be able to

benefit. This flexibility should make Third World countries gene- rally more at ease with the demands of the present special cate- gories and thereby help to resolve conflicts over 'additionality' of resource transfers. But what may be more important and quite different from the present state of affairs is that such an ap- proach inherently links the use of resources to the socio-economic priorities. In most instances, these will probably turn out to be agricultural infrastructure and production. Equally important, it establishes an automatic, predictable, assessable, amoral, apoli- tical and finite calculus of development expenditure which, pre- cisely because of those qualities, can give resource transfers a more rational, comprehensible and universal appeal.

Unifying the approach to international resource transfers I/

One of the problems with international resource transfers general- ly, which doubtless contributes to the political difficulties of appropriation and to their diminution over the years despite the targets set, is the dichotomy which exists between revenue (to provide the resources) and expenditure (to execute the projects). This dichotomy does not exist nationally. The tax space is more or less coextensive with the expenditure space. Revenue constrains expenditure and expenditure determines taxation and they are sub- ject to common accountability. 'These mechanisms are the source of the qualities of automaticity and predictability.

The latter concepts have recently been proposed as elements needed in the present resource transfer arrangements 2/ and the idea has also been mentioned in documents of the Group of 77. This propo- sal, however, really does not get to the heart of the matter for it is clearly not practicable, not only politically but intrinsi- cally, to have automatic and predictable transferable resources when similar mechanisms are absent on the expenditure side (or only notionally present in the vague and infinite sense of 'mas- sive transfers' ) . The idea of automaticity as currently presented is therefore unrealistic - not simply because the world is not ready for the abolition of political frontiers - but because it is essentially dichotomic in the sense discussed above; revenue and expenditure are not spatially conterminous and they are not mutually con- strained and determined. Automaticity and predictability become,

I/ I acknowledge with thanks the benefit of discussion with Leelananda da - Silva, Anisur Rahman, Jay Colebrook and Janet Farooq in connexion with aspects of this section.

2 1 Mahbub ul Haq, The Poverty Curtain - Choices for the Third World, Columbia - University Press, New York, 1976.

in that context, little more than notions for ritualizing the flow of ai5. The dual concept of global commons and global wastelands miq? =.'.erefore offer a possibility of solving these problems by -" . . - the approach to revenue and expenditure on a world scale.

While z k - ~ s paper is concerned essentially with the presentation of ideas it riqht be of interest to sketch out illustratively some features of S'JC~ a unified approach. This might be indicative as well of the gtential for a more operational and, eventually, quantitative and institutional development of the proposal that global utilities and global disutilities might form the basis of a new ',;or .< resource transfer system.

The expenditure side of this system would consist mainly of two itex, Setfierived from a natural-economic rather than a politi- cal-ecoio~~ic approach to international economic development policy. The firs^ itex would relate to natural disaster projects (earth- quakes, r'-'~rricanes, floods, etc.) and the second would be con- cerned ¥/:it!- development projects aimed at providing permanent solutions to natural problems (agricultural infrastructure and food prod-iction, microbe eradication, protein-calorie deficiency, etc.;. A third item which does not strictly find a rationale in global riatural phenomena but which might well, for convenience and because of its transnational origins and consequences, be financed thro'~qh t/iis system of transfers relates to refugee projects. Expendif-ire would be planned on the basis of medium term periods

? . of, say, :ive to ten years. In the case of natural disaster pro- jects, expenditure could be determined through forecasting. In the case of natural development projects, a quantitative target planning approach could be adopted, most likely with emphasis on the kinds of projects mentioned above.

Important features of this approach are that it would lead natural- ly, rather than through political devices, to concentration on such priority concerns as absolute poverty, food production, agri- cultural and rural development and disease eradication. It would also be geared to a finite solution. Another novel feature is that economic space rather than political space would become the object of global resource transfers. Economic space could be defined, for present purposes, as geographical areas where eco- nomic development is arrested by conditions of serious natural instability. These areas, as discussed earlier, are often conti- guous parts of two or more countries. Examples could be drawn from areas in middle Africa, the Caribbean, South Asia. They would not, however, exclude individual countries, though, even here, the basis for transfers would still be the existence of natural problems. Disbursements on projects could probably be made through "zone development authorities" encompassing two or more countries and, where appropriate, through individual govern- ments.

As discussed at the beginning of this essay, the distribution of the benefits of international transfers gives rise, in the opinion of some philosophers,to difficult problems of ethics. Cooper's idea of using resources derived from global commons for interna- tional transfers merely provides for an arrangement whereby indus- trialized countries seemingly might absolve themselves from deci- sions involving moral dilemmas. It is debatable, however, whether these moral issues and responsibilities are so sharply divisible in a world where the very idea of global commons derives from a primeval sense of the unity of mankind. The linking of the notion of global utilities to that of global disutilities may, however, be a step in the direction of integrating the concepts of inheri- tance and responsibility - insofar as the expenditure focus on global disutilities would automatically, to some, extent, be most beneficial to the most needy. In addition, the idea is supported by some that the allocation of 'foreign aid' might be linked to the fulfilment in the recipient country of certain conditions of economic and social equity such as the distribution and use of land I/ - tests completely ignored by, for example, the recent United States concern with the violation of human rights. This idea might attract greater moral force and less political opposi- tion from a global conception of revenue and expenditure than from one based on bilateral transactions.

The expenditures discussed above would be directly financed, through appropriate institutional arrangements, by revenues de- rived from taxation or fees yielded by global utilities or resour- ces. The level of planned expenditure would set a limit to the amount of revenue that needs to be collected. The immediate sources of income would be the use of the environment as a utility for the disposal of the output of the principal harmful substances (industrial and transportation pollution), the use of the sea and air routes, the use of the atmosphere for spacecraft outward flights and re-entry, nuclear test explosions and missile tests, plus the global resources derived from the seas and oceans (mainly fisheries and seabed minerals). Revenue derived from such sources would avoid the moral criticisms associated with international resource transfers. Indeed, some sources like nuc- lear and missile tests may even meet with positive approval from people who are critical of "aid".

These revenues, like the expenditures to be financed, would also be planned over medium term periods. They are amenable to fore- casting - except for spacecraft flights and nuclear and missile tests, the planning of which is subject to some secrecy. The income yielded by the latter activities could,however, be so applied as to reduce the future incidence of tax or fees due from other predictable activities such as the use of sea and air routes.

I / In much the same way as balance of payments assistance is conditional on - the fulfilment of certain tests of economic performance.

In t3.e ~rireval sense, mankind's common inheritance is the whole earth and perhaps the universe. One philosophical view of nature which nay be deduced from this genesis is that mankind has a sym- metric responsibility for the fair distribution of this inheri- tance, whether of commons or wastelands, among the peoples of the world. Indeed, without artificial intervention of the kind which began in the fifteenth century, this might well have turned out to be the case - occurring through natural patterns of population distribution and migration. However, a modern concept of inheri- tance and responsibility cannot be based on such a pure sense of primeval unity but rather on what, in a practical sense, can now be considered philosophically presumptive and translatable into action of some kind, however imperfect may be its connexion to the proposition.

E L F A T R I M O N I O COMUNt L A T I E R R A YERMA COMUN; UNA I D E A PARA ABORDAR

UN NUEVO S I S T E M A PARA E L TRASLADO DE RECURSOS MUNDIALES

Resumer.: -e difunde la idea que la eorrrunidad internaeional debiera usar e l patrimor& comun de la hummidad - que sean reeursos animales o minerales, o de seroicios eomo las rutas a&reas, mar~timas o espaeiales, e t uso de La atmosf'e/'u o de 20s ae4anos para deshaeerse de desperdieios - eomo fuente de ingresoc internaeionales. Pero e l eoneepto deunpatrimonio eoimin r i e o en recurso: nu twales t i ene su eontraparte, de la euaZ easi nunea se habla. Consiste en to. responsabilidad eomun de indemnizar g atenuar las difieuZtades que resultart de desiqui l ibr ios o de eausas naturales (por ejempio, un elima &do, o e.cvesivumente hhedo , zonas in fes tadas de plantas o de inseetos noeioos, inundaciones, tempestades, terremotos) . Estas zonas difi5'Lles - 'La t i e r r u yerma eomun, deben serfavoreeidas por medidas internaeionales financia- das por impuestos y dedueeiones sabre e l uso de los reeursos del patrimonio oomun. El emparejumiento de 'Los aspeetos positives y negativos del patri- monio comun ser fa una base que no implieari'a una apreeiaeion n i moral n i po l i t i ea en e l trasZado de reewsos intema.eionales. Ademas proporeionaria una , jus t i f icaeion geof-iisiea para la atenei6n particular que requieren lus necesidades de aquelT.os p a k s del Tereer Mundo que llamamos Los "menos dezwf 'o l lados".

INTERACTIONS

DONALD L ' IMPOSTEUR OU L' I M P E R I A L I S M E RACONTE AUX ENFANTS l' by Simone F o r s t e r

"Para Leer a l Pato Donald" p a r u t pour l a premièr f o i s au C h i l i en 1971. Ses au teurs s o n t A r i e l Dorfman, à © c r i v a i c h i l i e n q u i a p u b l i à de nombreux essa is su r l a l i t t à © r a t u r e t l ' i d à © o l o g i e t Armand M a t t e l a r t , soc io logue, connu pour ses ouvrages s u r l a c u l t u r e de masse e t r à © a l i s a t e u d ' u n l o n g métrag sur l e C h i l i , " l a S p i r a l e " (1976). L 'ouv rage connut un v i f succè en Amériqu L a t i n e , f u t t r a d u i t e t p u b l i à en I t a l i e , au P o r t u g a l , en France e t aux E ta ts -Un is .

Il p e u t c e r t e s p a r a à ® t r ét rang de s ' a t t a q u e r aux p e t i t s animaux du monde de Disney, s i u n i v e r s e l lement connus, égayan joyeusement l a v i e e n f a n t i n e des pyjamas du p remie r âg au sac d ' à © c o l e Ces p e t i t s à © t r e f o n t incon tes tab lement p a r t i e du patr imoune c u l t u r e l i n t e r n a t i o n a l . Par-delà l e s n a t i o n a l i t à © e t l e s d i f f à © r e n c e s i l s i n v i t e n t l ' i m a g i n a i r e e n f a n t i n à se j o i n d r e à l a m e r v e i l l e u s e f a m i l l e disneyenne oà canetons, ch iens, sour i ceaux e t d ' a u t r e s encore v i v e n t dans une g a i e harmonie. Mais il ne f a u d r a i t pas se l a i s s e r tromper p a r l e c a r a c t à ¨ r anod in e t sans p r à © t e n t i o de ces sous-p rodu i t s de l a c u l t u r e . Comme l e montre c l a i r e m e n t l ' o u v r a g e d ' A r i e l Dorfman e t d'Armand M a t t e l a r t pa r -de là l ' a i m a b l e h i s t o r i e t t e , on t r o u v e t o u t un systèm idéo log iqu sous- jacen t q u i tend à f a i r e admett re comme n a t u r e l s e t souha i tab les c e r t a i n s types de comporte- ments soc iaux a i n s i que c e r t a i n s v a l e u r s c u l t u r e l l e s . Mickey ne d à © c l a r a i t - i pas lui-mêm l o r s d ' u n e i n t e r v i e w i m a g i n a i r e , en décembr 1974, dans l a revue R à © a l i t à "Bien sûr j ' a i à © t s e r v i p a r l a vogue de l ' amér ican ism dans l e monde. Car j e s u i s b i e n à l ' i m a g e de l 'Amérique d ' u n e c e r t a i n e Amérique c e l l e des p i o n n i e r s , de l ' a v e n t u r e , de l ' a c t i o n , du courage. Une Amériqu sûr d ' e l l e - mhe e t de l a q u a l i t à de son mode de v i e . Conquérante entreprenante. Mais b i e n au-delà e t sans va ine f i e r t à © j e touche à des constantes p l u s profondes de 1 'âm humaine, l a l u t t e du p e t i t c o n t r e l e grand, David c o n t r e Go1 i a t h . Sinon, j e ne s e r a i s pas devenu ce que j e s u i s : une f i g u r e u n i v e r s e l l e " . B e l l e l e à § o d ' h u m i l i t à que c e l l e de Mickey q u i sous l e s t r a i t s d ' u n f l u e t sour i ceau représent un empire. Mais l e s sympathies spontanée ne v o n t - e l l e s pas tou- j o u r s à ceux q u i p a r a i s s e n t f a i b l e s ?

Les f à © e r i e de Disney camouflent l e s c o n d i t i o n s concrète de c e t t e énorm pro - d u c t i o n source de p r o d i g i e u x p r o f i t s . Mickey f u t c réeenbande dessinée en 1930, deux ans aprè a v o i r connu un grand succè en dess in animé Le s u i v i r e n t l e s T r o i s P e t i t Cochons (1933) e t Donald Duck (1934). La d i f f u s i o n des pro- d u c t i o n s de M a l t Disney, f i l m s , dessins animés bandes dessinées d isques e t c , couvre l e monde e n t i e r . En France, l e s à © d i t i o n Hachet te p u b l i à ¨ r e n l e s aven-

* / Par Armand Mattelart et Ariel Dorfman, Paris: Ed. Alain Moreau. 1976 -

t u r e s de Mickey en 1931. Au j o u r n a l de Mickey succèden Mickey Parade, un b i m e s t r i e l l a n c à en 1966 e t q u i t i r e à 450.000 exempla i res, P icsou Magazine (mensuel, 1972, 41 5.000 exempla i res) e t Mickey Poche (mensuel, 1974, 210.000 exempla i res) . 11 n ' e x i s t e pas en France de v à © r i t a b l e recherches s u r l e s l e c t e u r s de bandes dessinée mais c e r t a i n s rensignements s o n t f o u r n i s p a r une enquêt de l a SOFRES r à © a l i s à en 1974 auprè de 2.000 jeunes. Les c i n q hebdo- madaires analysé ( P i f , l e Journa l de Mickey, P i l o t e , Sp i rou , T i n t i n ) s o n t l u s p a r un m i l l i o n à un m i l l i o n e t demi de l e c t e u r s p a r semaine. Viennent en t à ª t e P i f e t l e Journa l de Mickey don t on es t ime l a vente e f f e c t i v e à 350.000 exemp- l a i r e s e n v i r o n par semaine. Selon l e s c o n s t a t a t i o n s de l ' e n q u à ª t l e p u b l i c des hebdomadaires de bandes dessinée e s t e s s e n t i e l 1 ement mascul i n , s c o l a r i s à © v i v a n t en m i l i e u u r b a i n e t âg de moins de 15 ans. La f a i b l e r e p r à © s e n t a t i o des f i l l e s dans l e p u b l i c des bandes dessinée s ' e x p l i q u e en p a r t i e par l ' e x i s - tence s u r l e marchà de d i v e r s magazines consacré à l a v i e des vede t tes de l a chanson, du ciném e t c , q u i a t t i r e s u r t o u t un p u b l i c fémin in 1/ Donald l ' I m p o s t e u r p a r u t au C h i l i en décembr 1971. A c e t t e époque une vas te e n t r e p r i s e de démocra t i sa t io de l ' a c c à ¨ à l a c u l t u r e à © t a i p o u r s u i v i e . De nombreux ouvrages de l i t t à © r a t u r c h i l i e n n e e t à © t r a n g à ¨ p a r u r e n t dans des à © d i t i o n p o p u l a i r e s . Dans l ' e f f e r v e s c e n c e de l a recherche e t de l a c r à © a t i v i t q u i c a r a c t à © r i s c e t t e pér iode l e s d i f f à © r e n t genres de l a presse ( f à © m i n i n s p o r t , revue pour e n f a n t s ) f u r e n t analysé e t c r i t i q u à © s Tous l e s e f f o r t s à © t a i e n tendus vers l e renouvel lement , 1 Q d j u s t e m e n t à une n o u v e l l e r à © a l i t e t l ' abandon des v ieux c l i c h à © c u l t u r e l s . C ' e s t dans ce c l i m a t p a r t i c u l i e r qu'Armand M a t t e l a r t e t A r i e l Dorfman e n t r e p r i r e n t l ' a n a l y s e des revues de Disney parues à San t iago e n t r e 1967 e t 1971. "S i l ' a n g e de l a j o i e a s s i s t a à l a p r o d u c t i o n de ce l i v r e , à © c r i dans l a p r à © f a c à l ' à © d i t i o f r a n à § a i s M ichè l M a t t e l a r t , c ' e s t pa rce qu'aumêmemomen un peup le s p o l i à pendant p r à ¨ de deux s i à ¨ c l e p a r l e s amis de Disney, MM R o c k e f e l l e r , Morgan, Kennecott, ITT, n a t i o - n a l i s a i t son o r , r à © c u p à © r a ses p l a n t a t i o n s e t c e s s a i t d ' à ª t r " l e bon sauvage" s u r l ' à © c h i q u i e du monde. 11 d à © c o u v r a i dans l a jou issance de l a l u t t e q u ' i l p o u v a i t se passer de Disney" .

Etrange u n i v e r s que c e l u i des p e t i t e s h i s t o i r e s de Disney en apparence s i i nno- centes parce que p u i s a n t dans l a ve ine t r a d i t i o n n e l l e du b e s t i a i r e , gage de f r a à ® c h e u r de n a t u r e l e t de s i m p l i c i t à © Etrange ce monde sans paren ts , peuplé de grands-oncle, d ' o n c l e s , de neveux e t de cousins. Mais s i l ' a u t o r i t à p a t e r - n e l l e n ' a p p a r a l t pas ouvertement, e l l e n ' e n p r à © s i d pas moins à l ' à © l a b o r a t i o de c e t t e l i t t à © r a t u r e Toute t e n t a t i v e de r à © v o l t e s t a i n s i supprimée A y r e g a r d e r de p l u s p rès on s ' a p e r à § o i que l e s e n f a n t s ne s o n t pas v à © r i t a b l e m e n des en fan ts mais des a d u l t e s m i n i a t u r i s à © défendan aprement l e s va leurs d ' o r - d r e e t de domina t ion du monde a d u l t e . Q u ' o n c l e Donald t ransgresse une r à ¨ g l de ce monde s t r i c t e m e n t h i à © r a r c h i s à "se comporte en e n f a n t " , ses neveux, v à © r i t a b l e redresseurs de t o r t i n t e r v i e n n e n t immédiatemen e t e x i g e n t un r e t o u r aux v r a i e s va leurs . M y s t i f i c a t i o n suprêm de l ' e n f a n c e que de l ' amener à i n t à © r i o r i s e e t à défendr l e monde a d u l t e , de 1 'amputer de t o u t ce q u i l u i

l / Voir Michel Pierre, "La Bande Dessinée (Paris: librairie Larousse, 1976). -

e s t p ropre s o i t de sa spon tanéi tà de son g o à » de l a j u s t i c e , de sa c a p a c i t à d 'a imer , de sa conf iance, de sa r à © v o l t e de ses rèves ses larmes e t ses j o i e s . Les r e l a t i o n s e n t r e l e s à ª t r e de ces c l a n s s o n t dures, imp i toyab les , sans jamais un ges te d ' a f f e c t i o n ou de tendresse. Les neveux "ces p e t i t s monstres de l a sc ience", "ces p e t i t s scorp ions" , " p u f f , l a p e r f e c t i o n m h e " f r i s e n t sans cesse l ' i n s o l e n c e e t r à © u s s i s s e n t o u j o u r s l à oà l ' a d u l t e échoue Donald, i r r i t à e t h u m i l i à p a r l e courage, l ' e n d u r a n c e e t l e s connaissances quasi ency- c lopédique de ses neveux, "ces monstres d ' i n t e l l igence e t de mémoire" déc id de l e u r donner une leçon Il se déguis en animal monstrueux, i n s t a l l e un d i s p o s i t i f photographique e t s u r g i t s u r l e t e r r a i n d ' e x e r c i c e des t r o i s cane- tons q u i e f f r a y à © d à © t a l e n mais ne t a r d e n t pas en c o n s t a t a n t l a d i s p a r i t i o n de l a peau d ' o u r s du s a l o n ( " u t i l i s à © à nos dépens n a t u r e l l e m e n t ... p a r o n c l e Donald") à d e v i n e r son usage. Aprè ma in ts débo i res Donald r e n t r e chez l u i e t , s a t i s f a i t r à © v e i l l en p l e i n e n u i t ses neveux pour l e u r mont re r l a photo de l e u r t e r r e u r devant l e monstre. E l l e e s t n o i r e . "Tu as o u b l i à de r e t i r e r l e cache de 1 ' o b t u r a t e u r " , d i t un neveu en b a i l l a n t , " t u n ' e n feras jamais d ' a u t r e " .

D e r r i à © r l ' a p p a r e n c e s imp le e t n a à ¯ v de ces c r à © a t u r e se cache l a dure l o i de l a j u n g l e : ruse, moquerie, vengeance, chantage, e x p l o i t a t i o n des f a i b l e s . Oncle Picsou, r i c h e e t avare, sans cesse à l a recherche de nouveaux moyens pour s ' e n r i c h i r p a i e un i n v e n t e u r pour f a b r i q u e r de l ' e s s e n c e avec de l ' e a u de mer. Dés ignan un t a s de b i l l e t s de banque, il l u i d i t : " N ' o u b l i e pas que TOUT c e t a r g e n t e s t pour TOI, s i t u y parv iens ! c e n t m i l l e f r a n c s que j ' a i mis l à pour t e s e r v i r de s t i m u l a n t ! Hé Hé Je r à © c u p à © r e r ces c e n t m i l l e f r a n c s e t un m i l l i o n d ' a u t r e s quand j ' a u r a i l a fo rmu le ! Toutes l e s grandes s o c i à © t à p à © t r o l i e r e r e n c h à © r i r o n l ' u n e s u r l ' a u t r e pour me l ' a c h e t e r ! Cer tes, l ' o n c l e P icsou e s t g e n t i l l e m e n t r i d i c u l i s à c a r il ne j o u i t pas de sa f o r t u n e , mais l ' o b j e c t i f q u ' i l p o u r s u i t ne l ' e s t pas.

Le b u t suprëm de l a v i e e s t en e f f e t l ' a c q u i s i t i o n de l a r i c h e s s e que Disney v e u t rendre innocen te e t n a t u r e l l e . Les personnages s i l l o n n e n t n o t r e p l a n à ¨ t e t d ' a u t r e s encore p a r f o i s , dans d ' i n c e s s a n t e s courses au t r à © s o c a r t o u t b u t i n e t t o u t e r i c h e s s e n a t u r e l l e du s o l ou du sous-sol appar t iennen t à c e l u i q u i s a i t l e s t r o u v e r . " L ' h i s t o i r e , à © c r i v e n A. Dorfman e t A. " l a t t e l a r t , se t r a n s - forme en étud de marchà q u i f a i t passer l e s c i v i l i s a t i o n s anciennes p a r l e p l à © b i s c i t de l ' a c h a t " . Les ind igène bruns e t gr imaçant des pays l o i n t a i n s ne son t jamais présentà comme l e s descendants de ceux q u i à « r i g à ¨ r e ces grandes c i v i l i s a t i o n s . S i t à ´ r a p a t r i à © dans l e s c o f f r e s de l ' o n c l e Picsou, l e s t r à © s o r se t rans fo rment mystér ieusemen en o r " inodore , sans p a t r i e e t sans h i s t o i r e " . I l n ' y a aucune t r a c e d ' o b j e t dans l e dépa b l i n d à aux m u l t i p l e s s e r r u r e s .

Sur l a c e n t a i n e de revues analysée p a r l e s au teurs de "Donald l ' I m p o s t e u r " prè de l a m o i t i à r e l a t a n t des aventures oà i n t e r v i e n n e n t des i n d i v i d u s d ' a u t r e s races e t d ' a u t r e s c u l t u r e s e t s e l o n l e u r i n t e r p r à © t a t i o n l e v à © r i t a b l e n f a n t de ce genre l i t t à © r a i r s e r a i t l e r e s s o r t i s s a n t du T i e r s Monde, innocen t , barbare, un b r i n r o u b l a r d , rageur e t souvent p r i s de paniques i r r a t i o n n e l l e s . A c e t égard l a " c i v i l i s a t i o n " , c e l l e q u ' i n c a r n e n t l e s p e t i t e s c r à © a t u r e s d'Amérique e s t présentà comme quelque chose d ' incompréhens ib le d ' i n a c c à ¨ s s i b l e e t de magique q u i d o i t à « t r a d m i n i s t r à © e t gérà p a r ces à ª t r e venus de l o i n .

E t A. M a t t e l a r t e t A. Dorfman d ' à © c r i r e "Le r a p p o r t d ' a u t o r i t à que nous avons dégag e n t r e l e s e n f a n t s - a d u l t e s q u i débarquen avec l e u r c i v i l i s a t i o n e t l e u r s techniques, e t l e s enfants-bons sauvages q u i accep ten t l 'hégémon à © t r a n g à ¨ e t l i v r e n t l e u r s r i chesses , s ' a v à ¨ r l a r à © p l i q u exacte du r a p p o r t e n t r e l a mét ropo l e t l a p à © r i p h à © r i l ' e m p i r e e t l a c o l o n i e , l e s maît re e t l e s esc laves. C ' e s t t e l l e m e n t v r a i que l e s m à © t r o p o l i t a i n ne se c o n t e n t e n t pas de p a r t i r à l a recherche du t r à © s o r mais p rennen t s o i n de vendre des revues aux ind igènes c e l l e s de D isney land e n t r e a u t r e s , pour q u ' i l s y apren- n e n t l e r à ´ l que l e s grands canards de l a v i l l e s o u h a i t e n t l e u r v o i r j o u e r " .

Débarquan dans l ' à ® l Youp Youp oà les indigène ne connaissent pas l ' a rgen t , Donald le roublard grugà s ' à © c r i e "Je me sens Robinson Crusoe. L'important e s t de trouver à manger. Je vais demander u n peu de nourriture à ces gens. Je vais sûremen avoir droi t à u n banquet en échang de col l iers de pacotille!" (Picsou Magazine, No. 59, 1977).

La sociét dëcri t par Hait Disney e s t toute préoccupà du maintien d'un cer- tain systèm économiqu fonde sur la propriétà l ' a u t o r i t à e t l 'ordre. Tout s 'achête se vend e t se consomme, mais rien n ' es t véritablemen produit. Le travail e s t toujours présent comme une ac t iv i tà t rans i to i re , une pet i te besogne, une course à la récompens auxquelles se l ivre un personnage pour acquéri u n nouveau télévise etc . mais jamais pour sa t i s fa i re u n besoin essent iel .

Aprè une course, Donald à bout de souffle dans son bateau s ' à © c r i e "OUF! Nous l'avons èchapp belle! Allons préveni l a police, nous aurons une bel le récom pense pour l a capture de ces bandits! Ainsi, je pourrai acheter ce t te 71e =prendre des bains de solei l ! Formidable! rétorqu u n neveu, (Almanach de Mickey 1966).

Dans l e s comics de Disney l e rythme ne se rompt jamais, personnages presque t o u j o u r s hors d ' h a l e i n e , courses e f f r à © n à © e t o u t e s t en perpétue mouvement. P o u r t a n t c e t t e a g i t a t i o n cons tan te masque mal l a c l o t à ¼ r e t l e conservat isme de c e t t e s o c i à © t préoccupà avant t o u t à chasser son ennui . Car, en d à © p i de ses r i chesses , ce p e t i t monde s ' e n n u i e e t éprouv l a n o s t a l g i e des " c i v i - l i s à © s pour des formes d ' o r g a n i s a t i o n s s o c i a l e s p r à © - i n d u s t r e l l e s . Dà l o r s " l ' i n n o c e n c e " des peuples du T i e r s Monde, l e u r s mat ià ¨ re première e t l e u r s anciennes c i v i l i s a t i o n s d isparues dev iennen t une source i n t a r i s s a b l e d 'aven- t u r e s p i t t o r e s q u e s , d'amusement e t d 'en r i ch issement . C ' e s t un c o i n de na tu re , une réserv d 'exo t i sme préservà pour l a d i s t r a c t i o n d e s r i c h e s , e t l e s hab i - t a n t s , "ces bons sauvages" s o n t grossièremen dépe in t dans l e u r s p e t i t s e t grands t r a v e r s nat ionaux. Wal t Disney p u i s e sans gên dans l ' i n à © p u i s a b l ve ine des s téréotyp i n t e r n a t i o n a u x . Le péruv ie i n d o l e n t vend des p o t e r i e s e t de fausses a n t i q u i t à © inca , mange du p iment s i v o l e n t q u ' i l s 'enflamme l a bouche e t c . "Le royaume de Disney n ' e s t pas c e l u i de l ' i m a g i n a i r e , à © c r i v e n A. M a t t e l a r t e t A. Dorfman, c a r il r à © a g i devant l e s événemen mondiaux. (. . .) Il y a quinze ans, l a mer des Caraïbe n ' à © t a i encore qu 'un r e f u g e de f l i b u s t i e r s . Il a b i e n f a l l u a j u s t e r l a bande dessiné au f a i t cubain e t à l ' i n v a s i o n de S a i n t Domingue, Le boucan ie r c r i e à p résent "V ive l a r à © v o l u t i o n e t il e s t vaincu. Le C h i l i aura son t o u r " . J u s t e présage En mars 1974 p a r a à ® à Sant iago dans l a revue D isney land une bande dessiné oà deux o iseaux carnass ie rs , nommé l ' u n Marx e t l ' a u t r e Hegel, s ' e n prennent à d ' i nnocen tes p e t i t e s c r à © a t u r e r o n d e l e t t e s , deux chatons e t un g r i l l o n . S u r g i t un f e r m i e r avec un f u s i l e t l e s ca rnass ie rs s ' e n v o l e n t . Le g r i l l o n en épongean l a sueur de son f r o n t s 'exc lame; "Eh! I l s ne c r a i g n e n t que l e s armes à f e u ces o iseaux de malheur".

La bande dessiné est certes toujours un reflet des idéologies Mais la lec- ture de l'ouvrage de A. Mattelart et A. Dorfman, il est difficile de n'êtr pas convaincu que l'oeuvre de Disney est investie d'une véritabl fonction de propagande. Elle est une idéologi en image, fondé sur les notions de propri- ét privée d'ordre et de respect du pouvoir. Il valait la peine de le démon trer surtout dans le contexte chilien. Mais si l'on s'en écarte la question reste de savoir si l'on peut changer un monde en brisant le miroir qui en reflèt les tares? Et comme l'écrivai Sartre: "croit-on que les enfants ne choisissent pas leurs poisons eux-mêmes?"

THE POLITICAL IHPLICATIOKS OF CHILD PARTICIPATIOE : L

THE P O L I T I C A L I M P L I C A T I O N S OF CH1 LD P A R T I C I P A T I O N : S T E P S TOWARD A P A R T 1 C 1 PATORY S O C I E T Y

* / by Simon N icho lson and Raymond Lorenzo -

" A f t e r t h e a s s a s s i n a t i o n o f A ldo Moro (P r ime M i n i s t e r o f I t a l y ) - many teachers i n Napo l i " sugges ted" to c h i l d r e n t h a t t h e y w r i t e poems o r draw p i c t u r e s about t h e " t r a g i c n a t u r e o f h i s dea th " , " h i s g r e a t c a r e e r " , " t h e v i o l e n c e o f t h e Red Br igades" . I n t h e "gruppo f u t u r o " t h e r e were no such sugges t ions . Never the- l e s s one 9 y e a r o l d dec ided t o r e c o r d a song i n f o l k fo rm which he inven ted , . t h e y ' v e k i l l e d A ldo Moro, w e ' l l never know t h e t r u t h . They 've k i l l e d A ldo Moro . . . and we s i t i n school and r e a l l y d o n ' t know a n y t h i n g " .

The p r i n c i p a l and teacher o f a school i n Napo l i a t tempted t o e x p l a i n t o t h e g r u p p o f u t u r o " why severa l o f t h e i r f u t u r e s c o l l a g e s (made on photos o f t h e i r community) shou ld be censored. " C e r t a i n r e a c t i o n a r y f o r c e s w i l l t r y t o mani- p u l a t e t h e presence o f severa l nudes i n t h e c o l l a g e s as an i n d i c a t i o n o f t h e po rnograph ic n a t u r e o f t h e new a t t i t u d e s toward school , (e.g. gruppo f u t u r o ) . You understand b u t y o u r p a r e n t s perhaps d o n ' t " . One o f t h e c h i l d r e n s t a t e d " W e ' l l e x p l a i n i t t o them ... t h a t ' s what i t ' s a11 abou t " .

C h i l d r e n 9-11 y e a r s o l d i n t h e gruppo f u t u r o p r o j e c t were scheduled t o p a r t i c i - p a t e i n a community mee t ing a t t h e i r school concern ing "green spaces". They prepared a s h o r t s l i d e / t a p e about p l a y and p l a y spaces and a s e r i e s o f i n t e r - views f o r t h e p o l i t i c i a n s who were t o be p r e s e n t . Scheduled t o s t a r t a t 5.30 p.m. t h e " p o l i t i c o s " s t i l l h a d n ' t a r r i v e d a t 6 .30 p.m. Wh i le t h e a d u l t s s a t p a s s i v e l y w a i t i n g t h e "keynote speakers" t h e c h i l d r e n expressed t h e i r c r i t i c i s m o f t h e d e l a y t o t h e P r i n c i p a l (who was a w a i t i n g t h e p o l i t i c o s ' l i m o u s i n e o u t - s i d e t h e s c h o o l ) and taped h e r r e a c t i o n s on aud iocasse t te . The meet ing imme- d i a t e l y began ( w i t h o u t t h e b u r e a u c r a t s ) w i t h t h e aud io p layback i n p u b l i c o f t h e c h i l d r e n s ' i deas and c r i t i c i s m s .

Gruppo F u t u r o

These words r e c o u n t a few o f many i n c i d e n t s t h a t have occur red d u r i n g t h e encounters o f t h e C h i l d r e n ' s P a r t i c i p a t i o n i n Fu tu res , " P r o j e t t a z i o n e d e l F u t u r o de p a r t e d e i Bambin i " (now c a l l e d t h e Gruppo F u t u r o ) i n N a p o l i and Ox fo rd ( w i t h a f f i l i a t e d schoo ls i n Glasgow and Toron to ) d u r i n g 1978-9. Our i n t e n t i o n was t o t r y t o c r e a t a procedure (p rocess ) i n which c h i l d r e n c o u l d a c t i v e l y exper imen t w i t h as many media as p o s s i b l e i n o r d e r t o express, p r o - pose, q u e s t i o n and b u i l d a l t e r n a t i v e f u t u r e s w i t h min imal i n te r fe rence /domina- t i o n f rom a d u l t s ( e s p e c i a l l y those l i k e l y t o s p e c i a l i z e and p r o f e s s ) . The f u t u r e s p r o j e c t i n v o l v e s two S t a t e schoo ls i n Napo l i - one i n t h e work ing / m i d d l e c l a s s h i 1 1 area o f Vomero - t h e o t h e r i n t h e p e r i p h e r a l and newly- c o n s t r u c t e d poor ( L u m p e n p r o l e t a r i a t ) d i s t r i c t o f Rione Tra iano; these schoo ls

* / Raymond Lorenzo, Gruppo Futuro, Piazza dlOvidio 6, Napoli, Italy. (Tel: No. 081 31.23.76).

a r e i n t e g r a t e d i n t h e sense t h a t s o - c a l l e d handicapped c h i l d r e n take p a r t i n everyday school l i f e . I n c o n t r a s t t h e schoo ls i n t h e UK ( i n Ox fo rd ) i n c l u d e one S t a t e Pr imary School i n a mu1 t i - r a c i a l , mixed f i r s t - l a n g u a g e and mixed income area, and one ESN ( E d u c a t i o n a l l y Sub Normal) school which i s predomi- n a n t l y work ing c l a s s w i t h v e r y few c h i l d r e n whose f i r s t language i s n o t Eng l i sh , and who a r e segregated s o c i a l l y and g e o g r a p h i c a l l y f rom o t h e r c h i l d r e n .

As t h e p r o j e c t grew, our r o l e became t h a t of p r o v i d i n g an i n i t i a l spark o f an i d e a t h a t change and d i f f e r e n t f u t u r e s a r e p o s s i b l e . We found t h a t most o f t h e c h i l d r e n a l r e a d y knew t h i s b u t t h a t s c h o o l i n g p r o h i b i t e d though ts about many k i n d s o f change, e s p e c i a l l y any change n o t o f a s c i e n t i f i c o r techno lo - g i c a l n a t u r e . We became n o t o n l y f a c i l i t a t o r s b u t in te rvened i n t h e school s e t t i n g .

Th is " i n t e r v e n t i o n " c o n s i s t e d o f handing over communication t o o l s t o t h e c h i l - dren, i n c l u d i n g drawing equipment, s l i d e l t a p e , a u d i o c a s s e t t e l r a d i o , v ideo , pho tocop ie r and t h e f a c i l i t i e s f o r p r i n t i n g , b i n d i n g and m a i l i n g t h e i r own f u t u r e s books (a1 l o f which c o s t l e s s t h a n b u i l d i n g s , a s p h a l t , a d m i n i s t r a t o r s and s t a f f ) . The i n t e r v e n t i o n a l s o c o n s i s t e d o f c r e a t i n g an envi ronment where change i s accep tab le : most o f t e n t h e changes expressed by t h e c h i l d r e n had t o do w i t h community, f e e l i n g s and i n t u i t i o n s .

It i s d i f f i c u l t t o descr ibe o u r process o f i n t e r v e n t i o n : i t does n o t r e p l a c e e x p e r t s w i t h ourse lves as " replacement e x p e r t s " b u t i n s t e a d t h e c h i l d r e n a r e t h e e x p e r t s . Th is i s an i n v e r s i o n o f what we n o r m a l l y know as s c h o o l i n g and has i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r t h e p o l i t i c a l b a s i s o f f u t u r e s o c i e t y . It has been p r o - posed t h a t d o c t o r s cause i l l n e s s , lawyers c r ime, a r c h i t e c t s ghet toes, tech- n o l o g i s t s dea th and teachers ignorance, b u t we found t h a t we may o p t i m i s t i c a l l y propose t h a t c h i l d r e n w i t h a d u l t s o f a l l ages ( i n s t e a d o f ' a d u l t e x p e r t s ' o n l y ) can e n j o y w o r k i n g i n harmony toward c r e a t i n g a b e t t e r w o r l d - nearer u t o p i a s than can p r e s e n t l y be e n t e r t a i n e d - and t h a t t h e i n t e r v e n t i o n process i n v o l v e s s imp ly approaching human a c t i v i t i e s w i t h t h e f u t u r e i n mind as w e l l as t h e pas t . Th is i s an a c t i v i t y i n which a11 can share.

By a n a t u r a l process t h e f u t u r e s p r o j e c t i n v o l v e d c h i l d r e n w i t h g r e a t freedom compared t o t h a t n o r m a l l y p rov ided by schoo ls . F o r example, g r e a t e r freedom t o ask ques t ions , research, exper iment and t o p l a y and m i x a c t i v i t i e s o f t h e body and mind t h a t h i t h e r t o had been separated. The c h i l d r e n changed t h e way we though t : t h e y developed t h e i r own l i t e r a c i e s (words and images), s tandards and a e s t h e t i CS.

P o l i t i c a l C l imate

The "gruppo f u t u r e " has a p o l i t i c a l v i s i o n - c o l l e c t i v e / l i b e r t a r i a n l p a r t i c i p a - t o r y - and takes p l a c e i n c e r t a i n p o l i t i c a l c l i m a t e s a t some p o i n t s i n c o n f l i c t and a t o t h e r s i n agreement.

Schools n o r m a l l y c o n t r o l t h e express ion o f ideas and accompl ish t h i s i n t h r e e ways: f i r s t , r u l e s as t o which ideas can be expressed, th rough a c u r r i c u l um and one-way c o m m u n i c a t i o n ~ a c h e r " t o c h i l d ; second, by l i m i t i n g how these i d e a s can be expressed, th rough a mark ing system and a media h i e r a r c h y (eg. words and numbers b e f o r e images) and t h i r d , b y d e f i n i n g w i t h % t h e ideas can be communicated - c l o s e d classrooms, c losed schools.

The ch i ld ren ' s f r ee access t o media broke the a r t i f i c i a l ba r r i e r s of classroom and t imetabling and "carr ied" the fu tures out t o the community. Children organized debates and exhibi t ions when they wished; they often used the cor- r i do r s of the school as experiment areas by a t taching posters and questions and they decided when t o go outside the school t o research and discuss ideas (using tape-recorders f o r example) with people in the community. In most ins tances there were con f l i c t s with the school s t ruc tu re . The con f l i c t s were pos i t ive i n t h a t the nature of schooling and the opposing philosophy of the fu tu re s p ro j ec t were openly confronted with children as protagonis ts in the d iscuss ions . For example, chi ldren refused t o take p a r t i n a conference exhi- b i t being organized by the Napoli c i t y administration a f t e r discovering a t a meeting t h a t they could ne i the r pa r t i c ipa t e i n the conference nor decide the layout of t h e i r work. Control of expression and ac t ion in "special schools" (eg. ESN) appears t o be even g rea t e r than in schools in general . In the U . K . the chi ldren iden t i f i ed as "sub-normal " a re largely segregated i n t o these places and taught t o be passive and thus f ind a "place in soc i e ty" . On the f i r s t day of t he Futures Projec t in one such school i t was r ea l i zed t h a t a f t e r a half-hour no drawing had begun, s ince packages of crayons and paper had simply been l e f t on the t ab l e s : t he chi ldren were unaccustomed t o choosing the colours themselves and awaited our d i s t r i b u t i o n of colours. (The chi ldren were a l s o expected t o drink t h e i r own milk on cue, t h a t i s , a11 a t once).

Change o r va r i e ty were considered dangerous f o r these chi ldren - the hymn "Our Great Unchanging Friend" was sung often - y e t t h e i r images and ideas expressed capacity t o understand change, and cope with i t . Throughout the duration of the gruppo fu tu ro and the work of a pa ra l l e l group e n t i t l e d "Cooperative Monte Olimpino" in Northern I t a l y - f i lms , s l i de - t apes , video tapes , poems e t c . made by "sub-normal or " d i f f i c u l t " chi ldren revealed the same c rea t ive charge as those made by normal" chi ldren . These projec ts serve t o dismantle myths which a re commonly held concerning the capaci t ies of "pr iv i leged" o r "disadvan- taged" chi ldren. Most " fu tures p ro j ec t s " with children tend t o s e l e c t "g i f ted chi ldren" as pa r t i c ipan t s (seen as potent ia l leaders , only these children are allowed t o propose a1 t e r n a t i v e s ) . This p rac t i ce , l i k e the segregation of 3 - n o r m a 1 1 ' children i n t o "special schools" i s the a n t i t h e s i s of pa r t i c ipa t ion in fu tu re s , which sould be continous, in tegra ted i n t o r e a l - l i f e s i t ua t ions and inc lus ive of everyone, not j u s t an " e l i t e " .

A new world

If ch i ld ren ' s pa r t i c ipa t ion in a l t e r n a t i v e fu tures could be a pa r t of l i f e and no t confined t o projec ts l i ke "Gruppo Future" and s imi l a r i n t e rven t ions , then what transformations would occur p o l i t i c a l l y - s o c i a l l y - c u l t u r a l l y ?

F i r s t , i n an atmosphere of g rea t e r f r e e expression and cooperation, ch i ld ren ' s ideas and images of fu tures a r e r ad i ca l ly d i f f e r e n t than those of adu l t s . Children i n "Gruppo fu turo" have proposed, discussed, designed, projected with s l i d e l t a p e such projec ts as :

' - ins tead of TV, a t hea t r e 50 km wide in which everyone a c t s ;

- the p o s s i b i l i t y of c i v i l war and the subsequent des t ruct ion of a l l food sources except the roots . We should go i n t o t he country t o t a l k with farmers today about i t ;

- t o r e p o p u l a t e t h e c o u n t r y s i d e ( r u r a l a reas) ;

- c h i l d r e n and o l d people work ing toge ther ;

- h o t a i r ba l loons , pocke t s i z e ( rechargab le ) f l y i n g saucers, horses, c a b l e c a r s as t r a n s p o r t ;

- communication by mu l t i -way TV o r drums"

These f u t u r e s a r e a t p resen t l i m i t e d , t h a t i s , they a r e ideas t h a t most a d u l t s t h i n k "cu te " and u n r e a l i z a b l e . Never theless, t h e ex tens ion o f f u t u r e s p a r t i - c i p a t i o n i n space and t ime i m p l i e s a g r e a t change i n a d u l t ' s p e r c e p t i o n o f c h i l d r e n . C h i l d r e n become c u l t u r a l i n n o v a t o r s and p r o t a g o n i s t s i n a s o c i e t y i n which t h e i r vo ices, words and images a r e as v a l i d as those o f a d u l t s . Learn ing and c u l t u r a l f l o w become no l o n g e r one-way f rom a d u l t t o c h i l d b u t i n s t e a d a r e m u l t i - d i r e c t i o n a l : t h e young can ' t e a c h ' t h e m i d d l e aged, t h e ve ry o l d t h e young, and so f o r t h i n i n f i n i t e d i r e c t i o n s and combinat ions.

The outward n a t u r e o f c h i l d r e n ' s p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n f u t u r e s seems t o i n d i c a t e t h e s low d i s s o l u t i o n o f t h e school as t h e fundamental c e n t r e f o r l e a r n i n g and i n f o r m a t i o n " and i t s replacement by t h e community. Learn ing thus becomes i n t e g r a t e d w i t h l i v i n g and theory w i t h p r a c t i c e .

F i n a l l y t h e process o f p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n f u t u r e s expands c r i t i c a l consciousness, awareness and (subsequen t l y ) r e a l cho ices and changes. Changes a r e seen as p o s s i b l e through work ing t o g e t h e r : everyone p a r t i c i p a t e s i n env i sionin'g and b u i l d i n g new fu tu res , u t o p i a s which a r e d e s i r e d and worked towards and which themselves t r a n s f o r m c o n t i n u a l l y i n t h e process. T h i s supposes a new concep- t i o n o f p o l i t i c s ( i e : p o l i t i c a l consciousness) which i s c o n t r a r y t o a l l t h e p r e s e n t p roposa ls by ma jo r p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s i n I t a l y and t h e U.K.. Tha t i s , t h e i r man i fes tos a r e o u t o f date.

Would c h i l d r e n i n v e n t a H a r r i s b u r g ?

"Utopia - non subire i l r i c a t t o del 'dato, del non rea l i s t i co , slargare -it concetto d i poss ibi le f ino a t Zim-ite del nostro desiderio d i e s i s t e r e l'.

(Utopia - not submitting t o the blackmail o f a 'g iven ' , or a non-reality, expand the concept of the possible t o the very limit of our wish t o e x i s t ) .

SOCIAL-CULTURAL IMPLICATIONS FOR EUROPE OF ANOTHER DEVELOPMENT MODEL I N THE 1980s: A PROJECT ON PARTICIPATION N I 0 Youth, Amsterdam

By means o f t h i s paper, N I0 Youth wants t o p resen t a conceptual framework f o r our p r o j e c t on p a r t i c i p a t i o n . A l l o f t h e p laces w i t h i n t h e framework a r e s t i l l empty and we hope t h a t every p a r t i c i p a t i n g o r g a n i s a t i o n w i l l f e e l com- f o r t a b l e i n one o f these p laces . The approach may seem a l i t t l e b i t vague t o some people, b u t t h a t i s a r e s u l t o f ou r s t a r t i n g p o i n t : we do n o t want t o g i v e a b l u e p r i n t f o r t h e p r o j e c t . We f e e l t h a t t h e p a r t i c i p a n t s should have t h e o p p o r t u n i t y t o r e a l l y p a r t i c i p a t e , because t h e p r o j e c t i t s e l f dea ls w i t h p a r t i c i p a t i o n .

FRAMEWORK FOR APPROACH

S t a r t i n g p o i n t

"The production of too many useful things produces too many useless people".

Today t h i s p r o p o s i t i o n sounds l i k e a b a s i c t r u t h : t h e success o f ou r Western system i s based on t h e e l i m i n a t i o n o f growing numbers o f people f rom t h e p r o - d u c t i o n process, when necessary, w i t h o u t c h a l l e n g i n g t h e reasons why they a r e k i c k e d o u t o f j obs .

Th is process i s backed up by o u r a b i l i t y t o m a i n t a i n t h e unemployed, and we m y s t i f y t h e process by c a l l i n g t h e unemployed 'scroungers on t h e backs o f o t h e r s ' , whereas we a l l know t h a t t h e r e i s n ' t any work f o r them. Bu t never- the less , t h e o b j e c t i v e o f t h i s m y s t i f i c a t i o n i s reached: t h e ' n o n - a c t i v e s ' (unemployed, e t c . ) do n o t r e v o l t a g a i n s t t h e system which pu ts them a s i d e as be ing i n a p p r o p r i a t e and unadaptable, and they a r e f o r c e d back i n t o ' l e t h a r g y ' .

A p a r a l l e l development o f i s o l a t i n g people can be d iscovered on t h e p o l i t i c a l l e v e l . P a r t l y as a r e s u l t o f t h e i n c r e a s i n g complex i t y o f t h e p r o d u c t i o n s t r u c t u r e , t h e decis ion-making processes become more and more c e n t r a l i s e d , r e n d e r i n g t h e s u b j e c t m a t t e r i n q u e s t i o n i n t a n g i b l e , even f o r those who have t o dec ide upon i t .

But t h e most s t r i k i n g t h i n g about t h e sentence quoted above i s t h a t i t was w r i t t e n i n 1844. I t seems t h a t t h e ' p r o d u c t i o n o f use less peop le ' l i e s i n t h e v e r y h e a r t o f ou r modern Western c u l t u r e , which i s c h a r a c t e r i s e d by t h e ' p u r s u i t o f happiness ' and t h e ' g r e a t e s t happiness o f t h e g r e a t e s t number' b u t , a t t h e same t ime c o n f r o n t s us w i t h a wide range o f s u b t l e methods f o r c o n t r o l l i n g o u r a c t i v i t i e s and amb i t ions . A l l peop le a r e equal , b u t some a r e more equal than o t h e r s .

What i s t r u e f o r t h e poores t groups i n o u r s o c i e t y i s e s p e c i a l l y t r u e f o r t h e m a j o r i t y o f t h e mass o f t h e people i n t h e T h i r d World c o u n t r i e s .

Our ' e q u a l ' and r e l a t i v e l y wea l thy s o c i e t y founded i t s c o u n t e r p a r t and i t s p r e c o n d i t i o n s i n c o l o n i s a t i o n and e x p l o i t a t i o n o f t h e m a j o r i t y o f t h e w o r l d ' s p o p u l a t i o n . And a l though t h e c h a r a c t e r o f t h e c o l o n i s a t i o n and e x p l o i t a t i o n has changed d u r i n g t h e l a s t twenty years , we a r e s t i l l do ing w e l l by e x c l u d i n g m i l l i o n s o f people f rom t h e c o n d i t i o n s f o r s u r v i v a l : 'Chr is tmas here, s t a r - v a t i o n t h e r e 1 .

Two approaches

Dur ing t h e l a s t ten years we have been c o n f r o n t e d w i t h demands f rom T h i r d World c o u n t r i e s t o change o u r economic r e l a t i o n s w i t h them. These demands imp ly r a d i c a l changes i n o u r p r o d u c t i o n p a t t e r n s and l i f e - s t y l e s , n o t t o say our whole c u l t u r e , i n o r d e r t o p r o v i d e those c o u n t r i e s w i t h t h e i r c o n d i t i o n s f o r s u r v i v a l .

B r i n g i n g t h i s process t o an accep tab le comp le t ion i s n o t an easy task. A re we a t a l l bound ( o r even a b l e ) t o b r i n g these chances about? The s t a r t i n g p o i n t o f o u r p r o j e c t i s t h a t we have t o .

I t shou ld be no ted t h a t l o o k i n g a t changes i n o u r l i f e s t y l e s and p o l i t i c a l s t r u c t u r e s f rom t h e ang le o u t l i n e d above can s t i l l be c a l l e d a ' n e g a t i v e approach' , i n t h e sense t h a t we l o o k a t t h e p resen t s i t u a t i o n w h i l e b e a r i n g i n mind t h a t t h e r e a r e c e r t a i n l i m i t s t o i t . Th is reasoning goes as f o l l o w s : t h e p r e s e n t p e r c a p i t a consumption f o r a l l k inds o f p roduc ts i n t h e r i c h c o u n t r i e s cannot be reached by a11 peop le i n t h e wor ld , because we would end up w i t h an envi ronmental d i s a s t e r , d e p l e t i o n o f non-renewable (energy) r e - sources w i t h i n f i f t y years and so on. T h i s means t h a t changes i n the N o r t h cannot be avoided. And p a r t o f these changes shou ld be d e c e n t r a l i s a t i o n of decis ion-making, i n o r d e r t o b r i n g p o l i t i c s i n t o correspondence w i t h t h e needs i n t h e domains o f consumption and p r o d u c t i o n .

Far more i n t e r e s t i n g c o u l d be a p o s i t i v e approach, which can be descr ibed as f o l l o w s : I s n ' t i t more adequate t o t h e condition hma-ine t o e s t a b l i s h a c e r - t a i n p r o d u c t i o n s t r u c t u r e and a c e r t a i n p o l i t i c a l s t r u c t u r e which can be c o n t r o l l e d by a l l who a r e concerned? I n terms o f t h e o r i e s o f development, t h i s means t h a t p o l i t i c s o f s e l f - r e l i a n c e a r e n o t j u s t a l a s t r e s o r t f o r t h e 'wre tched o f t h e e a r t h ' , b u t a f i r s t p o s i t i v e and c o n s t r u c t i v e s tep towards a more humane and s u s t a i n a b l e s o c i e t y ; an approach which m i g h t a l s o be a p p l i c a b l e t o t h e Nor th .

We would l i k e t o have a p r o j e c t which cons iders b o t h p o i n t s o f v iew: a f i r s t one which looks a t emanc ipa t i ve developments as necessary i n a d d i t i o n t o changes i n l i f e s t y l e s (which a r e necessary f rom t h e n e g a t i v e p o i n t o f v iew), and a second one which cons iders p a r t i c i p a t i o n t o be fundamental .

T h i s r e s u l t s i n an approach t h a t t r i e s t o emphasize a development towards p a r t i c i p a t o r y democracy as a p r e r e q u i s i t e f o r t h e more m a t e r i a l changes wh ich we a r e bound t o e s t a b l i s h as p a r t o f ' a n o t h e r development s t r a t e g y i n t h e E i g h t i e s ' .

Th is g ives t h e o p p o r t u n i t y t o a l l t h e p a r t i c i p a n t s t o b r i n g i n case-s tud ies concern ing t h e most i m p o r t a n t problems i n t h e i r own n a t i o n a l s i t u a t i o n , w i t h a s p e c i a l emphasis on p a r t i c i p a t o r y i n t e r e s t s .

We hope t h a t t h i s wi'!? have a m o b i l i s i n g and s t i m u l a t i n g e f f e c t on many Euro- pean y o u t h o r g a n i s a t i o n s .

I s s u e areas i n t h e s t r u g g l e

Passing t h e t h r e s h o l c o f mere f l o a t i n g t h e o r y , we want t o i n d i c a t e some o f t h e i s s u e areas i n t h e s t r u g g l e and t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p t o o u r s p e c i f i c s u b j e c t .

a ) Energy and techno logy

I n genera l , we can say t h a t t h e r e i s s t i l l a ve ry s t r o n g ' t e c h n o c r a t i c i d e o l o g y ' i n most o f t h e European c o u n t r i e s . I n s h o r t , t h i s means t h a t we a r e a l l con- v inced t h a t t e c h n i c a l and s c i e n t i f i c p rogress a r e conducive t o s o c i a l p rogress and t h a t a n t i - s o c i a l r e s u l t s can be j u s t i f i e d as s h o r t - t e r m disadvantages wh ich we w i l l soon g e t r i d o f by means o f more research .

Undoubtedly t h e r e i s a v e r y s t r o n g r e l a t i o n s h i p between s c i e n t i f i c and s o c i a l development, b u t i t shou ld be doubted whether these two types o f development cannot be d i s t i n g u i s h e d a t a l l and second ly whether t h e i r r e c i p r o c a l i n f l u e n c e s can always be c a l l e d p rogress ive .

I f b o t h doubts a r e l e g i t i m a t e , we should be a b l e t o g i v e an i n d i c a t i o n o f what we have t o r e q u i r e f rom t e c h n o l o g i c a l development, f rom t h e p o i n t o f v iew t h a t i t has t o be c o n t r o l a b l e .

The same arguments a r e v a l i d when one c o n s i d e r s t h e q u e s t i o n o f n u c l e a r and a l t e r n a t i v e energy.

b ) Economic Pol i c y

A l l European governments a r e t e l l i n g us t h a t 'we a l l have t o t i g h t e n our b e l t s ' . T h i s apparent c o l l e c t i v e s h a r i n g o f s o c i e t y ' s burdens ignores t h r e e problems: 1 ) How d i d we a r r i v e a t these d i f f i c u l t i e s ; 2 ) The q u e s t i o n o f d i s t r i b u t i o n (who i s go ing t o t i g h t e n h i s o r h e r b e l t ? ) and 3 ) W i l l t h e h i g h e r p r o f i t s , which r e s u l t from t h e d i m i n u t i o n of l a b o u r c o s t s c r e a t e more j o b s (which i s t h e i r assumed r e s u l t ) ?

E s p e c i a l l y concern ing t h e t h i r d ques t ion , i t i s p o s s i b l e t o argue t h a t i t i s u l t i m a t e l y a q u e s t i o n o f who decides. And t h a t b r i n g s us aga in t o t h e f i e l d o f o u r research .

Another aspec t shou ld be mentioned. P a r t o f t h e d i m i n u t i o n o f p u b l i c expen- d i t u r e s , e s p e c i a l l y i n t h e f i e l d s o f s o c i a l work and h e a l t h care, a r e j u s t i f i e d w i t h t h e argument o f ' p a r t i c i p a t i o n ' , d e r i v e d f rom r a d i c a l t h e o r e t i c i a n s : people themselves a r e a b l e t o s o l v e t h e i r problems; t o o much care o f fe red by i n s t i t u t i o n s makes them dependent and even c rea tes problems which i n i t i a l l y do n o t e x i s t a t a l l . The i r o n y o f t h i s j u s t i f i c a t i o n i s t h a t i n t h e d e c i s i o n s on

these cut-backs, t h e people concerned a r e n o t supposed t o p a r t i c i p a t e ; n e i t h e r can we f i n d t h e argument back i n t h e c h a r a c t e r o f t h e d i m i n u t i o n s .

c ) L i f e s t y l e s

P a r t o f t h e p roposa ls f o r changes i n consumption p a t t e r n s a r e caugh t i n a ve ry o l d l i b e r a l - c a p i t a l i s t t r a p : t h e myth o f t h e consumer ( t h e consumer has t h e power t o s t e e r t h e economy by buy ing t h e p roduc ts t h a t he l i k e s and which he cons iders t o be accep tab le ) . B u t t h e r e i s more between heaven and e a r t h : i t i s a b s o l u t e l y necessary t h a t t h e outcome and impact o f i n d i v i d u a l changes can be o p t i m a l i s e d and s t a b i l i s e d , which i s an o b j e c t i v e f o r which we d e f i n i t e l y need more democra t i c s t r u c t u r e s .

The powerlessness of t h e i n d i v i d u a l consumer can be c l e a r l y demonstrated by t h e i n e f f e c t i v e n e s s o f i n d i v i d u a l r e d u c t i o n o f energy use.

d ) Envi ronment

T h i s s u b j e c t i s l a r g e l y covered by t h e o t h e r b a t t l e f i e l d s mentioned, b u t i t i s s t i l l i m p o r t a n t enough t o d iscuss s e p a r a t e l y , because we a r e u l t i m a t e l y dependent upon a s u s t a i n a b l e na tu re .

As an i n d i c a t i o n o f t h e p e r v a s i v e values de te rmin ing t h e c o n t e x t o f t h e en- v i ronmenta l debate, we s h a l l b r i e f l y ment ion a r e p o r t which does n o t p r o f o u n d l y q u e s t i o n power r e l a t i o n s . T h i s r e p o r t i s t h e 'Wor ld Conserva t ion S t r a t e g y ' . I t blames, f o r example, T h i r d Wor ld peasants f o r d e s t r o y i n g f o r e s t s w i t h t h e purpose o f changing them i n t o a r a b l e l a n d because, a f t e r t h a t , t h e s o i l w i l l be eroded w i t h i n t h r e e y e a r s . Bu t t h i s same r e p o r t does n o t say a word about t h e l a r g e - s c a l e d e f o r e s t a t i o n i n , f o r i ns tance , Amazonia, which takes p l a c e j u s t t o s a t i s f y t h e West's excessive, i n s a t i a b l e needs.

The r e l a t i o n s h i p between t h e r o l e o f p a r t i c i p a t o r y democracy on t h e one hand and envi ronmental e q u i l i b r i u m on t h e o t h e r hand, shou ld be d iscussed thorough ly .

e ) Science

Remarking upon technology, we ment ioned t h e t e c h n o c r a t i c i d e o l o g y . The f a c t t h a t t h i s m i s l e a d i n g ' w o r l d v iew ' e x i s t s means t h a t c r i t i c i s m o f s o c i e t y should a l s o c o n t a i n c r i t i c i s m o f sc ience. Science i s i r r a t i o n a l i n t h e sense t h a t i t does n o t cons ider a l l t h e p o s s i b l e consequences o f i t s a p p l i c a t i o n s and i n t h e sense t h a t i t does n o t t a k e human i n t e r e s t s i n t o c o n s i d e r a t i o n .

Worth ment ion ing i n t h i s c o n t e x t i s a p r o j e c t which w i l l be launched i n 1981 by an i n t e r d i s c i p l i n a r y research group i n Darmstadt, Germany. I t i s c a l l e d t h e ' S o c i a l N a t u r a l Science P r o j e c t ' .

As t h e o r g a n i s e r s s t a t e , " t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p o f s c i e n t i f i c - t e c h n i c a l p rogress t o t h e envi ronment has become a p r o b l e m a t i c i s s u e . Modern i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t i e s a r e c o n f r o n t e d w i t h t h e t a s k o f work ing o u t a new p o l i c y toward n a t u r e . Science s t u d i e s p r o v i d e s knowledge abou t s c i e n t i f i c - t e c h n i c a l progress, and c o u l d t h e r e f o r e s p e c i f i c a l l y c o n t r i b u t e t o t h e r e s o l v i n g o f t h i s i s s u e .

However, f o r t h i s knowledge t o become e f f e c t i v e and u s e f u l , sc ience s t u d i e s has t o overcome i t s sc ience-centered b i a s and focus more on t h e i n t e r a c t i o n s between sc ience , p o l i t i c s and n a t u r e ... Our new research p r o j e c t hopes t o s h i f t t h e p r e v a l e n t focus o f present-day sc ience s t u d i e s on sc ience as an i s o - l a t e d system and o r i e n t a t e t h e f i e l d t o t h e newly-emerging problem o f t h e i n t e r c o n n e c t i o n between sc ience and technology, and t h e s o c i a l and n a t u r a l envi ronment" . Th is perspec t i ve makes i t very r e l e v a n t t o have a c l o s e r l o o k a t sc ience w i t h i n t h e framework o f o u r p r o j e c t .

Conclus ion

The paper presented here at tempts t o answer t h e ques t ions posed when t h e n o t i o n o f a p a r t i c i p a t o r y p r o j e c t was r a i s e d . Whi le we do n o t c l a i m t h a t t h e paper i s d e f i n i t i v e , we never the less f e e l t h a t i t prov ides a v a l u a b l e s t a r t i n g - p o i n t and framework f o r o u r p r o j e c t . We would welcome hear ing f rom anyone who i s i n t e r e s t e d i n p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n " S o c i a l - C u l t u r a l I m p l i c a t i o n s f o r Europe o f Another Development Model i n t h e 1980s".

F o r f u r t h e r i n f o r m a t i o n , c o n t a c t :

Ruud Ste inhaus NI0 Le1 i e g r a c h t 21 1016 GR Amsterdam, The Nether lands

PLANNING FOR THE URBAN ECOSPHERE b y T j e e r d D e e l s t r a y

I ANALYSIS OF URBAN ENVIRONMENTAL PROBLEMS

1. S u b s t a n t i a l problems

A n a l y s i s o f t h e urban envi ronment i n t h e Nor th shows t h a t t h e q u a l i t y of l i f e i s d e t e r i o r a t i n g . There a r e s e r i o u s problems w i t h human h e a l t h and we l fa re . Wh i le people do have houses, c a r s and a p l e t h o r a o f o t h e r goods, i t remains imposs ib le t o genu ine ly s a t i s f y s o c i a l needs. C h i l d r e n have d i f f i c u l t i e s i n o r i e n t a t i o n and i n development th rough t h e e x p l o r a t i o n o f t h e i r envi ronment . People f e e l a l i e n a t e d .

I n c r e a s i n g e x p l o i t a t i o n a f f e c t s a l l components o f t h e c i t y : o l d neighbourhoods - which a r e a p p r e c i a t e d because o f t h e i r s o c i a l q u a l i t i e s - a r e d e t e r i o r a t i n g ; newly b u i l t urban-extensions, suburbs and sate1 l i t e - t o w n s a r e o f u n i v e r s a l l y poor q u a l i t y .

* / Tjeerd Deelstra, Office of Research in Ecology and Planning, Delft Univer- - sity of Technology, Berlageweg 1, NL-2628 CR Delft, The Netherlands.

The i n h a b i t a n t s o f t h e c i t y move house f r e q u e n t l y and a l s o t r a v e l l ong d i s t a n - ces d u r i n g t h e day from t h e i r homes t o work, t o shopping cen t res and t o r e c r e - a t i o n a l f a c i l i t i e s . Thus t h e s o c i a l f a b r i c o f towns and c i t i e s becomes f r a g - mented. C i t i e s a r e p h y s i c a l l y ex tend ing i n t o t h e remain ing coun t rys ide . The t r a d i t i o n a l l i n k o f t h e c i t y and i t s su r round ing r u r a l areas has weakened. Co-operat ion o f town and coun t ry , which man i fes ted i t s e l f i n r e c y c l i n g and r e c i p r o c i t y , has been g i v e n up. U r b a n i s a t i o n leads t o exhaus t ion o f r e g i o n a l resources and t o p o l l u t i o n o f a i r , wa te r and s o i l ; and a l s o leads t o d e t e r i o - r a t i o n o f p l a n t and animal l i f e i n and around c i t i e s ; and t o exhaus t ion o f resources i n t h e T h i r d World.

2. P o l i c y problems

Development i s i n s u f f i c i e n t l y planned. Too many people want t o o much i n t o o s h o r t a t ime. Envi ronmental q u a l i t y does n o t ach ieve a h i g h p r i o r i t y . Mun ic i - p a l a u t h o r i t i e s s c a r c e l y o f f e r any r e s i s t a n c e t o e x p l o i t a t i o n and a r e o f t e n overpowered by ma jo r i n v e s t o r s and p r o j e c t - d e v e l o p e r s . The mun ic ipa l apparatus i s t o o l i m i t e d i n r e l a t i o n t o t h e s c a l e o f t h e problems. Development s p i l l e d over a d m i n i s t r a t i v e borders . Envi ronmental p o l i c y thus can be c h a r a c t e r i s e d as management-by-cr is is .

1. A l t e r n a t i v e s i n urban p l a n n i n g

More and more i n i t i a t i v e s a r e be ing taken i n t h e f a c e o f these urban problems. Occas iona l l y g rass - roo ts and s e l f - h e l p p r o j e c t s a r e r e a l i s e d by c i t y d w e l l e r s . P r o f e s s i o n a l s who see t h e i r r o l e i n a s o c i e t a l p e r s p e c t i v e a r e i n v o l v e d w i t h these p r o j e c t s . I n o l d neighbourhoods peop le take s o c i a l a c t i o n which r e s u l t s i n an o v e r a l l ne ighbourhood-plan i n t h e areas o f educa t ion and we l fa re , p o l - l u t i o n c o n t r o l and h e a l t h , housing and r e c r e a t i o n .

Advocacy p lanners p a r t i c i p a t e i n t h e l o c a l community. I n newly b u i l t areas i n h a b i t a n t s a r e i n v o l v e d i n decis ion-making, des ign and management. Techn ica l i n n o v a t i o n s a r e made ( f o r example energy-saving i n s t a l l a t i o n s , d i s t r i c t - hea t ing , wa te r p u r i f i c a t i o n p l a n t s and wate r -sav ing eng ineer ing systems). Some new urban areas respond t o e x i s t i n g landscape components, " w i l d gardening" i s s t i m u l a t e d and i n i t i a t i v e s a r e taken t o improve p u b l i c t r a n s p o r t . The s t r e e t i s be ing red iscovered as a meet ing-p lace and as a p l a c e f o r p l a y . Open- ended des ign a l l o w s people t o a d j u s t houses, s t r e e t s and parks t o t h e i r needs. I n some c i t i e s v a r i o u s s e c t o r s o f p lann ing , such as housing and t r a f f i c a r e i n t e g r a t e d i n t o a comprehensive approach t o t h e whole urban s t r u c t u r e .

I n those cases compactness o f t h e c i t y and genuine urban renewal i s pursued. Awareness grows t h a t t h e q u a l i t y o f town p l a n n i n g canno t be added a f t e r w a r d s o r somehow thrown i n as a bonus. M is takes a r e c o s t l y i n terms o f r e p a i r work o r compensating measures necessary a t a l a t e r s tage (e.g. repea ted r a i s i n g o f l e v e l s t o make up f o r e a r t h substances, remedying t h e consequences o f road acc iden ts , p s y c h i a t r i c a i d needed because o f l a c k o f hea l t h y s o c i a l c o n t a c t , t h e es tab l i shment o f meet ing cen t res , e t c . ) . I t need h a r d l y be p o i n t e d o u t t h a t t h e c o s t s i n v o l v e d a r e borne by t h e community, a l b e i t o f t e n i n d i r e c t l y .

Th is underscores t h e g r e a t importance o f a c r i t i c a l and q u a l i t y - c o n s c i o u s frame o f mind on t h e p a r t o f t h e government i n t h e p l a n n i n g process.

2. Remarks on urban des ign

I f t h e speed o f c o n s t r u c t i o n o f new d w e l l i n g s c o u l d be more c r i t i c a l l y p lanned and t h e s c a l e reduced, i t would be p o s s i b l e t o exper ience a g a i n a d i r e c t con- t a c t between i n h a b i t a n t and des igner . I n r e a c t i o n t o t h e d e a t h l y s t e r i l i t y and t h e c o n s i s t e n t l y h i g h r e n t s o f new homes t h e r e has been a n o t i c e a b l e g rowth i n t h e p o s i t i v e i d e n t i t y o f o l d e r d i s t r i c t s . More and more f r e q u e n t l y t h e y a r e b e i n g done up and adapted t o t h e p r e s e n t day requi rements, a t t h e same t i m e a t t e m p t i n g t o r e t a i n t h e e x i s t i n g c h a r a c t e r . Such areas, t h a t have c l e a r - l y grown o r g a n i c a l l y , o f f e r g r e a t e r p o s s i b i l i t i e s f o r d i s p l a y i n g t h e i d e n t i t i e s o f t h e i n h a b i t a n t s . S u r e l y i t must be p o s s i b l e t o b u i l d new, v i a b l e homes which, w h i l e meet ing t h e m a t e r i a l needs o f today, s t i l l f o rm a neighbourhood which has i t s own c h a r a c t e r .

The needs o f housedwel lers: t h e q u a l i t y o f t h e l i v i n g envi ronment i s n o t o n l y determined by t h e f u l f i l m e n t o f m a t e r i a l needs o f people. I t i s becoming more and more obvious t h a t t h e s o c i a l q u a l i t y o f t h e envi ronment i s as i m p o r t a n t , i f n o t more so. A l though i t i s p o s s i b l e f o r t h e human b e i n g t o adap t h i m s e l f t o a11 k i n d s o f envi ronment , i t appears t h a t he has a b a s i c need f o r an e n v i r o n - ment w i t h many s t i m u l i .

I n a monotonous envi ronment f e e l i n g s o f l o n e l i n e s s , boredom and estrangement develop. People have a need t o be a b l e t o o r e i n t themselves, t o be a b l e t o e x p l o r e and t o communicate. One must be a b l e t o l e t o n e s e l f f o l l o w t h e c y c l e o f na tu re , b u t a l s o t h e l i f e c y c l e o f t h e human. Close t o home, one must be a b l e t o exper ience t h e processes o f t h e changing- o f t h e seasons, t h e c o n t r a s t s o f day and n i g h t , o f sun and r a i n ; t o come i n t o c o n t a c t w i t h and t o exper ience w i l d l i f e and t h e n a t u r e o f human ex is tence ; t o observe t h e processes o f b i r t h , l i f e and death; t o know what i t i s t o be young and t o grow o l d . The need t o e x p l o r e develops f rom t h e need t o o r i e n t o n e s e l f . I t must be p o s s i b l e t o d i s c o v e r y o u r su r round ings and t o know t h a t i t i s t h e r e t h a t you belong. C h i l d r e n must be g i v e n a secure and spacious envi ronment i n which t o develop t h e i r moto r s k i l l s , t o grow i n t e l l e c t u a l l y and e m o t i o n a l l y . They must be a b l e t o p l a y hide-and-seek and t o k i c k a b a l l . They must be a b l e t o d i s c o v e r t h a t t h e r e a r e d i f f e r e n t forms o f a c t i v i t y and work. One must be tempted t o i n v e s - t i g a t e f u r t h e r a f i e l d . People must have t h e o p p o r t u n i t y t o adapt and change t h e i r su r round ings . One shou ld be f r e e t o a l t e r ones house o r t o c o n s t r u c t a dovecot . I t must be p o s s i b l e t o o r g a n i s e a s t r e e t p a r t y o r a f e s t i v a l proces- s i o n . T h i s k i n d o f s o c i a l even t i n d i c a t e s n o t o n l y t h e need t o exp lo re , b u t a l s o t o communicate. People need c o n t a c t s . I t shou ld n o t o n l y be p o s s i b l e t o meet peop le a t t h e shops, t h e d o c t o r , a t school o r i n t h e pub o r community c e n t r e , b u t a l s o i n t h e s t r e e t .

W i t h i n t h e neighbourhood t h e r e must be a l l s o r t s o f outdoor co rners and p laces where you can meet people, n o t j u s t b r i e f l y , b u t t o s t o p and t a l k . I f you want t o a r range a s o c i a l happening, t h e neighbourhood must be a b l e t o o f f e r t h e necessary space.

However, t h e neighbourhood exper ience shou ld n o t exc lude t h e awareness t h a t t h e l o c a l group f i t s i n t o a l a r g e r s o c i a l community. The des ign o f hous ing developments must n o t be based on t h e n o n - e x i s t e n t average i n h a b i t a n t . The s p e c i f i c needs o f every group i n s o c i e t y must be s a t i s f i e d w i t h i n t h e housing envi ronment . There must be room f o r everyone. He must ensure t h a t we b u i l d a c c o r d i n g l y .

3. A r c h i t e c t u r e

I n t h e n o r t h e r n c o u n t r i e s a d i s t i n c t i o n i s made between p r o f e s s i o n a l b u i l d i n g and s e l f - b u i l d i n g , which has developed i n t h e course o f t i m e and become i n s t i - t u t i o n a l i z e d . The d i f f e r e n c e s l i e m a i n l y i n t h e use o f m a t e r i a l s and b u i l d i n g methods, i n p r o f e s s i o n a l s k i l l and r e s p o n s i b i l i t y , and i n m u n i c i p a l b u i l d i n g s u p e r v i s i o n . S e l f - b u i l d i n g g e n e r a l l y i n v o l v e s r e s t r i c t i o n s i n r e g a r d t o t h e use o f m a t e r i a l s . The s i z e and w e i g h t o f t h e components must be capable o f b e i n g handled by t h e s e l f - b u i l d e r , p r e f e r a b l y w i t h o u t heavy equipment. T h i s immed ia te ly determines t h e b u i l d i n g method. Wood c o n s t r u c t i o n has been a p p l i e d f o r c e n t u r i e s a l l over t h e w o r l d and can be regarded as a t y p i c a l s e l f - b u i l d i n g technique. A p a r t from ' s e l f - h e l p ' i n b u i l d i n g t h e r e a r e movements towards g r e a t e r co -opera t ion i n home l i f e . R e s i d e n t i a l complexes a r i s e t o h o u s e t o g e t h - e r a v a r i e d group o f s i n g l e people, f a m i l i e s , e l d e r l y peop le and i n v a l i d s . These movements s u p p o r t a more communal l i f e and l e s s waste ( i . e . washing, cooking, e a t i n g toge ther , e t c . ) . Th is sometimes leads a l s o t o w o r k i n g com- m u n i t i e s . Communal d w e l l i n g s r e q u i r e a d i f f e r e n t t y p e o f b u i l d i n g , wh ich i s d i f f i c u l t t o r e a l i z e w i t h i n most e x i s t i n g h o u s e - b u i l d i n g r e g u l a t i o n s .

What do a l t e r n a t i v e forms o f housing i n v o l v e ? Roughly speaking, t h e r e a r e f o u r elements i n d w e l l i n g t h a t o f f e r scope f o r a l t e r n a t i v e s : b u i l d i n g , manage- ment, t h e use o f d w e l l i n g s and t h e s o c i a l - c u l t u r a l l i f e i n neighbourhoods.

B u i l d i n g : use o f m a t e r i a l s and design r e q u i r i n g c a r e f u l maintenance; search f o r designs c l o s e l y l i n k e d t o i n d i v i d u a l requ i rements ; e n v i r o n m e n t a l l y r e s p o n s i b l e use o f m a t e r i a l s (such as waste and second-hand m a t e r i a l s ) ; unusual b u i l d i n g methods.

Management: l e s s r e s p o n s i b i l i t y on t h e p a r t o f t h e government; f l e x i b l e regu- l a t i o n s f o r m o d i f i c a t i o n o f b u i l d i n g s ; j o i n t management o f l and ; b u i l d i n g and process under management o f occupants (des ign and b u i l d i n g , o r des ign elements of these processes, done by t h e occupants themselves, who a l s o dec ide on e x p e r t a s s i s t a n c e ) . A housing a s s o c i a t i o n can be s e t up f o r t h i s purpose.

Use o f d w e l l i n g s : ways o f l i v i n g t o g e t h e r o t h e r than one i n which t h e f a m i l y ' i s b o t h t h e s m a l l e s t and l a r g e s t u n i t ; use o f d w e l l i n g s i n a manner comp le te ly d i f f e r e n t f rom t h e norm imposed by government, ( f o r example i n groups i n a communal d w e l l i n g , w i t h e.g. a l a r g e k i t c h e n / l i v i n g - r o o m and no bedrooms, b u t sma l l s l e e p i n g c u b i c l e s ) .

S o c i a l - c u l t u r a l l i f e i n neighbourhoods: c o - o p e r a t i o n i n an a s s o c i a t i o n p r o v i d e d f o r a l t e r n a t i v e housing i m p l i e s t h a t t h e occupants a r e a l r e a d y u n i t e d by a common i n t e r e s t when t h e y move i n t o t h e neighbourhood, s o t h a t a s o c i a l - c u l t u r a l l i f e immediate ly develops. Because a ready made home i n a ready made envi ronment was n o t des i red , f u r t h e r emanc ipa t ion i s f o s t e r e d i n these neigh- bourhoods.

I 1 1 TOWARDS A NEW P O L I C Y FOR THE URBAN ENVIRONMENT

A l t e r n a t i v e s can be seen as counter-models t h a t should n o t o n l y be t o l e r a t e d b u t shou ld a l s o be a p p r e c i a t e d as p r o t o t y p e s . Thus a u t h o r i t i e s s h o u l d s t imu- l a t e a l t e r n a t i v e s t o widen t h e c h o i c e o f o u r f u t u r e .

The management o f o u r se t t l ements has t o be d e r i v e d f rom a v iew o f t h e q u a l i t y o f l i f e and shou ld be a n t i c i p a t o r y . How do we want t o spend o u r t ime , t o e a t and d r i n k , t o work?

Governments a r e compel led t o take a c t i o n i n an i n c r e a s i n g number o f spheres i n o r d e r t o c o n t r o l developments i n s o c i e t y as they tend t o g e t o u t o f hand. Plans a r e t h e r e f o r e made a t a l l government l e v e l s . As s o c i e t y grows even more complex, s t a t i c p l a n n i n g i s g r a d u a l l y changing i n t o dynamic process p lann ing , i n wh ich o b j e c t i v e s and programmes can f rom t ime t o t ime be a d j u s t e d t o chang- i n g requi rements. Some r e g a r d process p l a n n i n g mere ly as an i n s t r u m e n t o f c r i s i s management, enab l ing c o n f l i c t i n g aspects o f t h e s o c i a l systems t o be smoothed o u t w i t h i n t h e t r e n d o f t h e d r i v i n g f o r c e s i n s o c i e t y , b u t p r o v i d i n g , as y e t , i n s u f f i c i e n t room f o r a l t e r n a t i v e development p o s s i b i l i t i e s f o r urban s o c i e t y . Grass-roots i n i t i a t i v e s a r e m i c r o - p r o j e c t s f rom which broad guide- l i n e s can be der i ved . S e l f - h e l p and p u b l i c p a r t i c i p a t i o n w i l l s low down d e c i s i o n s . The outcome o f t h e p lanning-process w i l l become unsure b u t i r r e v e r - s i b l e i n t e r v e n t i o n s i n t h e urban envi ronment w i l l be avoided.

The q u e s t i o n a r i s e s o f how we should develop o u r urban s o c i e t y i n t h e economic sense. An obv ious p o s s i b i l i t y f o r c i t i e s i s t o concen t ra te t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s on q u a l i t a t i v e l y h igh-grade i n d u s t r y and s e r v i c e s . Th is t y p e o f i n d u s t r y must be h i g h l y d i f f e r e n t i a t e d . A g r e a t d i v e r s i t y o f smal l o r g a n i z a t i o n s i s more l i k e l y t o be capable o f i n n o v a t i o n than l a r g e - s c a l e o r g a n i z a t i o n s , which tend ' t o become u n w i e l d l y and s t a t i c .

The government shou ld have t h e courage t o i n v e s t i n new, s m a l l - s c a l e develop- ments r a t h e r than i n h i g h l y t e c h n o l o g i c a l research, t o which p o l i c y i s u n f o r - t u n a t e l y s t i l l i n v a r i a b l y d i r e c t e d i n b o t h Eas te rn and Western Europe. (For example, more than two t h i r d s o f t h e t o t a l research budget o f t h e European community goes t o n u c l e a r energy) . Government suppor t th rough loans, f o r example, shou ld be g i v e n t o s m a l l e r and weaker concerns (e.g. smal l c o n t r a c - t o r s i n urban renewal, smal l workshops where energy-saving p roduc ts o r new means o f t r a n s p o r t a r e designed; smal l shops w i l l i n g t o s e l l products b e n e f i - c i a l t o t h e envi ronment) . I n an e f f o r t t o ach ieve an e f f e c t i v e r e c y c l i n g of energy and raw-mate r ia l s a l l k inds o f new i n d u s t r y shou ld be developed. T h i s shou ld take p l a c e f rom t h e bot tom up and encouraged by t h e government.

I n o r d e r t o ach ieve a b e t t e r q u a l i t y o f urban l i f e l o c a l po l i cy -mak ing i n v a r i o u s s e c t o r s (housing, t r a f f i c , e t c . ) must be t rans fo rmed i n t o i n t e g r a t e d r e g i o n a l - e c o l o g i c a l p l a n n i n g . T h i s - i n i t ' s t u r n - must f i t w i t h a supra- n a t i o n a l framework. The s c a l e o f management shou ld d i f f e r accord ing t o en- v i ronmenta l problems; i t i s r e l a t e d t o v a r i o u s components o f ou r envi ronment . The q u a l i t y o f t h e a i r must be managed i n c l i m a t e - r e g i o n s , which means: on a suprana t iona l l e v e l . Water-management has t o be c a r r i e d through a t t h e l e v e l

o f h y d r o l o g i c a l reg ions , such as r i v e r bas ins . Th is a l s o r e q u i r e s suprana t io - n a l p o l i c y .

Management o f s o i l and v e g e t a t i o n shou ld be o rgan ised on t h e landscape- reg iona l l e v e l , which c o i n c i d e s w i t h r e g i o n a l governmental s t r u c t u r e s such as " p r o v i n - ces", "coun t ies " , "K re ise" .

Urban p l a n n i n g must be based on t h e p r i n c i p l e o f n o n - d e t o r i a t i o n (sometimes c a l l e d " s t a n d - s t i l l p r i n c i p l e " ) . I f a c i t y i s extended a t t h e c o s t o f nature, then t h i s must be compensated. I f t h e c i t y i s n o t o n l y h a r v e s t i n g ( u s i n g t h e resources a t t h e speed they can regenera te ) , b u t one t h a t i s exhaus t ing i t ' s r e g i o n a l s tocks one shou ld debate how t h i s i s supplemented.

A p l a n f o r urban envi ronmental q u a l i t y has t o be drawn up t o serve human de- velopment. Th is w i l l l e a d t o r e s t o r a t i o n p lans f o r t h e s e t t l e m e n t s t r u c t u r e and f o r i t ' s s u p p o r t i n g landscapes, as w e l l as t o envi ronmental p lans f o r v a r i o u s neighbourhoods w i t h i n t h e c i t y . From t h e reg iona l -env io rnmenta l q u a l i t y - p l a n a p o l i c y f o r c i r c u l a t i o n f o r m a t e r i a l , goods, water , waste and energy can a l s o be der i ved .

PROJET DE CREATION ET DE FONCTIONNERENT U'UN ATELIER D'INNOVATIONS SOLIDAIRES

*/ p a r Jean-Claude Hamelet -

p r o j e t repose s u r l e s p o s t u l a t s s u i v a n t s :

Dans l e s 5 ans q u i v iennen t , 1 'Europe e t l l O c c i d e n t s u b i r o n t des t r a n s f o r - mat ion de l e u r s s t r u c t u r e s s o c i a l e s comme on en aura rarement vu dans l ' h i s - t o i r e recen te .

De m u l t i p l e s r u p t e u r s s o n t a l ' o e u v r e dans l a s o c i e t e f r a n c a i s e , e t c r e e n t des murs d' incornprehension en f r a c t i o n n a n t l a s o c i e t e en de m u l t i p l e s a l - veo les sans r e l a t i o n s e n t r e e l l e s . Ce phenomene e s t auss i prononce dans l e domaine s o c i a l e t d 1 i n t e r 6 t p u b l i c q u ' i l p e u t 1 ' 6 t r e dans l e domaine pure- ment commercial.

Je remarque, a c e t egard, que des r i iponses a ces probl6mes de "communication" e x i s t e n t d e j a au p l a n des s t r u c t u r e s commerciales, t a n d i s q u ' e l l e s ne s o n t m6me pas ebauchees dans l e cadre de 1 ' i iconomie s o c i a l e , s i n o n au n iveau de t e n t a t i v e s de regroupement de l ' i n f o r m a t i o n s u r l e s i n n o v a t i o n s . E t chacun

* / Jean-Claude Hamelet, 8, rue de la Gravelle, 91370 Verrisres le Buisson, - France.

s a i t pa r des exemples r à © c e n t que l ' o n se r e f u s e en France à payer l ' i n f o r m a - t i o n à son c o à » ...

- Les i n s t i t u t i o n s de 1'6conomie s o c i a l e , compte-tenu des p à © r i l q u i l e s menacent t o u t e s , n ' o n t pas l e temps de se pencher s u r l e u r p ropre f u t u r malgrà l ' u r g e n c e q u ' i l y a u r a i t à y r à © f l à © c h pour p répare l e r a j e u n i s - sement des d o c t r i n e s , des s t r u c t u r e s e t des hommes du réformisme du f a i t des i n c e r t i t u d e s du c o u r t terme e t de l ' o b l i g a t i o n morale q u ' e l l e s o n t de c o n s o l i d e r l ' a c q u i t , e l l e s se r à © v à ¨ l e souvent s t à © r i l e dans l ' i n n o v a t i o n q u i c o n s t i t u e un inves t i ssement i n c e r t a i n à p l u s ou moins long terme.

- Para l là ¨ lement des i n d i v i d u a l i t à © cherchent , à p a r t i r d ' u n e i d à © d ' e n t r e - p r i s e , à c o n s t r u i r e des fo rmu les de p r o d u c t i o n s o l i d a i r e , mais l e s i n s t i - t u t i o n s l e u r p a r a i s s e n t t r o p l o i n t a i n e s e t t r o p f i g à © e s B ien souvent, ces jeunes c r à © a t e u r d ' e n t r e p r i s e s ' o r i e n t e n t a l o r s vers des s o l u t i o n s p l u s f a c i l e s ne r e l e v a n t pas de l ' à © c o n o m i s o c i a l e , malgrà l e u r démarch s o l i - d a i r e i n i t i a l e .

- E n f i n , nous venant des Etats-Unis, e t se développan avec une p a r t i c u l i à ¨ r e f f i c a c i t à en I t a l i e , une forme n o u v e l l e d'économi domestique, fondé sur l e s échanae de t v u e communautaire, ou s u r un c e r t a i n e s u r i t de c o n v i v i a l i - té e t s u r l a n o t i o n de t r o c , prend une ex tens ion à l a q u e l l e d o i v e n t s ' i n t à © r e s s e r l e s grandes i n s t i t u t i o n s de s o l i d a r i t à sous pe ine de débordement

OBJECTIFS ET FONCTIONS

Ce p r o j e t d'ATELIER D'INNOVATIONS SOLIDAIRES (A. I .S.) a u r a i t donc pour o b j e t de f a c i l i t e r l e s c o n t a c t s d ' I n d i v i d u s - E n t r e p r e n e u r s avec l e s i n s t i t u t i o n s de l 'économi s o c i a l e e t d ' o r g a n i s e r l e lancement d ' o p à © r a t i o n innovantes.

L'A.1.S. p e u t i n t e r v e n i r pour t o u t e o p à © r a t i o de c r à © a t i o d ' e n t r e p r i s e asso- c i a t i v e ou, à l a f o i s , s o c i a l e e t a s s o c i a t i v e . Ce cadre d o i t permettre- d ' a l l i e r l a s o l i d a r i t à e t l ' e f f e t de résea q u i s o n t des v e r t u s p ropres aux i n s t i t u t i o n s a s s o c i a t i v e s , avec l e courage de r à © a l i s e q u i e s t l e f a i t de l ' e s p r i t d ' e n t r e p r i s e exprimà par c e r t a i n e s i n d i v i d u a l i t à © q u ' i l c o n v i e n t de d à © c o u v r i r d 'encourager, e t de r e l i e r aux Grands Mouvements s o l i d a i r e s (co- o p à © r a t i v e s mutue l les , a s s o c i a t i o n s ) .

Cet A t e l i e r n ' a u r a i t donc pas pour v o c a t i o n ( s i ce n ' e s t de faço i n c i d e n t e ) , l e rassemblement de donnée e t l a d i f f u s i o n d ' i n f o r m a t i o n s , mais au c o n t r a i r e , l a r e n c o n t r e e n t r e des personnes e t l ' a s s i s t a n c e concrète au moment de l a c r à © a t i o d ' e n t r e p r i s e s ou d ' o p à © r a t i o n d ' i n n o v a t i o n s s o l i d a i r e s . La p à © r i o d de c r à © a t i o p e u t à ª t r est imé à 2 années l ' A t e l i e r d ' I n n o v a t i o n s S o l i d a i r e s ayan t pour o b j e c t i f d ' a c c à © l à © r c e t t e phase de c r à © a t i o e t de f a c i l i t e r l e rapprochement des E n t r e p r i s e s a i n s i créé avec l e s i n s t i t u t i o n s de 1 'économi s o c i a l e .

LIA.I.S. d o i t a s s u r e r u n e m i s s i o n d e développemen des s t r u c t u r e s de s o l i d a r i t à © Les f o n c t i o n s correspondant à c e t t e m i s s i o n p o u r r a i e n t se résume a i n s i :

- échang de p r o p o s i t i o n s e t rapprochement des personnes physiques e t des i n s t i t u t i o n s ;

- synthès des idée p a r des réun ion g a r a n t i s s a n t l a n e u t r a l i t à e t l a sécu r i t à de " l ' a p p o r t e u r d ' i d à © e s "

- étab l i ssemen d ' u n p r o j e t cohéren avec étape de mise en oeuvre;

- mise en oeuvre des p r o j e t s au p l a n des s t r u c t u r e s , des personnes-ressources, des f inancements.

STRUCTURES:

L ' A t e l i e r d o i t à ª t r une s t r u c t u r e l à © g à ¨ r a t t a c h à © aux i n s t i t u t i o n s de l ' à © c o n o m i e s o c i a l e sans à ª t r s t r i c t e m e n t dépendan d 'une s e u l e d ' e n t r e e l l e s , afin d ' a s s u r e r l ' i ndépendanc nécessa i r pour r e n d r e f i a b l e l a p la te - fo rme de ren- c o n t r e e t d ' o r g a n i s a t i o n .

L'A.1.S. se ra une a s s o c i a t i o n l o i de 1901 gérà au démarrag p a r un D i r e c t e u r e t une s e c r à © t a i r e - a s s i s t a n t e

Un Conse i l d ' O r i e n t a t i o n examinera l e s d o s s i e r s de c r à © a t i o e t entendra l e s p r o j e t s d ' e n t r e p r i s e s s o l i d a i r e s c o n s t r u i t s p a r l e s "appor teurs d ' i n n o v a t i o n s " a s s i s t à © du D i r e c t e u r de 1 'A. I .S.

Ce Consei l (avec p rés idenc t o u r n a n t e ) d o i t à © t r composà des grands mouvements de l 'économi s o c i a l e , e t d ' u n c e r t a i n nombre d ' i n s t i t u t i o n s in téressé p a r c e t t e démarche

ACTIVITES:

On p e u t e s t i m e r que l e s u i v i du lancement d ' u n e o p à © r a t i o s ' à © t a l s u r deux ans. Une c e l l u l e r à © d u i t à un cadre e t une s e c r à © t a i r s e r a i t en mesure de s u i v r e 7 à 8 o p à © r a t i o n n o u v e l l e s par an s o i t une q u i n z a i n e d ' o p à © r a t i o n en régim de c r o i s i à ¨ r e

THEMES POSSIBLES DE DOSSIERS DE MISE EN OEUVRE DE REALISATIONS EXPERIMENTALES SOLIDAIRES:

Depuis 15 mois, de m u l t i p l e s idée de p r o j e t s o n t à © c l o e t p r à © s e n t e n c e t t e doub le c a r a c t à « r i s t i q u de se développe hors s t r u c t u r e s i n s t i t u t i o n n e l l e s e t d ' a v o i r des d i f f i c u l t à © à à ª t r mises en oeuvre. Je c i t e r a i i c i , de faço ano- nyme, une l i s t e de p r o j e t s don t j ' a i eu personnel lement connaissance e t q u i p o u r r a i e n t ou a u r a i e n t pu e n t r e r dans l e champ des a c t i v i t à © de 1'A.I.S. :

1. Dans l e cadre d ' u n stage de f o r m a t i o n à l a c r à © a t i o d ' e n t r e p r i s e s , m ise en p lace, avec un s t a g i a i r e , d ' u n h a t e l une à © t o i l en Régio Par i s ienne , avec s t a t u t c o o p à © r a t i f

2. Pour une r à © g i o d ' a c c u e i l t o u r i s t i q u e déterminé o r g a n i s e r l e s f i n a n c e - ments e t l e s s t r u c t u r e s de c o n c e r t a t i o n pour p e r m e t t r e l ' i n s e r t i o n d ' i n v e s - t i ssements soc iaux ( t y p e Comité d ' E n t r e p r i s e s ) dans l a c r à © a t i o de fo rmu les de v i l l a g e s à © c l a t à ©

C r à © a t i o à l ' à © t r a n g e d 'une S o c i à © t Coopérat iv de r à © s e r v a t i o de l o c a t i o n s (du t y p e g à ® t r u r a l ) , e t rapprochement avec l e s s t r u c t u r e s coopéra t i ve i n s t i t u t i o n n e l l e s pour t r a v a i l l e r à des c o l l a b o r a t i o n s p a r tous l e u r s réseau s o l i d a i r e s .

C r à © a t i o d 'une c o o p à © r a t i v d ' a n i m a t i o n q u i a u r a i t pour o b j e c t i f l ' a n i m a t i o n de t o u t e s u r f a c e c o l l e c t i v e ou groupe d 'usagers o rgan isà en f o n c t i o n n a n t sous l a r e s p o n s a b i l i t à d 'une s t r u c t u r e s o l i d a i r e . C e t t e c o o p à © r a t i v o r - ganisé sous l a forme d 'une c o o p à © r a t i v de t r a v a i l s e r a i t f o n c t i o n n e l l e m e n t l i à © à un regroupement des u t i l i s a t e u r s de ses s e r v i c e s (coopéra t i ves mutue l les , a s s o c i a t i o n s ) .

O r g a n i s a t i o n e t s u i v i des retombée ( s u r deux ans) d'ASSISES de l a RENAIS- SANCE des VILLAGES, e t de t o u t e communautà géographiqu o r g a n i s a n t sa v i e dans des termes de s o l i d a r i t à ©

A ide à l a c r à © a t i o d ' u n c i r c u i t de p r o d u c t i o n e t de commerc ia l i sa t ion de chambres d 'ha tes en France dans l e cadre des i n s t i t u t i o n s coopCrat ives e t rnutual i s t e s .

A ide à l a m ise en p l a c e d 'une Coopéra t i v e t de son c i r c u i t de d i s t r i b u t i o n d e s t i n à © à c r à © e des guides s u r c a s s e t t e s de p r à © p a r a t i o au voyage.

A ide à l a t r a n s f o r m a t i o n d 'une a s s o c i a t i o n de tour i sme s o c i a l en coopéra t i v e de t r a v a i l .

A ide à l a m ise en p lace, à p a r t i r d 'une a s s o c i a t i o n l o i 1901 en d i f f i c u l t à © d ' u n v à © r i t a b l groupe a s s o c i a t i f formà d 'une Fédéra t i d 'usagers e t de f i l i a l e s coopéra t i ve e t mutue l les , q u i rende e f f e c t i f un rapprochement avec l e s i n s t i t u t i o n s de l 'économi s o c i a l e .

A ide à l a mise en p l a c e d 'une p o l i t i q u e de "camping s o c i a l " avec tous l e s p a r t e n a i r e s de l 'économi s o c i a l e : montages j u r i d i q u e s p a r t i c u l i e r s f a i s a n t appel à une combinaison d' images de marque, de géranc e t de r à © s e r v a t i o automat isée montages f i n a n c i e r s de t y p e nouveau i n s t a u r a n t une m u l t i p r o - p r i à © t coopéra t i ve c h a r t e d à © f i n i s s a n l e s c a r a c t e r e s des hébergement soc iaux de p l e i n a i r , e t c . . .

P a r t i c i p a t i o n au développemen du p r o j e t des V i l l a g e s E n t r e p r i s e s de Qua- l i t à de V ie en assuran t l a l i a i s o n avec l e s i n s t i t u t i o n s s o l i d a i r e s ...

C r à © a t i o d 'une c o o p à © r a t i v de p ro fesseurs d ' a n i m a t i o n mus ica le .

O r g a n i s a t i o n d ' u n q u a r t i e r de l a v i l l e de Sèvre en s t r u c t u r e autogéré p a r l a m ise en p l a c e de montages c o o p à © r a t i f e t mutuels.

C r à © a t i o d 'une agence i n t e r n a t i o n a l e d ' i n f o r m a t i o n s t o u r i s t i q u e s à s t r u c - t u r e c o o p à © r a t i v e t s e r v a n t de p l a t e - f o r m e à des recherches ou des étude en m a t i à ¨ r de p r o j e t s t o u r i s t i q u e s oà s e r a i t prévu l a p l a c e des i n s t i t u - t i o n s s o l i d a i r e s .

CONCLUSION:

Que ls avantages pour l e s i n s t i t u t i o n s du monde de 1'6conomie s o c i a l e ?

. Reperer l e s nouve l les formes de s o l i d a r i t e e t 1es a ides a se dSveloppper dans l e u r champ d ' a c t i o n .

. F a i r e c o n n a U r e aux i n s t i g a t e u r s de ces formes nouvel les, t o u t e s l e s pos- s i b i l i t e s de c o l l a b o r a t i o n avec l e s i n s t i t u t i o n s : f a c i l i t e r notamment 1es formules de coopera t ion g l o b a l e i m p l i q u a n t des montages j u r i d i q u e s r e l i a n t des fo rmu les de c o o p e r a t i v e s de t r a v a i l , de consommation, l e s m u t u e l l e s pour l e s r i sques , l e s i n s t i t u t i o n s f i n a n c i e r e s s o l i d a i r e s pour l e s i n v e s - t isssements.

L 'A . I .S . p o u r r a i t j o u e r 1e r51e de "p rospec teur de cerveaux" que j o u e n t un c e r t a i n nombre d'organisrnes amer ica ins pour l e s grandes f i rmes de ce pays.

SWEDISH DEBATE ON MALDEVELOPMENT by Nordal Akerman-1

As t h e counbry t h a t more than most has p e r f e c t e d t h e w e l f a r e model based on a h i g h growth, Sweden w i l l presumably take a l o n g e r t ime a d j u s t i n g t o the new s i t u a t i o n . Though t h e p o p u l a t i o n seems t o be c l e a r l y aware o f t h e need t o f i n d another model o f development, t h e p o l i t i c i a n s s t i l l c l i n g t o o l d formulae l i k e "more o f t h e same". Not even very a l a r m i n g fo recas ts on t h e h e a l t h o f t h e Swedish economy have as y e t been enough t o f o r c e t h e i s s u e .

A hope fu l s i g n i s t h a t q u i t e a few s c h o l a r s a r e now a c t i v e l y l o o k i n g f o r means t o r e o r i e n t a t e v a r i o u s s t r u c t u r e s o f t h e Swedish s o c i e t y . There i s a s t r o n g u n d e r c u r r e n t i n a lmos t any p u b l i c debate nowadays o f a demand f o r methods t h a t w i l l address t h e p r e s e n t maldevelopment. Bu t the debate i n Sweden i s a lmost w h o l l y s u s t a i n e d b y c o n t r i b u t i o n s i n t h e Swedish language - d iscuss ions abroad a re n o r m a l l y o n l y p resen ted through comments b y Swedish w r i t e r s .

Thus t h e r e were o n l y s c a t t e r e d r e a c t i o n s t o my essay Can Sweden Be Shrunk? When i t f i r s t was p u b l i s h e d i n the IFUA Doss ie r (No. 7 ) and, i n an expanded vers ion , i n Development Dia logue (1979:Z). When i t was f u r t h e r expanded ( t o i n c l u d e more o f a d i s c u s s i o n of t h e c o o p e r a t i v e model as a v e h i c l e f o r change) and p u b l i s h e d as a book i n t h e Swedish language i t provoked a st ream of rev iews and comments which i s s t i l l keeping up. Whi le most comments by f a r have been very f a v o u r a b l e a p o i n t o f c r i t i q u e heard f rom w r i t e r s who perce ive s m a l l - s c a l e '

development as a t h r e a t has been t h a t r e d i s t r i b u t i o n i s a key problem and s h o u l d be d e a l t w i t h much more i n the essay. The book i s now i n t o i t s second p r i n t i n g (7,000 c o p i e s ) . L a s t August I organ ized an i n t e r n a t i o n a l seminar a t Hasselby Cas t le , Stockholm, on t h e theme o f "We l fa r i sm - what now? Avenues t o ano ther s o c i e t y " . Some 40 reseachers and w r i t e r s , o f whom 25 non-Swedish, spen t t h r e e

*/ Nordal Akerman, Gerdagatan 3, 223 62 Lund, Sweden. -

and a ha l f days d iscuss ing what kind of change one should opt f o r and how t o s t a r t i t . The f i r s t day contained t a lk s on formal and informal economy ( l ec - tures by Hazel Henderson, Egon Matzner, Jay Gershuny, Joseph Huber and o the r s ) and perspectives on the welfare s t a t e (Jim S e l l e r s , Hans L . Ze t terberg) . The second day s t a r t e d with a s e r i e s of presenta t ions of ongoing experiments and p ro j ec t s , l i ke Mondragon, Lucas, De Kleine Aarde, Kea, Unita Locale e t c . Later, t a lk s were given on fu tu re a l t e rna t ive paths fo r whole nations (James Robertson, Niels I . Meyer, Gar Alperowitz) and on urban communes and neighbourhood move- ments (John Friedmand, Janice Perlman). The t h i r d day, f i n a l l y , was used f o r t a l k s on design f o r people (Victor Papanek), the fu ture of the cooperative movement (Michael Young, Alex Laidlaw) and a presentation of two projec ts spon- sored by Society f o r In ternat ional Development concerning an information re- t r i e v a l system and a new journal.

I n t e r e s t i ng ly enough the seminar a t t r a c t e d a media b l i t z which was only pa r t l y s o l i c i t e d . I had arranged t o have a discussion with f i v e of t he pa r t i c ipan t s taped by the Swedish t e l ev i s ion and broadcasted the second day a t prime time. Nevertheless, lengthy coverage was given the seminar on both TV channels in the ordinary news programs. The Stockholm morning d a i l i e s car r ied s e r i e s of i n t e r - views with pa r t i c ipan t s and a r t i c l e s on the various topics discussed a t the seminar . Some 16 of the 26 papers given w i l l , together with a fu r the r three o r four papers from other sources, be made i n t o a book t h a t i s published in Sweden next year . Publishers in o ther countr ies are welcome t o ask t o have the manuscript s e n t t o them i f there i s a genuine i n t e r e s t in the sub jec t . Tennk , anyone?

Another r e l a t ed forum was a three-day public hearing I organized and chaired in Stockholm i n t he beginning of October, on the question "How do we make the c i t i e s more human?" Some 50 witnesses, including a r c h i t e c t s , economists, pol i - t i c i a n s , authors , medical doctors , soc i a l workers and users , appeared f o r ha l f an hour each before a panel t o t e l l t h e i r s t o r y of ongoing projec ts of rebui l - ding, how t o rebui ld f o r energy s c a r c i t y , how t o reintroduce nature in the c i t y , what costs the modern c i t y e n t a i l s i n economic and human measures, how regula- t ions must be changed t o allow f o r more experimentation, or how users can be bu i lde r s , t o name but a few topics d e a l t wi th . Special a t t en t ion was given the f a i r l y new housing areas - label led "concrete ghettos" in Sweden - around the th ree big c i t i e s i n the country, as these are bese t with d i f f i c u l t problems l i ke vandalism and a t the same time a re technica l ly good enough t o remain f o r some 80 years o r more. The hearing was given extensive coverage in the media and i t seems as i f there i s a concensus t h a t the method of hearings - f a i r l y new in Sweden - i s a va l id one when i t comes t o t ry ing t o bridge the gap between various e l i t e s and the people.

The bottom l ine of the current debate on another development in Sweden i s t h a t some useful s t a r t s ( t hese and o the r s ) have been made but t h a t the d i f ference i n outlook between people i n general and p o l i t i c i a n s s t i l l i s very g rea t and cons t i t u t e s the r i sk of socia l clashes and an insula ted p o l i t i c a l scene.

PEACE CHARTER

Dear IFDA,

The page o f f a c t s and f i g u r e s f rom SIPRI t h a t you p u b l i s h e d i n t h e IFDA Doss ie r 19 p resen ted as a l a r m i n g a p i c t u r e as any one page m i g h t ever c o n t a i n .

Tha t 70% o f t h e w o r l d ' s m i l i t a r y e x p e n d i t u r e i s undertaken by t h e c o u n t r i e s o f NATO and t h e Warsaw Pac t i s j u s t one more p r o o f t h a t war i s a f u n c t i o n above a l l o f empires; and t h a t much o f t h e w o r l d ' s t r o u b l e s stem f rom t h e two g r e a t s u r v i v i n g empires - t h e American and t h e Russian. Wi th t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e a l l i e s o r s a t e l l i t e s they v i s i t m i l i t a r y p r i o r i t i e s on t h e r e s t o f t h e w o r l d - a u n i v e r s a l d i s a s t e r .

The good news o f 1 9 8 0 i s t h a t peop le a r e a t l a s t waking up t o what i s go ing on and t h e peace movement i s moving aga in a f t e r many years i n t h e doldrums. T h i s t i m e can we see t o i t t h a t t h e phenomenon o f war i s s t u d i e d i n depth and d e a l t w i t h r a d i c a l l y ? I n t h e p a s t t h e peace movement has a l l t o o o f t e n been a s e r i e s o f moral ges tu res o r l i m i t e d p r o t e s t s abou t p a r t i c u l a r wars. Today t h e th rea- tened p r o l i f e r a t i o n o f n u c l e a r weapons, t h e p e r v e r s i o n o f a i d t o t h e T h i r d World, t h e i n v e r s i o n o f s o c i a l p r i o r i t i e s t o g i v e f i r s t p l a c e t o arms, and i n - f l a t i o n i t s e l f a r e a l l w i tness t o t h e need f o r fundamental t h i n k i n g and a c t i o n o f h i s t o r i c consequence.

One o f t h e t h i n g s t h a t t h e peace movement has l a c k e d i n t h e p a s t i s sheer t h i n k i n g power. People have accepted t h e sha l low p o l i c i e s o f a few leaders and ended i n i m p o s s i b l e cul -de-sacs. T h i s t ime we have t o see t o i t t h a t i t w i l l be d i f f e r e n t . The k i n d o f i n s i g h t t h a t IFDA prov ides needs t o be extended and i n j e c t e d i n t o t h e w ider peace movement. I n a d d i t i o n t o l a r g e conferences and g r e a t demonstrat ions t h e movement now needs i n c i s i v e i n v e s t i g a t i v e and c r i t i c a l t h i n k i n g .

The East-West Peace People was s e t up i n t h e s p r i n g o f 1978 t o h e l p w i t h t h i s process. We a r e based on t h e p r o p o s i t i o n t h a t t h e causes o f peace and human r i g h t s a r e i n s e p a r a b l e and t h a t i t i s peop le r a t h e r than governments who shou ld (and t h i s t i m e w i l l ) dec ide t h e issues o f peace and war. The events i n Poland f o l l o w i n g a f t e r years o f samizdat a c t i v i t y i n t h e SU and Eas te rn Europe, i n d i - c a t e t h a t a t l a s t an independent peace movement ' o v e r t h e r e ' m i g h t one day make common cause w i t h an independent movement on t h i s s i d e o f t h e C u r t a i n .

I hope you w i l l p u b l i s h o u r Peace C h a r t e r which makes i t unnecessary f o r me t o w r i t e a t g r e a t e r l e n g t h . What we a r e work ing f o r i s groups i n every c o u n t r y who endorse t h e Char te r and work t o g e t h e r t o d e f e a t t h e East/West m i l i t a r i s i ) t h a t now th rea tens t h e wor ld . I shou ld be g l a d t o hear f rom o t h e r readers of IFDA. We have t h e Char te r a v a i l a b l e i n many languages.

by P e t e r Codogan, East West Peace People, 1 Hampstead H i l l Gdns, London NM3, England.

THE PEACE CHARTER

1. We, the people of the East and West, uant iu l i v e i n - 'r , imdship or.d peace. A t i our d i f f e rences ~ ' U Y ; be s e t t l e d bg negotiazion - d ' i t a r i ; ri.eans arv isounter- produc t h e .

2 . The l i n e t ha t diuidrzs Europe has become zhe rreai. E::ct/Vest d-iv72e. IT i s there , i n the countries o f NATO and t h e Varsav Fac'z, ihat o r cower, refipoxsi- b i Z i t y for peace r e s t s .

3. The renunciation c f uar by the peoples of both s i d e s u i Z l be J, '-^'su L:~'G re - vo lu t ionary peace i n t z k t i v e , IT, u H l be made possible by i n s i s t ence !,v: ban r i g h t s , especia t ty tnose of free express ion and comuTi'ieations.

4 . To l i v e i n peace i s a fzinJffivental human r i g h t . tie accep! the responsi- b i l i t y t o s e c u e i t for ourse lves a s for others .

5 . I n the end author i ty comes from people, not from go'Jerrmvts. We, t he people of both s ide s , work* together, can break the present deadloi-k between governments. We sha l l make friends o f those misrepresented as our enemies.

6 . We uant t o t a l nuclear and conventional disarmament t o be carried ou t i n balanced stages u i t hou t g iv ing mi l i tar i i a&vantages t o any o 3 h e par t ies i n t he process.

7. A t present the East-West, pouers expor t t h e i r c o n f l i c t s and t h e i r urr!s t o the Third World. East-Nest peace w i l l aZZm a l l peoples t o w i f e i n helping the Third World t o solve -its oun problems.

8. We r e j e c t t h e idea t ha t ue sha l l aluays have uars . We declare peace.

A RANDOM SAMPLE OF SPIN OFFS FROM I F D A DOSSIERS

. Socialismo y participacion (Apartado 1, Lima 4, Peru) in its No. 11, September 1980, Economia e socialismo (Apartado 3186, Lisboa, Portugal) in its No. 54, September 1980 and the OPEC ~ulletin (Obere Donaustrasse 93, 1020 Vienna, Austria) in its Vol. XI, No. 21, December 1980 nave reproduced the text of the Arusha initiative (IFDA Dossier 1.9). In addition tothose mentioned in IFDA Dossier 20 (p. 26), articles on the Arusha initiative have appeared in Presencia (La Pax, Bolivia) and La Republics (Bogota, Colombia).

. Development and economic progress (89 Abdel Aziz Al-Saoud street, Mania1 El-Roda, Cairo) has reproduced 'Power resources - the five controls' by Celso Furtado (IFDA Dossier 7) and 'Debt and development' by Juan C. Sanchez Arnau (IFDA Dossier 14) in its No. 2, 1980, as well as 'Secteur public et strategies de d6veloppementt by Ismail-Sabri Abdalla (IFDA Dossier 7) and 'The Arab world, an eligible case for collective self-reliance' by Ahmed Shalaby (IFDA Dossier 10) in its No. 3, 1980.

. Politique aujourd'hui (14-16 rue des Petits-HStels, 75010 Paris, France) a reproduit 'Experimentations sociales et changement de style de vie' par Michel Schiray et Silvia Sigal (IFDA Dossier 14) dans son No. 7-8, 1979, de meme que 'Alimentation mondiale: l'echec des solutions productivistes' par Jacques Chonchol (IFDA Dossier 13) dans son numero de janvier-fevrier 1980.

. Le Bulletin trimestriel du Centre international de rencontre des mouvements d'animation de base (Kuringersteenweg 35, 3500 Hasselt, Belgique) a reproduit l a qualitg de vie au travail' (IFDA Dossier 18) dans son No. 213, 1980.

. Development and change (Institute of Social Studies, 251 Badhuisweg, The Hague, The Netherlands) has published the full text of 'Rural poverty and development alternatives in South and South East Asia: some policy issues' by Ajit Ghose and Keith Griffin, a shorter version of which appeared in E Dossier 9.

. Azad Perspective (Tagliaferro Centre 5, High Street, Sliema, Malta) has reproduced 'An alternative future for ~alta' by Peter Serracino Inglott (E Dossier 18).

. News Notes (Social Justice Committee of Montreal, 351 Williboro Ave, Verdun, Quebec, Canada) has reproduced in its October-November 1980 issue 'Facts and figures1 on world military expenditures' (IFDA Dossier 19).

. Mainstream (E-24, Bhagat Singh Market, New Delhi 110001, India) has repro- duced 'Societal framework for economic development' by Moinuddin Baqai (E Dossier 8) in its 14 July 1979 issue and 'A review of the North-South nego- tiating process' by Arjun Sengupta (IFDA ~ossier 18) in its 9 and 16 August 1980 issues.

. Development (SID, Palazzo della CiviltZ del Lavoro, 00144 Rome, Italy) has reproduced, in its Nos. 2 + 3, 1980, the full list of papers prepared in ?he context of the IFDA third system project (IFDA Dossier 17). Dans son bulletin Cornpas', No. 6, 3e trimestre 1980, la SID a ggalement reproduit des extraits de 'Matgriaux pour d'autres strategies de d6veloppement' (IFDA Dossier 17).

. Socialismo y participacion (Apartado 1, Lima 4, Peru) has published in its No. 10, May 1980 a Spanish translation 'Autogestion en Francia: Contornos y Figuras posibles' by Olivier Corpet (IFDA Dossier 12).

. Japan Quarterly (Asahi Shimbun, Tokyo) has reproduced 'Possibilities for another development - the case of Japan' by Nishikawa Jun (IFDA Dossier 15) and 'Alternative relationships between Japan and Thailand' by the Japan- Thailand Study Group (IFDA Dossier 16).

. Uno mas uno, an influential mexican daily, has published on 5 and 6 July 1980, an interview of Andras Biro on his work with Mexican fishermen (cf. 'Somebody wants to develop me', IFDA Dossier 9).

. Seminar (P.O. Box 338, New Delhi, India) has reproduced in its No. 255 (November 1980) 'Peasant oppression' by Baljit Malik (IFDA Dossier 19).

. The National Labour Institute Bulletin (AB-6 Safdarjang Enclave, New Delhi 110016, India) has published 'People's Science movement 8 by Md Anisur Rahman (IFDA Dossier 4) in its No. 11, 1978, 'Basic Human Needs: a strategic concep- tualization towards another development' by Reginald H. Green (IFDA Dossier 2) in its No. 12, 1978 as well as 'Somebody wants to develop me' by Andras Biro (IFDA Dossier 9) and 'Agriculture cooperatives in Vietnam - which lessons to draw' by Lan Phuong (IFDA Dossier 7) in its No. 314, 1979.

. World development (Pergamon Press, Oxford, UK) has published an adaptation of 'Development as liberation: policy lessons from case studies' by Denis Goulet (IFDA Dossier 3) in its Vol. 7, No. 6, June 1979.

. Ideas Centre (Action for development, GPO Box 3930, Sydney 2001, Australia) has reprinted 'Surviving in rural ~sia' by John Friedman (IFDA Dossier 9) in its No. 26, July 1979.

. Church Alert (Sodepax, BP 66, 1211 Geneva, Switzerland) has reproduced an interview of Jan Pronk by Chakravarthi Raghavan (IFDA Dossier 9) in its No.24, July-September 1979.

. Revista de economia latinoamericana (Banco central, Caracas, Venezuela) has published a Spanish translation of 'We all need a new internation order' by Jan Pronk (IFDA Dossier 4) and has included 12 references to the Jl?& Dossier in its selected bibliography on the NIEO.

. Comcom (The Community communication group, 8 Millfield Close, Farndon, Cheshire, UK) has published excerpts from 'Estrategia international del desarrollo y comunicacion' by ILET (IFDA Dossier 8) in its AugustISeptember 1979 issue.

. Economic Review (People's bank, Colombo, Sri Lanka) has made use of 'The UNCTAD scene' by Chakravarthi Raghavan (IFDA Dossier 3) in its November/ December 1978 issue.

t . Development Education Forum (Lutheran World Federation, P.O. Box 66, 1211 Geneva 20) has reproduced 'crises of maldevelopment in the North, A way out' by Ignacy Sachs (IFDA Dossier 2) in its No. 1, April 1980.

. The Centre Report (Environment Liaison Centre, P.O. Box 72461, Nairobi, Kenya) has excerpted 'Can they do it: participation of NGOs of Third World countries in NIEO-oriented projects' by J.S. Szuszkiewicz (IFDA Dossier 10) in its Vol. IV, Nos. 2-3, September 1979).

. Development Forum (United Nations, CH-1211 Geneva 10, Switzerland) has summarized 'Sri Lanka: a national dialogue on development' by Godfrey Gunatilleke (IFDA Dossier 14) in its January-February 1980 issue.

. Les Cahiers du Tiers Monde (Centre national de cooperation au dgveloppement, 76 rue de Laeken, 1000 Bruxelles, Belgique) a reproduit 'De l'avenir des relations 6conomiques internationales' par Samir Amin (IFDA Dossier 6) dans son No. 7, f6vrier 1980.

. De Volkskrant, a major dutch daily, has published a half-page article by Harry Lockefeer based on 'The unimportance of unemployment' by Gunnar Adler Karlsson (IFDA Dossier 2) on 13 January 1979.

. References to IFDA Dossier papers have also appeared in:

- Revista Economics (Bd. Ifagheru 28, Bucarest, Rumania);

- Development Education (FAO, Via della Rerme di Caracalla, Rome, Italy), No. 7913;

- Human Futures (C-615 Safdarjang Development Area, New Delhi 110 016, India) ;

- Documentation Bulletin (Centre for Studies in decentralized industries, 178 Backbay Reclamation, Bombay 400 020, India);

- Futures Studies Centre Newsletter (15 Kelso Road, Leeds, UK);

- Work Research Unit (Department of Employment, Almack House, 26 King Street, London, UK);

- Development Forum (United Nations, 1211 Geneva 10, Switzerland);

- Tranet (P.O. Box 567, Rangely, Maine 04970, USA);

- Taich Acquisition List (Technical assistance information clearing house, 200 Park Avenue South, New York, NY 10003, USA);

- Autogestion y participation (Casilla postal 1846, Lima, Peru);

- ICVA News (International Council of Voluntary Agencies, 17 avenue de la Paix, 1202 Geneva, Switzerland).

. Through Inter Press Service, Third World News Agency, many articles based on IFDA Dossier have appeared in the following newspapers and periodicals: Excelsior, El Dia, Correo Economico, Uno mas uno (Mexico); Diario do Comercio (Brazil); Telemundo (Colombia); El Comercio, El Correo (Peru); Presencia, Hoy (Bolivia); El National, Frontera, 24 Horas (Venezuela); Actualidad Agraria (Spain); Diario de Lisboa (Portugal).

. Papers by Hourcade (IFDA Dossier 5), Hetzel (Dossier g ) , The North South Institute (Dossier 10) and Charreyron Perchet (Dossier 11) have been repro- duced in United Nations document ENV/SEM.ll/R.23 (Economic Commission for Europe) circulated to participants in the Ljubljana (Yugoslavia) seminar on alternative patterns of development and lifestyles, December 1979.

. Ole David Koht Norbye ( ' I n favour of a c r e d i b l e new i n t e r n a t i o n a l o r d e r ' , DERAP Working p a p e r s , Chr. Michelsen I n s t i t u t e , N-5036 Bergen, Norway, May 1980) and Chadwick F. Alger (Mershon Cente r , The Ohio S t a t e U n i v e r s i t y , USA) have commented a t l e n g t h on the t h i r d system p r o g r e s s r e p o r t (IFDA Doss ie r 1 7 ) .

. Bui ld ing Blocks f o r a l t e r n a t i v e development s t r a t e g i e s , a p r o g r e s s r e p o r t from t h e t h i r d system p r o j e c t ' (IFDA Doss ie r 17) has been reproduced i n f u l l i n Dawn, Karach i , P a k i s t a n (29 A p r i l t o 5 May 1980) . Folha de s a o Paulo ( ~ r a z i l ) has pub l i shed on 29 March a f u l l page i n t e r v i e w of Ignacy Sachs on t h e r e p o r t . E l Mundo, Mede l l in , Colombia, has r e p r o d ~ ~ c e d a f u l l page of e x c e r p t s of IFDA Doss ie r 17 on 22 J u l y 1980, which has been ana lysed by Chakravar th i Raghavan i n Mainstream, De lh i , I n d i a , on 21 June 1980.

MATERIALS RECEIVED FOR PUBLICATION

The papers Izsz-ed belou have been submitted t o t he IFDA Dossier for poss ib le pubizcation. Mention o f a paper does not mean that -it uill not be published a t a l a t e r stage, but it uas thought t h a t t he mecntire sore readers may u i s h to obtain a c o w direcil-y from the author.

LOCAL SPACE

. Q.K. Ahmad and M. Hossain, Approaches t o t h e development o f r u r a l non-farm a c t i v i t i e s and t h e r o l e o f techno logy i n t h e process (Bangladesh I n s t i t u t e o f Development S tud ies , Adamjee Cour t , M o t i j h e e l CA, Dacca, Bangladesh), 25 pp.

. D. Bandyopadhyay, Land re fo rms i n H e s t Bengal (Government o f West Bengal , The Rad ian t Process, C a l c u t t a , I n d i a ) , 16 pp.

. K.M.S. Benjamin, Need f o r p e o p l e ' s o r g a n i s a t i o n s f o r slum improvement ( C e n t r e f o r human development and s o c i a l change, 35-5, F i r s t Cross, Shas t r inagar , Madras 600 020, I n d i a ) , 6 pp.

. R.S. Ganapathy, Rura l energy and development: a s t r a t e g i c p l a n n i n g a n a l y s i s (Urban and r e g i o n a l p l a n n i n g program, U n i v e r s i t y o f Mich igan, Ann Arbor , M1 48109, USA), 45 pp.

NATIONAL SPACE

. Yona Friedman, Un f o n c t i o n n a r i a t c o n t i n g e n t (42, bd. Pasteur , P a r i s X V , France) , 3 pp.

GLOBAL SPACE

. Jeremy Bo isseva in , Towards a Med i te r ranean s c i e n t i f i c community (IDS, U n i v e r s i t y o f Sussex, B r i g h t o n , Sussex BN1 9RE, England) , 10 pp.

IFDA DOSSIER 22 , MARCH/APRI L 1981

FOOTNOTES / NOTES / NOTAS

LOCAL SPACE

. Ami lca r 0. Herrera, 'The genera t ion o f techno log ies i n r u r a l a reas ' , World Development ( V o l . 9, No. 1, January 1981), pp. 21-35.

. Md A n i s u r Rahman, ' T r a n s i t i o n t o c o l l e c t i v e a g r i c u l t u r e and peasant p a r t i - c i p a t i o n ' , Human Futures (Vo l . 111, No. 4, Win te r 1980), pp. 337-347.

. Jimoh Omo-Fadaka, ' A l t e r n a t i v e sources o f energy: ind igenous renewable resources ' , A1 t e r n a t i v e s (Vo l . VI, No. 3, September 1980), pp. 409-41 7.

. P e t e r S. Ki rumbi , Educat ion f o r l o c a l needs (The Thy P r o j e c t , POB 13, 7770 Ves te rv ig , Denmark).

. G a b r i e l Valdes, 'A lgunas r e f l e x i o n e s sobre education y d e s a r r o 1 l o 1 , Soc ia l i smo y P a r t i c i p a c i o ' n (No. 12, Oic iembre 1980), pp. 37-47.

. C h r i s t o p h e r F l a v i n , Energy and a r c h i t e c t u r e : t h e s o l a r and c o n s e r v a t i o n p o t e n t i a l (Washington DC: Worldwatch Paper No. 40, 1980), 64 pp.

. G r a c i e l a Schneier e t S i l v i a S i g a l , M a r g i n a l i t 6 s p a t i a l e : E t a t e t revend ica - t i o n s u r b a z , Le cas des v i l l e s Ia t ino -amer ica ines ( P a r i s : CIRED, Cah ie rs de 1'6cod6veioppement No. 13, 1980), 96 pp.

. Gustavo R i o f r i o y A l f r e d 0 Rodriquez, De invasores a invad idos , l 0 aces de a u t o d e s a r r o l l o en una b a r r i a d a (Lima: DESCO, 1980), 126 pp.

. Gerard Kes te r , T r a n s i t i o n t o workers ' self-management, I t s dynamics i n t h e d e c o l o n i z i n g economy o f M a l t a (The Hague: I n s t i t u t e of SOC-

256 pp.

. Dan ie l Moth@, L ' a u t o g e s t i o n g o u t t e a g o u t t e ( P a r i s : Le Centu r ion , 1980), 190 pp.

. George McRobie, Small i s p o s s i b l e (London: Jonathan Cape, 1981), 332 pp.

. Maryse Gaudier, Les besoins e s s e n t i e l s , b i b l i o g r a p h i c a n a l y t i q u e / Basic needs, A n a l y t i c a l b i b l i o g r a p h y (Geneve: I n s t i t u t i n t e r n a t i o n a l d 'e tudes - s o c i a l e s , 1980), 234 pp.

NATIONAL SPACE

. D e t l e f Kantowski, Sarvodaya, The o t h e r development ( D e l h i : V ikas p u b l i s h i n g house, 1980), 228 pp.

. L e s t e r C. Thurow, The Zero-sum s o c i e t y , D i s t r i b u t i o n and t h e p o s s i b i l i t i e s f o r economic change (New York: Bas ic Books, 1980), 230 pp.

. UNRISD, The ques t f o r a u n i f i e d approach t o development (Geneva: UNRISD, 1980), 180 p p .

THIRD WORLD SPACE

. Jose A n t o n i o Encinas d e l Pando (ed) , Gastos m i l i t a r e s y d e s a r r o l l o en America d e l Sur (Lima: Centre de i n v e s t i g a c i o n e s economicas y s o c i a l e s de l a Un ive rs idad de Lima, 1980), 312 pp.

. B e a t r i z A l b u q u e r q ~ e y M a u r i c i o Dias Dav id (ed), E l s e c t o r a g r a r i o en America l a t i n a (Stockholm: I n s t i t u t e de e s t u d i o s la t inoamer icanos , 1980), 188 pp.

. Surendra J. P a t e l , 'The t e c h n o l o g i c a l t r a n s f o r m a t i o n o f t h e T h i r d World, Main i s s u e s ' , Man and Development (Vo l . 11, No. 4, December 1980), pp. 19-28.

. Jacques Chonchol, 'Problemes a l i m e n t a i r e s en Amerique l a t i n , m a l n u t r i t i o n e t dependance', Amerique l a t i n e (No. 4, October/December 1980), pp. 5-18.

GLOBAL SPACE

. Edgardo L i f c h i t z , B i b l i o g r a f i a a n a l i t i c a sobre empresas t ransnac iona les / A n a l y t i c a l b i b l i o g r a p h y on Transna t iona l Corpora t ions (Mexico: ILET, 1980), Starting with ILET's and other collections in Mexico, this biblioera~hv has - . - gathered a great variety of titles which focus on the transnational enterprises from the most diverse viewpoints: economic, political and ideological-cultural. It includes nearly 4,000 items, with their indexes and a short reference to sta- tistical information and to the historical period covered. The index - approximately one thousand key-words, in both Spanish and English - is arranged by subjects, geographical location, sector of activites, enterprise and insti- tution, and facilitates the use of the materials contained in the bibliography.

. I g n a c i o Ramonet, Lechewing-gum des yeux ( P a r i s : A l a i n Moreau, 1980), 190 pp, Avant d'avoir atteint 1'3ge scolaire, un enfant a dej2 subi plusieurs milliers d'heures de television; une fois adulte, television et cinema continuent de nourrir ses yeux d'ombres GphemGres, rapidement evanouies. Evanouies? Pas entisrement, nous explique l'auteur de ce livre qui a procede 5 une analyse agreable et brillante, des images le plus frequemment et le plus largement con- sommees: spots publicitaires, journaux t&l6vises, films-catastrophes, series policiSres, comedies... Que nous disent ces emissions, ces films au-del2 de leur strict recit? Ignacio Ramonet met 2 jour les liens invisibles et pourtant fort puissants qui rattachent ces divertissements de masse aux crises de notre temps.

. Anouard Abdelmalek, The p r o j e c t on s o c i o - c u l t u r a l development a l t e r n a t i v e s i n a changing w o r l d (Tokyo: U n i t e d N a t i o n s U n i v e r s i t y , 1980), 158 pp.

. G r a c i e l a C h i c h i l n i s k y , ' B a s i c needs and g l o b a l models: resources, t r a d e and d i s t r i b u t i o n ' , A l t e r n a t i v e s (Vo l . VI, No. 3, September 1980), pp. 453-472.

. Richard Fa lk , 'Normat ive i n i t i a t i v e s and d e m i l i t a r i z a t i o n : a t h i r d system approach' , A l t e r n a t i v e s (Vo l . VI, No. 2, June 1980), pp. 339-356.

. Andt-6 Grjebine, La nouvelle 6conomie internationale, De la crise mondiale au d6vel oppement autocentr6 (Paris : PUF, l98O), 324 pp.

. J. Bognar, End-century crossroads of development and cooperation (Budapest: Scientific Council for World economy, 1980), 308 pp.

. Herb Breau, Chairman/President, Douglas Roche, Vice-chairman, et al, Parliamentary task force on North South relations, Report to the House of Comons (Ottawa: Government Publishing Centre, 19801, 86 pp.

. North South Institute: In the Canadian interest? Third World development in the 1980s (Ottawa: NSI, 1980), 190 pp.

. A. Groosman et al, Exporting to the EEC, Problems of food-processing expor- ters from developing countries (Tilberg, The Netherlands: Report No. 13, 1980), 76 PP.

. Abby Rubin Riddel, Adjustment or protectionism: the challenge to Britain of Third World industrialization (London: Catholic Institute for International Relations, 1980).

. Kym M. Bills, Australia, the NorthISouth dialogue, UNCTAD V and commodity stabilization (Adelaide, Australia: Centre for Asian Studies, 1980), 40 pp.

. Georges Merloz, La CNUCED: droit international et d6veloppement, (Paris: Publications de la Facult6 de Droit, 1980), 459 pp. Une analyse juridique exhaustive de la CNUCED c o m e institution sp6ciale - mais non "spGcia1is6e1' - au sein de l10NU et c o m e source du droit internatio- nal du dGveloppement, analyse qui dGfinit la CNLJCED "essentiellement c o m e l'organisme de 1'ambiguTtG1' quant 2 sa nature juridique, son Gtendue et son influence sur l'ordre international.

. Diego Luis Castellanos, 'Estrategia de Grupos en las negociaciones inter- nacionales', Comercio Exterior (Vol. 30, No. 10, Octubre 1980), pp. 1059-1066.

Vous savez, d i t AngeL, en g&n&raZ, on ne s u i t r i en . E t Zes gens qui devraient savoir, mzme, crest-&dire eeux qui savent rnanipuLer Les {d ies , Les t r i t u r e r , e t Zes prisenter de teZLe sorte quriZs S rimaginent avoir une pensge o ~ i g i m Z e , ne renouveZZent j m a i s Zeur fond de ehoses 2 t r i turer , de sorte que Zeur mode drexpression e s t toujours de v ingt uns en uvunee SUP La matisre de e e t t e expression. I2 rdsuLte de eeei qu fon ne peut r i e n apprendre uvee eeux-ei puree quriZs se contentent de mots.

Boris Vian, LrAutome 2 Pdkin (Paris: Editions de Minuit, 1956)

PERIODICALS

. Revue canadienne d t6 tudes du developpement / Canadian j o u r n a l o f develop- ment s t u d i e s , Vol . l, No. l, 1980 (Ot tawa: U n i v e r s i t y o f Ottawa Press ) Avec aes a r t i c l e s de Char les A. Jeanneret Grosjean, Ignacy Sachs e t R a j n i K o t h a r i (Le r a p p o r t de Scheveningue, seminai r e o r g a n i s e p a r l a FIPAD en j u i l l e t 1979).

H a b i t a t i n t e r n a t i o n a l , A s p e c i a l i s s u e ded ica ted t o Char les Abrams (1901- i97-~ohn Turner .

. Au toges t ions ( l 3e annee, No. 4 ) : Perou 1968-1980: mate r iaux s u r l 'exper ience a u t o g e s t i o n n a i r e .

. I S I S No. 17: The i n t e r n a t i o n a l f e m i n i s t network (Case p o s t a l e 301, 1227 Car=, Geneva, S w i t z e r l a n d ) . . Revue i n t e r n a t i o n a l e d ' a c t i o n communautai re , No. 4/44, autornne 1980: Logement e t l u t t e s u rba ines (Case p o s t a l e lbb5 , Place dlArmes, Mont rea l , Canada).

. Autrement, No. 26, septembre 1980: ' La san te A bras l e corps - de l ' a s s i s - tance A l 'autonomic, voyages au b o u t de l a ma lad ie ' , No. 27, o c t o b r e 1980, 'Technologies douces - s o l a i r e , bio-masse, m ic ro - in fo rmat ique . . . des o u t i I s pour chacun, une n o u v e l l e p o l i t i q u e ? ' avec des a r t i c l e s de Ignacy Sachs Micha l S c h i r a y e t Dan ie l Thery (27 rue Jacob, P a r i s , France) .

. Revue T i e r s Monde, Tome X X I , No. 83, j u i l l e t - s e p t e m b r e 1980: A l g e r i e , 1980 (IEDES, 58 bd. Arago, P a r i s , France) .

. A n a l i s i s , An0 111, No. 29, D ic . 1980: Renovacion y s o c i a l i s m o , E l pensa- m ien to de l a i z q u i e r d a (Crescente E r r a z u r i z 1711, Sant iago, C h i l e ) .

. S o c i a l change, Vol . 9, No. 4, December 1979. An i s s u e on c h i l d r e n (Counc i l f o r s o c i a l development, 53 Lod i Es ta te , New D e l h i 110003, I n d i a ) .

. C i t i z e n Ac t ion , Vol. l, No. l. A stage has been reached i n the development, study, and monitoring of c i t i z e n consumer i n t e r e s t s uhere a b e t t e r understan- ding through an analyt ical study of concrete examples, actua2 experiences, neu s trategies , practica2 suggestions and case his tory materiaZs can help reduce abstract theorising and develop models, techniques, procedural advances for c i t i z e n act ion through pub2ic pressure, exemplifying neu concepts of c i t i z e n invo2vements and c i t i zensh ip s k i l l s through a focus on deeds and app!ication of democratic e th ics t o public pol ic ies the m r l d over. C i t i zen Actzon, by design, i s t i e d t o no particu2ar ideology. The scope of C i t i zen Action i s uorlduide. I t u i 2 l endeavour to bring together serious research i n public i n t e r e s t laus, study dynamics of the i n t e r reZation between producers/ dis tr ibutors /consmers .... taking a l l t h ~ e e as t o t a l l y interdependent. I t w i l l explore such problems as c i t i z e n r igh t s and poZiticaL-economic develop- ment; c i t i z e n pr ior i t i e s from one country and cul ture t o another; behavioura2 ins igh t s i n t o c i t i z e n opinion and related e f f o r t s t o promote c i t i z e n act ion. (P.O. Box 10210, C a l c u t t a 700 019, I n d i a ) .

. D iskurs , No. 3, August 1980: Bundesrepubl i k und Neue Wel tw i r t scha f to rdnung ( U n i v e r s i t a t Bremen, Post fach 330440, 28DO Bremen 33, Fed. Rep. o f Germany).

. P u b l i c e n t e r p r i s e , Vol . l, No. 2 , 1980, avec un a r t i c l e de Mahfoud Ghezali , 'Le p r i n c i p e de l a & c e n t r a l i s a t i o n en A l g e r i e : son a p p l i c a t i o n dans l e s c o l l e c t i v i t 6 s t e r r i t o r i a l e s e t dans l ' e n t r e p r i s e s o c i a l i s t e ' ( I n t e r n a t i o n a l Centre f o r P u b l i c e n t e r p r i s e s i n deve lop ing c o u n t r i e s , P.O. Box 92, 61109, L j u b l j a n a , Yugos lav ia ) .

. B u l l e t i n o f peace proposals, No. 4/1980, Spec ia l i ssue : The r i g h t t o peace and development, w i t h papers by R a j n i K o t h a r i , 'Human r i g h t s as a North-South i s s u e ' and The0 van Boven, Human r i g h t s and t h e new i n t e r n a t i o n a l o r d e r (Radhusgaten, Oslo l, Norway).

. Comercio e x t e r i o r , Vol . 30, No. D ic iembre 1980: ~ t h e r o a n t o l o g i c o de a n i v e r s a r i o , Nuestra America en 10s anos se ten ta , con a r t i c u l o s de Celso Fur tado, Miguel Wionczek, Arnica1 0. Her re ra , F r a n c i s c o Sagast i y o t r o s (Avenida Chapultepec 230, Mexico 7 DF).

. Economie e t humanisme, No. 256, novembre-decembre 1980: l e redeplo iement i n d u s t r i e l Nord-Sud, numero s p 6 c i a l sous l a d i r e c t i o n de P i e r r e Jude t (14 r u e A n t o i n e Dumant, 69 372 Lyon, France) .

. World Development, Vol. 8, No. 11, December 1980, I s l a n d s , s p e c i a l i s s u e e d i t e d by Edward Domen (Pergamon Press, Oxford, UK) .-

FOUNEX, STOCKHOLM, COCOYOC The United Nations Development Programme (UNEP) initiates a new collection (Executive series) with 'the basic texts on environment, Founex. Stockholm. Cocoyoc' three places, three.events, three texts closely associated with the origins of IFDA. Free copies available from UNEP, P.O. Box 3 0 5 5 2 , Nairobi, Kenya.

(cont. from page 2)

- A global responsibility for putting in place a new internatio- nal energy security system, incluuing global understanding on energy conservation, vastly increased investment resources for energy development, and mechanisms for more predictable increases in real prices.

- Acceptance of the principle of greater automaticity in mobili- zation of resources to be channeled through international insti- tutions under genuine international control.

- Acceptance of the principle that any international reserve currency should be created only under international jurisdiction and for the benefit of all nations.

- Acceptance of the global responsibility for creatinq adequate recycling mechanisms, particularly to ensure that adjustment in the next few years is not at the cost of either economic growth or social programs, or political survival of developing countries.

- Clear recognit~on of the contradictions between present levels of armaments spending, global population increase and global environment deterioration for the evolution of a new order.

I would like to suggest to the Summit that by initiating such a global Magna Carta of new premises for an old order, they will unleash forces of creativity and enterprise all over the world and provide a framework within which global negotiations can meaning- fully proceed. It may even lead to a new Bretton Woods Conference to implement much of this new vision. And I should like to plead with the S m i t ' s members that what the world badly needs today is a new vision for this ailing planet, however long it takes to implement each individual element of reform and however headstrong the incrementalism we generate, not a quick fix to get through the next six months.

Mahbub ul Haq

Contributions t o the IPDA Dossier are presented under the responsibiZity of the i r authors. They ape not covered by any copyright. They may be reproduced or transmitted i n an2 f o m or by any means without permission o f the authors or IFDA. In ease of reprint , aeknowzedgement of source and receipt o f a copy wouZd be appreciated. IFDA Dossier i s published bi-monthly.