Traxler, Amours Es Ausi Conme Li Serpens

7/28/2019 Traxler, Amours Es Ausi Conme Li Serpens

1/16

Amours est ausi conme li serpens:Pride and Love in the Prose Tristan1To study the Prose Tristan2 without at some point examining thetheme of love would be difficult, since the romance develops fromverse legends which present a tragic, illicit love and since the proseromance retains many primary details of the verse love story. Westillfind, for example, the couple's frequent attempts to satisfy their pas-sion while duping Marc, the many admirable qualities which makeTristan and Iseut a match, and of course the potion which binds theunwitting lovers in their passion and causes them to transgressnumerous social and moral structures. Besides growing out of theverse Tristan romances, the prose romance was also influenced byother literature in which love plays an important role, particularly theromances of Chretien and the Vulgate Lancelot. But the prose writertransforms the original Tristan material by placing it in a radicallydifferent context. By adding a prehistory and numerous chivalric ad-ventures, integrating Cornwall into the Arthurian world and Tristaninto the Round Table, and interpolating the Grau quest at the end ofthe romance, the prose author produces a long work which at timesrecalls the twelfth-century verse stories and at times imitates theVul-gate cycle. The treatment of love is, however, fundamentally changed.Though love still figures significantly in the story, it causes great de-struction and sorrow for all. More importantly, the prose author shiftsour attention from love to pride and its consequence, lust, pheno-mena which are then closely linked from the prehistory through theconclusion. For purposes of Illustration, this discussion will focus on

1 An earlier version of this paper was given at the Sixteenth InternationalArthurian Congress in Durham, England (August, 1990).2 The reader should recall that the Prose Tristan romance exists in numerousmanuscripts, among which the differences are at times sigificant enough tosuggest that this literature grew out of the literary visions of several people. Forthe sake of simplicity, we will here discuss the texts and writers in the Singular,refering to the romance s it appears in manuscripts Carpentras 404 and Vienna2542. For the passages which occur at the beginning of the romance, see ReneeL. Curtis' edition of Carpentras 404 (= Curtis 1963, 1976, or 1985). Passages occu-ring just after the end of Curtis' edition are quoted from Menard (Vienna I) andChenerie/Delcourt (Vienna II). These volumes are the first two of the editionbased on manuscript Vienna 2542 under the supervision of Menard. Referencesto unedited passages will note the folio and column of the Vienna manuscript;the transcriptions of these passages are my own.

Unauthenticated | 161.111.41.45Download Date | 11/16/12 4:48 PM


2/16

372 Janina P. Traxlerthree types of material: comments on love s various characters expe-rience it, the prehistory, and the Grail quest. This material reveals thatTristan, formerly the victim of l-fated love, becomes in the ProseTristan a pride-driven knight, doomed to fall on the Grail Quest forreasons he does not ponder because he is preoccupied with his ownfame.Twelfth- and thirteenth-century French society was quite familirwith discussions of love from various perspectives. The literary milieuof the verse Tristan included the works of Chretien and the Lais ofMarie de France, plus abundant lyric poetry and many other workswhich treated love primarily or secondarily. The thirteenth-centuryprose Tristan was influenced by many of these works and developedwithin the context of the ProseLancelot, Guillaume de Lorris' Romande la Rose, and Andreas Capellanus' De Amore.While much energy went into the discussion of love, equal energywent into the condemnation of luxuria and other threats to moraland social order. With Gregory the Great in the early seventh Century,interest in codifying the vices and virtues passed from primarily mo-nastic into more general circles (Bloomfield 1952, 72), and representa-tions of the vices and virtues became common in medieval churcharchitecture, manuscript illuminations, and literature, both secularand sacred3. Long before the thirteenth Century, pride was designateds the primary sin, the source of all others, the one which causedLucifer's fall and the expulsion of Adam and Eve from the Garden4.These ideas were commonplace in church writings, but were also

3 Emile Male (1958) gives a particularly helpful discussion of this topic. Seealso Aron Gurevich (1988) and Marc-Rene Jung (1971)4 Several Biblical (including apochryphal and pseudepigraphal) texts desig-nate pride s the root of all sins. Ecclesiasticus 10:15, for example, which SaintAugustine (early 5th C.) cites in his discussion of pride and original sind in TheCity of God, states quoniam initium omnis peccati es t superbia. [Augustinecites this text s 10:13, however.] In the pseudepigrapha, 2 Enoch 29:4-5 alsorefers to this aspect of pride. See Charlesworth (1983). In addition, medievalsociety was quite familir with Proverbs 16:18, which states Pride goes beforedestruction, and a haughty spirit before a fall. Proverbs 29:23 and 18:12 containsimilar ideas. Saint Augustine also discusses pride extensively in City, chapters12 and 14. John Cassian (died c. 435) calls pride the root of all vices in hisInstitutes, of which book xii is devoted to pride (Bloomfield 1952, 69). Gregorythe Great (d. 604) in hisMoralia likewise calls pride the root of all vices (Bloom-field 1952, 72). Gregory is also responsible for establishing the order of the sevenvices which is most commonly cited. In the mid-12th Century, the pseudo-Hugoof Saint Victor begins the fashion of using the tree image for vices and virtuesin his Defructibus carnis et Spiritus. Here, pride is the root of the tree of vices(Bloomfield 1952, 84). Saint Thomas Aquinas (mid-13th C.) speaks of pride sthe root of all sins in the Summa Theologica II, quaest. 35ff. (Bloomfield 1952,87). See also Russell (1984).



3/16

Amours est ausi conme li serpens 373available to the illiterate public in sermons, confessional practice, andliturgical plays like the Jeu d'Adam 5.Within this context the author of the Prose Tristan worked, trans-forming much of what he found to make it fit the contemporary inter-est in Arthurian prose cycles and redirecting the presentation of love.One of the prose author's most intriguing changes concerns the lovepotion. In the verse material, the love between Tristan and Iseut hasno cause other than the philtre, and Tristan's only rival for Iseut ishis uncle, Marc. The prose romance presents both these points differ-ently. In both prose and verse traditions the potion causes the coupleto love each other exclusively and uncontrollably. But in the proseromance, Tristan has already become infatuated with Iseut and an -other woman before he drinks the potion, and several other maincharacters love Iseut just s much s Tristan does, though they havedrunk no potion. Byretaining the potion's effect s a unique event inan environment of widespread desire for Iseut, the author shifts thefocus from fate (earlier symbolized by the potion) to lust, whichthinkers like Saint Augustine interpreted both in general s desire andin particular s sexual desire which refuses to be governed by reason(1950, 464).

This shift in the role of the love potion is symptomatic of an evenmore important change in Tristan's presentation. Just s Saint Au-gustine's analysis links lust and pride closely, so also in the Tristanthese two capital faults work together to shape much of the romance.One need only recall how the medieval mind understood these con-cepts in order to appreciate this facet of the romance. The commonInterpretation, which owed much to Saint Augustine, maintained thatpride was the source of all evil, the first sin, because it was responsi-ble for the human will turning away from God: For when th e willabandons what is above itself, and turns to what is lower, it becomesevil - not because that is evil to which it turns, but because theturning itself is wicked 6. He specifically labels Adam and Eve's trans-gression s an act of pride: Our first parents feil into open disobe-dience because already they were secretly corrupted; for the evil acthad never been done had not an evil will preceded it. And what is theorigin of our evil will but pride? (Augustine 1950, XIV: 13).In addition to understanding that pride was the first sin and theroot of all others, the thirteenth Century also understood that sexual

5 Julleville (1896) gives numerous examples of didactic literature, sermons,and religious plays which address the topics in question here. Gurevich (1988)gives a detailed analysis of the type of doctrine concerning evil which actuallymade its way to the illiterate masses.6 Augustine, 386. See also XIV: 13 for further discussion of this concept.



4/16

374 Janina P.Traxlerdesire was its logical consequence. Saint Augustiners well-known ana-lysis of the first sin explains that only after Adam and Eve ate of theforbidden fruit did shame develop and did the sexual organs becomedisobedient to human reason. In describing the couple's original inno-cence, Augustine states For it is written [Gen. 2:25] - not that their nakedness was unknown tothem, but because nakedness was not yet shameful, because not yetdid lust move those members without the will's consent; not yet didthe flesh by its disobedience testify against the disobedience of man(Augustine 1950, XIV: 17).While the Prose Tristan is chivalric narrative rather than theology,frequent reference to pride, several specific illustrations of pride, andthe importance of the Grail Quest in the Tristan suggest that the rolesof pride and lust merit closer attention. The remainder of this discus-sion will argue that from the presentation of Tristan's love to the pres-entation of his death, from the prehistory to the end of the GrailQuest, pride and its consequences occupy an important position inthe thematic organization of the romance and especially shape Tris-tan's portrayal.T he nature of Tristan's love for Iseut illustrates the link betweenpride and passion. Theprose romance presents Tristan's attraction toIseut in two stages: first Tristan's initial interest in Iseut, which springsdirectly from pride and jealousy, and secondly Tristan's overwhelmingpassion, which the potion causes. In the first stage, Tristan does notlove Iseut. Though he had been near her during his entire stay in Ire-land, Tristan had feit nothing for her beyond appreciation. Tristan'sattitude changes only when Palamede arrives and falls immediatelyand madly in love with Iseut. In reaction to Palamede's obvious inter-est, Tristan vows to keep Palamede from having Iseut: Tristanz avoitmout avant regardee Yselt, et mout li plaisoit, mes son euer n'i avoitpas mis dusqu'a l'amer granment. Et neporquant, puis qu'il vit que Pala-medes i entendoit si merveilleusement qu'il dit ou il morra ou il l'avra,Tristanz redit a soi meismes que ja Palamedes por pooir qu'il ait nel'avra (Curtis 1963,165). Overcome with Orguel' and Tbobant' becausehe does not want someone eise to be a better knight than he in Iseut'spresence, Tristan vows to defeat Palamede in order to impress Iseut,which he does a few days later. Iseut unknowingly increases Tristan'sresolve to undo Palamede when she states that she considers Pala-mede to be a better knight than Tristan (Curtis 1963, 165). Thus therivalry which animates most of the romance isborn initially of Tristan'sjealousy at the thought that Palamede's chivalric talent might surpasshis own and thereby attract Iseut's attention.The second stage - Tristan's passion for Iseut - comes only withthe potion. Back in Cornwall, Tristan forgets Iseut and pursues an-



5/16

Amours est ausi conme li serpens 375other woman, the wife of Segurades: Et Tristanz ama li sanz faule sidurement qu'il ne li sovient mes d'Yselt la Bloie. II met Yselt arrieresdos et oblie dou tout por ceste (Curtis 1985, 178). Even when hereturns to win Iseut to be Marc's bride, he still feels no particular lovefor her, a characteristic which distinguishes Tristan from Palamede,Kahedin, Marc, and others who all fall hopelessly in love with Iseutat first sight. These changes encourage us to look at the theme oflove differently because pride is now in the forefront, followed even-tually by the lust which strikes Tristan and his rivals.This contrast between the feelings of Palamede and Tristan recurselsewhere. For instance, the Tristan author further highlights theshift from love to pride and lust by reworking Chretien's motif of thelover's strength in battle increasing s he contemplates his beloved.Two times during the tournament at Louveserp the text notes thatPalamede's power grows s he thinks of Iseut (Vienna 311a, 315vc).Tristan's strength also grows, but his is inspired by a desire to defeatArthur's forces in Iseut's presence rather than by the intense love hefeels for Iseut7. Tristan even fights like li senglers ki s'orguele enl'assaut des ciens et donne estal hardiement8. As in their first en-counter, Tristan wins, and Palamede leaves the battlefield anemotional wreck. Though Tristan, like Palamede, wishes to impressIseut, Tristan is fired by OrgueiT and is preoccupied by the effect sucha display will have on Arthur and his knights.It is not coincidental that Palamede figures in these important epi-sodes, since Palamede rather than Tristan is the romance's most artic-ulate analyst of love, and his comments on love provide importantclues to the link between pride and amor9. In both of his love mono-logues, Palamede passionately condemns love, but the second of

7 In Paris B.N. 336, which closely resembles Vienna 2542 and is in the basefamily of the edition, the contrast between Palamede's Inspiration and Tristan'sis even more clear: Tristan's strength increases out ofjealousy at the praise hehears of Palamede's astonishing strength and at the realization that Palamede'sstrength is inspired by his love for Iseut (336:f65).8 Vienna 316vb, my emphasis. It is probably not coincidental that Tristan ishere compared to a wild boar when he is excited to this battle frenzy by angerand jealousy at Palamede's overt display of love for Iseut. Frequently the symbolof sexual excess, the boar here reinforces the theme in question. For more onthe symbolism of the boar, see Thiebaux (1974), Rowland (1973), and Cirlot

(1962).9 Baumgartner (1975, 168) has noted that Palamede's monologues on love donot offer innovative imagery. While the vocabulary is not original, some of theparticular uses seem unusual, s this paragraph and following ones suggest.Palamede's two long and detailed monologues on love and his frustration withlove cause us to wonder at Keith Busby's recent observation that Palamedesnever conducts inner dialogues with himself about the hopelessness of his Situa-tion in Lacy (1991, 274).



6/16

376 Janina P.Traxlerthese laments is particularly interesting for the vocabulary Palamedeuses. Here Palamede rejects more conventional imagery for expres-sing the lover's misery and misfortune, focusing instead on termswhich relate love to the serpent10 in the Garden of Eden:Amours est ausi conme li serpens qui promist a n[o]stre [pere] quese il mengoit de la pome il seroit ausi conme Diex, et crut a lafausse proumesse. Si s'en trouva mort et honni, Amours, qui decelui serpent maintiens ades la coustume, car de li vient vostreconseil et tout li vostre fait en issent (Vienna 386c-va)u.

Though in the second part of his monologue Palamede backs awayfrom his condemnation of love and transforms his comments into aself-condemnation, he still continues to liken his fate to that of Adam,recognizing that in both cases the cause of the problem was pride:

Amours, de ce que je dis ore que vous li serpens esties par quiconseil Adans fu mis hors de paradis ne dis je mie verite. Ains ditout encontre raison. Onques chertes serpent ne fustes. Onques devous ne vint a home se bien non. Mais de ce voirement que je disque je estoie com Adans, dis je bien voir. Li serpens ne mist pasAdan hors de paradis; ains le muist hr le siens pecies et la suietres grant folie. N'estoit il faus apertement quant il voloit conmeDiex estre? Convoitise l'avoit prisennie, l'aloit poignant, car convoi-teus estoit il trop quant il convoitoit si grant cose q'il voloit estrepers a Dieu. Et pour ce fu il jetes hors de paradis vilainnement ettournes a honte et a doel. Que fist Adans? Je estoie en joie et enaise et [vc] en deduit et en soulas et estoie nouviaus cevaliers. Jeavoie tout m on voloir car plus ne voloie du monde. Mais or sui faus,avers et caitis, dolans et eslongies de tout sens et de tous biens, etce m'a ore mis en la fole sourquidance que Convoitise vint a rnoi etamena avoec li Envie s suer carnel. Ces .ii. sereurs traitres si pri-rent ensamble compaingnie et vinrent a m oi pour moi traiir, et medonnerent conseil que je aprei'sse a voler au ciel. Et voil estreparaus a Dieu quant de la plus bele du monde, de cele qui plus ade biautes qu'il ri'ot onques emparadis, voloie avoir lacompaingnie.Adans voloit il plus avoir quant il fu em paradis que je voloie chaen tere? A Dieu voloit estre paraus, li faus, et je le voloie autresi(Vienna 386vb-c).

In revising his accusation, Palamede begins to sound like a theolo-gian. He reasons that though the serpent offered the temptation,Adam is ultimately responsible for his sin: he turned away from Godin pride, desiring something for which he was unfit. Palamede under-stands that he also, like Adam, forgot his place in the natural order10 Just after Palamede's first monologue, Kahedin also suggests this metaphorin warning Palamede of the dangers of loving Iseut: Celi me'ismes serpent quim'a feru vos a point dusques au euer (Curtis 1985, 204).11 The terms in brackets replace naistre premiere, which are clearly writtenin the manuscript but are without doubt scribal errors. Comparison with anothermanuscript of the base family, Paris B.N. 336, conflrms this.



7/16

Amours est ausi conme li serpens 377of things and therefore brought on his own disaster. Love, the newTemptor, brought in its wake 'Convoitise' and 'Envie', whose voicespersuaded Palamede that he was good enough to deserve Iseut. Inpunishment for this pride, Palamede was expelled from the paradiseof his beloved and condemned to live out his days in exile and suffer-ing, like Adam after the Fall.Palamede's reference to Adam's exile from Paradise links his atti-tude to that of Tristan and Iseut, who also characterize in this sameway their thwarted attempts to be together. For instance, s Iseutprepares to commit suicide during Tristan's absence, she sings a laiin which she states that her loss of Tristan surpasses Adam's loss ofparadise: ne fist pas tel perte jadis / Adam quant perdi paradis / Coma fait Yselt . . . (Curtis 1985, 227). Later, after Tristan recovers fromhis madness and must leave Cornwall, he bitterly likens his forcedexile to Adam's expulsion from paradise: onques Adans, quant il fude Paradis jetes, ne fu tourmentes si durement que je ne soie tour-mentes (Vienna II, 79).The theme of pride and its penalty - exile from paradise - notonly reinforces the link already suggested between the flaw in thelovers' mentality and Adam's flaw but also recalls Lucifer's fall12. Ac-cording to tradition, Lucifer was the original victim of pride. Luciferthen became jealous of Adam and Eve's blissful, unblemished condi-tion and, through the serpent, tempted them to disobey God, to 'turnaway' from the instruction not to eat the forbidden fruit13. In medieval

12 The fall of the rebel angels is also alluded to in the romance. As Brunor leNoir, the Chevalier a la Cote Mautaillie, accompanies the Demoisele Medisant toaccomplish her adventure, the two meet a lady who contests the Demoisele'svituperous comments about Brunor. In response to the Demoisele's categoricallack of respect for Brunor, the lady states that Brunor is worthy of respectsimply because he is from Arthur's court. The Demoisele counters by comparingArthur's court to the Kingdom of God: there are good and bad in both places;just s Lucifer was exiled from God's kingdom, so Brunor must have been expel-led recently from Arthur's court:Cuidiez vos qu'en la meson dou roi Artus n'oit de mauves Chevaliers ausicome de bons? Le meson le roi Artus est tot ausi come la meson Dieu ou otjadis des bons angles et des mauves. Li mauves furent gite dou ciel et mis enessil pardurablement, et li bon remestrent en la meson de joie qu'il n'en furentmie chacie, enz remestrent a toz jorz mes. Ore, dame, quant en la meson Dieuproprement ou autre chose qu'il ne dut, ce fu covoitise et envie, ce n'est mie

mout grant merveille s'il a en la meson le roi Artus des Chevaliers les unsbons et leax, et les autres mauves (Curtis 1985, 702).The Statement is false for Brunor's case - he was not expelled from Arthur'scourt. But the observation that Arthur's court includes bad knights is accurate,and the Demoisele's willingness to say so makes her more interesting than herunrnitigated nastiness would otherwise allow.13 Augustine, 458. Here Augustine is likely referring to the stories preservedin such pseudepigraphal material s 2 Enoch 29 and the Life of Adam and Eve



8/16

378 Janina R TraxlerChristianity, then, Lucifer's fall is directly related to that of Adam andEve, and both result from the same type of transgression. Humanrebellion, like that of Lucifer, is a sin of the will, and the first couple'smoral rebellion soon led to the sin of the flesh. The Judeo-Christiancreation stories thus furnish the Tristan author with a central meta-phor for the lovers' suffering and fate. The new tempter is Love; thelovers, like the original couple, are overcome by pride; and their 'pas-sio' is a type of exile from the paradise of the beloved. Lucifer, Adamand Eve, and the Tristan/Iseut/Palamede love trio all suffer similarfates.In characterizing their frustrated love s a type of exile, the centralcharacters introduce a related concept, that their fate is a 'fair froma better state, imagery which links the lovers' 'original sin' (pride) andthe vagaries of Fortune. In his first monologue on love, Palamedecompares Amor to Fortune and his ill treatment to its changeability:Amors, por Dieu, por quoi iestes vos si tornant com vos iestes? Cer-tes, la roe de Fortune n'est pas si tornant d'assez, ne plus muable!(Curtis 1985, 199). An ironic aspect of this observation is that whilePalamede bemoans the mutabity of love, in this romance love isquite immutable. Love never looses its hold; once the lover is strick-en, death alone ends the misery. What Palamede perceives s love'sfickleness is really his own cycle of hope and despair. As Kahedin soaptly observes, he, Palamede, and Marc all emonte en orgueiF s theyhope to win Iseut, but they ultimately fall into despair because no onecan have Iseut except Tristan. One can thus Interpret the lover's 'fall's a reference either to the story of Adamand Eve or to the metaphorof the wheel of Fortune, but either Interpretation is linked to the sinof pride.One further observation in the romance solidifies this analysis ofpassion s a form of pride whose consequences are the lover's falland exile. Dynadan first meets Iseut at the Joyeuse Gard withoutknowing who she is. As part of a practical joke Iseut and Tristan playon the unsuspecting Dynadan, Iseut asks Dynadan whether he wouldfight to defend a woman who loved him. In his response, Dynadanstates that a knight should first know his limits and not attempt morethan he is able to accomplish14. He then compares the overambitiouslover to Icarus, who caused his own disaster by flying too high(Vienna 284b). As the Ovide M oralise testifies, medieval culture inter-16:3. In addition, Revelation 12:7-12 recounts the apocalyptic vision of Lucifer's[Satan's] fall.14 Several scholars have discussed Dynadan's intriguing character, but allhaveignored the potential of this observation. See especially Busby (1983, 161-174)and Baumgartner (1975, esp. 33-35). Both these writers also provide bibliogra-phy for the earlier studies by such people s Vinaver and Payen.



9/16

Amours est ausi conme li serpens 379preted the story of Icarus s an Illustration of the dangers of pride:the medieval commentator explains Icarus' mishap by noting:

Et eil qui trop hautement vole,C'est eil qui par orgueil s'afoleEt cuide comme malsenezDes biens que Diex li a donnez (11. 1841-1844)15.

When Palamede finally sees that in his love folly he tried to Volerau ciel' to become 'paraus a Dieu', he points out (along with Dynadan)that in the Prose Tristan, to love is to climb high in pride only to falllow in disappointment, and to approach Iseut, the sun of love (Tris-tan's term), is to risk melting the wax of one's wings.If one keeps in mind the thematic linking of love and pride whichthe discussions of love reveal, the prehistory becomes more impor-tant for the romance16, s it sets forth several major themes, includingthe theme of pride17. The prehistory opens with genealogical Informa-tion which links Tristan's family to that of Joseph of Arimathia. Thisconnection reflects the influence of the Vulgate cycle and other con-temporary works on the Prose Tristan, but even more importantly itties the beginning of the Prose Tristan to the Grail quest, which con-cludes the romance. King Bron of Britain asks his brother-in-law Jo-seph of Arimathia to learn the desire of each of his twelve sons con-cerning marriage. The youngest, Helains li Gros, wishes to remainchaste and dedicate himself to Christ and the Grail: dist qu'il seroitvirges tot son aage, et serviroit a la table del Saint grall, et garderoita Nostre Seignor s virginete (Curtis 1963, 40). The ten eldest sonsagree to let Joseph find them wives, but Sador, the eleventh, shocksJoseph by retaining the right to choose his own wife. He swears obe-dience to Joseph in all things save this one. Joseph answers bypredicting that Sador will ultimately regret his decision (p. 41). Sa-dor's willful act results from pride just s Adam and Eve's disobe-dience does. And the Prose Tristan author's use of these parallelssuggests furthermore that the sons pay for the sins of the fathers: just

15 See Boer/Coer/Van'Tsant (1966). After recounting the story of Icarus s itis in Ovid, the medieval commentator interprets the story s the quoted linesshow. This passage is also discussed by Rudd (1988, 35).16 The prehistory is sometimes considered to be a bothersome and unneces-sary preliminary to the more important story of Tristan. For example, GastonParis calls Tristan's genealogy aussi ennuyeuse que longue et inutile (1886,601). Lseth calls the prehistory a fastidieuse introduction (1891, xviii). Morerecently, even Van Coolput has missed the significance of the prehistory whenshe states du point de vue de s fonction dans l'intrigue, toute cette partie dutexte apparait comme une excroissance difficile a justifier (1986, 25).17 Several recent articles elaborate on this aspect of the prehistory. See Mickel(1989 and 1988) and Calkins (1987a and 1987b). FinaUy see my own article,Traxler (1987).



10/16

380 Janina P. Traxleras the original sin tainted all of the first couple's progeny, so alsoSador's sin survives in his descendants, including Tristan. The factthat Galaad's genealogy goes back to Joseph of Arimathia18 and Tri-stan's goes back to Joseph's brother-in-law (Sador's father) permitsthe author to contrast the deeds and natures of the two great knights.Galaad's line springs from dedication to God, while Tristan's springsfrom willfulness; from the opening lines, therefore, pride and humilityconstitute the moral poles between which the romance unfolds19. Theromance thus ends appropriately with the Grail quest, and Galaad'sand Tristan's deaths occur at nearly the same time.Given the role of Saint Augustine's writings in shaping medievalattitudes toward pride, it is surely no coincidence that Saint Augus-tine figures in the prehistory and that he punishes Tristan's ancestor,Chelinde, for the lust and religious vacillation which make her anappropriate wife fo r Sador. Chelinde makes the fatal mistake of refus-ing to believe Saint Augustine's announcement that she has marriedher own son. When Chelinde tries to have Augustine destroyed byfire, God preserves Augustineand instead strikes Chelinde with fire.Though Chelinde does not desire men the way Iseut's suitors desireand pursue her, Chelinde's death by fire symbolizes her lust, and thestench which accompanies it underscores her sinfulness (Curtis 1963,104)20. Again, pride is the source of destruction: if Chelinde hadobeyed Apollo, her husband and king, and accepted the holy man'smessage, she would have been reconverted to Christianity with herhusband.Another glance at Palamede's early moments reveals further evi-dence of pride as a link between the prehistory and the story ofTris-tan. At Palamede's first appearance, the text notes that Palamede is aSaracen who remained so despite the conversion of his father andeleven brothers. The parallelism between Palamede and Sador seemstoo clear to be accidental: each family has twelve sons; Sador andPalamede are the only renegades in each case. Because Sador acts inpride by maintaining his independence concerning marriage and then

18 Le Chevalier Desirre, celui qui est estraiz dou haut lignage le Roi David etdel parente Joseph d'Arimacie, Pauphilet (1975, 7).19 Among the Prose Tristan's audience certain people would have been famil-ir also with the 12th C. pseudo-Hugo of Saint Victor's Defructibus carnis etSpiritus, which presents the tree of vices and the tree of virtues to symbolizethe links among the different vices on the one hand and the virtues on the other.Significantly, the root of the tree of vices is pride and that of the tree of virtuesis humility (Bloomfield 1952, 84). Quite apart from this work, however, prideand humility are regularly paired as opposites, a tradition which was popularizedby Prudentius and many others.20 eele puoit si durement que a peine pooit home demorer au palais (Curtis1963, 106). Mickel (1989, 54-56) gives a detaed discussion of this issue.



11/16

Amours est ausi conme li serpens 381rejects Christianity by lapsing into paganness in the land of Teriadanl'Enchanteor, his life is one long punishment for his sins, a fate whichrecalls that of Adam and Eve. It is equally significant that Palamederejects Christianity. Palamede's persistence in not converting consti-tutes an act of pride equivalent to Sador's desire to find his own wife.Though at several points different characters comment on his pagan-ness or suggest that he convert, Palamede steadfastly refuses theircounsel. Yetthis persistance is qualified in an odd way which links itto his passion for Iseut. When he first sees Iseut, Palamede is imme-diately overwhelmed with love for her: Ele estoit tant bele et tantavenanz de totes chose que Palamedes, qui la regardoit, en estoit totesbahiz, et bien dit en son euer, et tant li plest et atalente qu'il n'estriens ou monde qu'il ne fe'ist por li avoir, nes s loi guerpi. Et ce estoitla riens ou monde que il fe'ist plus a enviz, mes totesvoies la gerpiroitil por avoir Yselt, s'il po'ist estre (Curtis 1963, 164). Curiously, hisfaith, which he has retained despite the conversion of the rest of hisfamily and which he values above all eise, becomes an item he wouldexchange if so doing would gain him Iseut.The preceding discussions examined two aspects of the theme ofpride in the Prose Tristan. The first argued that the prose romanceshifts the focus from love to pride and lust, drawing on the well-known inte retation of pride s the first sin, the cause of lust andthe cause of Adam and Eve's fall from grace and expulsion from Para-dise. The second discussion examined the theme of pride in theprehistory and called attention to the fact that the genealogies of Tri-stan and Galaad both spring from the family of Joseph of Arimathiabut are founded respectively in acts of humility (for Galaad's ance-stor) and pride (for Tristan's ancestor). Having studied the role ofpride in the beginnings - the Fall (for Biblical characters s well sfo r the lovers) and the prehistory - we will now examine its role inthe conclusion of the story. TheProse Tristan author takes the Questedel Saint Graal, which originally has no connection to the Tristanstory, and interpolates it, at times verbatim, at the end of the romance.This change fits the author's general practice of making the Tristanlegend part of the Arthurian cycle. But it also sets the Grail quest,whose achievement depends especially on the virtues of humility andchastity, against the chivalric adventures of Tristan and the strugglesof many people to win or keep or impress Iseut.

Furthermore, since the lovers die at the same time s Galaad andPalamede, the conclusion allows us to compare the final moments ofthe virtuous Grail knight to those of the adulterous couple and theconverted pagan.In the prehistory and exposition of Palamede's and Tristan's lovefor Iseut, the characters must repeatedly choose between obedience



12/16

382 Janina R Traxlerto a divinely ordained hierarchy or ideal on the one hand and obe-dience to individual will and emotion on the other hand - betweenhumility and pride, between self-control and laxity. Sador rejectsSub-mission to Joseph of Aramathia's judgment and follows his own mind;Chelinde first accepts without discrimination whatever man or reli-gion she meets, then later rejects Saint Augustine's revelation and herhusband's desire not to hrm Augustine; Palamede refuses Christian-ity but is willing to renounce his paganness to win the woman heloves; Tristan obeys lust rather than his sovereign and actually carriesof the Queen of Cornwall.Finally during the Quest, Tristan must choose twice between Iseutand a higher ideal. Shortly after describing the departure for theQuest, the text returns to Tristan's adventures. After a year, Tristandecides to give up the Quest and return to Iseut, whom he missesgreatly. Tristan's spiritual shallowness is blatant here: in addition torenouncing the Quest in order to rejoin his mistress, Tristan treatsthe Quest like an extended chivalric adventure, s he reveals in aletter to Iseut. Tristan regrets his promise to join the Quest for oneyear: moi poise que je onques le jurai, se Diex m'aist. Maintes foism'en sui repentis puis celui jor (Vienna 388c). But the year has beengood for him; he has worked hard, winning much praise and fame.He now considers that he can return to Iseut without incurring anycriticism: tant j'ai fait, Dieu merchi, que je ai conquis et pris et losplus que je n'avoie devant. Or m'en reporai je sans blasme a vousretourner (Vienna 388c). He promises to return s soon s he hasaided the woman of Soreloys, and he justifies this delay by recallingthat knights are duty-bound above other things to aid women in need:s veuves dames malmenees contre raison et contre droit, s pucelesdesiretees a tort et a pecie doivent cevaliers aidier a tous besoins etlaissier tous autres fais pour celui (Vienna 388va).The two choices implied here - first betwen his mistress and theGrau, and second between his mistress and chivalric duty - supportwhat we have already observed about Tristan and others in this ro-mance. In the first case, Tristan chooses his mistress. Sador's openingact thus reverberates through the romance. And with this decision,the author exploits the comparison with Lancelot which is never farfrom the surface of the story. In this case, however, the comparisonworks to Tristan's disadvantage. Lancelot, whose Situation resemblesTristan's, at least tries to give up Guenievre to qualify for the mysteryof the Grail; Tristan, however, chooses Iseut. The author further sug-gests comparison between Tristan and Galaad, whose unbending de-dication to the search for the Grail shapes the passages interpolatedfrom the Queste del Saint Graal. Galaad, the spiritually an d sexuallypure knight, distinguishes himself by resisting that which Tristan pre-



13/16

Amours est ausi conme li serpens 383fers. In the quest material that the Tristan author invented, Galaadappears often in circumstances whose esthetic nature differs mark-edly from that of the passages from the Vulgate Queste. Yet even whenGalaad Starts to resemble Tristan, the change is apparent quite simplybecause Galaad is not supposed to resemble Tristan; the reader isshocked to see Galaad change, especially since these passagesalternate with sections taken directly from the Vulgate Queste, inwhich Galaad is so saintly. In addition to contrasting Tristan withLancelot and with Galaad, the author also contrasts Tristan with Pala-mede during the death scenes, a point to which we will return shortly.In the second choice - between his mistress and chivalric duty -Tristan chooses the latter. This is perhaps not suprising, since to staytoo much at Iseut's side would threaten Tristan's reputation. But if werecall that this choice follows the decision to leave the Grail quest, ittakes on a different character: Tristan's desire to see Iseut is so strongthat he renounces further participation in the quest, yet it is not sostrong that he will deny a women help. The larger context for thisdecision is that Tristan frequently leaves Iseut to pursue adventure.Once Iseut is safe at Joyeuse Garde, Tristan increasingly focuses onpleasure and the trappings of chivalry, to the exclusion even of theadmirable, albeit worldly ethic upon which chivalry is based. Whenhe must choose between avenging the murder of the Roi de la CiteVermeille and going to the tourney at Louveserp, Tristan lets Pala-mede accept the challenge because he is worried that if he, Tristan,accepts the Job, he will miss the tourney. Ironically, Palamede accom-plishes the task admirably and still returns in time for the tourney.Similarly, when Tristan decides to go to the Grail Pentecost, he littleappreciates the religious nature of the occasion but thinks instead ofthe impression he will make by deliberately arriving at the last mi-nute: Je voeul venir entr'aus si soudainnement qu'il en soient mer-veillant et esbahi. Je voeul venir a cele feste conme cevaliers aventu-reus (Vienna 352c). Tristan's plan contrasts with the highly solemnreligious nature of the event but matches his attitude upon findingthe Roi de la Cite Vermeille: he values the form of chivalry over itsethical essence. So at the occasion of the GraiTs appearance, Tristanis primarily concerned with his image s Chevalier aventureux21.

21 Similar to Chretien's Erec, Tristan risks loss of reputation if he stays toolong with his beloved. Unlike Erec, however, Tristan never learns the lesson ofmesure: he loses Iseut because of the Grail Quest (Et meismes mesire Tristanss'y mist adont et par cele queste perdi il ma dame Yseut et le rois March lerecouvra, Vienna 335b) and he falls in the Quest because he cannot stay awayfrom Iseut. On his way to Camelot he meets Palamede. Tristan has ridden hishorse almost to death when the two knights meet. They cannot resume theirbattle for mutual destruction because Tristan has left most of his armor at Joy-euse Garde so he can ride lighter and faster (Vienna 352va). In a strnge show



14/16

384 Janina P. TraxlerEven after Tristan returns to Iseut, he soon leaves on another ad-venture, which leads to bis death. During this absence, Marc invadesLogres and retrieves bis wife. When Tristan learns this, he follows

Iseut to Cornwall, where Marc soon wounds bim fatally. Tristan'sdeath scene permits us one final Chance to evaluate bis character.Most of Tristan's long farewell speech emphasizes bis identity sknight-errant. He gives Sagremor detailed instructions for the deliveryof bis sword and shield to Arthur's court. He bids a long, mournfulgoodbye to chivalry, emphasizing what a loss bis death means. Thenhe asks Sagremor to express bis farewell to Palamede, Dynadan, andLancelot. Through all of this, Tristan is almost obsessed by the shameof having to admit defeat. Eventually he can no longer avoid sayingthose dreadful words: Saygremor, ne puis plus celer - je sui vain-cus (Vienna 489a). Tristan then forgives Marc and asks God to dolikewise. Finally he speaks to Iseut, asking her to die with him: siiront nos ames tout ensamble (Vienna 489c). Iseut agrees. Relievedat her pledge of loyalty, Tristan asks Iseut to embrace him and soonspeaks bis dying words: Des ore ne me caut quant je muire puis queje ai ma dame Yseut ore avoic moi (Vienna489vb). Tristan and Iseutthen die simultaneously, Tbouce a bouce'.Comparison of this death scene with that of Palamede reveals thatit concludes logically the presentation of pride and passion whichbegan in the prehistory. Shortly before the end of the romance, Pala-mede finally decides to convert. He is baptized and knighted at Ar-thur's court. then leaves to seek the Grau, but is soon killed by thedastardly Gauvain and Agravain. Though Palamede is the romance'smost eloquent analyst of love, bis death speech is short, direct, anddevoid of references to bis love for Iseut. First, he recalls Galaad,for whom he has the greatest love, and asks Lancelot and Hector toremember him. Then, he forgives Gauvain, absolves Agravain, andasks Lancelot to greet Arthur and teil him that Gauvain was the mur-derer. Finally, he speaks to God, regretting bis early death and bisabbreviated chance to be a cpreudom a dieu et ao monde'. He diesquoting Chist's final words: Ha,Jhucrist, peres de pitie, en tes mainsconmant je mon esperit (Vienna 489b)22.of generosity, Palamede gives Tristan bis horse so Tristan can continue to Came-lot. Not being Christian or a member of the Round Table (Vienna 353a), Pala-mede of course has no reason to go to this event. But there is an odd sort ofirony in the fact that Palamede's generosity allows Tristan to accomplish bisscheme. There is perhaps another reference here to Tristan's pride. In Pruden-tius' Psychomachia, Pride rides a spirited steed; furthermore, during the GrauQuest, s the hermit explains Hector's dream in the Queste, he interprets Lance-lot's horse s a symbol of pride (Pauphilet 1975, 158, a passage which is alsocited in the Tristan).22 See Luke 23:46: Pater, in manus tuas commendo spiritum meum. T hough



15/16

Amours est ausi conme li serpens 385Tristan and Iseut consistently choose their passion for each otherover their social and legal obligations to their lord, Marc, and theirspiritual obligations to God. Unlike Chretien's Erec and the Vulgate

Lancelot, who also must decide between their beloved and a highercalling, whether it be knighthood or spiritual perfection, Tristan con-tinues to choose his mistress without remorse. And unlike Galaad,who remains virtuous and accomplishes the Grail quest, Tristan dropsout to return to Iseut and to pursue pure adventure. His death thuslogically concludes his life and contrasts sharply with that of his chiefrival, Palamede. Whereas Palamede commits his spirit to God, Tristancommits his sword and shield to Arthur (Vienna 489a). Palamede dieswith Christ's final words on his lips; Tristan dies with Iseut on hislips. Palamede embraces Christianity; Tristan embraces Iseut.With Tristan's story set between a prehistory which underscores theconsequences of pride and Grail material which urges renunciation ofthe mundane in favor of the celestial, we can see that Tristan is notmerely the victim of a tragic love. Instead, like Adam and Eve, he fallsprey to the oldest sin, pride. Early in the Quest section the naxrativevoice comments that Tristan loses Iseut because of the Grail Quest(Vienna 335b). Now we also know that Tristan loses the Grail Questbecause of his desire for Iseut and his unwillingness to submit to anydiscipline higher than his search for worldly renown and seif gratifica-tion.

North Manchester J A N I N A P. T R A X L E RBibliography

Augustine, bishop of Hippo, The City of God, trans. Dods, Marcus, New York(Random House) 1950.Baumgartner, Emmanuele, Le Tristan en prose, essai d'interpretation d'unroman medieval, Geneve (Droz) 1975.Bloomfield, Morton W., The Seven Deadly Sins: An Introduction to the Historyof a Religious Concept, with Special Reference to Medieval English Litera-ture, East Lansing, MI (Michigan State College Press) 1952.Boer, C. de/Coer, Martina G. de/Van'Tsant, Jeannette Th. M. (edd.), Ovide mora-lise: Poeme du commencement du quatorzieme siecle publie d'apres tousles manuscrits connus, vol. 3 (Nieuwe Reeks, Deel X X X , No. 3), Wiesbaden(Sndig) 1966.Busby, Keith, The Likes of Dynadan: The Rote of the Misfit in Arthurian Lit-erature, Neophologus 67, 1983, 161-174.Gallons, Janet H., Chelinde et la naissance du Tristan en prose, MA 93, 1987,41-50(= 1987a).

Galaad's portrayal frequently underscores the link between Galaad and Christ,even Galaad does not quote Christ s he dies.



16/16

386 Janina P. TraxlerCalkins, Janet H., Recompense et chdtiment dans la structure narrative de L agenealogie du Tristan en prose in: Davies, P.V./Kennedy, A. J. (edd.) Rewardsand Punishments in the Arthurian Romances and Lyric Poetry of MedievalFrance, Arthurian Studies 17, 1987, 9-19 (= 1987b).Charlesworth, James H. (ed.), The O ld Testament Pseudepigrapha, 2 vol., Gar-den City, NY(Doubleday) 1983.Chenerie, M.-L./Delcourt, Th. (edd.), Le Roman de Tristan en prose, vol. 2, Ge-neve (Droz) 1990 (= Vienna II).Cirlot, J. E., A Dictionary of Symbols, trans. Sage, Jack, NewYork (PhilosophicalLibrary) 1962.Curtis, Renee L., Le Roman de Tristan en prose, vol. l, Munich (Hueber) 1963.Curtis, Renee L., Le Roman de Tristan en prose, vol. 2, Leiden (Brill) 1976.Curtis, Renee L., Le Roman de Tristan en prose, vol. 3, Cambridge (Brewer)1985.Gurevich, Aron, Medieval Populr Culture: Problems of Belief and Perception,trans. Bak, Jnos M./Hollingworth, Paul A., Cambridge (Cambridge UniversityPress) 1988.Julleville, L. Petit de, Histoire de la langue et de la litterature francaise desorigines a 1900, tome , 2e partie, Paris (Armand Colin) 1896.Jung, Marc-Rene, Etudes sur le poeme allegorique en France au moyen ge,(Romanica Helvetica, 82), Berne (Francke) 1971.Lacy, Norris J. (ed.), The New Arthurian Encyclopedia, New York (Garland)1991.Lseth, Eilert, LeRoman en prose de Tristan, le roman de Palamede et la compi-lation deRusticien dePise, analyse critique d'apres les manuscrits de Paris,

Paris (Bouillon) 1891 (reprint New York, Burt Franklin, 1970).Male, Emile, L'Arl religieux du XHIe siede en France, Paris (Armand Colin)1958.Menard, Philippe (ed.), Le Roman de Tristan en prose, vol. l, Geneve (Droz)1987 (= Vienna I).Mickel, Emanuel J., Jr., Tristan's Ancestry in the Tristan en Prose, R 109, 1988,68-89.Mickel, Emanuel J., Jr., The Ordeal of Chelynde in the Tristan en Prose, ZrP105, 1989, 50-59.Paris, Gaston, Note sur les romans relatifs a Tristan, R 15, 1886, 597-602.Pauphilet, Albert (ed.), La Queste del Saint Graal, Paris (Champion) 1975.Rowland, Beryl, Animals With Human Faces: A Guide to Animal Symbolism,Knoxvle, TN (University of Tennessee Press) 1973.Rudd, Niall, Daedalus and Icarus: From Rome to the end of the Middle Ages, in :Martindale, Charles (ed.), Ovid Renewed: Ovidian Inuences on Literatureand Art from the Middle Ages to the Twentieth Century, Cambridge (Cam-bridge University Press) 1988, 21-35.Russell, Jeffrey Burton, Lucifer: The Devil in the Middle Ages, Ithaca, NY (Cor-nell University Press) 1984.Thiebaux, Marcelle, The Stag ofLove: The Chase in Medieval Literature, Ithaca,NY (Cornell University Press) 1974.Traxler, Janina P, Observations on the Importance ofthe Prehistojy in the Tris-tan en prose, R 108, 1987, 539-548.Van Coolput, Colette-Anne, Aventures querant et le sens du monde: aspects dela reception productive des premiers romans du Graal cycliques dans leTristan en prose, Leuven (Leuven University Press) 1986.

Unauthenticated | 161.111.41.45

Documents

Traxler, Amours Es Ausi Conme Li Serpens