8

THE JEWS OF IZMIR

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

Izmir, on the central trade routes of the Ottoman Empire and Europe.

The Early Period of Jewish Izmir

The 'Kahalim' in Izmir in the 17th century

The Joint Jewish Leadership

Shabta'ut

The Destabilization of the Communal Structure in the 18th and 19th Centuries

The Jews and their neighbors

World War One and its Consequences

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The Early Period of Jewish Izmir

There is evidence of the existence of a Jewish community in ancient Smyrna (Izmir) in

Hellenistic and Roman Times. Starting from the later Byzantine period and onward, Jews did

not settle in the city. It appears that in the year 1424, when the Ottomans conquered the small

and unimportant town, there were no Jews living in Izmir (though a Jewish community is

known to have existed in the nearby rural town of Tire).

The exile of the Jews of Spain (1492) and Portugal (1497) opened a new page in the

history of the Jews of the Ottoman Empire. Thousands settled throughout the Empire,

following an invitation given by the Sultan, Bayazed the II (1481-1512). The Jews had a

positive influence on the trade and economy, and were loyal subjects (unlike the large

Christian minority).

The newcomers preferred other cities and towns over Izmir, and settled at first in the

nearby towns of Manisa and Tire. Our first evidence of Jews living in the city once again

comes from the middle of the 16th century - a tombstone dating to 1565. That is when the port

of Izmir started to develop as the most important trading center in the Levant. With the

founding of the Levant trading companies, European markets opened up to goods from the

Ottoman Empire and beyond. Cotton, silk, dried fruit, and many other commodities came

through the city, which enjoyed the protection of the army.

The reestablishment of the Jewish community of Izmir came against the background

of the extraordinary economic growth of the city. Jewish merchants were drawn to the city, at

first from the surrounding towns. The first evidence of a Jewish family (with connections to

the Tire community) dates to 1594, though it seems that an organized Jewish community was

established only in the year 1605.

The Jewish community numbered in the thousands by the beginning of the 17th

century. They were organized in many synagogues ('Kahalim'), had their own leadership and

institutions, and maintained contacts with other Jewish communities. The Turkish historian,

Evliya Cheleby (1671), writes of ten Jewish and European quarters in Izmir (Barnai 1991b,

p.62).

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The Waves of Immigration

A French traveler, Tournfort, describes the city and its Jews in the year 1700:"Izmir is the prettiest port in the Levant: the city is built at the edge of a bay which can hold the largest navy in the world….Izmir is one of the biggest and wealthiest cities in the whole Levant. The port, which is so important for trade, is the reason that the city has been rebuilt so many times, after being destroyed by earthquakes. It is a meeting place for merchants from all over the world, and a place for them to store their goods. The city has 15,000 Turks, 10,000 Greeks, 1,800 Jews, 200 Armenians, and an equal amount of Europeans…..the Jews have 8 Synagogues… Most of the trade is in the hands of the Jews. No one can sell or buy anything, without having to deal with them. (Barnai 1991b, p.61)

The waves of Jewish immigration to Izmir came from several different sources:

Immigration from surrounding villages and towns. Rabbinical sources (Barnai 1982a,

pp.48-51) reveal that the first Jews to arrive were from Tire and Manisa. They worked with

permission from the authorities, and assisted the trade convoys from Anatolia. The first rabbi

of the community was probably Rabbi Isaac HaLevi Dayan, who came from Istanbul and

settled in Izmir in 1606. The Jews, like all other residents of the city, suffered from frequent

epidemics that took their toll on daily life and commerce. The flow of Jews from Tire and

Manisa increased during the 17th century. This caused economic problems in Tire, which

could no longer pay its community taxes.

Immigration from Thessaloniki, which was a thriving Jewish and economic center during the

16th century. After suffering many crisis, such as fires, earthquakes, and economic collapse,

many of Thessaloniki’s Jews moved to Izmir. Among them were some who played a major

role in the life of their new community: Rabbi Yosef Ishkapa, who came circa 1620, and laid

the foundations for an organized community life, and Rabbi Isaac De Alba, Shabbetai Zvi's

rabbi. It is said that during the 17th century, most of the Jews who immigrated to Izmir were

from Thessaloniki.

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Portuguese converts: Many French and Turkish sources testify to the 'Hasut' (patronage) that

was given to the Portuguese converts ('anusim,' or ‘'deportees of Castillia') by the French

consul of Izmir in the mid-17th century. This was at a time when many of them had left the

Iberian Peninsula and returned to their Judaism. It appears they did not all arrive directly

from Portugal, but came through Livorno (Leghorn) and Amsterdam, where they had family

and business ties. Upon arriving in Izmir, they formed their own 'Kahal' (synagogue),

maintained their wide ties with the Portuguese communities, and worked in commerce. In the

1620's-30's their Kahal was called "Portugal-Neve Shalom," which later split to two separate

Kahalim –the 'Portugali' and 'Neve Shalom'. In both, the Portuguese Jews were the majority,

joined by other Jewish immigrants from various places. Many of the family names in the 17th

century Jewish community are typical of the communities of Amsterdam and Livorno –

Yeshurun, Inkiris, Ariaz, Nunis, Pinye, Pineiro, and others.

Immigrants from other places: Many Jews, along with their rabbis, were drawn to Izmir

from various places from within and outside the Ottoman Empire during the second half of

the 17th century. Among the places of origin: Safed (following its spiritual and economical

collapse), Istanbul, Ankara, many islands in the Aegean and Mediterranean seas, Italy,

Holland, and others.

Jews from the Balkans and the islands arrived in Izmir during the 17th century as well

(Barnai 1982a, p.57). Shabbetai Zvi's family came from Moria, Greece, and Zvi himself was

born in Izmir in 1626 (Gershom Shalom argues that the family came from Patras ). Jews from

Livorno and Venice moved to the city, and maintained close financial ties with the cities of

origin (for example, the Gabai family, who moved their printing shop from Livorno to Izmir

in 1658).

Most of the Jews who settled in Izmir were Ottoman citizens called “Dhimmis” - non-

Muslim citizens of a Muslim country. They enjoyed freedom of religion, could have their own

leadership, education system and courts, and could collect taxes for the community needs.

The government pledged to protect their lives and goods, and in return they were expected to

pay a personal tax (“Gizia”), and endure a few restrictions which emphasized their lower

status in comparison to the Muslims.

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European Jews who settled in Izmir preferred to hold on to their foreign citizenship

rather than become Ottomans (these were called “Francos” by the Jews, and “Musta'min” by

the Ottomans). According to Ottoman law, after ten years a “Musta'min” became a “Dhimmi”

and had to pay taxes, but this law was not enforced. Up until 1693 they enjoyed the protection

of the French government, and from 1696 were expected to start paying their dues. The

community treated them as part of their own, but the “Francos” tried to get out of paying their

dues to the community (Grunhaus 1997, p.16).

centuryth17The 'Kahalim' in Izmir in the

The Jews who immigrated to Izmir came from various Spanish and Portugal

communities, but the community was very heterogeneous. Jews began settling in Izmir only

about 100 years after the exile from Spain. The deportees first settled in other communities,

and became accustomed to their different rituals and customs. Every 'Kahal' had its own rabbi

(“Marbitz Torah"), and different religious traditions. The local method of organization was

"borrowed" by the Spanish deportees who came to the Ottoman Empire at the end of the 15th

century. It seems, though, that most “Kahalim'” were formed by people from a mixture of

origins, from the names of the families who founded (or ran) them. The names of the

“Kahalim” themselves (except for the “Portugali”) do not testify to the origin of their

members, and their exact founding dates are not known.

By the beginning of the 17th century there was already an organized communal life.

According to some sources, in the 1720's there were six different “Kahalim” (Barnai 1991a,

pp.66-70) active in Izmir. During that century one or two more were founded. There is no

agreement among researchers (Barnai 1991a, pp.70-72) as to which were the first six

“Kahalim,” though there were fluctuations in the numbers of 'Kahalim" due to splits in the

community (some due to the argument between Shabbetai Zvi's followers and their

opponents), and due to earthquakes and epidemics that hit the city in 1688. Among the dead

were 400 Jews. It is not clear whether the continuity of the community was maintained, or a

new one rose on the ruins of the old one. An economic depression postponed the renewal of

the community to the second quarter of the 18th century.

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These are the synagogues known to have dated back to the 17th century:

“Kahal Bakish” (Even Kish, Sason)

Probably the first "Kahal" to be formed in Izmir, it remained the lone “Kahal” for several

years. Prior to this, there had been a synagogue that had been turned into a Mosque. This one

was built in the Kish yard. Founded in the early 17th century, and called Kish or Sason in the

name of the founder and donor (since it had immigrants from several places of origin), it was

founded for the Jews of the surrounding towns who were the first to move to Izmir at the end

of the 16th century. It remained open until the 18th century.

“Kahal Portugal” and “Neve Shalom”

The Portuguese deportees founded the “Portugal-Neve Shalom” Kahal, which later split into

two: the “Portugal” and “Neve Shalom.” In both, other immigrants joined the congregation

over time. It was known as the largest synagogue in town, and because of its size all of the

city's great rabbis prayed there. Rabbi Haim and his son Israel Benbenishti served as its

rabbis. Some were Shabbetai Zvi's friends, who influenced him and his ideology. It is known

that other 'Anusim' communities across Europe were quick to embrace 'Shabta'ut' (Sabbatean

Messianism) as a true ideology (Barnai 1991a, p.74).

“'Kahal Pinto”

This “Kahal” is first mentioned in 1655. The donor was probably Yosef Pinto, who came

from Tire. It may have been founded in the 1640's, since Rabbi Yosef Ishkapa used to pray

there. It had an adjacent Yeshiva, with members from various cities. The congregation split

over the issue of support for Shabbetai Zvi, but the name of the new “Kahal” is not known.

Several members of the Pinto family were connected to the 'Shabta'ut' movement which swept

the city and the Jewish world in the 1660's. The “Pinto” continued to exist into the 1670's and

was a center for 'Shabta’im' (Sabbateans) in the city.

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Two Other “Kahalim”

Their names are not known. They may have been founded by Jews from Thessaloniki, who

were the largest group in the Jewish community of Izmir. They arrived in small groups, rather

than in big waves, and therefore did not found their own congregations. The “Kahalim” may

have been comprised of Jews from Thessaloniki and a mixture of others, and may have

disappeared due to their size or a change in their name.

“Kahal Giveret” (Senyora)

This “Kahal” was founded in 1660. An unnamed woman immigrated to Israel and rented her

house out to the 'Kahal," to support her living in Israel. It seems that the founding group was

from Tire and Manisa (in the 17th century). This 'Kahal' continued to exist into the 18th and

19th centuries, and the synagogue still exists even today. Rabbi Shlomo Algazi and Rabbi

Shlomo Even-Ezra defected from the “Pinto,” and were of the founders of this “Kahal.”

“Kahal Algazi"

This “Kahal” existed in 1666 (Barnai 1991a, p.79) . The “Affair on Shabbat,” when Shabbetai

Zvi declared his control of the community, took place in this “Kahal” (although another

version of the story places it in the unknown “Galanti” Synagogue). Shlomo Algazi was a

prominent rabbi in the city, and this was probably the synagogue he frequented. He was first a

member of the “Pinto” and then of the “Gveret” synagogues. As mentioned, this was probably

Shabbetai Zvi's “Kahal,” though it is not clear if his family were members even before he

moved there. This 'Kahal' continued to exist in the 18th and 19th centuries, and the synagogue

still exists even today.

“Kahal Orchim”

This “Kahal” is mentioned in one source from the end of the 17th century, but it is not known

when it was founded (Barnai 1991a, p.80). It is presumed to have been founded by merchants

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who moved to the city, or by foreign merchants (maybe the “Francos” from Livorno) who

used it as a meeting place. It was destroyed in the earthquake of 1688, and later rebuilt. It

might have been one of the first six “Kahalim.” In the 1830's, it was one of Rabbi Haim

Abulafia's synagogues.

As can be seen, Sepharadi Jewry held dominance in the city. The ability to build new

synagogues, contrary to the Muslim law, testifies to the strong legal status of the Jews in

Izmir (and the Ottoman Empire).

It is difficult to estimate the number of Jews in Izmir during the 16th to 18th centuries.

The Jews, like other minorities, tried to underestimate their numbers, in order to decrease

their taxes to the government. Moreover, until the end of the 19th century the Ottomans did

not have a reliable population registration. All of our information comes from the estimates of

travelers, who did not convey the source of their knowledge. They most likely exaggerated,

though there was probably a correlation between the growth of the city and that of its Jewish

community (Grunhaus 1997, p.16).

The Joint Jewish Leadership

The formation of a joint leadership for the entire Jewish community was undertaken

according to a model that was common in all Ottoman cities. Elections and representation

went according to the place of origin - the different “Kahalim” were represented in the central

council which represented the Jews before government officials. Since 1631 Izmir had a Chief

Rabbinate - usually two Chief Rabbis were needed, due to the large number of “Kahalim” in

the city. Two important rabbis who served during the establishment of the community were

Rabbi Yosef Ishkapa (1650's), and Rabbi Haim Benbenishti (1660's). Another important

community job was tax collection, done by “Ma'arichei Mas” (tax assessors). Tax was already

being collected by the middle of the 17th century by a central committee whose members were

the wealthy people of the community. Their representative before the Ottoman government

was celled “Kahya.”

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The Jews maintained close ties with other communities across the Ottoman Empire

and Christian Europe. There were close ties with many non-Jews as well. Those commercial

connections led to frequent social meetings in the markets and coffee shops of the city. Many

of the Jews spoke several languages, and probably maintained urbane connections with their

neighbors. This, of course, led to influences of the Muslim-Ottoman society on the Jewish

community.

A Jewish woman from Izmir, street and home attire. End of the 17th century. Wood cutting

(from Yohas, E. (ed.), 1989).

Shabta'ut

Shabbetai Zvi (“the false Messiah”) was born in Izmir. That is where he and his early

followers grew up and where his personality was shaped, against the background of the

changing vibrant Jewish community of the city. He was a student of Rabbi Ishkapa in the

1650's, and at some point became convinced that he was the Messiah. He gained many

followers in Izmir and across the Jewish world, but was thrown out of the city by the rabbis.

Later, he converted to Islam under pressure from the Ottomans. Y. Barnai cites

(Barnai 1991b, pp.69-90) several reasons for Zvi’s multitude of followers, besides the Ari's

Kabbalah (R’ Isaac Luria’s Mystical Teachings): magical reasons, the fact that his birthday

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fell on the 9th day of the month of Av (the day when the Jewish Temples in Jerusalem were

destroyed), astrology, Muslim mysticism, Christian Milleniarism (“imported” to Izmir by

Portuguese Jews), etc. The collapse of the whole messianic movement upon Shabbetai Zvi’s

conversion to Islam in 1666, had a strong negative effect on the Jewish community of Izmir,

combined with fires, earthquakes and other epidemics that struck at the end of the 17th

century. The rabbis tried to ignore the whole Sabbatean episode and waited for it to subside.

The Destabilization of the Communal Structure - 18th and 19th Centuries

The Jewish society of Izmir in the 17th century was very dynamic and vibrant, an

immigrant society that was formed during a period of great economical growth. There were

many inner battles over issues such as the communal life, religion, society, etc. These

sometimes involved great emotions and passion due to the different cultural and religious

backgrounds, and economic considerations. Even though there were conflicts, a united

communal tradition took shape within the Jewish congregations of Izmir. A large part of the

communal structure was formed by Rabbi Yosef Ishkapa, who served as rabbi for many years.

At the last quarter of the 18th century, changes took place in the structure of the

community, in part due to the big fire of 1772, in which all the synagogues burned down. The

fire forced the Jews to resettle in new quarters of the city, ending entirely the framework of

belonging to a certain “Kahal” on the basis of one's place of origin (Barnai 1982b, p.61). The

original “Kahalim” did not reorganize for at least thirty years, and the traditional social

structure weakened. The individual's connection to his old “Kahal” ceased to exist, and new

inter-communal connections had to develop.

Twenty years after the fire (1792), three “Kahalim” (“Shalom,” “'Bikur Holim” and

“Etz Haim”) rented land (Barnai 1982b, p.61). Only in 1801 permission was given by the

central Ottoman government to renovate the synagogues, and construction work started.

Attempts to bring people back to their original “Kahal” failed, but money for erecting the

synagogue was collected from them before they moved to their new “Kahal.”

Another reflection of the breakdown of the communal structure was the need for a

“Halachic” (religious law) ruling, forbidding the submission of appeals to non-Jewish courts,

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and the handing over of Jews to be tried by the Turkish law. These instances occurred and

were encouraged by the “Francos,” who did not abide by the new religious rulings and

influenced other parts of the community to do so as well.

In the beginning of the 19th century the poor members of the community made an

attempt to withdraw and create their own community (even to the point of trying to contact

the Protestant Church). It seems that the arrival of many Jews created a burden on the

community. In addition, many refused to accept the ruling of the heads of the community.

This caused mayhem in the 1840's; some people refused to pay their taxes or be judged by the

rabbis. Instead, people collected their bills independently.

The split in the economic structures increased with time, as groups defected from the

synagogues and opened “'Minyanim” (prayer groups) in study houses and private homes.

Many shifted from one “Kahal” to another to evade paying taxes and dues. In the 1820's, the

influence of the English missionaries on the community increased, but the reaction was mild,

due to pressure from rabbis in Istanbul. With the increasing interest by the European nations

in the Ottoman Empire, their influence on the Jewish communities in the major cities

increased as well, and more and more consulates became involved in internal Jewish

disagreements.

Another major reason for the community's instability was its sizeable debts, which

were due to the decline in Izmir's importance in international trade, and increased taxes to the

Ottoman rule. A result of internal community problems and general economic hardship, feuds

about taxes increased between different parts of the community: workers and merchants, poor

and rich, and middle class and wealthy people.

During the 17th century, when the number of wealthy Jewish merchants in Izmir

increased, the tax on their income and possessions was limited to a maximum amount. The

rights of the rich were expanded at the beginning of the 19th century, just when the

community was falling into debt, so that the rich - who owned lands, wealth, and gold - paid

no more than the middle class. This led the middle class to organize together – the first such

organization of its kind in the community – to fight for their rights regarding the one-time

debt payment, claiming that the burden of taxation was not shared in a proportional manner

by the rich.

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The rich, fearing the reaction, and perhaps even agreeing with the claims, tried to

change some of the taxation rules, but that was not sufficient for the poor and middle class.

The rabbis were divided in siding with the groups, and the feud found its way into the

communal organizations that served the whole community, leading to resistance to the way

the committee was elected and to its actions.

Many individuals then decided to form a new communal organization, along class

lines. This underscored the decline in the importance of belonging to a specific 'Kahal.'

Although a compromise was reached, and the middle class managed to cancel the "tax roof"

for the rich, feuds continued to arise relating to the piling up of more debts. The remains of

this affair influenced the Jewish leadership's way of thinking.

Rabbi Avraham Pallajji (1809-1899), Izmir.

Another aspect in the changing leadership was the forming of “gildas” (guilds) of

merchants on a religious basis. The Jewish “gildas” became a strong social force within the

Izmir community, demanding to be given a leadership role as well.

In the 1840's there was a change in the leadership structure, with the basic

consideration for electing an individual based on class rather than on the basis of religious

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knowledge and skill (there were three representatives of “gildas” from the lower classes).

Thus the change in the communal structure and social order - from a community formed of

“Kahalim” organized around synagogues to a community with a growing representation in the

leadership for the “gildas” and the middle-class – was complete (Barnai 1982b, p.75).

The Jews and their neighbors

Although Jews, Christians, and Muslims customarily lived in separate quarters or

streets, this was not a result of legislation, and it was possible to find mixed neighborhoods.

The different religious groups maintain a closed communal and religious lifestyle, but it

would be erroneous to say that there were no relations between the groups.

The men's commercial connections led to frequent social meetings in the markets and

coffee shops of the city. The women, on the other hand, usually stayed home, and seldom

formed close connections with the surrounding communities. Many Jews spoke Turkish,

Greek or Arabic, and words from these languages found their way into the Jewish Ladino

language. Other influences can be found in the musical instruments and dances. One could

say that closed religious and family lifestyles existed side by side with the openness of the

daily relations between the communities.

Centuriesth 20and th 19The Community in the

The decline of the Ottoman Empire, both economically and militarily, was a long

process that had begun in the 17th century. As mentioned above, it affected the Jewish

communities of the Empire as well. Over time, the Christians, with the backing of the

European countries and their diplomats, started to attain key economic and political positions

and to organize themselves in different national groups. The Jews, on the other hand, were

losing their economic advantage, in addition to the beginnings of religious persecution and

“blood libels.” The Ottoman government tried to protect its Jewish citizens, though not

always successfully.

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In the 19th century, reforms (“Tanzimat”) were instituted throughout the Ottoman

Empire, following pressure from the European countries. These reforms, whose purpose was

to try to shore up the crumbling Empire, found the Jewish community in a deep social and

economic crisis. The European nations wanted to implement proper governing systems (as in

the rest of Europe) that were popular following the French Revolution, as well as grant their

fellow Christians equal rights. This naturally meant that the Jews' civil rights were improved

as well. The “Dhimmis” (non-Muslims) were no longer (officially) discriminated against.

In the 1830's, following the reforms, the government re-organized the non-Muslims in

order to keep a closer watch over them. The word “Milat” came into use to describe a

religious grouping. Every church or synagogue was a “Milat,” with a central leadership in

Istanbul. The central government appointed the Chief Rabbis for the different cities, called

“Haham Bashi” (“head of the wise”). The “Haham Bashi” of Istanbul was the head of the

Jewish “Milat” and, beginning in the 1840's, could recommend people for the Chief

Rabbinates in other cities. In 1864 the Jews were given a “constitution” (“Haham Hane”) that

institutionalized the way the central Jewish leadership and committees were elected.

Despite the reforms, the Jews' infiltration into the Ottoman society in the second half

of the 19th century was slow and superficial. Few Jews penetrated into the Ottoman

governmental and bureaucratic systems, and into city councils. Some were in the political

cells of the “Young Turks” revolution which put an end to the Sultan's rule in 1908.

The Jews of Europe started showing interest in their Ottoman coreligionists as well.

They wanted to turn them into more “useful” citizens, a desire which fit with the desire of

some of the Ottoman Jews themselves, mainly the “Francos.” These are the people who

introduced the “Haskala” (“Enlightenment”) Movement into the Ottoman Empire.

The Christian missionaries were active in the Turkish cities in the beginning of the

19th century. This phenomenon encouraged the Jews to establish their own facilities: schools,

hospitals, etc. This activity reached its peak in 1860, with the establishment of the “Alliance”

movement (see below), which set its goal to help Jews integrate with their neighbors, and

which opened hundreds of schools throughout the Muslim world during the second half of the

19th century. The young Jews who studied there went on to hold key roles in the leadership of

the Jewish communities. This was a time of great change and modernization in the history of

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the Jews of the Ottoman Empire, during which a new young elite rose, more secular and open

to the modern world than their predecessors.

The prevalent literature changed from religious texts to secular ones, as classic

European works were translated and printed in Ladino, which was for centuries mainly a

spoken language. Ladino took the place of Rabbinical Hebrew.

In Europe, a fierce struggle was taking place between the “Reform” and “Haskala”

movements, and the Orthodoxy, which led to different lifestyles and even beliefs. In the

Ottoman Empire those struggles took place on a much smaller scale, between the supporters

of the modern schools and facilities, and the traditional rabbis and leaders. The rabbis’

arguments were quickly and quietly rejected, since the “Haskala” Movement in the Ottoman

Empire meant merely access to knowledge, and not a total change in one's religious views, as

in Europe.

The modernization of the new generation of young scholars on the one hand, and the

continuing economic and political depression on the other, led to a mass migration of Jews

from Turkey in the late 19th century, mostly to the Americas, Western Europe, and Israel.

In the 1860's there were 20,000 Jews in Izmir, including approximately one hundred

rich families who worked in commerce. There were 1,500-2,000 middle-class families and

500 rabbis. A third of the community (1,000 families) lived on charity. The lifestyle is

described in a report of the (French) “Alliance” group: "… when you enter houses that are

occupied by these poor creatures, the heart shrinks and the eyes fill with tears. Whole families

of eight, ten, and even twelve people can be seen living in 'holes' with the only light coming

in through the door."(Nachum 1998, p.123).

The decline of the community was explained by overpowering rabbis, the loss of real

religious values, a lack of modern education, and so on. In 1873 the European-based

“Alliance Israelite Universelle” organization (abbreviated in Hebrew as “Ki’ach”) founded a

school in the city. “Ki’ach” was formed in 1860 in order to improve the education of Ottoman

Jewry with education. The teachers (who came from Izmir) saw the community through

Western eyes: they saw deterioration and moral corruption. They believed education, work,

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and a love for French values would create a change for the good in the community's values

and help rejuvenate it.

Basket seller. Izmir, 1892.

The “Ki’ach” schools chose French as the language of instruction, and not Ladino,

which was regarded as old-fashioned. Hebrew was not spoken by many teachers, and Turkish

was not commonly known either. Following the reforms of 1839, Jews were permitted to

participate in the government. Jews and Turks alike understood that in order to promote this

process, the Jews must learn Turkish, and so the community, with the financial support of the

government, established a school, which taught in Turkish. This school was closed down after

four years due to financial difficulties. The “Ki’ach” movement saw great importance in

speaking Turkish as well, but efforts to spread the language failed. According to one estimate,

in the beginning of the 20th century Turkish was spoken only by a few dozen Jews (Nachum,

1998).

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French was chosen for several reasons:

• A wish to repeat the successes of Christian education (especially the religious French one)

in the Empire.

• A recognition that French was the languages of commerce and the key for getting a job

with French companies in the city.

• A wish to train graduates of the school to be teachers in the Beit Midrash study hall in

Paris (where the spoken language was French).

• An ideological desire to present a modern culture which promoted human rights, etc.

The “Ki’ach” teachers tried at the end of the 19th century to turn French into the

spoken language between the children, instead of Ladino, sometimes through use of

punishments. The books in the library were all French, and the language started penetrating

slowly into family areas as well.

The founding of the school in 1873 created great resistance from the rabbis, who

feared that their own power over the community would decrease and that the children would

be distanced from their religion and their culture. This was an echo of the battle between the

reformists and conservatives in Izmir. In 1914 “Ki’ach” had 1,500 students in their school and

at others where they had influence. Izmir also had a farming school, and professional crafts

were taught in “Ki’ach” workshops.

“Ki’ach’s” activity brought about a change in the social structure of the community,

and by the turn of the 20th century the leadership of the community was in the hands of

“Ki’ach” graduates. “Ki’ach” wished to create an elite, bourgeois class that would arise from

a split of the lower class.

Class differences were apparent in clothes, workplaces, places of living, spoken language, and

religious and social activities:

• Workplace – The lower class continued working in traditional, economically unstable

small businesses. “Ki’ach” graduates found their way into economic services such as

banks and trade companies.

• Clothing – The traditional dress disappeared by the end of the 19th century, and the Jews

adopted the European fashion, although the older people continued to wear the traditional

25

fur hat. The young modernists wore European top hats, and many wore the Turkish “fez”

which connotated alliance to the Turkish rule. Following Mustafa Kemal Ataturk’s

conquest of Izmir in September 1922 everyone wore a “fez” until it was banned in 1926.

• Living quarters – The homes were a proof of social success and the divide between the

classes. Most Jews lived in Spanish-style homes in the traditional quarters near the market

- Tzarzi, Argat, Bazaar, Lazarato, Basmane.

• Cortejos – A central courtyard with surrounding homes where many of the Jews lived in

the end of the 19th century. They were open, and relations with the neighbors were usually

good. At the end of the 19th century the richer Jews moved to the richer neighborhoods of

Karatash, Yaezutepe, and Karantina. Bigger homes were built there, with services such as

a school and synagogue.

• The spoken language – The bourgeoisie spoke French at home, and Ladino was used only

to speak with the elders. Even Hebrew names were now written in French, and later

French names were given to the children.

• Religious and social activity – The new bourgeoisie were less strict in adhering to

traditional Jewish law. Rituals and holidays were celebrated, but going to synagogue was

infrequent.

The “B’nai B’rith” and the Freemasons organizations were also active in Izmir. The

“B'nai B’rith” was founded in 1911, and its members were the dignitaries of the community

(the language spoken was French). Zionism had its influence, as well. “Ki’ach” officials

objected to Zionism, for they were afraid it would lead to assimilation, and therefore Zionism

took root especially among the lower class. Between1919 and 1922 a pro-Zionist scout

movement was founded, with its members coming mostly from the old neighborhoods.

Before World War One Jews had entered into high-ranking positions in economics,

politics and the Press. Some of these Jews were pushing for the Jews of Izmir to become more

“Turkish” – i.e., abandoning French and Ladino and embracing Turkish identity. For them,

the rebellion of the “Young Turks” in 1908 brought about unity between Ottoman and

Western cultures.

By the end of the 19th century there were 55,000 Jews in Izmir, but between 1908 and

1920, 30,000 Jews left Izmir for the Americas, bringing the population down to 25,000.

26

World War One and its Consequences

Following the “Young Turks” revolution (1908), Jews and Christians started to be

recruited into the Ottoman army. During World War I (1914-1918) many breadwinners of the

community were drafted and sent to the front. Commerce in the city and port came to a halt,

and the Jews suffered from unemployment, hunger and poverty. The working class was hit

especially hard because many of the Jews were tailors and shoemakers and were needed in the

army. Everyone was drafted, and their families had no income and had to work long hours to

make ends meet. It was immediately clear that the community would be hard put to maintain

its foundations.

In May 1919 Izmir was conquered by the Greeks. According to the agreements signed

at the end of the war, the city was supposed to become part of Greece. Until a poll could be

held to determine the future of the region, the Greeks tried to protect the Jewish community of

the city, whereas in surrounding towns acts of anti-Semitism by the local Greeks were

recorded. The Jewish community of Izmir did not wish to become part of Greece, and did not

co-operate with the Greek authorities (on the other hand, there is evidence that some members

of the community felt that under Greek rule the city would become more Western). During

this period, cultural and leisure activities developed, as did Zionist activities.

On the 9th of September 1922 Ataturk's soldiers conquered Izmir, and the Greek army

collapsed, this was the end of the Greek-Turkish war. Four days later a great fire started

which completely demolished the Greek, Armenian, and European quarters, which were the

most active commercial areas of the city, and many of the Jewish shops there were lost.

Moreover, the homes and belongings of the many Jews who lived in the European quarter

burned down as well. Fortunately, the other Jewish quarters were saved, and it appears that

that the military and civilian rulers protected the Jews of Izmir.

The Jews suffered greatly from the war in the surrounding towns as well. Thousands

flocked to Izmir, refugees without money. They were put up in the synagogues and schools

that were not damaged, in areas that were heavily populated even before their arrival. The

situation made the socio-economic condition of the Jewish community even worse. The city,

and its Jews, lost some of its working population in the war, and the cost of living rose

27

rapidly. In 1929 the world-wide Great Depression affected the city and community. This

situation resulted in an increase of emigration to the Americas and to France.

In the days of the Ottoman Empire the community enjoyed some autonomy - an

elected Communal Council, a Chief Rabbi, religious courts, etc. This communal structure was

changed under the new Turkish Republic, and was seen as a religious entity only, leading to

grave implications. Due to the worsening economic situation, many of the rich families who

had donated to the community foundations, schools, hospitals, etc., lost their wealth or

emigrated. Between 1922-26 the community tried to rebuild its institutions. With money

made from the taxes on imported kosher meat, and with support from abroad, the community

tried to improve the lives of the poor and the refugees, to fund the schools, the “Talmud

Torah” religious schools, and the hospital. Although the community tried to adjust to the new

way of thinking in the National Turkish State, many of their attempts failed.

The Jews of Izmir accepted Ataturk's reforms, including a shift to European clothes

and Turkish written in Latin letters (which was already familiar from the French). Ladino

began to be written in Latin letters as well, even though the elders did not support this move.

The authorities wanted to enhance the use of the Turkish language. One of the first

moves was to introduce Turkish as the official language of study in the “Ki’ach”' schools. In

the 1930 parade only the Turkish language was permitted. This led to conflicts within the

Jewish community. The “Ki’ach” supporters had to accept the loss of the dominance of the

French language. The Turkish culture supporters among the Jews, had the backing of the

authorities and many members of the community. In Izmir, as in other cities across Turkey, an

organization was founded in order to turn the Jews into better Turks: "The Organization for

Disseminating Turkish culture." The government acted firmly against acts of anti-Semitism,

and announced that all Turkish citizens are equal, and deserve the protection of the Republic.

As mentioned above, the unstable environment led to a mass migration out of the city.

In 1936, the “Ki’ach” school principal reported that the school used to have 1,000 students,

but today numbered only a third of that. Within ten years the population decreased from

40,000 to 10,000.

The process that the Jewish community of Izmir went through after World War I

expressed the community's desire to preserve their identity and uniqueness, while becoming

28

part of a Turkish nation which strove towards the assimilation of its different communities.

The migration movement reached its peak in the 1950's, with a mass emigration to the State

of Israel. The result is that today, in the year 2002, only 2,200 Jews are left in a city, which at

its peak had 55,000 Jews.

Epilogue

The Jewish community of Izmir is one of the most important communities in the

Ottoman Empire. It is important to investigate this community within of Ottoman Jewry,

since Jews flocked to it not only from across the Empire, but from Italy, Portugal, and other

European countries as well. It is possible to notice differences in habits and traditions since

they did not originate in Spain, but in the different Ottoman communities. Together with

Istanbul and Thessaloniki, Izmir was one of the Empire's three major Jewish communities.

The uniqueness of this community is in its gradual formation out of a mixture of

Jewish immigrants of different origins, within a community of many other cultures and

religions. The commercial city created interesting contacts between the groups which led to

influences of the societies on each other, and, of course, to tensions within the Jewish

community, and between them and their surrounding communities.

Izmir's Jews of today are looking for viable ways to continue to enjoy the tolerance of

their city, while ensuring that the centuries-old Jewish contribution to the city's heritage will

not be forgotten.

29

References

Barnai, Y., 1982a ‘The Origins of the Jewish Community in Izmir During the Ottoman

Period," Pe’amim 12, pp. 47-58 (in Hebrew).

Barnai, Y., 1982b "Features of the Development of the Jewish Society in Izmir in the End

of the 18th Century and the Beginning of the 19th century," Zion 47a, pp. 56-76 (in Hebrew).

Barnai, Y., 1989 “The Chronicles of the Sephardi Jews in the Ottoman Empire", in

Yohas, E. (editor). The Sefarad Jews in the Ottoman Empire, Jerusalem: The Israel

Museum (in Hebrew).

Barnai, Y., 1991a "The Kehalim in Izmir in the 17th Century," Pe’amim 48, pp. 66-84

(In Hebrew).

Barnai, Y., 1991b The Shabtai Zvi Movement: social aspects, Jerusalem: Zalman

Shazar Center (in Hebrew).

Grunhaus N., The Taxation of Izmir’s Jewish Community in the 17th and 18th

Centuries , Diaspora research institute, Tel Aviv University, 1997 (in Hebrew).

Nachum, H., "The Jews of Izmir in the End of the 19th Century and the Beginning of the

20th Century," Shorashim Bamizrah, 4, 1998, pp. 122-155 (in Hebrew).

Taner, T. and Ay A., “Izmir Aile Evleri” (Family Houses in Izmir), Unpublished report,

1973, Ege University, Academy of Engineering and Architecture, Department of Urban and

Regional Planning, Izmir.

Yohas, E., “'Shall you not Lack Sweets at your Homes': the Custom of Serving Sweets

among the Jews of Izmir," Rimonim, 4, 1994, pp. 50-57 (in Hebrew).

30

ואיזמירהיהודים

, שנים2600 קיימת לפחות תפוצה יהודית. ביניהםקשריםשמרו יהודים על , ועל אף פיזורם, הדורותלאורך

אם –שרוב היהודים , לא יהיה זה מרחיק לכת לטעון. להגיע לקיצועומדואין שום סימן באופק שמצב זה

.שכוחה יפה כמובן גם למקרה של איזמיר, תמונת עבר זובתודעתםנושאים , לא כולם

תקופה הביזנטית ואילך לא אולם מאז ה, הרומיתות ההלניסטית ו אמנם חיו באיזמיר כבר בתקופיהודים

מצבות . 16- העדויות ראשונות להתיישבות מחודשת של יהודים באיזמיר הינן מהמאה. ישבו יהודים בעיר

כבר הוקמה באופן רשמי , שנים מאוחר יותר25. המוקדמת ביותרעדות ה הן 1540 משנתעל קברי יהודים

העיקריתהסיבה . אלף נפש40זמיר לשיא של הגיע ציבור יהודי אי19-במאה ה. באיזמיריהודיתקהילה

כך הגיעו לאיזמיר . התיכוןלצמיחה זו היתה הגירה מהישובים הקרובים ומערים רחוקות יחסית באגן הים

, מינינה ומכרתים, מצפת ומכיאס, ומפטרסמאנקרה , מסלוניקי ומאיסטנבול, יהודים מטירייה ומגנסיה

העיקרי להגירה זו היה המקום החשוב שתפסה המניע. טרדםונציה ואמס, מליוורנו, מקורפו ומרודוס

בתקופה מסויימת היה נמל איזמיר הנמל . חלק חשוב ומרכזידיםויהבו תפסו , איזמיר במסחר הבינלאומי

.ביותרמני החשוב 'העות

על כך גם התגבשה יהדות איזמיר . המיוחדותורגישויותיומנהגיו , גל מהגרים הביא עימו את מסורותיוכל

16- לא פחות מבעיר פעלו 18- וה17-במהלך המאות ה. מוצאןהיהבסיס של קהילות נפרדות שבסיסן

שנוסדה בשליש ' קהילת פורטוגל'כמו למשל , חלקן נקראו על שם מקום המוצא. קהילות יהודיות ייחודיות

', אלגזי': אך רובן נקראו על שמו של האישיות שתרמה את הכסף להקמתה, 17- המאה השלהראשון

הקימו , מנית'העותוכחלק מהמבנה של האימפריה ', האתנית'למרות הנטייה , עם זאת. 'וכד' סניורה'

דבר שבא לידי ', האתני' הבידול נחלשככל שעבר הזמן , בכל מקרה. היהודים והפעילו גם גוף ייצוגי משותף

. דות שונות הורכב מבני עמבקריוקהל , ביטוי בכך שלמרות ששמו של בית הכנסת נשמר

קהילתיות נשאו אופי מעמדי יותר מאשר -הפניםהמתיחויות , 19- ובמהלך המאה ה18- המאה המסוף

: פוליטיות וכלכליות רחבות בהרבה מהסיפור היהודי- גיאותמורותמתיחויות אלו היו פועל יוצא של . עדתי

19-הן של מלחמות המאה הנזקי; המעצמות האירופאיות לעניני האימפריהשלחדירתן ההולכת והגוברת

כל אלו השפיעו לרעה על מצבם של יהודי איזמיר ולא –מגפות ושרפות , אדמהרעידות; לחברה ולמסחר

. 'עולם החדש' מהם היגרו לשרביםפלא

התמודדו – אלף איש 220- העיר שמנתה כמאוכלוסיית כעשירית 19- והם היוו במאה ה– שנותרו אלו

יעקב -בן רבי חיים שלבמישור זה בלטה דמותו . 'ישן'ו' חדש'תיהם בתערובת של עם עניניהם ובעיומעתה

ליהודי איזמיר דמות מנהיגה היה - שעד ימינו נחשב לאחד מחשובי הפוסקים – ף"החבי. )ף"החבי (פלאגי

הוא הספיק , ]1868בשנת [81דבר שבא לידי ביטוי בכך שעד למותו בגיל , 19- ההמאהמרכזית לאורך

. יום- ספרים שעסקו בפתרון בעיות יום100- יותר מובלכת

אם פסקיו משקפים את התמורות ואת חדירתו של גם, ייצג את ההמשכיות שבמסורת היהודיתף"החבי

אלו לבשו פנים יהודיות בדמותה של תנועת . ים המודרניהכוחות גברו 19-במהלך המאה ה, ואמנם. 'החדש'

המאמץ לשמור על סולידריות יהודית נעשה . ימאת' של רפורמות התנזמניות בדמותן'עותופנים , ההשכלה

31

לא . העיתונותובראשם , אלא גם על ידי כלים מודרנייםף" באמצעות עושר פסיקותיו של החבירקלא

. מניים ויהודיים גם יחד'עותבמקרה היתה איזמיר המקום הראשון באימפריה בו ראו אור עיתונים

אמנם היו נסיונות להוציא . 1843 בשנת באיזמיר בשפת הלאדינו ראה אור היהודי הראשוןהשבועון

כפי שהתרחש במרחבים . אך כל הנסיונות הללו נכשלו, עבריתואפילוצרפתית , עיתונים יהודיים בטורקית

לשפה שיצרה תודעה , משפת מסחר נחותה במעמדה לעומת שפת הקודשהלאדינוהפכה , יהודיים אחרים

19-כפי שאפשר להתרשם מספרים שראו אור בלאדינו במהלך המאה ה, מודרניתהודיתיוגיבשה תרבות

.היסטוריה ומדע, ושהביאו בפני הקורא היהודי המשכיל ספרות מתורגמת, 20- ההמאהוראשית

מידי היוונים 9.9.1922- את איזמיר בששיחרר, ייסודה של טורקיה המודרנית על ידי אתאתורכבזמן

לאחר הקמתה של מדינת . יהודים15,000- בעיר כישבו, לך מלחמת העולם הראשונהשכבשו אותה במה

תהליך שהואץ לא רק , כך פסק השימוש ברבים מבתי הכנסת. אליההיגרו רבים מיהודי איזמיר , ישראל

כיום חיים . אלא גם מהמעבר של יהודים רבים ממרכז העיר אל פרבריה, אחרותמהגירה לישראל ולארצות

למצוא דרכים – בין השאר –הם מנסים , ובמקביל לחייהם בעיר הסובלנית הזו, יהודים 2200- כבאיזמיר

.ולשימור המורשת של יהדות איזמיר, המורשת היהודית באיזמירלשימור