Michael Eisenberg - Performing the Passion (Artigo)

7/27/2019 Michael Eisenberg - Performing the Passion (Artigo)

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Performing the Passion: Music, Ritual, and the Eastertide LabyrinthMichael Eisenberg

[1]

Resumen

Este artculo evala la funcin performativa de la celebracin de la pilota en Auxerre,un juego litrgico realizado en un laberinto eclesistico el lunes de Semana Santa y delcual se tiene documentacin desde el siglo XIV. En este rito festivo, miembros delclero bailaban mientras se lanzaban una pelota unos a otros y cantaban lasecuencia Victimae paschali laudes. Este tipo de chorea circa daedalum sincronizabalo temporal y lo sublunar en un ritual corporal que al mismo tiempo retomabaparadigmas neoplatnicos multivalentes dentro de la msica y la danza. Esta culturaencarnada reuna lo secular con lo eclesistico en su evocacin concomitante de la

armona de las esferas, la Pasin de Cristo y las mticas trayectorias de Teseo y Orfeo.El artculo cuestiona las implicaciones socioculturales y comunales de este legado y elpapel constitutivo de la msica en esta prctica colectiva.

Palabras clave: Laberinto-danza-ritual-Victimae paschali laudes-performatividad-ludus-juego de pelota-Medioevo-Semana Santa.

Abstract

This article evaluates the performative function of the Auxerre pilota celebration, aliturgical game realized over an ecclesiastical labyrinth on Easter Monday and recorded

as early as the fourteenth century. In the festive rite, members of the clergy engaged ina dance, enacted while tossing a ball back and forth, and singing the Eastersequence Victimae paschali laudes. This chorea circa daedalum synchronizedtemporal and sublunary in a corporate ritual, which simultaneously inscribed multivalentNeo-Platonic paradigms within the parameters of music and dance. The embodiedpractice coalesced secular and ecclesiastical in its concomitant evocation of theharmony of the spheres, the Passion of the Christ, and the mythical trajectories ofTheseus and Orpheus. The article interrogates the socio-cultural and communalimplications of this embodied cultural legacy and the constitutive role of music in thiscollective practice.

Key words: Labyrinth-dance-ritual-Victimae paschali laudes-performativity-ludus-ballgame-medieval-Easter.

Chorea est iter circulare. Diaboli iter est circulare. Ergo chorea est motus diaboli. [2]

This study will evaluate the performative function of the Auxerre pilota celebration, aliturgical game realized over an ecclesiastical labyrinth on Easter Monday and recorded asearly as the fourteenth century. [3]In the festive rite, members of the clergy engaged in aritualized dance, performed while tossing a ball and singing the Easter sequence Victimae

paschali laudes to organ accompaniment.[4]According to the monastic Ordinatio de pilafacienda of April 18, 1396, upon entering the Auxerre monastery, incoming clerics were
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expected to supply a large ball for this ludic Paschal observance. [5] To cut costs, a laterstipulation of April 19, 1412 qualified that the ball donated might be smaller, but must stillbe too large to be grasped in one hand alone. (Wright 2001: 139142; 321 n. 35; Mehl1948: 157158)[6] The Eastertide ceremony, possibly a rite of passage for the initiate, isdescribed in detail by early-modern philologist Abb Jean Lebeuf in a citation of a priormanuscript source:

The dean or his representative, who is dressed like all those present in the [amice],receives the ball from one who is newly baptized or from a newly admitted cleric. All singthe antiphon Victimae paschali laudesappropriate to the feast of Easter. Then the deanseizes the ball with his left hand and [performs a tripudium] (tripudium agebat) solemnly intime to the music. The others join hands and dance around the master (choream circadaedalum ducentibus). While they are dancing, the dean throws the ball to the individualdancers in turn, and they throw it back. The game proceeds to the accompaniment of theorgan and the dance. When song and dance are ended, the company goes to lunch.

(Trans. Mehl 1948: 157) [7]

This liturgical game is not without precedent. While Erwin Mehl lists a number of ballgamerituals in Europe dating from the Stone Age, there are a few particular references that havemore than a passing association with the Auxerre practice. (Mehl 1948). In the thirteenthcentury, Bishop of Mende, Guillaume Durand mentions that on Easter, and occasionallyChristmas, priests and their clerks played ball games accompanied by song and dance. Adecree of the chapter of the cathedral of Sens dated April 14, 1443 corroborates theexecution of a similar ballgame around an ecclesiastical labyrinth on Easter itself. [8] (Krnig1979: 115)

The conflation of ludic and sacred typifies ritualistic phenomena across cultures. Yet, it alsoepitomizes the slippage between play and the ceremonial in numerous medieval Easterparaliturgical enactments such as theQuem quaeritis dialogue for Easter matins, where thethree Marys are questioned by the angels at Christs tomb, or this dialogues developmentin the Visitatio sepulchricorpus.[9] Though strenuously challenged, Osbourne B. Hardisonshypothesis that modern performative theater may be traced back to such liturgicalenactments is nonetheless provocative.[10] Notwithstanding such scholarly overstatement,Stephen Spector observes: twice in the history of Europe, drama [and I mightsubstituteperformativity] has emerged from ritual... As the performance became detached

from its religious origin what remained was play.[11]

(Spector 1997: 199) Play, ludus, thedialogic interstices of secular and the sacred...all come to perform in Auxerres rarealignment of game, liturgy, and rupture.

If Mikhail Bakhtin and Johan Huizinga marginalize and misrepresent a medieval culture ofplay, their perspicacious observations hold truth. [12] Huizinga lays bare the intense struggleinvested in the Latin term ludus, referring to the Vulgate transmission of II Samuel 2:14:Surgant pueri et ludant coram nobis. (Huizinga 1971: 41) This Biblical duel to the death,where adversaries from the opposing forces of King Davids generals, Abner and Joab, areenjoined to engage in hand-to-hand combat, enlists the Latin verbal ludant. Huizingaexplains the etymological connotation of the original Hebrew word sahaqmeaninglaugh, do in jest, or dance. Whether explosive or concealed, ludus encodes violence,instability, and disjunction.Clifford Davidson states categorically that none of the liturgical
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music-dramas, even the Danielfrom Beauvais Cathedral, actually allowsforsubversive [Davidsons italics] improvisation either in speech and singing or movementand gesture that might act to undermine the meaning of the play. Yet Margot Fasslercogently demonstrates how the Danielis Ludus might actually exchange or sublimateplayful features appropriated from the Feast of Fools and may also serve to upset andderegulate hierarchical orderings.[13] (Fassler 1992) In like vein, Martin Walsh utilizes a 16th-c. version of Till Eulenspiegel and His Merry Pranks, Ein Kurzweilig lesen von DylEulenspiegel(Strasbourg, 1515) to probe the subversive potential of the Visitatiosepulchri. In the episode, Eulenspiegel feeds a farmer turned player a new bawdy punch-line usurping the stock reply to the ancient Quem quaeritis query. Calling the narrativecertainly apocryphal, Davidson nevertheless agrees that it serves as a reminder that thepossibility of subversive improvisation...is not to be ruled out in the medieval liturgicaldrama. This study will seek to demonstrate how the performative juxtapositions ofAuxerres ludus invert traditional hierarchies and balance, if only temporarily, notions ofcaste in the context of the labyrinth dance.

The incorporation of a labyrinth pattern on late-medieval French nave floors was ubiquitousand is attested in several cathedrals including Chartres and St. Quentin. [14] Althoughnumerous examples survive from antiquity, the earliest extant ecclesiastical labyrinth datesfrom 324 C.E., originally lying in the basilica of St. Reparatus in El Asnam, Algeria, andtransported to Algiers in the early twentieth century. [15] Similar to pavement mazes found atHarphan, Susa, and Sousse, Tunisia, this North-African specimen adopted a quadraticRoman format. However, around ca. 900 C.E., the prototypical Chartrain design began toemerge first in manuscripts primarily dedicated to computus, the arcane mathematical art ofcalculating Easters date.[16]Computusresorted to the lunar cycle to determine when Easter

would fall each year. The Chartrain labyrinth, an eleven-track unicursal maze of circular orless frequently octagonal shape, modeled the lunar calendar with its path.[17]

Both Paolo Santarcangeli and Dawn Marie Hayes signal the festive quality seeminglyascribed to these sites as attested by numerous accounts of celebratory games occurringover ecclesiastical mazes, particularly around the Easter season. (Santarcangeli 1974: 296;Hayes 2003: 3031) As early as the efflorescence of the twelfth-century, Jean Belethregistered censure for the ecclesiastical dances performed over these labyrinth designs,possibly for the
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Pl. 1. A drawing of the Chartrain unicursal labyrinth maze

design.www.astrolog.org/labyrnth/maze/chartres.gif[Accessed: 1 November 2008].

subversive connotations. Erwin Mehl and Santarcangeli attribute pre-Christian roots to therite. (Santarcangeli 1974: 297298) Distinct references to a pagan subtext for the ritualabound. Writers dating from the Middle Ages define the tripudium as a clamorous Romandance performed by priests in honor of Mars, and accompanied by the bellicose clash ofshields and spears. (Arlt 1970: 4243; Harris 2007: 6; Fassler 1992: 75) Counting fourseparate tripudia for Christmastide, Beleth informs that, in his day, the dance had becomethe express province of the subdeacons. Fassler notes that minor clergy, students, andchoral members also participated in the dance. Like with the Decembrica ballgames

excoriated by Beleth, every member of the ecclesiastical community, bishops andarchbishops alike, might have taken part in these choreographed celebrations. (Harris2007) Proposing that the church came to endorse or at least tolerate such performativeacts as an infelicitous compromise, Fassler musters the exemplum of William of Auxerre.Fassler suggests that his reluctant acceptance ofludiwas a concession, an imperfectmiddle ground intended to ground and sublimate more radical tendencies. The clericviewed these performances as once diametrically opposed to orthodoxy, but nowconscripted in the service of the faith. (Fassler 1992: 7677)

In an article on the medieval reception of dance in the church, Louis Gougaud cites anexhaustive array of Patristic and other extra-Biblical texts disparaging dance. (Gougaud1914) Patristic bans or at least discouragement of dancing can be traced at least as farback as Augustine. The maxim issued by church patriarch Cyprianus speaks profoundly to
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the Auxerre circumstances: Chorea est circulum cuius centrum est diabolus, qui in mediotripudiantium ignem concupiscentiae inflammabat. (Kirkendale 1984: 82) The chorea is acircle whose center is the Devil, who, dancing in the middle, inflames lustful fire. Thisquote, at least, clearly frames the deacon as the Devil, dancing a tripudium at the center ofHell, while Christ, as played by the celebrant host, charts the labyrinth in a dramaturgicalharrowing of Hell.

While the account of the Auxerre enactment is brief, the portrayal affords valuable insightinto the performative and performatic implications of this ritual. [18] I take my lead on thedelineation of these two terms from Diana Taylor. Speaking especially to the imposition ofAustinian methodologies, Taylor states:

In this trajectory, the performative becomes less a quality (or adjective) of "performance"than of discourse. Although it may be too late to reclaim performative for the nondiscursiverealm of performance, I suggest that we borrow a word from the contemporary Spanish

usage of performanceperformtico or performatic in English to denote the adjectivalform of the nondiscursive realm of performance. Why is this important? Because it is vital tosignal the performatic, digital, and visual fields as separate from, though always embroiledwith, the discursive one so privileged by Western logocentrism.(Taylor 2003: 6)

Hence, performatic involves that which is thoroughly removed from the discursivelogocentric realm, i.e. the material, the gestural, the choreographic, the temporal, thecommunal, the architectural, the spatial. [19] In fact, the principal details documented for theAuxerre rite coalesce under this rubric: the amice, the ball, the exchange, the toss, thedance, the clasped hands, the tripudium step, the organ, the communal meal following.[20] This particular excerpt omits location, but certainly both labyrinth and church nave signifyprofoundly. The only truly discursive element is, in point of fact, the corporate call andresponse ofVictimae paschali laudes, but this is not a typical discursive modality. This lineof inquiry will be taken up again in a close reading of the Victimae paschali laudes sequencebelow.

I first address the inherently performatic elements of the Auxerre game, beginning withmaterial aspects. Clothing all participants, heedless of standing, in thegeneric amice (almutiam) democratizes, exhibiting the same predisposition towardsanonymity of dress pinpointed by scholars of ritual. [21]A common trait of such rites, non-specific attire donned by celebrants in rituals works to equalize, blurring sense of class,

rank, and (obviously, not in this case) sex distinctions. Rabanus Maurus, archbishop ofMainz was the first ecclesiasticalauctorto include the amice in a list of liturgical vestiture(ca. 820), but according to the Ordo Romanus I, the garment had already been adopted enmasse by clergy from the early eighth century. (Hayward 1971: 304) Met Cloisters curatorDobrila-Donya Schimansky and costume historian Mary G. Houston verify the pedestriangrade of the Eucharistic vestment, put on the first when dressing, and worn by practically allclerical orders beyond the minor ones. (Schimansky 1971: 317; cf. Houston 1996: 23;Norris 2003: 8588) So in the frame of the ritual, the prescribed dress serves to regularize,unify, and undermine any sense of elevated rank.

The yellow ball prescribed for the ceremony may signify several possible referents. Sincethe prototype for the maze was the structure mythographically commissioned by Minos to
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imprison the Minotaur, the ball may be equated with the balls of string and wax Ariadnegave to Theseus when he entered the labyrinth. The ball of string was intended to guidehim out and the ball of pitch was to throw into the mouth of the Minotaur to kill the beast. Inmedieval Ovidian commentaries, Theseus becomes a type for Christ and the ballsrepresent grace and Christs humanity, the weapon that ultimately confounded Satan. Ofcourse, this anagogical spin problematizes the positioning of the dean, whether asChrist triumphans or as Minotaurcum diabolus at the center. Yet such multivalentexplication is a commonplace in the medieval psyche. Indeed, the pilota may also connotethe sun, since one designation for the Risen Christ is the sol salutis Christi, or alternately,the sun of righteousness. It also noteworthy that the Cretan bull cult venerated a solardeity, and that according to Greek mythology, Ariadnes mother, and mother to the bastardMinotaur through her illicit union with a sacrificial white bull of Poseidon, was descendedfrom the sun.

Although it is unclear why, thepilota needed to be too large to hold in one hand alone. The

description of the ritual also stipulates that the dean handle the ball with his left hand.[22] Coordination obviously factored into making the activity quite difficult to synchronize,together with choreography and singing. As confirmed by contemporary critics includingJean Beleth, the game was a coming of together of all members of the monasticcommunity, regardless of station. Excelling at the sportive ritual must have engineered newrankings and leveled the playing field, as it were, if only momentarily. Certainly suchtemporary imbalance was not without parallel in ecclesiastical life. A more conspicuous rolereversal occurred at the festum subdiaconorum, during which, for a day, the bishopostensibly ceded his office, at least in token act, to a boy . (Fassler 1992: 7072) In feignedrevolt, subdeacons temporarily took control of the choir and even reversed the order of

seating in choir stalls. (Fassler 1992: 65)

The most salient performatic feature of the ritual, the dance itself, reveals a much deepertheme. The spatial model outlined by participants and ball exposes the neo-Platonicunderpinnings of the ceremony. Oppositional choreographical circuits, reversal of steps,and the trajectory traced by the ball combine to chart a veritable universe in the imaginary.As noted below, the labyrinth dance recreated the Timaean cosmogony, coalescing neo-Platonic and biblical notions of time, creation, and rebirth. The labyrinth symbolized thecosmos and its creation for medieval writers ranging from Marius Victorinus to Jean deMeun to proponents of the Chartrian School. [23] It is noteworthy that the ball was contributed

by the initiate, the newly-admitted cleric or newly-baptized. This detail is of particularinterest, since typically, Easter Sunday was the traditional date for annual baptisms, andsince the less frequently employed octagonal labyrinth design, the standard geometricalconfiguration for baptisteries, refers specifically to baptism. [24]Baptism signifies death andrebirth. [25]Baptismal fonts dating as early as the fourth century in Milan bear this shape. Theform connotes eternity, symbolically the eighth day, and also Resurrection Sunday.Preaching a sermon around the date of this Milanese fonts construction, Ambrose of Milanclarifies: Yesterday we discussed the font, which shows, as it were, the form of the tomb,which we enter as we profess our faith in the Father and the Son and the Holy spirit, and inwhich we are dipped under and come up, that is, rise again. (Trans. Overbeck 1998: 13)
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The earliest octagonal labyrinth to survive is located at Amiens. The octagonal labyrinth atReims, where an Easterchorea or liturgical dance is actually documented, remained intactuntil the eighteenth century, when it was summarily razed. [26]The thematics of regenerationspeaks to Christs reversal of death, as well as the new spiritual life of the baptized, and thenatural cycle of the earth signaled by springs awakening. But it also speaks to the ultimatebeginning, of the cosmos, and of the birth of divine Savior and the actualization ofsalvation.

Pl. 2. A drawing of the Reims octagonal labyrinth. Extract, 'Le Jub et le labyrinthe dans lacathdrale de Reims' (1885), Bibliothque Municipale de Reims, CR IV 161 M. (By

permission of the Bibliothque Municipale de Reims.)
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With its evocation of the movement of the spheres and the angels, thepilotagame forges acomplex relationship to architectural space. Choreographing this embodied practice withinthe frame of the cathedral and the labyrinth sanctifies, but also arrogates orthodoxy.Physical setting often imbues ritual with rich meaning and rituals may also reinterpret spacein new enlightening ways. The labyrinth dance at Auxerre implicates its performance spaceon multiple levels: as the site where Easter liturgy has played out in its manifoldinstantiations, as a metaphysical tool for accessing the cosmos and approximating the pathof Christs passion, and, closer to home, as a reconfiguration of architectonic powerparadigms.

Susan Rodgers & Joanna E. Ziegler have identified similar multivalence in a mysticBeguines ecstatic dance episodes and the relationship established to architectural space.Utilizing I.M. Lewiss perspective of ritual as a locus for subversion and resistance, theauthors construe the mystical dance of Elisabeth of Spalbeek as an implicit critique of theidea that only the official church could mediate divinity and regulate believers relationships

to the body of Christ. (Rodgers & Ziegler 1999: 303) [27]While the Auxerre ludus stands asontologically distinct from Elisabeths performance, this essential reading obtains. InRodgers & Zieglers epistemology, Elisabeth is empowered to embody divinity by realizingher choreography in the sacrosanct space of the church. The earliest verifiable portrayal ofGod in a medieval drama dates from only a century prior, since the PaschonChristos, although attributed to Gregory of Nazarius, survives only in a 12th-centurytransmission. (Muir 1997: 27 n. 4) Technically, the Auxerre practice might better be referredto as hierophany, the manifestation of the sacred, rather than theophany, actual divinerevelation. But for all intents and purposes, the clerical ring dance around the dean unitesthe entire community as Christ incarnate in a choreographical staging of the Harrowing of

the Hell.

The connection between Christs harrowing of Hell and circular dances runs deep. Theassociation of round dances with Easter festivities recurs in medieval texts, and isreminiscent of the account of Jesus Passiontide ring dance, rendered in the apocryphalActs of St. John.[28]This Gnostic transmission records a hymn of Jesus, which is essentiallya round dance. The sumptuous Magnus Liberrecension in the Biblioteca MediceaLaurenziana contains some thirty dances specifically designated for Easter. Full-pageminiatures illustrate this choreographical practice. The Boethian explication of the music ofthe spheres ormusica mundana is pictured as an illumination of the heavens, alongside an

image ofmusica humana, depicted by four dancing clerics. This stark juxtaposition displaysfiguratively the metaphysical drama enacted at Auxerre metaphorizing the ethereal processthe dancers embodied. (Baltzer 1972)

Analyzing these same monophonic Latin rondellifrom the Magnus Liber, Benjamin Brandidentifies iconographical strategies alluding to Christs harrowing of Hell, an event fleshedout in the Gospel of Nicodemus and alluded to metaphorically in Psalm 24, according tomedieval theologians. (Brand 2003; Smoldon 1980) It is no accident that Doob and otherslocate this same narrative in the Auxerre labyrinth ludus.(Doob 1990: 125128) [29]Indeed,the thematics of the harrowing of Hell also bears a close relationship to theVictimae

paschali laudes sequence, and the figure of the labyrinth itself. The sequence text not onlynarrates this passage, but is also employed in medieval Paschal dramas, as a signifier of
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the event. The location of this drama in the maze has its own ramifications. While onemedieval interpretation of the labyrinth was the cosmos, another frequent explication of themaze was Hell. And further elaborating this symbology, the Biblical cosmogony was viewedto prefigure Christs harrowing of Hell. This trope on a trope circles back on itself with theharrowing of Hell signifying the creation and by extension the cosmos and its dance of thespheres.

Like the Auxerre ludus, one of the earliest written descriptions of a dance practice alsomirrored the celestial dance. The Neo-Pythagorean Philo Judaeus of Alexandria (ca. 20B.C.E.50 C.E.) commented on the dance ritual of the Therapeutics, an ascetic sect whoreputedly performed round dances in pursuit of divine revelation. The religious communitydanced what Philo understood to be a replication of the cosmic dance of the harmony ofthe spheres; for the Hellenistic philosopher, the Platonic cosmogony ofDerepublica andTimaeus, for medieval readers, viewed through the lens of Boethius musicamundana. (Morrison 2004: 301302) Philo mentions that, as with Auxerre, the ritual

involved antiphonal singing. Writing well over a century later, Clement of Alexandriareinterpreted this pre-Christian rite as channeling the dance of the angels. According toClement, the chorea participates in the dance with the angels around the unbegotten andthe imperishable and only true God, the Word of God, joining with us in our hymn ofpraise." (Morrison 2004: 303) The topos is picked up by St. Gregory of Nyssa, whoseexegesis of the Hebrew inscription Maelethin Psalm 52 and 87 clarifies: Choral dancingand rejoicing await those who have prevailed in the struggles [over evil]...The entirespiritual creation joins in an harmonious choral chant, as it were, with the victors. (Ludlow2000: 7374) Pseudo-Dionysius also conflates the two celestial dances of the nine angelicspheres and the Platonic movement. Hugh of St. Victor and Thomas of Aquinas both wrote

extensive commentaries on the texts of Pseudo-Dionysius, and his opus on angelichierarchies occupied a central place in late-medieval theology. In fact, these authoritieswere well known and avidly researched by the Chartrian philosophical school, located inthe same bishopric with Auxerre, where reports of Easter dances are most ubiquitous.

Although it is not clear how exactly the dance step was executed, it has been speculatedthat the dancers might have actually followed the course of the maze, winding back andforth, thus emulating the trajectory of Christ harrowing the gates of Hell, or Christsmythological counterpart Theseus. Somewhat doubtfully, Tessa Morrison identifies thesteps of the tripudium as turn, halt, counterturn, thus bodying forth the motion of Platos

cosmogony, with the circle of the stars seeming to travel westward, and the circle of theknown planets in reverse. (Morrison 2008) This choreography metonymically conjures upthe harmony of the spheres, the Passion of the Christ, and the mythical trajectories ofTheseus and Orpheus. However, in this instance, the dance of the cosmos goes yet furtherto circumscribe musica humana within the larger sphere ofmusica mundana, the Platoniccosmogony, and the angelic adoration of the divine.

The conjoining of human and divine lies at the heart of the Auxerre rite fueling its capacityto make collective identity and to equalize and subvert. Like many other non-Europeancultures, the medieval world interpolated music and dance within a social framework, which

invested this quadrivial science with metaphysical, spiritual, and communal aspirations.Such desires project themselves poignantly into the performative realm.As such, the


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Easter game synchronized temporal and sublunary ambitions inscribing multivalent Neo-Platonic paradigms within the parameters of music and dance. Beyond approximatingdivinity, this physicalized tool created community and retranslated identity.

Auxerres collective merging of identities and ranks interrogates, undermines, and

restructures received hierarchies and power dynamics. The communal implications of thisembodied cultural artifact extend beyond the confines of the monastic unit insinuatingbroader constructions of spiritual and political identity and community. The ritual facilitatedwhat J. Lowell Lewis has recently dubbed embodied experience in his recasting of themore one-dimensional Turnerian notion of communitas.[30] According to Victor Turner, thetemporary provision of a liminal betwixt and between framework precipitated the initiatestransition into the community. It also temporarily effaced distinct boundaries betweenclerical rank and even human and divine, since all wore the same attire, and since theparticipants believed this act translated into the heavenly plane, that they, in somemetaphysical way, interfaced with the angelic dance. Turner has been criticized for his

sharp distinction between everyday structure and the anti-structure of ritual, his neglect ofplay, and his portrayal of a ritualized subversion, which does not allow for day-to-daycreative conflict resolution. (Bigger 2009) Indeed, in certain cases ritual might have onlyreinforced tradition. But it is the spontaneity and inherent chaos of play which truly subvertsand democratizes rank in community. Lewis qualifies that it is both the non-discursivemodes of dance and singing, and the interactivity and creativity of the ludus that heightenthe sense of shared participation achieved in embodied experience.

Lewis translates communitas into embodied experience which might include singing anddancing. Turner linked this to explanation: the voices of participants and outsiders linked

together into polyvocality and multiperspectival work. Lewis emphasised the sharedexperience of the participants as they shared touch, taste, smells, sights and sounds. Heused the terms intersubjectivity and intercorporeality. He retained the distinctionbetween special events and everyday life, which interact; order and disorder; the potentialfor events to become patterned [performativity]; the creativity of play and the solemnity ofritual. (Bigger 2009)

Ritualized moments often mediate a metaphysical departure. Turner would have termedthis a falling outside the social structure or liminality. In her problematization of thisphenomenon, Sharon Rowe extends the liminal and liminoid tags to encompass the

trance of sport and play.[31]

(Rowe, 2008) This hiatus from the normative represents acontinuum from quotidian, to a betwixt and between liminal phase, an altered state ofconsciousness, as it were, infused with spiritual volatility and possibility, ultimately returningto a new state informed by experience acquired in the transitional stage. [32] As with inducedtrance states, the mechanism of repetitive dancing and chanting aids in transporting thecelebrant to this breakthrough in level of consciousness. In Auxerres ludus, periodicrhythmic structures are articulated in the antiphonal dialogue, the steps of the tripudium, thecyclical repetition of the toss, all the while, the mantra of the sequence further heighteningthis trance-like state. Linguistic features of the sequence create their own sense ofpatterned rhythmic repetition. Indeed, the melody exhibits one of the earliest instances of

disyllabic rhyme, capitalizing on inner rhyme, as exemplified by Sepulcrum Christi viventis,
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Et gloriam vidi resurgentis and Angelicos testes, Sudarium, et vestes. All converge toheighten the rituals liminal qualities.

Beyond the repetitive rhythmic cadences set up by the sequence, one must take intoaccount the type of language used and how this informs the liminal. As Maurice Bloch

breaks it down succinctly, You cant argue with a song. (Bloch 1974: 71) Often,ceremonial speech sets a frame for performative ritual, even enabling or colluding withreticent or insidious social hierarchies. Following Blochs theory and the subsequentextensions by Bambi Schieffelin (1985) and Donald Brenneis (1987), song (and I wouldqualify,particularly in such ritual settings) is essentially void of propositional force. This iswhat Austin names the constative, basically the informational or reportative capacity of anutterance. Song characteristically confers strictly illocutionary force, i.e. the power toregister acknowledgement of its performance and potentially to influence reaction orresponse. [33] Albeit persuasive, the highly formalized language conscripted in ritual contextshas lost its informative value, as evidenced by phenomena such as the need to enunciate

every word of a given formula verbatim in the recitation of a prayer or incantation. Whenquestioned about the imperative to sing narrative master epic singer Ram Swarupresponds: It is impossible for someone to reach Delhi directly and not go through themiddle towns. (Wadley 1991: 201202) Translated, in ritualized language, sequentialpropriety is critical. In Blochs words, "Song is, therefore, nothing but the end of the processof transformation from ordinary language which began with formalisation. (Bloch 1974: 70)This reading must be collated with Austins somewhat outmoded characterization oftheatrical performatives as parasitic linguistic etiolations. Though ritual occupies a differentterrain and in many respects constitutes itself oppositionally vis--vis presentationaltheaterper se, as the opus of Schechneret al. convincingly argues, the two practices also

share common ground.

The Auxerre ritual clearly demonstrates some of the typical characteristics ofliminality.[34] These features include the absence of rank, a sense of anonymity, theestablishment of embodied experience, and the profound immersion in humility. (Cf.Turner 1977: 366) The universal quality of embodied experience or Turneriancommunitascreated by such ritual practices, cuts across all nationalistic or rank divides,thus potentially embracing all humanity. A common strand in such processes involves whatTurner termed status reversal, the redistribution of ranks and roles antithetical tonormative societal position. Carolyn Walker Bynums critique of Turnerian role-reversal is

particularly interesting for this specific ludic enactment, with its textual references to MaryMagdalene discussed below.[35]Bynum considers this process a distinctly malephenomenon. The Auxerre ludus provides a unique performative locus for examining thisphenomenon, and understanding how the construction of meaning and status may alsoincorporate issues of gender status within an overwhelmingly patriarchal frame.

The destabilization of status afforded by ritualized play allows for communal differentiationand restructuring, but also refers meaning inherent in the Passiontide thematics. Themetalinguistic codes co-opted in performance recall lost ideals and deeper signification.Status reversal also references basic life and death reversals cued by these ceremonies.

Quite often the calendric placement of such rites refers specifically to such thematics.Rituals are often synchronized to correspond to large-scale life cycles such as the
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awakening of spring from the barrenness of winter or the opposition of life vs. death.Though surely responding to the seasonal cycle of life and death marked by spring, thesituation of the Auxerre labyrinth dance at Easter refers the very junction of the sacred andsublunary, the portal of betwixt and between.

As confirmed by Lewis, the constitutive role of music in this collective performance,including the compelling appropriation of the Easter sequence Victimae Paschalilaudes was pivotal to this alignment with the sacred. Assisting the protocols of the liminal,the text problematizes or destabilizes class and gender hierarchies, and even placement inactual time. The primacy of Mary Magdalenes voice interrogating the location of Christ andthe ambiguous chronological relationship to the harrowing of Hell situates the actions of theAuxerre participants in the sacred imaginary. The text and its translation follow:

Victimae paschali laudes

Immolent Christiani.Agnus redemit oves:Christus innocens PatriReconciliavit peccatores.Mors et vita duelloConflixere mirando:Dux vitae mortuus,Regnat vivus.Dic nobis Maria,Quid vidisti in via?Sepulcrum Christi viventis,Et gloriam vidi resurgentis:Angelicos testes,

Sudarium, et vestes.Surrexit Christus spes mea:Praecedet suos in Galilaeam.Scimus Christum surrexisseA mortuis vere:Tu nobis, victor Rex, miserereAmen. Alleluia.

Praise the Paschal victim

Sacrificed for ChristiansThe Lamb redeemed the sheepTo the Father the innocent ChristReconciled sinnersThe duel, death and lifeContending miraculouslyThe leader of life deadReigns aliveTell us MaryWhat you saw on the wayThe sepulcher of the living ChristAnd the glory of the Risen one I sawAngelic witnesses

Shroud and clothesChrist is risen, my hopeHe will go before His to GalileeWe know Christ to have risenFrom the dead trulyOn us, victorious King, have mercyAmen, Alleluia

Victimae paschali laudes was sung throughout the Eastertide celebration, on EasterSunday at matins and vespers, and on the octave of Easter Sunday (i.e. the Sundaythereafter). [36] (Wright 2001: 144; 322 nn 4849) It also functioned as a prompt for devotion.

In a 1288 account of a visit to the Holy Sepulcher in Jerusalem communicated by Ricoldoof Monte Croce, a procession sang repeated verses ofVictimae paschali laudes as theyapproached the tomb. (Peters 1985: 34) This lieu de mmoire became a repository for theaccumulated experiences associated with Eastertide festivities. Joseph Roach reveals howthis type of surrogation, the ambivalent replaying of previous performances, memorializesand recreates the past, whether real or imaginary, in the present: "Traditional ritualsrecovered and reinterpreted as 'internal locutions' [remit] to a direct experience with therealm of sacredness." (Roach 1996: 13) Petersen decries the anachronistic boundariesimposed on liturgical enactments by modern scholarship, whereby these dramatic momentsarbitrarily are separated out from the general liturgical flow. (Petersen 2007) In fact,

the ludus was probably understood as but another punctuation of the ongoing liturgicalcontinuum. [37] The reiteration of the sequence exposes a broader schema threading the
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extra-liturgical ludus together with the gestalt. The inclusion of this liminal and rebelliousliturgical act emphasizes the subversiveness of Christs revolt against the hierarchies ofdeath. The association with Christ validates and confirms the clerical subversion asorthodox.

Beyond its use during Eastertide, the melody was also employed for the Feast of MaryMagdalene, July 22nd. Resorting to Mary Magdalenes testimony to substantiate themiraculous, the sequence performs the ultimate reversal. As a woman and as a prostituteor adulteress, she is the least likely to attest, but the choice to foreground her voice merelyamplifies the textual reversal of normative hierarchies and the subversion of sex and rankdistinctions at the hands of the liminal. [38]The sequence dialogue between the interlocutorand Mary also puts a womans voice in the mouth of men. This is a remarkable eventmirroring the transitional quality of liminality where all status and denomination ismomentarily suspended. Multiple inversions and subversions only extend the implicitresonances of the text. Hlne Cixous posits that a feminine text can not fail to be more

than subversive. It is volcanic. As it is written it brings out an upheaval of the old propertycrust, carrier of masculine investment. (Cixous 1981: 258) Luce Irigaray continues thisdiscourse, stating, (and in this instance, quite aptly) that a woman is never anything morethan the scene of more or less rival exchange between two men. (Irigaray 1981)

As David Rothenberg relates, another text on Mary Magdalene, Jacobus de VoraginesGolden Legend, codifies a medieval supposition that Christ had appeared to the VirginMary after his resurrection, paralleling the biblical account and blurring the issue. TheBiblical reference to Mary pertains to Mary Magdalene, but the absence of appellative andthe common medieval coalescing of Marian identities leave purposeful ambiguity

(Rothenberg 2004: 178187; id. 2006: 369) This omission of appellative, and the routineswapping out of one, two, or three Marys, in accordance with the differing gospeltransmissions, recurs frequently in Quem quaeritisplays. De Voragine believes the secondapocryphal Mary appearance (to the first, pre-eminent Mary to be corroborated by theRoman churchs Easter celebration of a station at the Church of St. Mary and by thealleged testimony of Ambrose in De virginibus. The move to elide Marian identitiesperforms the remarkably subversive action of integrating mother of God with prostitute andsocial outcast, obliterating all sense of rank, status, or caste.

The semantic deep structures embedded in this musical text work a parallel revolt. The

sequence prose reorders with its ludic reversals of death vs. life, victorious sacrifice, andmost strikingly Lamb as savior to sheep. Since the celebrants of this ritual hold lowerecclesiastical ranks they effectually enact this theological reversal of meek Lamb becomingtriumphant king and dying to live. The text makes specific reference to angelic witnessestestimony to the whereabouts of Christ. This would trigger the discourse raised inthe Quem quaeritis so thoroughly interwoven textually and in liturgical practice withthe Victimae paschali laudes. Marys questioning of Christs location and the angels He isnot here, but he is risen as he said probe the geographical and metaphysical positioning ofthe divine. This actually speaks to manifold levels. There is firstly the medieval anxietyregarding actual chronology of Christs passion, whether his descent into Hades precedes

his appearance at the tomb or follows. The question also raises implications as to thepsychical site of the divine. The insertion of angels in the dialogue and its frequent


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reinterpretation in Quem quaeritis plays as disciples or pilgrims, accentuates the fusion ofsublunary and divine and reinforces the angelic presence at the Auxerre ritual.

A locus for exploring heterogeneities of religious culture, the Auxerre maze dance entwinesreligious and secular, heretical and orthodox, in its syncretistic web. Carlos Alberto Steil

grapples with the assimilation of ambivalent strands in religious practice:

Part of this internal heterogeneity is that different meanings can be attached to the samereferences and signs, referring us to a performatic perspective of inscription of the alterityin the dominant narrative more than a historic vision, centered on the dialectic of differenttemporalities. Following the performatic perspective, the alterity inside the Catholic systemdoes not present itself as diverse forms of such pre-modern, modern, and post-modernCatholicism, but is there as an alternative language that constantly seeks insertion into thedominant narrative without allowing itself to be diluted in its totality. (Steil 2006)

Ethnographic investigation of ritual games sheds meaningful light on this incursion inembodied rituals. Mehl notes several ball games that perform ritual agrarian functions,namely the southern Indian put and the bomb games of the Kota tribe. (Mehl 1948:148149) In North America, the Mesoamerican ball game serves a distinctly sacredpurpose as well. Like the Auxerre game, the Hohokam ball courts used in this indigenousgame described the cosmos. The axial quartering of the court signified the four cardinaldirections, the divisions of the day, and the seasons. In a further miming of the labyrinthritual, D. R. Wilcox construes the ball as sun, moon, and stars. (Wilcox 1991: 197) Howeverin Auxerre, the performative realization of sacrosanctity in spatial parameters not onlysanctifies the play site but is itself infused with the labyrinths signification.

While the Mesoamerican ball games use of a designated sacrosanct space resemblesAuxerre, it is particularly worthwhile collating the Auxerre celebration with a ritualisticpractice enacted at Easter by the Yaquis for the perspective it offers on the syncretisticreappropriation of liturgy.[39] Richard Schechner sees the Lenten cyclical drama, Waehmaas recasting the Easter narrative according to a prescribed cultural agenda. (Schechner1993: 94130) By superimposing indigenous forms upon the orthodox Christian textreceived first from Jesuit interlopers proselytizing the Yaqui, Waehma reinterprets thetraditional meanings of the Eurocentric text, thus negotiating status, power, and difference.Waehma exposes the rupture between ambivalent indigenous and European strandsrespectively, warring and assimilating with each other. This performance of Yaqui identity

via the appropriated codes of the Easter narrative reinterprets the traditional, subvertsEuropean hierarchies, and asserts in its stead Yaqui cultural identity and historiography. Byembracing orthodoxy, Waehma resists it. As Wenner-Gren reveals, dances incorporatedinto the Waehma cycle, including the deer dance, actually preserve and transformtraditional ritual war dances of the Yaqui people originally bearing no relationship to theEaster narrative. (Schechner 1993: 104) Ritual spaces redefine themselves as hallowedChristian terrain. "Through Waehma, the Yaquis act out both their acceptance ofCatholicism (and certain European ways) and their resistance to this very sameCatholicism and the European ways[playing] with symbols simultaneously honoring andmocking them." (Schechner 1993: 118)
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While scholars identify no specific historical antecedent to the Auxerre ludus, Mehl reportsthe gamut of indigenous ballgame rituals retained till much later than the fourteenth centuryin Europe. (Mehl 1948) These various games surface in regions ranging from Scandinaviato the Frankish region west of the location under consideration. Survivals of Easter Mondayball games spread to the New World as well. [40]Whether actual pagan strands infusedthemselves in this particular ritual, there is no doubt that it signaled the subversive.Auxerres labyrinth dance blurred status and appropriated sacred space for the secular. ForBeleth, one of the salient offenses of the similarDecembrica games was its suborning ofclerks to play with archbishops and bishops and vice versa, desecrating hierarchicalprotocols and causing higher ranks to abase themselves. (Hayes 1999: 30) It was preciselyin order to safeguard the sacrality of these sites that the French parliament forbade childrento play games on nave labyrinths in 1538. (Santarcangeli 1974: 296) In fact, CanonJaquemert destroyed the Reims labyrinth due to the incessant hopscotch played by localchildren on the maze. (Rosenstiehl & Repensek. 1983: 18) Like the Yaqui festivities, suchgames incorporate religious doctrine but interpolate alternative narratives into asyncretistic heteroglossia that blends individual and communal aspirations, all the whileenacting, explicating, and clarifying orthodoxy. How such embodied practices refine notionsof power and the divine is given eloquent articulation by Rebecca Sachs Norris:

Ritual practices are subject to selection because of embodied and established attitudes andconcepts. These ways of knowing the world are so deeply ingrained that we do notnormally even recognize the ways in which they shape our experienceBut gradually thephysical and emotional dimensions of worship become embodied, personal experience,and each time a gesture is repeated, the kinesthetic, propioceptive, and emotional memoryof that gesture is evoked, layered, compounding, and shaping present experience. Images,

ideas, and emotional and physical associations are all active and present in the experienceof a ritual gesture or posture. These gestures and postures express inner attitudes or statesand they correspond to a particular concept of deity or the transcendent. (Norris 2003: 177178)

To sum up, the ludus at Auxerre performed the simultaneous dance of the cosmos and theharrowing of Hell, images conflated in medieval symbolism, thereby justifying incongruentBiblical and neo-Platonic discourse. The synchronization of this event on Easter, termed byIsidore of Seville in a computus manuscript as the first Sunday of Creation, coordinatestemporalities on all planes. The rite of passage also reminded the enactors of Christs rite

of passage and took up the cause of the lowly through the agency of Christs exemplum.Exchanging roles, dean became aligned with both devil and deity, and the dancers wereinvested with Christ-like sanctity. And while the transitory marginal quality of thisparaliturgical event fosters reversal, it is rather the destabilizing mechanism of play, asexplicated by Lewis, which most potently reformulates communal identity and signification.

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