THE REPRESENTATION OF BRAZILIAN SOCIETY IN

LA GUERRA DEL FIN DEL MUNDO

by

DIXIE E. DRIGGERS, B.A.

A THESIS

IN

SPANISH

Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of Texas Tech University in

Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for

the Degree of

MASTER OF ARTS

Approved

Chairpersotnof the Committee

Accepted

Dean of the Graduate School

May, 1990

M

^5>

- ^ • 2 ^

© 1990 Dixie E. Driggers

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to thank Dr. Harley D. Oberhelman for his assistance,

guidance, and encouragement with this thesis.

u

TABLE OF CONTENTS

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ii

INTRODU(7nON

MARIO VARGAS LLOSA AND THE LATIN AMERICAN NOVEL.. 1

CHAPTER

I. STRUCTURE AND CHARACTER DEVELOPMENT 7

II. REPRESENTATIVE CHARACTERS 22

m. INTERTEXTUALITY 33

CONCLUSION 48

BIBLIOGRAPHY 51

ui

E^JTRODUCnON

MARIO VARGAS LLOSA AND THE

LATIN AMERICAN NOVEL

The 1940s began a period of great change and experimentation in the

novel in Latin America, a period known as the "boom." It was the advent of

new and often radical experiments in stmcture and narrative technique with the

purpose of exploring and expressing different levels of reahty. One of the

most popular and well known of the "boom" authors is the Pemvian novelist,

Mario Vargas Llosa. Raymond Leslie Williams states that Vargas Llosa is one

of the key figures in the rise of the contemporary novel in Latin America,

along with Carlos Fuentes, JuHo Cortazar, and Gabriel Garcia Marquez (5).

Journalist, critic, playwright, as well as novelist, he is also one of the most

prolific (WiUiams 1). George de Lama says of Vargas Llosa that he "long has

been hailed by critics as one of the most eloquent voices in the Third World.

His books shape lively, metaphorical tales through an imaginative prism that

reflects and celebrates the grim and bizarre realities of Latin American life"

(C2). As an internationally acclaimed author, many of Vargas Llosa's works

have been translated into several languages, including English, French,

German, Bulgarian, Czechoslovakian, Finnish, Yiddish, Italian, Dutch,

Norwegian, Swiss, Polish, and Russian (Martin 47). In 1967 he won the

Romulo Gallegos Award for International Literature; in 1977 was named

President of PEN Club International, and has been nominated for a Nobel

Prize in the 1980s (WiUiams 1).

Vargas Llosa has had as a main topic for his works of fiction the reality of

twentieth-century Pemvian life. He experimented with interior monologue,

variable narrative points of view, and multiple levels of time and space in his

earlier novels (Gerdes 3). According to Gerdes, Vargas Llosa's special

treatment of the narrative components of the concepts of space, time, and

narrative point of view . . . is aimed toward the creation of a sense of multiple

time frames and spatial diversity, concurrent action, and myriad points of

view, which, taken together, evoke the sensation of many lives experienced

simultaneously (preface). He further states, "Stmcturally, Vargas Llosa's

novels work from concepts of discontinuity and simultaneity. They

demonstrate a technical mastery of multiple perspectives that is the key to what

Vargas Llosa strives to achieve in his narratives: the 'total' novel" (6). This

"total" novel is characterized by Brody as "the attempt to express reality in all

its complexity and on aU possible levels" (123). Many of his novels contain

autobiographical aspects. Experiences from his early life in Lima and Piura

are present in several of his novels, such as La ciudad y los perros, Los

cachorros. La casa verde, and La Tia Julia y el escribidor.

His seventh novel. La guerra del fin del mundo (1981) (The War of the

End of the World 1984), for which he won the Pablo Iglesias Award in Spain

in 1982, and the Ritz Paris Hemingway Award in March, 1985 (Souza 69),

was in part, a departure from form for Vargas Llosa. His first, and so far

only, historical novel is set in mral northeastern Brazil shortly before the turn

of the cenmry, not in modem Pern. It is also his first work to deal with the

subject of religion. Although it is a work of epic proportion, nearly six

hundred pages, and does employ many of the innovations in technique that he

introduced in some of his earlier works, it is, in a sense, also one of his most

3

traditional novels. Less technically complex than his novels of the 1960s, it is

narrated by a controlling omniscient narrator in a basically straightforward and

chronological manner (Williams 128). Williams considers it a synthesis of

Vargas Llosa's writing career, less complex but a synthesis of the narrative

techniques perfected in his earlier novels (5).

La guerra del fin del mundo is a historical novel dealing with an episode in

Brazilian history known as the Canudos rebellion which took place in the

harsh, unforgiving drought-ridden backlands of northeastern Brazil known as

the sertao. In the late nineteendi century, a wandering mystic named Antonio

Vicente Mendes Maciel, who came to be known as Antonio O Conselheiro, El

Consejero in Spanish, gathered around him a following of peasants and

reformed outlaws from the mral sertao. The people attracted to his following

were the poorest of the poor, the outcasts, and the misfits of this region of

outcasts and misfits. For many years he wandered the backlands of the

Northeast repairing churches, chapels, and cemeteries, and preaching to the

people. He prophecied the coming of the end of the world and preached that

the newly formed Republic of Brazil was the embodiment of the Antichrist

because of its secular nature. El Consejero and his followers sought to

establish a community of the blessed, those who would be spared in the

coming turmoil and would gain the Kingdom of God. Seeking to establish a

community safe from the cormption of the world, in 1893 El Consejero and

his followers took over an abandoned cattle ranch, Canudos, and set about

building their ultra-Catholic Utopia. Preaching against the edicts of the

Republic such as separation of Church and State, civil marriage, taxation, and

the census. El Consejero soon came to be the target of poUtical attacks by both

the liberals and the conservatives. The government perceived him and his

4

followers as a menace to the Republic; monarchists, supported by pro-

monarchy factions and the English who sought to reestablish the Empire. So,

in 1897 a small military expedition was sent to disperse the rebels. The

expedition was soundly defeated before even reaching Canudos. It required

three more expeditions, each larger than the previous, and in the end a full

military assault, to finally completely destroy the starving and ahnost unarmed

community. The cost of the Canudos campaign, however, was immense, not

only monetarily, but also in lives lost, and lost prestige of the military and the

government.

Vargas Llosa conducted extensive research on the subject before writing

the novel. One of his primary sources was Os Sertoes (1901) by Euclides da

Cunha, a military engineer and joumalist who accompanied the third

expedition to Canudos. A type of socio-historical work, it is considered to be

one of the great classics of Brazilian literature. It is not only a detailed account

of the military expeditions and battles, but also contains extensive sections on

the land and the people of the region. Besides a close reading of Os Sertoes,

Vargas Llosa conducted extensive research in the Library of Congress and

spent several months in Bahia, including interviews with relatives of the

people of Canudos.

The end of the nineteenth century was a period of great changes in Brazil.

Slavery had been abolished in 1888, the Empire of Dom Pedro n was

overthrown, and the Repubhc of Brazil was estabhshed in 1889. This was a

time of transition and uncertainty in Brazil. The nascent Republic was trying

to establish its identity, create a viable government, and forge a unified

country. It was a society changing yet imchanged. The motto of the new

Republic was Ordem e Progreso (Order and Progress) based on the principles

5

of positivism. The decline in the importance of sugar and the rise of coffee

shifted prosperity and industry to the south creating a great rivalry between the

northern and southern regions. The military did not consider governing to be

part of their duties, although there were some officers who believed the best

would be a military dictatorship, their duty was to maintain order, regardless

of who might be the instigators of disorder. Catholicism was the religion of

the land; however, the religions and gods of the African slaves and the native

Indians had not been completely abolished but rather syncretized into the

rituals and saints of the Catholic faith. Messianism was common in the

Northeast; the residents of Canudos were members of the last great messianic

cult to arise in Brazil.

Vargas Llosa brings this society to life in the pages of La guerra del fin del

mundo. He gives it color, movement, and feeling. The people, the attimdes,

the customs, the different regions, and the institutions of late nineteenth-

century Brazil flow through the novel. Gerdes states that he "presents...a

complete social spectrum of nineteenth-century Brazil" (169). Although the

action of the novel takes place mainly in the mral Northeast, with some scenes

in Salvador de Bahia, the capital of the state of Bahia, Vargas Llosa manages

to encompass all of Brazil in this "spectrum of society." He includes not only

mral northeastern Brazil, but also the urban and sou them regions, with their

vast social and economic differences, and the rivalries between these regions.

Vargas Llosa uses a variety of techniques to breathe life into various aspects

of Brazilian society during this period. Some of these include the use of

representative characters, description, dialogue, letters, and newspaper

articles. Each event, anecdote, and character has a purpose, explains or

describes some aspect or characteristic of the Brazilian people or society.

6

Included in this portrait of society are many of the attimdes and customs of the

era, as well as military attitudes and life, politics, religion, and how people

from different segments of society relate to one another. This thesis will

analyze this representation of late nineteentii-century Brazilian society and the

techniques that Mario Vargas Llosa uses to recreate it in his epic historical

work. La guerra del fin del mundo.

CHAPTER I

STRUCTURE AND CHARACTER

DEVELOPMENT

Character development is essential to the representation of society in La

guerra del fin del mundo. The stmcture of the novel is also a key element in

this development, Lucretia Shotzbarger Tippit summarizes the complex

stmcture of the novel and its narrative segments in her doctoral dissertation.

The novel is divided into four parts. Part One is made up of seven chapters.

Each chapter is then divided into four segments. The first segment of each

chapter deals with the background of El Consejero, the settlement of

Canudos, the beliefs of its inhabitants, and accounts of two battles from their

perspective. The second segments develop the character of Galileo Gall and

his encounters with various characters, and one battle from the perspective of

the defeated army. The third segments each introduce a major character in the

Canudos settlement: El Beatito, Joao Grande, Maria Quadrado, Joao Satan,

Antonio Vilanova, el Leon de Natuba, and Padre Joaquim. The fourth

segments of each chapter in Part One again deal with Galileo Gall with

emphasis on his philosophical and political beliefs.

Part Two, the shortest part, is stmctured differently. It has only three

segments and deals exclusively with the nearsighted joumalist and the

newspaper article he has written. The first segment describes him as he writes

the article covering a meeting of the Bahian legislature. The second is a

transcription, verbatim, of the article for the Jomal de Noticias, the

Republican affiliated newspaper, and the third is a conversation between the

8

journalist and his editor in which it is decided that he will accompany the third

expedition to Canudos as a reporter for the newspaper.

Parts Three and Four are stmctured like Part One. Part Three contains

seven chapters consisting of five segments each. The first segments recount,

from the army's perspective, the third military expedition which was led by

Colonel Moreira Cesar. The second segments introduce the traveling circus

characters, and the meeting and fight between Galileo Gall and Rufino. The

third segments, set inside Canudos, are concemed with the organization of the

community, their preparations for war, and the attack on the city. The fourth

segments recount Rufino's long, difficult search for Gall, their deaths, and the

chance meeting of Jurema, the dwarf, the nearsighted joumalist, and Padre

Joaquim, The fifth and final segments of each chapter in Part Three deal with

the Baron de Canabrava, his meetings and conversations with his friends,

political cronies, enemies, and various main characters.

Part Four contains six chapters divided into four segments each. The first

segments of each chapter are a conversation between the baron and the

nearsighted joumalist in the form of a flashback as they remember the events

leading up to the destmction of Canudos several months previous. The

second segments deal with the final assault on Canudos and the death of El

Consejero from the perspective of several main characters within die

community. The third segments again recount events inside Canudos, this

time from the point of view of the joumalist, Jurema, and the dwarf. The

final segments focus on the internal problems experienced by the fourth

military expedition and the final, complete destmction of Canudos. The sixth

chapter of Part Four departs somewhat from this format in that the first two

segments offer dramatic conclusions to their story Unes, the conversation

9

between the joumalist and the baron and the death of El Consejero. The third

and fourth segments clear up loose ends in the narrative (167-172).

These narrative segments do not stand alone; there are cross references of

characters and events; the action begun in one may be concluded in another

from a different perspective, and events mentioned in one segment are

expounded upon in a later segment. The flow of events and characters

through the chapters and segments creates a panoramic view of the events and

a sense of simultaneity and coherence. Each episode does not deal directly

with the Canudos campaign. A multiplicity of associated stories creates a

panorama that includes more than just the sertao and the creation and

destmction of Canudos. It is many of these anecdotal segments that introduce

aspects of urban and southem Brazil. The hundreds of characters introduced

in these many narrative segments give Vargas Llosa ample opportunity to

touch upon various and varied aspects of Brazilian life and culture, from the

very simple and mundane to things of vast political and economic import.

The novel is narrated in the third person and controlled by an omniscient

narrator, with only two exceptions. However, many of the segments are

focalised through specific characters so that, though they are written in the

third person, events are seen through the eyes of that specific character. The

two exceptions are letters written by Galileo Gall for the newspaper

L'Etincelle de la revoke. These are written in first person and give Gall's

perspective and interpretation of events in Canudos in light of his idealistic,

radical philosophical and ideological beliefs. These are analysed in Chapter

Three of this thesis. As the perspective and point of view shifts among the

many characters: the aristocrats, the common sertanejos, the cangaceiros. the

soldiers both officers and enlisted men, the nearsighted joumalist, and the

10

religious converts of El Consejero, their memories, thoughts, actions and

reactions, attitudes, and their conversations disclose many more details about

the different aspects of Brazilian society and the life of the people. Because he

introduces many of the characters beginning from their childhood, Vargas

Llosa is able to include details such as the everyday games and activities of the

children of the plantations and villages.

The third segment of each of the seven chapters of Part One each

introduce a character that will become part of El Consejero's entourage. As

these characters are introduced, the biographical and background information

in these segments provides the reader with many details about life and society

in the sertao. Chapter One introduces Antonio da Mota who later came to be

known as El Beatito, In describing his childhood, the narrator contrasts it

witii the pasttimes of the other young boys of the town who spend their free

time in "corretear por los potreros, montar a pelo los animales chijcaros, cazar

palomas o ir a ver castrar a los toros . . ." (21). El Beatito participated in

religious processions through the streets of the village where there were altars

on the comers to place the images of the Virgin and Christ so they could rest.

Religious processions, mentioned many times in the novel, were a common

part of the religious life in both the rural areas and the cities. The second

chapter introduces Joao Grande, one of the best examples of the slave

breeding program of Adalberto de Gumucio. This segment includes much

about life on a typical sugar plantation. Joao is sent to live in the big house so

he will not be mined by the backbreaking work of the field hands. As a

favorite he is better cared for and allowed more freedom to play than most of

the slave children. In this segment, the reader leams of the custom of

unmarried women who live with brothers or fathers and mn their household.

11

The activities of Gumucio's spinster sister are typical of the mistress of a

plantation, "dedicaba el tiempo a tejer cofias, mantones, a bordar manteles,

colchas y blusas o a preparar dulces . , ," (36). She carried ahns to

neighboring villages, attended church every Sunday, and went on retreat

every year to the Convento de la Encamacion. The Baroness de Canabrava,

discussed later, also portrays the typical aristocratic lady and plantation

mistress. Chapter Three introduces the character of Maria Quadrado. In this

segment the narrator describes "el milagroso Calvario de la Sierra de

Piquara9a, donde dos kilometros excavados en los flancos de la montana y

rociados de capillas, en recuerdo de las Estaciones del Senor, conducian hacia

la Iglesia de la Santa Cmz de Monte Santo , . ." (49). This church is the

destination of throngs of pilgrims each year, especially during Holy Week,

emphasizing the strong religious beliefs of the people. Chapter Four

introduces Joao Satan who later becomes known as Joao Abade. This is one

of the most informative of these segments. By recoimting details of Joao

Abade's childhood Vargas Llosa describes a typical viUage of mud huts,

sunbaked streets, and the single store that supplied cloth, grain, tools, and

trinkets to the people of the surrounding area. It also describes the diversions

of the people: weddings, fiestas during the ranch round-ups, the festivals to

celebrate the village's patron saint's day, and the wandering minstrels who

wandered the backlands and entertained during these celebrations. These

wandering minstrels, such as the dwarf in the gypsy's traveling circus, are

common throughout the novel. They carry messages, news, and information

from town to town, recite traditional baUads, and the history and stories of the

sertao. At least one of these ballads is recognized by Gall as one he heard as a

child in his native Scotland. In a later section the baron remembers a scholar

12

friend who was fascinated by these minstrels, "se quedaba horas fascinado

oyendo a los troveros de las ferias, se hacia dictar las letras que oia cantar y

contar y aseguraba que eran romances medievales, traidos por los primeros

Portugueses y conservados por la tradicion sertanera" (338). Some of the

most interesting information provided in this segment is the story of how the

cangagos (bands of cangaceiros^ and the volantes (police brigades that

pursued them) came to be.

Los vecinos de Custodia temian, como a la sequia y a las pestes, a dos calamidades que cada cierto tiempo empobrecian al poblado: los cangaceiros y las volantes de la Guardia Nacional. Los primeros habian sido, al principio, bandas organizadas entre sus peones y allegados por los coroneles de las haciendas, para las peleas que estallaban entre ellos por asunto de linderos, aguas y pastos 0 por ambiciones politicas, pero luego, muchos de esos gmpos armados de trabucos y machetes se habian emancipado y andaban sueltos, viviendo de la rapifia y el asalto. Para combatirlos habian nacido las volantes. Unos y otros se comian las provisiones de los vecinos de Custodia, se emborrachaban con su cachaga y quenan abusar de sus mujeres. (65)

As far as the people of the region were concemed, the government in the form

of the Guardia Nacional mistreated them as badly as the outlaws. What

follows is an extensive description of the life of the outlaws, hardships,

crimes, battles, escapes, even their clothing. It also introduces the coiteros.

"Corria el mmor de que este [Ze Faustino] era coitero, es decir que hacia

negocios con los bandidos y les proporcionaba informacion y escondites"

(66). It is later learned that it is also the custom of the landowners to give the

ouflaws what they want. "^Quienes los ayudan?" pregunta el Coronel.

^Quienes les dan armas, provisiones, dinero? "No se quienes, no se,

Uoriquea el cura. Es decir, si, muchos hacendados. Es la costumbre, senor,

13

como con los bandidos, Darles algo para que no ataquen, para que se vayan a

otras tierras" (248). The baron confirms this custom in his conversation with

the nearsighted joumalist. "Tuvimos que hacerio todos los hacendados de la

region, para que no nos quemaran las haciendas. ^No es esa la manera de

tratar con los bandidos en el serton? Si no se les puede matar, se les alquila"

(435). Chapter Five introduces the Vilanova brothers and their families. In

this segment the details of the life of one family is followed through

epidemics, drought, flood, theft, and other hardships common to the

backlands. Chapter Six deals with the Leon de Namba and touches upon the

superstitious nature of the backland people with an example of the panic

aroused by their belief in the Evil Eye. The third segment of the final chapter

of Part One introduces Padre Joaquim, who had been briefly mentioned in a

previous chapter. The character of Padre Joaquim gives the reader insight into

the condition of the priesthood and the Church in the sertao.

These segments contribute a wealth of details about life in the sertao, from

die detail that the men often drink cane brandy with sour cherry to the relating

of the ballad of Roberto el Diablo, from the Hermandad de Penitentes who

practiced self-flagellation to a viUage wedding celebration. They also include

the crops, food, dress, and weapons of the backlands. The backgroimd

information on the nearsighted joumalist in a later segment provides insight

into life in the city from the perspective of a poor but educated working man.

The segments related from the point of view of various soldiers fumish

particulars about life in the military such as food, duties, punishments, racial

makeup, and conflicts and problems between different companies based on

their region of origin. For example, the soldiers from the south were gauchos

who had fought in the war against Paraguay; they and the soldiers from the

14

SertlQ despised each other. Although this is mentioned briefly several times,

it is graphically demonstrated in the confrontation between the sertaneio

Colonel Geraldo Macedo and Second Lieutenant Maranhao, a gaucho from the

south. In an incident just like so many other incidents the Colonel's men have

been accused by Maranhao's men of being traitors to the Republic, jagungos

in disguise. The Colonel, furious, goes to confront Maranhao.

--^Usted es de muy lejos de aqui, no es cierto? -dice el Coronel Macedo-. Entonces, seguramente no sabe cual es para los sertaneros la peor ofensa.

El AJferez Maranhao esta muy serio, con el ceno fmncido, y el Coronel se da cuenta que no puede esparar mas, pues aquel terminara sacando su arma. Con un movimiento fukninante, imprevisible, fuertisimo, golpea esa cara blanca con la mano abierta. El golpe derriba al Alferez, quien no alcanza a ponerse de pie y permanece a cuatro patas mirando al Coronel Macedo, que ha dado un paso para ponerse junto a el, y le advierte:

-Si se levanta, esta muerto. Y si trata de coger su revolver, por supuesto.

Lo mira friamente a los ojos y tampoco ahora ha cambiado el tono de voz. Ve la duda en la enrojecida del Alferez, a sus pies, y ya sabe que el surefio no se levantara ni intentara sacar el revolver. El no ha sacado el suyo, por lo demas, se ha limitado a llevar la mano derecha a la cintura, a ponerla a mih'metros de la cartuchera. Pero, en realidad, esta pendiente de lo que pasa a su espalda, adivinando lo que piensan, sienten, los ocho soldados al ver a su jefe en ese trance. Pero unos segundos despues esta seguro que tampoco haran nada, que tambien ellos han perdido la partida.

-Ponerle la mano a un hombre en la cara, asi como se la he puesto -dice, mientras se abre la bragueta, velozmente se saca el sexo y ve salir el chorrito de orina transparente que salpica el fundillo del Alferez Maranhao-. Pero todavia peor que eso es mearle encima.

Mientras se guarda el sexo y se abotona la bragueta, los oidos siempre atentos a lo que ocurre a su espalda, ve que el Alferez se ha puesto a temblar, igual que un hombre con

15 tercianas, ve que se le saltan las lagrimas y que no sabe que hacer con su cuerpo, con su alma.

-A mi no me importa que me digan Cazabandidos, porque lo he sido -dice, por fln, viendo enderezarse al Alferez, viendolo llorar, temblar, sabiendo cuanto lo odia y que tampoco ahora sacara la pistola-, Pero a mis hombres no les gusta que los llamen traidores a la Repiiblica, pues es falso. Son tan republicanos y patriotas como el que mas. (529-531)

Details such as these can be found throughout each chapter of the novel.

One segment describes a typical market held every Saturday in Queimadas

where people from the area come to sell their wares; beggars, traveling

minstrels, and gypsies as well as merchants and farmers attend the fairs.

Several episodic segments briefly mention details about die inclusion of folk

beliefs and other religions into die rituals and beliefs of the Catholics,

especially in mral areas, "a las practicas catohcas se injertaban a veces, como

plantas parasitas, cosmmbres dudosas" (93). Some of these include the

dances of the Negros and Mulattos, herb concoctions of the Indians, palm

readers, curanderos. sorcerers, practitioners of smoke cures, and people who

could read the future in coffee grounds or a basin of water. The recollections

of the joumalist also mention candomble rites, voodoo ceremonies, ancient

religious ceremonies of the Africans. Various superstitions are mentioned

throughout the narrative segments. The jagungos believe that if they die by

having their throat slit, the favorite method of execution by the southem army,

their soul goes straight to hell. They also believe that to reach heaven they

must be buried with wood above them, preferably a coffin, but due to a

scarcity of wood in Canudos twigs and slivers of wood have to suffice. The

strong beliefs and superstitions of the region is further emphasized by the

story told by Jurema about die wooden San Antonio in the church at

Queimadas.

16

La encontraron en una gmta, hace anos, y la llevaron a la Iglesia y al dia siguiente desaparecio y aparecio de nuevo en la gmta. La amarraron en el altar para que no se escapara y, a pesar de eUo, volvio a irse a la gmta. Y asi estuvo, yendo y viniendo, hasta que llego a Queimadas una Santa Mision, con cuatro padres capuchinos y el Obispo, que consagraron la Iglesia a San Antonio y rebautizaron al pueblo San Antonio das Queimadas en honor del santo. Solo asi se quedo quieta la imagen en el altar donde ahora se le prenden velas. (62)

These passages emphasize the superstitious and impressionable namre of the

people. These episodes do not always contribute directly to the action, but

they create a depth of background knowledge that makes the people and

events of the novel more real and believable.

The extensive dialogue in other segments of the novel provides much

insight into die attitudes of the era. The dialogues between Baron de

Caiiabrava and his various friends and enemies yield a great amount of

information about the political attitudes and intrigues of various factions as

well as some of the history of the Republic. After the fall of Canudos, the

baron and Epaminondas Gongalves come to a political agreement which will

maintain the status quo of the region and prevent the federal government from

taking over the state government,

^No se ha dado cuenta? Con la muerte de Moreira Cesar, los jacobinos han sufrido un golpe mortal. Han perdido la linica figura de prestigio con que contaban. Si, mi amigo, los yagunzos han hecho un favor al Presidente Pmdente de Morals, y al Parlamento, a ese gobiemo de "bachilleres" y "cosmopolitas" que ustedes querian derribar para instalar la Repiiblica Dictatorial. Morals y los PauHstas van a servirse de esta crisis para limpiar el Ejercito y la administracion de jacobinos. Siempre fueron pocos y ahora estan acefalos. Usted tambien sera barrido en la limpieza. Por eso lo he llamado. Vamos a vemos en aprietos con el gigantesco Ejercito que viene a Bahia. El gobiemo federal

17 pondra un jefe militar y politico en el estado, alguien de confianza de Pmdente de Morals, y la Asamblea perdera toda fuerza si no se cierra por falta de uso. Toda forma de poder local desaparecera de Bahia y seremos un simple apendice de Rio. Por mas partidario del centralismo que sea, me imagino que no lo es tanto como para aceptar verse expulsado de la vida politica.

—Es una manera de ver las cosas -murmuro Epaminondas, imperturbable-. ^Puede decirme en que forma contrarrestaria el peligro ese frente comiin que me propone?

—Nuestra union obligara a Morals a negociar y pactar con nosotros y salvara a Bahia de caer atada de pies y manos bajo el control de un Virrey militar -dijo el Baron-. Y le dara a usted, ademas, la posibilidad de llegar al poder

—Solo —lo rectifico el Baron-. La Gobemacion es suya. Luis Viana no volvera a presentarse y usted sera nuestro candidato, , . .

-Necisito saber que va a pedirme a cambio -dijo Epaminondas Gongalves,

-Que no se toquen las propiedades agrarias ni los comercios urbanos -repuso el Baron de Caiiabrava, en el acto—. Ustedes y nosotros lucharemos contra cualquier intento de confiscar, expropiar, intervenir o gravar inmoderadamente las tierras o los comercios. Es la unica condicion. (329-330)

The baron goes on to explain that he will retire from politics completely, and

explains some of the changes that he feels make diis necessary.

La verdad es que, tal como estan las cosas, he llegado al convencimiento que la persona con las dotes necesarias para dirigir la politica de Bahia es usted.

-^Debo tomar eso como im elogio? -pregunto Epaminondas Gongalves, con aire sarcastico.

-Creo que se acabo un estilo, una manera de hacer politica —precise el Baron, como no lo oyera-. Reconozco que me he quedado obsoleto. Yo funcionaba mejor en el viejo sistema, cuando se trataba de conseguir la obediencia de la gente hacia las instituciones, de negociar, de persuadir, de usar la diplomacia y las formas. Lo hacia bastante bien. Eso se acabo, desde luego. Hemos entrado en la hora de la accion, de la audacia, de la violencia, incluso de los crimenes. Ahora se trata de disociar totalmente la politica de la moral. Estando asi las cosas, la

18 persona mejor preparada para mantener el orden en este Estado es usted, (330-331)

A conversation with the nearsighted joumalist and a remembered

conversation with the Vizconde de Ouro Preto describes die riots, mobs, and

murders in the soudi, Rio de Janeiro and Sao Paulo, as a result of die defeat

of Moreira Cesar and the accounts of die monarchist conspiracy printed in the

republican newspapers,

-Me acorde de repente de Gentil de Castro -murmuro el Baron de Caiiabrava-, La estupefaccion que debio sentir al saber por que arrasaban sus periodicos, por que destmian su casa. . . .

-Esta parte de la historia tiene explicacion -retintineo el hombre que parecia plegadizo [el periodista]-. Lo que ocurrio en Rio de Janeiro, en Sao Paulo, es logico y racionad.

-^Logico y racional que la multitud se vuelque a las calles a destmir periodicos, a asaltar casas, a asesinar a gentes incapaces de sefialar en el mapa donde esta Canudos, porque unos fanaticos derrotan a una expedicion a miles de kilometros de distancia? ^Logico y racional eso?

—Estaban intoxicados por la propaganda -insistio el periodista miope—. Usted no ha leido los periodicos. Baron.

-Conozco lo que paso en Rio por una de las propias victimas -dijo este-. Se salvo por un pelo de que lo mataran a el tambien.

— . . . A usted no lo lincharon porque en Salvador no hay jacobinos. Baron. Los bahianos solo se exaltan con los Camavales, la politica les importa un bledo. (361-362)

Other conversations offer odier types of information. A conversation

between Rufino and his friend Caifas clarifies die sertanejo code of honor and

conduct. Caifas explains diat an obligation to a friend is more important dian

an obligation to an employer. He also talks about die need for revenge, "Se

que no duermes y que todo en la vida ha muerto para ti. Que incluso cuando

estas con los demas, como ahora conmigo, estas vengandote. Asi es, Rufino,

19

asi es cuando se tiene honor La muerte no basta, no lava la afrenta. La

mano o el chicote en la cara, en cambio, si, Porque la cara es tan sagrada

como la madre o la mujer" (184), In anodier segment a conversation between

Moreira Cesar and his officers demonstrates die intense disdain and dislike

diat the soudiem men and devout republicans have for the Bahians, especially

the Autonomistas, One dialogue between Moreira Cesar and the baron goes

into the different attitudes and developing economies of die Soudi and die

Northeast,

-Odio a los terratenientes locales y a los mercaderes ingleses que han mantenido esta region en la prehistoria -prosiguio el Coronel, con acento helado-, Odio a quienes el azijcar les interesaba mas que la gente del Brasil.

La Baronesa atendia a sus invitados, inmutable. El dueiio de casa, en cambio, habia dejado de sonreir. Pero su tono siguio siendo cordial:

-^A los comerciantes norteamericanos que el Sur recibe con los brazos abiertos les interesa la gente, o solo el cafe? -pregunto.

Moreira C6sar tenia lista la respuesta: -Con ellos Uegan las maquinas, la tecnica y el dinero que

necesita el Brasil para su progreso. Porque progreso quiere decir industria, trabajo, capital como lo han demostrado los Estados Unidos de Norteamerica. (209-210)

Sugar cane was the principal crop of the Northeast and the Enghsh were major

investors in the economy. However, die Americans had begun investing in

the coffee plantations and the industrialization of the south late in die

nineteendi century. Industry and prosperity was shifting to die soudiem

region and becoming more closely linked widi the United States radier dian

Europe, A later conversation with his friends explains further die decline of

die region, and laments die destmction of die plantations, "los focos de

civilizacion de este pais" (269).

20

^ -Nuestro enemigo numero uno ya no es Epaminondas, ni ningun jacobino -murmuro el Baron, con desanimo-. Son los yagunzos. La quiebra economica de Bahia. Esloquevaa ocurrir si no se pone fin a esta locura. Las tierras van a quedar inservibles y todo se esta yendo al diablo. Se comen los animales, la ganaderia desaparece. Y, lo peor, una region donde la falta de brazos fue siempre un problema, va a quedar despoblada. A la gente que se marcha ahora en masa, no la vamos a traer de vuelta. Hay que atajar de cualquier modo la mina que esta provocando Canudos. (270)

Vargas Llosa also uses comparisons to point out different aspects of

different levels of society and regions of die nation. Lieutenant Pires Ferreira

is described as "joven, mas bien bajo, de bigotitos recortados como los usan

los petimetres que, alia, en Salvador, se reiinen en las confiterias de la rua de

Chile a la hora del te" (33). In this case, by comparing him to the dandies of

the city die reader is allowed a glimpse into urban life.

The juxtaposition of segments and episodes is also a method of

contrasting attitudes and ways of life . The sections dedicated to El Consejero

and his religious beliefs are juxtaposed with segments about Galileo Gall with

his rational, scientific, modem attitudes. Moving directiy from die bloody

battleground of Canudos to die luxury of the drawing room of the baron's

town house in Salvador also provides an important contrast between the

lifestyles of the rich and the poor, the mral people and the urbanites. The

juxtaposition of scenes from die point of view of die army widi scenes from

the point of view of die rebels emphasizes the vast ideological differences

between the two groups,

Vargas Llosa's use of biographical information as a source of descriptive

detail, extensive dialogue, episodic segments, and die juxtaposition of

episodes to provide contrast fumish die reader a wealdi of detail into die

21

lifestyle and life of die people of the sertao. It also renders some information

on life in the cities and the southem regions of Brazil as well as an overview

of the politics of die era, and the condition of die Church and the Military.

This knowledge enhances the reader's understanding of the characters, their

actions, reactions, attitudes, and die culmre and conditions diat cause the

events of the novel.

CHAPTER n

REPRESENTATIVE CHARACTERS

The use of representative characters to portray a type is not a new or

unusual technique in literature. Mario Vargas Llosa utilizes diis age-old

technique widi great effectiveness. Some of diese characters are not fully

developed as individuals and serve to portray typical attitudes, actions, and

reactions of die segment of society which diey represent. Many of his

characters however, even though they represent much of what is typical

within their class or sphere of society, are developed with a psychological

depdi that individualizes them. The characters diat will be analyzed in diis

chapter and how their development imparts cultural and societal information

are: Rufino, the sertanejo: Jurema, Rufino's wife and the typical woman of

the sertao: Pajeij, cangaceiro and convert of El Consejero; El Consejero,

charismatic and messianic prophet of the sertao: die Baron de Cafiabrava,

aristocratic landowner, conservative, and founder of the Partido Autonomista

de Bahia; the baroness, aristocratic wife; Adalberto de Gumucio, landed

aristocrat but less diplomatic and willing to change than the baron;

Epaminondas Gon9alves, Republican politician, and leader of die Partido

Republicano Progresista; Fadier Joaquim, Cadiolic priest of the backlands;

and Colonel Moreira Cesar, military hero and positivist.

Rufino is a guide in the backlands of die sertao. He guides die surveyors

for the railroad, cowboys searching for lost cattle, and anyone else who

wishes to get around die sertao: he also tracks die wild animals for dieir pelts

and meat. For Vargas Llosa, Rufino is die typical man of die sertao. strong,

22

23

self-sufficient, traditional in his beliefs,wary of strangers and of change.

Bom and raised on die plantation of die Baron de Caiiabrava, Rufino depends

on him much as a vassal depends on his feudal lord. It is die baron who

chooses his wife for him and gives him permission to leave the plantation to

make his living as a guide and tracker. Such is his loyalty to the baron and his

honor code diat Rufino must ask the baron's permission to kill Jurema when

she disgraces him, and he asks die baron's blessing before beginning his

search for her and Galileo Gall. When he speaks to die baron, "mantenia la

postura respetuosa y miraba siempre al suelo" (188). Rufino's code of honor

is strong and inviolable; he and his friend Caifas discuss honor and die

importance of keeping promises. Rufino was disgraced when Jurema was

raped by Gall. According to his code of honor, die only way to regain his lost

honor is to strike Gall in die face and then kill bodi Gall and Jurema, but first

he must be released from his promise to die baron to take care of her.

Nothing can swerve him from his purpose even diough he is also kiUed in die

process of killing Gall while Jurema escapes his vengeance.

Jurema, Rufino's wife, is typical of the women of the sertao. Perceived

mainly as a possession, she is completely controlled by the men in her life,

first the baron who chooses her husband, then by Rufino, and finally by

Galileo Gall, She is submissive, fatalistic, and superstitious. Gall describes

her, "^Era un ser pensante? Un animalito domestico, mas bien. Dihgente,

sumiso, capaz de creer que las imagenes de San Antonio escapan de las

iglesias a las gmtas donde fueron talladas, adiestrado como las otras siervas

del Baron para cuidar gallinas y cameros, dar de comer al marido, lavarle la

ropa y abrirle las piemas solo a el "(108). He later comments to himself on

the nature of the sertanejos. especially die women, "Son las gentes mas

24

enigmdticas del planeta . . . . Fatalistas, educadas para aceptar lo que la vida

les traiga, sea bueno, malo o atroz" (124-125). Jurema knows diat after Gall

rapes her she has been disgraced for life and has disgraced Rufino. He will

kill diem bodi to regain his honor. She accepts diis as a fact and follows Gall

as she awaits her fate. From her perspective she has no odier choice.

However, she manages to survive where Rufino and Gall do not and, after

terrible suffering, gains more control over her life once she reaches Canudos.

She is able to reject Pajeii, the very influential cangaceiro. and choose her own

course, even diough it is not independence, but life widi anodier man. This

time it is a man of her own choosing, and she is not totally dependent upon

him for her survival; in this case he is dependent upon her.

Pajeu is another typical inhabitant of the sertao. a cangaciero. an oudaw

notorious for his crimes and his cmelty. "El mas malvado de todo el serton"

(98). There are many cangaceiros in die region; Pajeu is just one example.

Tales of his and other outiaws' crimes and atrocities are told throughout die

novel, giving insight into just one more hardship in a hard life that die people

of the Northeast had to endure. A result of the existence of the outlaws is the

flying brigades of police who pursued them, the volantes. The police

brigades are as cmel and inspire as much terror in die inhabitants of die region

as do the outlaws. They do not ease dieir lives, only make diem harder. Even

though Pajeu is reformed by El Consejero and becomes one of his blessed and

a primary defenders of Canudos, not all cangaceiros experienced similar

conversions, for they continued to terrorize die region.

The character of El Consejero is not developed in great depdi. He remains

aloof to the action, even diough he is die center around which die plot and

action of the novel moves. His type is, however, very important in die

25

society of die Northeast as die messianic prophet who comes to lead die

oppressed and poor of die sertao to salvation and die Kingdom of God. He is

a medieval figure, well suited to die medieval society present in die sertao

(Souza 80), His concem is widi living and suffering on Earth by die laws of

God in order to attain a better life in die Heaven. There were several such

prophets roaming die backlands during die late nineteendi cenmry. One of the

most famous was Fadier Cicero Romao Batista, a suspended Roman Cadiolic

priest, who founded a religious movement in Joaseiro, a small village in the

state of Ceara, also in die sertao. This "mystical city" existed for nearly fifty

years despite die hostility of Church and State (Delia Cava 402). El Consejero

"embodies traits of the many spiritual heroes of the region, especially those of

die long-awaited Sebastian whom all expected to reappear some day" (Tippit

152), People flocked to these prophets by the thousands in the belief and

hope of escape from the misery of life in the sertao and the promise of etemal

salvation.

These four characters present an outline of the typical poor of the mral

northeast of Brazil, the hardships they faced in daily life, and their resignation

and fatalism in the face of constant misery, poverty, drought and its resulting

starvation and epidemics. Details provided as these characters are developed

also describe small details of the customs, homes, dress, and daily activities

of the sertanejos. These details are provided through descriptions of them and

their surroundings, conversations, and their thoughts and memories when

they are the focalisers of the narrative point of view.

The odier side of die coin of life in die sertao is die landowners, die rich

and powerful owners of die great sugar plantations and cattle ranches. The

Baron de Caiiabrava is die most powerful of die old aristocracy of Bahia. He

26

represents die old-fashioned, conservative, landed aristocracy. He represents

die old way, die feudal society of titled aristocracy and die people of die land

who depend on diem for dieir jobs and dieir weU being. The baron and his

wife epitomize die life of die rich of die period. The reader's introduction to

die couple also includes an introduction to Salvador widi its narrow

cobblestone streets and donkey drawn carts as well as to die lifestyle of die

wealdiy Bahians,

Los Canabrava vivian en un palacio con azulejos traidos de Portugal, techo de tejas rojas, balcones de flerro forjado sostenidos por cariatides de pechos robustos y una fachada que remataba en cuatro figuras de ceramica amariUa brillante: dos leones melenudos y dos piiias, Los leones parecian vigilar a los barcos que llegaban a la bahia y las piiias anunciar a los navegantes la esplendidez de la ciudad. La huerta que rodeaba a la constmccion hervia de flamboyanes, mangos, crotos y ficus donde mmoreaba el viento. El palacio habia sido desinfectado con vinagre, perfumado con hierbas aromaticas y engalanado con jarrones de flores para recibir a los dueiios. En la puerta, criados de mamelucos, blancos y negritas con mandiles encamados y paiiuelos a la cabeza los aplaudieron. (162-163)

The baron also maintains a less lavish but grand home at his plantation,

Calumbi, and diey are accustomed to spending several months out of the year

in Europe. Upon their retum from Europe, they expect to be met by the

govemor, civil, ecclesiastical, and military dignitaries of Salvador, and several

hundred loyal and jubilant Bahians , It is a sign of the changing times when

they are met by only a few old friends, and die govemor does not greet diem

publicly but awaits them in their home. Not only important in the economic

and social life of die region, the baron as founder of die Partido Autonomista

de Bahia, the conservative party of die majority under die new Republic, is

one of the most influential men in die state. The conservatives are still in

27

power in Bahia, but die opposition is not a weak opponent and is able to use

die Canudos incident to its advantage. Not only a politician but also a

diplomat, he realizes diat he and his kind must adapt if diey are to survive and

maintain any semblance dieir life before die advent of die Republic.

The Baroness is not a major character but represents the wealdiy, upper

class women of BraziHan society. She is beautiful and dignified, described as

"Esa mujer discreta, invisible detras de sus maneras corteses, cuyas sonrisas

levantaban una muralla impalpable entre ella y los demas . . ." (267). But she

is not allowed to participate in making die decisions diat affect her life.

Politics and business are not discussed in her presence. She is not a helpless

woman; in her conversations with Moreira Cesar and his doctor she describes

some of die duties of die mistress of a plantation, "Aqui en Calumbi he tenido

que hacer de medico y de partera muchas veces" (207). She later talks about

some of the things she has seen living in the backlands, "He visto muchas

desgracias en mi vida,., , Alia, en el campo, Cosas que aterrarian a los

hombres de Salvador ^Te acuerdas del toro que enloquecio y embistio a

los nifios que salian del catecismo? ^Acaso me desmaye? No soy una mujer

debil. En la gran sequia, por ejemplo, vimos cosas atroces ^no es cierto?"

(266), According to her husband, she has always risen to any crisis that she

has had to face; however, the loss of her home, Calumbi, proves to be more

than she can handle, and she loses her mind when it is bumed to the ground

by Pajeii and his men. Much of die aristocracy is unable to adjust to the major

changes in Brazilian life and society,

Adalberto de Gumucio is also a member of die old, landed aristocracy

and President of die Bahian Congress. One of die baron's close friends, he is

not as modem and open minded as die baron. Gumucio is known for his well

28

bred horses and during the days of slavery for his weU bred slaves, which he

mated as carefully as his horses. He is less willing to accept die changes

brought by die Republic or any changes diat direaten die sovereignty and

power of his class. He tends to agree with anodier of die region's

landowners, "el anciano coronel Jose Bemardo Murau" (267), who,

concerning die buming of Calumbi by El Consejero's followers, states "Si

hubiera sido yo, estaria alM muerto Hubieran tenido que quemarme a mi

tambien Uno puede destmir su propiedad si le da la gana. Pero que una

partida de ladrones infames y dementes me digan que van a quemar mi tierra

para que descanse, porque ha sudado mucho, eso no, Hubieran tenido que

matarme" (268). Many landowners find it hard to change widi the times, to

admit that their power over the land and its people is no longer absolute. The

baron, a more pragmatic man, realizes diat these changes cannot be stopped,

only survived as best as possible,

Epaminondas Gon9alves is the leader of the Partido Republicano

Progresista, the opposition party. He represents the modem, progressive

politician, recentiy come to the forefront and who attempts to gain influence

and power rapidly, Gon9alves owns the newspaper Jomal de Noticias which

he uses to undermine and attack the conservatives, just as die conservative

paper, owned by the Baron de Caiiabrava, does to die republicans, A shrewd

and aggressive politician, he inflames die emotions of die people in Salvador

and die nation's capital of Rio de Janeiro by feeding mmors of conspiracy

between die conservatives and die English to overthrow die Republic. It is

Gon^alves who frames Gall as an English spy sent to supply arms to die

jagun^os. It is die republicans who eventually come out on top when die

baron and Gon9alves meet to discuss die fate of die state. The baron retires

29

from public life, and Gon9alves becomes die power in Bahian politics.

However, nodiing reaUy changes for die people whom diey are goveming.

The agreement between die baron and Gon9alves maintains die stams quo,

even diough die leaders have changed, and life continues in die sertao much as

it has since it was first settled.

These four characters represent die wealdiy and die political organization

of the region. Along with the four previous characters they give die reader an

idea of die organization of society in die Northeast, cleariy divided between

die rich and die poor. Even diough diere are two political factions, neidier

seems to be concemed widi die people of die region, only with die power and

influence that they wield within dieir class. Theirs is a semi-feudal society in

which the rich and powerful control the lives of the peasants who work for

them, living on their land and in die villages under their influence.

This leaves two of the three institutions of society to be portrayed by

representative characters, die Church and die Military. Fadier Joaquim, die

parish priest of the village of Cumbe, represents die Church in die sertao.

Priests were scarce in the region, so he travels over a large territory baptizing

die children bom since the last visit by a priest, marrying the couples who

were betrothed or living together, saying mass, and performing odier priestly

duties. He is notorious for his drinking and womanizing, as were many

priests of the time. The mmor soon spreads "que su obispo lo habia alejado

de alli [Pemambuco] por haberse propasado con una menor" (118), Soon

after he arrives in Cumbe he takes a mistress by whom he has three children,

but he does not engage in simony as do many of the priests. The townspeople

seem to accept Father Joaquim's unpriesdy activities and attimdes widiout

overt criticism.

30

Colonel Moreira Cesar in many ways typifies die modem professional

BraziUan military man. He is a national hero, inspired by die ideals of

patriotism and nationalism. He believes in progress and industrialization and

die current popular philosophy of positivism. He is die epitome of die ideals

and beliefs of die Repubhc (Souza 78). In his worid diere is no room for

mysticism or religion; science and rational diought dominate his worid and his

beliefs. His beliefs, attimde toward die aristocracy, and die purpose of die

military are presented in a diatribe directed against his enemy die Baron de

Canabrava.

Hay una rebelion de gentes que rechazan la Repiiblica y que han derrotado a dos expediciones militares Objetivamente, esas gentes son instmmentos de quienes, como usted, han aceptado la Repiiblica solo para traicionarla mejor, apoderarse de ella y, cambiando algunos nombres, mantener el sistema tradicional. Lo estaban consiguiendo, es verdad. Ahora hay un Presidente civil, un regimen de partidos que divide y paraliza al pais . . . . Se habia incluso de reducir a la mitad los efectivos del Ejercito ^no? jQue triunfo! Pues bien, se equivocan, Brasil no seguira siendo el feudo que explotan hace siglos. Para eso esta el Ejercito. Para imponer la unidad nacional. para traer el progreso. para establecer la igualdad entre los brasilefios y hacer al pais modemo y fuerte. Vamos a remover los obstaculos, si: Canudos, usted, los mercaderes ingleses, quienes se cmcen en nuestro camino. No voy a expHcarle la Repiiblica tal como la entendemos los verdaderos republicanos. No lo entenderia, porque usted es el pasado, alguien que mira atras. (emphasis added, 213)

The baron describes him to Gall as an idealist, "No le interesan el dinero, ni

los honores y acaso ni siquiera el poder para el. Lo mueven cosas abstractas:

Un nacionalismo enfermizo, la idolatria del progreso tecnico, la creencia de

que solo el Ejercito puede poner orden y salvar a este pais del caos y de la

cormpci6n, Un idealista a la manera de Robespierre . , ," (240), He is also

31

hostile toward the church as evidenced by several of his statements, "Siempre

ha sido politica de la Iglesia Catolica estar donde cree que esti a su

conveniencia" (246) and, "la adhesion de la Iglesia a la Repiiblica no es tan

sincera como algunos creen" (249). Moreira Cesar sees die army as die

keeper of national order and die promoter of progress, not subject to die

audiority of any person or any organization outside die military. An

independent entity whose purpose is to put down anydiing or anyone,

regardless of who or what, who direatens national order, unity, and progress.

The defeat of Moreira Cesar, die national hero, creates a national crisis. The

defeat is perceived diroughout die country, especially in die soudi as a

defamation of die honor and prestige of die Republic as well as diat of die

army. After his defeat and deadi, die train began depositing in Queimadas, die

jumping off point of the campaign, "a militares profesionales, cuerpos de

policia y regimientos de voluntarios que vienen desde todas las regiones del

pais a este pueblo ensefioreado por las moscas, a vengar a los patriotas

muertos, a salvar a las instimciones humilladas y a restaurar la soberam'a de la

Repiiblica" (356).The war becomes a national vendetta to regain the army's

lost honor as well as to save the Republic from the monarchists and

Sebastianists.

The characters presented in this chapter represent the three instimtions of

Brazilian society, the Aristocracy, the Church, and the Military, as well as the

mral poor of the Northeast and the up and coming political order. Through

them, Vargas Llosa depicts die power stmcmre of Brazil, especially in die

Northeast, basic attimdes of different levels of society, and dirough the

interaction of the characters demonstrates die relationships, conflicts.

32

prejudices, and compromises which worked to shape Brazil during the last

decade of die nineteenth cenmry.

CHAPTER m

INTERTEXTUALITY

One of die techniques used by Mario Vargas Llosa to convey to die reader

a sense of Brazilian life at the end of die nineteendi cenmry is dirough die

written texts of odiers. These texts represent different points of view of die

events of die novel. They include die letters and joumal entries of Galileo

Gall and a newspaper article in die opposition newspaper in Salvador. The

letters are written to Gall's friends at L'Etincelle de la revoke, a revolutionary

newspaper he had helped found in Lyon, France. He does not know if his

friends are still alive, much less if the paper is still being published, but he

continues to write to them regardless. Gall, a Scotsman, phrenologist,

idealist, anarchist, and revolutionary came to Brazil by virme of being

shipwrecked off the coast of Bahia. He travels diroughout Bahia exploring

the injustices of Brazilian society. He is a keen observer, and his

observations serve the reader well as a window into Brazilian life. Gall also

serves as a foil to the more regional and national views of the other characters.

According to Raymond Souza "Su manera de pensar representa una curiosa

mezcla de ideas anarquistas del siglo XIX y pensamiento marxista" (81). His

character articulates the views and philosophies of modem Europe.

Gall believes that die people of Canudos have established an ideal

socialistic commimity. He supports their ideals and seeks to join them, even

diough die reader realizes diat he does not really understand dieir beliefs,

which are quite different from his. He never reaches Canudos. These letters,

which never reach the paper because it no longer exists, contain Gall's

33

34

observations of Brazilian Hfe and, sometimes, die conclusions he draws from

diese observations. Two of die letters are quoted in dieir entirety in die novel.

The odier letters are included only dirough comments about dieir contents by

die narrator and a few quotes taken from die text, but even diis minute bit of

information contributes to die reader's knowledge of die daily life, politics,

and rehgion of die era.

In his letters Gall speaks of die injustice found in Brazilian society and of

die abject misery of die poor who migrated to die city to escape die drought of

the sertao. This injustice further strengdiens his belief in revolution. This

information emphasizes the harshness and poor living conditions of the very

poor in contrast to the rich landowners and also reinforces the harshness and

severity of the region and its droughts. From this letter the reader can also

glean that agriculmre is the mainstay of the economy because those who own

the blue-tiled palaces own plantations and mills.

Las casuchas de los miserables colindan con los palacios de azulejos de los propietarios de ingenios y las calles estan atestadas, desde la sequia de hace tres lustros que empujo hasta aqui millares de refugiados de las tierras alias, con nifios que parecen viejos y viejos que parecen nifios y mujeres que son palos de escoba, y entre los cuales un cientifico puede identificar todas las variantes del mal fisico, desde las benignas hasta las atroces: la fiebre bihosa, el beriberi, la anasarca, la disenteria, la vimela. Cualquier revolucionario que sienta vacilar sus convicciones sobre la gran revolucion . . . deberia echar un vistazo a lo que yo veo en Salvador: entonces, no dudaria. (42-43)

Gall's first ten letters are included in Part One of die novel. Only eight of

die ten are referred to specifically. The first, written shordy after his arrival in

Bahia in 1894, describes Bahia as a "calidoscopio donde un hombre con

35

nocion de la historia ve coexistir las lacras que han envilecido las distintas

etapas de la humanidad" (40). This letter deals widi slavery, which, even

diough it had officially been abolished in 1888, "existia de facto, pues, para

no morirse de hambre, muchos negros libertos habian vuelto a implorar a sus

amos que los recibieran" (40). However, only die most able were employed,

for low wages, and the sick, elderly, and very young were left to starve on the

streets which, "hierven de ancianos, enfermos y miserables que mendigan o

roban y de prostimtas que recuerdan Alejandria y Argel, los puertos mas

degradados del planeta" (40). Therefore die owners of die sugar plantations

still controlled most of die Negro population widiout die responsibility of

caring for them as diey had during die days of slavery. Although life in

slavery was not easy, at least when Blacks were considered property, assets

of the plantations, diey were not generally abandoned when diey were no

longer in their prime; however, this was no longer the case after abolition.

The simation of most Negros worsened while, after a period of mrmoil and

adjustment, life on the plantations continued much the same as before.

The second letter describes how the very rich and the very poor live side

by side, not in segregated neighborhoods as in Europe. In diis letter he

describes the parades of rich on dieir way to Mass every Sunday widi dieir

entourage of servants, what he calls "el conmbemio del oscurantismo y la

explotacion , . ," (40). He also writes of die amazing mixmre of races present

in society even diough, "han hecho de la blancura un paradigma, la

quintaesencia de belleza" (40). The narrator reports diat in a later article Gall

wrote diat despite die prejudices, "los descendientes de pormgueses, indios y

africanos se habian mezclado bastante en esta tierra y producido una

abigarrada variedad de mestizos: mulatos, mamelucos, cafusos, caboclos.

36

curibocas" (40), Even diough whites considered diemselves to be superior,

racial mixing was very prevalent diroughout most of Brazilian society and

gave Bahia "una atmosfera cosmopolita y variopinta,"

Gall's fifdi letter concems superstition, and is also a comment on die

strong religious beliefs diat often led to fanaticism in die sertanejos. In it he

tells of die Iglesia del Senhor de Bonfim, which pilgrims had filled widi ex-

votos,"con piemas, manos, brazos, cabezas, pechos y ojos de madera y de

cristal, que pedian o agradecian milagros" (41). This was a common practice,

as were roadside chapels and altars full of offerings, stames, and odier images

of Christ or saints. These are mentioned often throughout the novel. One

example is the chapel full of offerings of weapons as well as the more

common images of arms and legs. The narrator describes it as:

una capilla medio perdida entre las lomas amarillentas de la Sierra de Engorda, donde, tradicionalmente, hombres que tienen sangre en las manos vienen a arrepentirse de sus crimenes, y, otros, a hacer ofrendas. Es una constmccion pequefia, solitaria, sin puertas, de muros blancos por los que corren lagartijas. Las paredes rebosan de exvotos: escudillas con comida petrificada, figurillas de madera, brazos, piemas, cabezas de cera, armas, ropas, toda clase de miniisculos objetos. (157)

Rufino is able to arm himself there after being robbed by cangaceiros. He

later remms to give dianks and make an offering of his own even diough

according to Gall he is not a devout believer. Anodier example is die many

chapels and altars leading up Sierra de Piquara9a to die Iglesia de Santa Cmz

at Monte Santo,

His sixdi letter deals widi die advent of die Republic. Gall tells how it

really did not affect daily hfe, "que en la aristocratica Bahia habia significado

solo el cambio de algunos nombres" (41). In odier words, for most people

37

the change from Emperor to President did not cause a great change in dieir

way of life. This was especiaUy tme in die mral areas where news arrived

slowly and was often inaccurate. In odier letters and joumal entries, as well

as conversations. Gall elaborates on die evils of die Republic and its

oppression of die poor which he considers an extension of die oppression

under die monarchy. He also comments on and discusses die meaning of die

Canudos uprising, its origins and purpose. He interprets die rebellion in light

of his personal behefs and his analysis is very different from how the rebels

describe themselves. Gall clarifies a different perception of die simation.

The sevendi letter is homage to four mulatto revolutionaries "que, un siglo

atras, inspirados por la Revolucion Francesa, se conjuraron para destmir la

monarquia y establecer una sociedad iguahtaria de negros, pardos y blancos"

(41). Therefore the reader becomes aware that revolution and rebellion have

been a part of Brazilian hfe and some of it had been racially inspired. Even

though there had much racial mixing, equality of race was still an issue and

had been long before abolition.

The eighth, ninth, and tenth letters deal widi punishments and torture

devices.

La octava, sobre los castigos corporales que habia visto impartir a los siervos en patios y calles de la ciudad, y la novena sobre los instmmentos de tormra usados en tiempos de la esclavimd: el potro, el cepo, el collar de cadenas o gargalheira. las bolas de metal y los infantes, anillos que trimraban los pulgares. La decima, sobre el Pelourinho, patibulo de la ciudad, donde aiin se azotaba a los infractores de la ley (Gall los llamaba "hermanos") con un chicote de cuero cmdo que se ofrecia en los almacenes con un sobrenombre marino: el bacalao. (42)

38

The abolition of slavery had not abolished die cmelty of public beatings for

errant servants. Apparendy some of die worst tormres were no longer

practiced at diis time, however, die use of die bacalao. a mediod diat had been

used since die days of slavery, was still common. The simation had not

changed very much, die main difference being diat all diose punished were

free men because there were no longer any slaves.

In anodier letter, quoted in its entirety. Gall recounts his visit widi Fray

Joao EvangeHsta de Monte Marciano in die Monasterio de Nuestra Senora de

la Piedad. Even though he has an abhorrence for religion and clerics, he is

curious about die situation in Canudos. The Friar had traveled to Canudos by

order of the Archbishop to discover what was occurring in this obscure and

distant region of die country and to attempt, unsuccessfully it mms out, to

persuade the followers of El Consejero to remm to their homes. The letter

relates how Gall first came to leam of die community being formed in

Canudos and his interpretation of their actions, "que, en Canudos, hombres

humildes e inexperimentados estan, a fuerza de instinto e imaginacion,

llevando a la practica muchas de las cosas que los revolucionarios europeos

sabemos necesarias para implantar la justicia en la tierra" (55). This and other

comments in the letter give insight into current revolutionary beliefs popular in

Europe at the time. Gall also comments on the proliferation of Freemasons in

die Republic which has weakened the Church. The Church had accepted die

Republic and its secular laws even though diey weakened its influence. The

religious cult now forming in Canudos in opposition to die laws of the

Republic also endangers its influence because any rift widiin die Church

further weakens it. The Church's point of view and what becomes die point

of view of many Brazilians is expressed by a quote from die Friar, "Son una

39

secta poHtico-rehgiosa insubordinada contra el gobiemo constimcional del

pais, constimyen un Estado dentro del Estado .. .(56)." The letter even

includes a little about die medicine and healdi of die period as Gall comments

diat his source of information about die Friar's visit to Canudos was a relative

of die baron's who was being treated for a tapeworm by die doctor for whom

Gall worked.

The text of anodier of Gall's letters makes up anodier segment. In it he

recounts his meeting widi one of die followers of El Consejero. The man

explains die reasons for the establishment of the community and die beliefs of

die Counselor's following. Gall, however, manages to interpret dieir actions

to fit his own perception and ideals. They wish to establish an ultra-religious

community govemed by the Law of God, while Gall believes it to be a

political revolution. Not only does die letter clarify the beliefs of die residents

of Canudos, but also clarifies the ideals and beliefs of Gahleo Gall, freedom

fighter. Included in the letter is a description of the people of the region. He

writes of the oppression and maltreatment of the women, "las servidumbres

morales y fisicas de las mujeres son extremas, pues las oprimen el patron, el

padre, los hermanos y el marido. Aqui, el terrateniente escoge las esposas de

sus allegados y las mujeres son golpeadas en plena calle por padres irascibles

0 maridos borrachos, ante la indiferencia general" (88). Gall also comments

on the attimde of die people in general which he contrasts widi die people of

the coast and attributes it to their lack of Negro blood. "La gente del interior

no es como la de Bahia, a la que la influencia africana ha dado locuacidad y

exuberancia, Aqui las caras son inexpresivas, mascaras cuya funcion parece

ser la de ocultar los sentimientos y los pensamientos" (88). He also very

briefly explains die cult of Sebastianism which is part of die behefs of die

40

people of Canudos and is mentioned many times in die novel. They believe

diat "los yagunzoa muertos resucitaran para estar vivos cuando aparezca el

Ejercito del Rey Don Sebastian (un rey portugues que murio en el Africa, en el

siglo XVI)" (90). Much of die letter is phrased in die fomi of questions. In

diese and odier questions posed in his odier writings and musings, Gall

ponders die place of die Canudos rebellion in die history of rebellions and

attempts to understand its philosophical foundations in relation to his personal

philosophy. He makes clear his belief in science and rationality as die answer

to all questions.

^Son estos diablos, emperadores y fetiches religiosos las piezas de una estrategia de que se vale el Consejero para lanzar a los humildes por la senda de una rebehon que, en los hechos -a diferencia de las palabras-es acertada, pues los ha impulsado a insurgir contra la base economica, social y miUtar de la sociedad clasista? ^Son los simbolos religiosos, miticos, dinasticos, los linicos capaces de sacudir la inercia de masas sometidas hace siglos a la tirania supersticiosa de la Iglesia y por eso los utiliza el Consejero? ^O es todo esto obra del azar? Nosotros sabemos, compaiieros, que no existe el azar en la historia. que, por arbitraria que parezca. hay siempre una racionalidad encubierta detras de las mas confusa apariencia. ^Imagina el Consejero el transtomo historico que esta provocando? ^Se trata de un inmitivo o de un asmto? Ninguna hipotesis es descartable, y, menos que otras, la de un movimiento popular espontaneo, impremeditado. (emphasis added, 90)

By acmally including these questions in this letter and his other letters, the

author articulates many of die reader's questions about the simation. Even

diough they are not answered widiin the letter, the reader is allowed to come

to his or her own conclusions from die knowledge gained diroughout die

novel.

41

In one letter which Gall intended to write but probably never completed,

he planned to tell his compattiots in France, "que el paisaje del cielo era

infinitamente mas variado que el de la tierra en esta region del mundo y que

esto sin duda influia en la disposicion rehgiosa de la gente" (124). The people

of die sertao were known for dieir religious fanaticism and propensity to

follow charismatic, messianic rehgious leaders such as El Consejero. Gall

offers diis as one reason diat could contribute to diis tendency; die infinite

variety and beauty of die heavens, which is the residence of God, contrasted

so sharply with the cmel, monotonous land where diey resided and die

difficult, dreary Hfe diat diey led, that diey mmed to religion, sometimes

fanatically, as a way to cope with their hardships. Their goal was to reach

Heaven, and in order to do so they had to be strong believers and suffer the

hardships of Hfe in die sertao. This is a medieval attimde which fit in well

with the semi-feudal organization of their society and die bmtaHty of their

lives.

Much of the information gamered from GaU's writing is from his joumal

entries where he records many of his thoughts and impressions, and from his

memoirs, which he leaves with the Baron de Canabrava. While waiting for

Rufino to guide him to Canudos, Gall writes in his joumal about Rufino, a

typical sertanejo.

Lee en el cielo, y en los arboles y en la tierra como en un Hbro; es hombre de ideas simples, inflexibles, con un codigo del honor estricto y una moral que ha brotado de su comercio con la naturaleza y con los hombres, no del esmdio pues no sabe leer, ni de la religion, ya que no parece muy creyente. (62)

As pointed out in die second chapter, Rufino is fairly typical of die sertanejo.

Gall sums up his characteristics, attimdes, and way of life in just a few

42

words, simple, inflexible, uneducated but able to survive in one of die most

inhospitable regions of Brazil because of his knowledge of namre. Aldiough

Rufino is not particularly religious, he adheres to his code of honor much as

odier people of die sertao adhere to dieir religious beliefs.

One joumal entry, written while he is in die backlands town of

Queimadas, is a detailed description of a tannery and die hide tanning process,

an important industry in diis region of livestock and game animals. The entry

is transcribed in its entirety even diough it has nodiing to do widi die people of

Canudos or the war the government is now waging against die followers of El

Consejero. It simply and straightforwardly describes a major industry of the

area and die people diat it supports. That is its purpose, to familiarize die

reader with the region and its people. It has no bearing on the uprising itself

but helps the reader to understand the economy and life of die area. In this

section also, the narrator describes, through GaU's eyes, a political raUy of the

Partido Republicano Progresista, the accompanying fair, and the indifference

of the people of this backlands town. The attimde of the townspeople says

much about the importance of politics in their lives.

Gall also wrote his memoirs, "un resumen de lo que soy, de lo que

pienso" (243), and an account of all diat had happened to him in his quest to

help the residents of Canudos. Most of diis information has already been

passed on to die reader as the narrator foUows die characters dirough die

novel. GaU leaves his papers widi die Baron de Caiiabrava, asking him to

send it to L'Etincelle de la revolte. The readers never get to read diis

testimony, aldiough die Baron shares it widi some of his friends as diey

discuss the events diat have occurred and how diey affect dieir lives, die

government, and the lives and attimdes of odier Brazihans.

43

Galileo Gall's letters and joumal entries are not set off from die more

conventional narration in die novel in any special manner. The gifting and

closing of die letters quoted verbatim are not included. However, diey are

important in diat diey are written in die first person and impart information

directly from Gall's point of view radier dian dirough die omniscient narrator.

The odier letters, even diough diey do represent Gall's impressions, are

filtered dirough the narrator and dierefore take on a more distant interpretation.

Much of die information presented through GaU's writing is political in

namre, whedier he is relating information or interpreting diat information.

But, much non-poHtical information can be gamered from these writings also,

information and details about die customs, habits, and beliefs of die people of

Bahia, the sertao, and the clergy.

The other written text that Vargas Llosa utilizes in his novel is a

newspaper article written for die republican newspaper in Salvador, the Jomal

de Noticias. The newspaper is owned and run by Epaminondas Gon9alves,

president of the Partido Republicano Progresista, opponent of die old political

guard led by the Baron de Canabrava, founder of the Partido Autonomista de

Bahia. The article is quoted verbatim; its style is joumalistic radier than

literary. The article covers the session of die Bahian legislamre caUed after die

defeat of die second miHtary attempt to reclaim Canudos from die rebels. The

two parties confront each odier over die events at Canudos and die discovery

of rifles being smuggled to die Sebastianist rebels by die so-caUed English spy

GaHleo GaU. Many tilings can be learned from diis article, not only about die

political attitudes of the Bahian legislators, but about die history of the

Republic and customs of the time.

44

One of die main impressions gained from die article is die amount of

hostility, bitterness, and lack of cooperation between die two parties. The

Progresistas accuse die Autonomist Party, the Govemor, and die Baron de

Caiiabrava as dieir ringleader, of conspiring widi die English and die Canudos

rebels to overthrow die Republic and reestablish die monarchy. They dien call

for die intervention of die federal government in die matter.

El Partido Republicano Progresista, a traves de su Presidente, el Excmo. Sr. Diputado Don Epaminondas Gon9alves acuso formalmente al Gobemador del Estado de Bahia, Excmo. Sr. Dom Luis Viana, y a los gmpos tradicionalmente vinculados al Baron de Caiiabrava-Ex-Ministro del Imperio y Ex-Embajador del Emperador Pedro fl ante la corona britanica-de haber atizado y armado la rebehon de Canudos, con ayuda de Inglaterra a fin de producir la caida de la Repiiblica y la restauracion de la monarquia.

Los Diputados del Partido Republicano Progresista exigieron la intervencion del Gobiemo Federal en el Estado de Bahia para sofocar lo que el Excmo. Sr. Diputado Don Epaminondas Gon9alyes Uamo "conjura sediciosa de la sangre azul nativa y la codicia albionica contra la soberania del Brasil"....

El Vice-Presidente del Partido Republicano Progresista, Excmo. Sr. Diputado Don Elisio de Roque leyo un telegrama enviado al heroe del Ejercito brasileiio, aniquilador de la sublevacion monarquica de Santa Catalina y colaborador eximio del Mariscal Roriano Peixoto, Coronel Moreira Cesar, con este laconico texto: "Vengay salvealaRepiibHca". (132)

The Autonomistas protest and offer the baron's service to die state and his

current absence from die country as proof of his innocence.

El Vice-Presidente del Partido Autonomista y Presidente de la Asamblea Legislativa, Excmo. CabaUero Don Adalberto de Gumucio, dijo que era una infamia sugerir siquiera que alguien como el Baron de Caiiabrava, prohombre bahiano gracias a quien este Estado tenia carreteras, ferrocarriles, puentes, hospitales de

Beneficencia, escuelas y multimd de obras piibHcas, pudiera ser acusado, y para colmo m absentia, de conspirar contra la soberania brasileiia. (132)

They further hold forth diat he is die first victim of die rebeUion because die

confiscated ranch, Canudos, is his property. The opposition accuse the

baron of aiding die rebeUion by giving die rebels die ranch and insist diat "la

ausencia, en vez de exculparlo, podia delatarlo, y que a nadie enganaba

semejante coartada pues todo Bahia era consciente de que en el Estado no se

movia un dedo sin autorizacion u orden expresa del Baron de Caiiabrava"

(134). It was proposed that he was in Europe for the sole purpose of

conspiring with the British Crown. The debate raged amid insults and threats

for more than five hours with "momentos de suma tirantez en las que, varias

veces, los Excmos. Sres. Diputados esmvieron a punto de pasar a las vias de

hecho" (132) until a recess was caUed to give the Deputies time to cool down.

The break itself threatened to degenerate into a brawl. The enmity between the

two parties is evident despite the formal, poHte language they use with each

odier. Also evident are some of die misconceptions that the Brazilian people

have concerning the inhabitants of Canudos whom the opposition describes

variously as "rebeldes muy superiores en numero y en armas [to die first two

military expeditions]," " el movimiento subversivo de Antonio Consejero,"

"esta conjura que amenaza la esencia misma de la nacionalidad brasilefia"

(132), and "el caso de bandidismo y locura Sebastianista" (134).

Besides die poHtical climate many odier details about customs of the

region can be divined from die reading of the article. One of these details is

tiiat smugglmg, especiaUy of arms, is a common activity in die backlands, an

accepted way of life.

El Excmo, Sr. Diputado Don Joao Seixas de Ponde dijo que era una hipocresia amiar semejante alboroto por el haUazgo de unos fusiles en el serton, cuando todo el mundo sabia que el trafico y contrabando de annas era desgraciadamente algo generalizado en el interior y, si no, que dijeran los Excmos. Sres. Diputados de la oposicion de donde habia amiado el Partido Republicano Progresista a los capangas y cangaceiros con los que habia fomiado ese Ejercito privado que era la Uamada Guardia Rural Bahiana, que pretendia funcionar al margen de las instimciones oficiales del Estado. (136)

This also comments on die difficulty of life and die scarcity of goods in die

region; smuggling is an activity diat generally only takes place when goods

cannot be acquired by any odier mediod. It is also discovered dirough diis

passage and others diat die Rural Guard, die police force of die state, is

organized, recmited, financed, and controUed by die party of die opposition.

It consisted mainly of capangas (hired gunmen) and cangaceiros. Anodier

minor detail which is leamed is diat dueHng is still an accepted mediod of

settiing disputes. According to the reporter the vehement debate included

"amenazas de duelo" (132) and on another instance when one Deputy is

insulted by another the injured party, "exclamo que ese insulto tendria su

respuesta en el campo del honor.. ."(133). A few historical facts can be

gleaned from the newspaper article also. These center around die great

national hero Marshal Roriano Peixoto, the Iron Marshal, "el glorioso

gobiemo del Mariscal Roriano Peixoto, benemerito de la Patria, cuyo

recuerdo vivira siempre en el corazon de los brasilefios" (133). The Marshal

cmeUy but effectively put down a rebeUion in the soudiem state of Rio Grande

do Sul and saved die Repubhc, one of die reasons he is considered die

greatest hero of die nation. A similar uprising in Santa Catarina, put down by

Colonel Moreira Cesar, has been previously mentioned. The article also

47

briefly mentions plans for die expansion of die railroad into die interior in an

attempt to modemize die region, help it catch up widi die rest of Brazil, and

further unite die nation.

The use of diese texts provides the reader with a different perspective on

die events of die novel. The letters and joumal entries of GaU are admittedly

biased because of his strong phUosophical and ideological beliefs, but the

information provided can still be useful in interpreting Brazilian society. The

newspaper article is also biased, in this case from the republican political point

of view. Even so, it provides information on die political attimdes as well as

some customs of the time and a Htde BraziHan history.

CONCLUSION

Through his use of representative characters, stmcmre, variable points of

view, comparison, dialogue, description, and written texts, Vargas Llosa has

presented die reader of La guerra del fin del mnnHn widi a panoramic view of

BraziHan society in die 1890s, including customs, attimdes, politics, rehgious

beliefs, and superstitions of various segments of society. These segments

include die mral, urban, rich, poor, die Church, and die Military. Hundreds

of characters each bring bits and pieces of culmral information into die

narrative as diey are introduced and eidier developed as characters or

disappear quickly as die novel progresses.

The Brazil diat takes shape under die pen of Vargas Llosa is that of a

divided and restiess nation. The divisions can be categorized in several ways:

economic, political, regional, and philosophical. The Northeast is a harsh,

backward land still mled by feudal lords and worked by their vassals, even

though slavery has been abolished. The economy of die region is based on

sugar cane, livestock, and their by-products. The people are strong, simple,

uneducated, superstitious, and prone to religious fanaticism. The rich who

govern the region, regardless of their political affihation, are concemed with

maintaining their stams and power. Any improvements, such as the extension

of die railroad, are calculated more for dieir benefit dian for die benefit of their

constiments. The south, on die odier hand, has embraced die positivist ideals

of order and progress, the new Republic's motto. They welcome science and

technology, and strive to build an industrialized society pattemed after the

United States of America. These different attimdes and ways of life have

48

49

developed into stereotypes and prejudices which hinder die development of a

tmly united nation.

Under die new government, formed in 1889, die Cadiolic Church has lost

much of its influence. The Republic is a secular government which

recognizes die separation of Church and State. Marriage and burial, once die

strict domain of die Church, have become die domain of die government,

which has also established taxation and a national census. The Jesuits had

already been thrown out of die country, and die remaining religious orders are

unable to minister to die entire nation. In mral areas there are few priests to

shepherd the residents of vast areas. Churches and cemeteries have faUen into

min. What priests remain are known for they sinfulness, greed, and abuse of

power.

The Military is powerful even though it is not involved in die acmal

goveming of the nation. In the national motto Ordem e Progreso (Order and

Progress) it is die military diat ensures Order. Several uprisings in various

regions of the country have been cmeUy but effectively put down by the army,

creating several national heroes in the process. Despite regional differences

and prejudices, the Brazilian military machine, which is based in die South, is

an effective keeper of Order so as to bring about Progress.

The last decade of the nineteenth cenmry was a period of transition from

Empire to Republic, from a slave nation to a free nation. Vargas Llosa has

brought to life die stmggles of a new nation seeking unity and trying to

establish a national identity as the new cenmry commences. He not only

includes a panoramic view of Hfe in BrazU, but also mcludes die everyday, the

mundane, details diat give die reader die feeling diat diese are real people

50

stmggling with real problems. In doing so, he paints a vivid portrait of

Brazilian society of die 1890s and some of die problems it faced.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

BeUo, Jose Maria. A History of Modem Brazil 1889-1964. Trans. James L. Taylor. Stanford CA: Stanford U.P., 1966.

Brody, Robert. "Mario Vargas Llosa and die Totalization Impulse." Eds. Charles Rossman and Alan Warren Friedman. Mario Vargas Llosa: A CoUection of Critical Essays Austin: Univ. of Texas Press, 1978. 120-127.

Calasans Silva, Jose. No Tempo de Antonio Conselheiro: Figuras e Fatos da Campanha de Canudos. Salvador: Progresso, 1959.

Campos, Jorge. "Vargas Llosa v su Guerra del fin del mundo." Mario Vargas Llosa. Ed. Jose Miguel Oviedo. Madrid: Taums, 1981. 298-303.

Castro-Klaren, Sara. Mario Vargas Llosa: Analisis Introductorio. Lima: Latinoamericana, 1988.

—."Locura y dolor: La elaboracion de la historia en Os Sertoes y La Guerra del fin del mundo." Revista de critica Hteraria latinoamericana 10 (1984): 207-231.

Cunha, Euclides da. Os Sertoes: Campanha de Canudos. Rio de Janeiro: Livraria Francisco Alves, 1901.

Cunninghame Graham, Robert B. A Brazilian Mystic: Being die Life and Miracles of Antonio Conselheiro. Freeport, NY: Books for Libraries, 1920.

Dauster, Frank. "Aristotle and Vargas Llosa: Literamre, History and the Interpretation of Reality." Hispania 53.2, May 1970: 273-276.

DeUa Cava, Ralph. "BraziHan Messianism and National Instimtions: A Reappraisal of Joaseiro and Canudos." Hispanic American Historical Review 48 (1968): 402-420.

Freyre, Gilberto. Ordem e Progresso. Rio de Janeiro: Jose Olympic, 1959.

—. BrazU. An Interpretation New York: Knopf, 1945.

51

52

Garcia Pinto, Magdalena, "Anatomia de la revolucion en La Guerra del fin del mundo e Historia de Mavta " The Historical Novel in Latin America. Ed. Daniel Balderston. Gaidiersburg MD: Hispamerica, 1986. 159-171.

Gerdes, Dick. Mario Vargas I Insa Boston: Twayne, 1985.

Lukacs,John. "Speaking of Books: Historians and NoveHsts." The New York Times Book Review. 25 Feb. 1968: 2-f-.

Martin, Jose Luis. La narrativa de Vargas Llosa. Madrid: Gredos,1974.

Menes, Carlos. "La vision del periodista, tema recurrente en Mario Vargas Llosa: A proposito de La guerra del fin del mundo." Revista Iberomnencana 49 April-Sept. 1983: 523-529.

Montenegro, Patricia G. "La relatividad de perspectivas en La guerra del fin del mundo." Revista de critica Hteraria latinoamericana 10 (1984): 311-321.

Montero, Janina. "Historia y novela en Hispanoamerica: El lenguaje de la ironia," Hispanic Review 47 (1979): 505-519.

Oviedo, Jose Miguel. Mario Vargas Llosa: La invencion de una realidad. Barcelona: Seix Barral, 1982.

Poppino, RoUie E. BrazU: The Land and the People. New York: Oxford UP, 1968.

Souza, Raymond D. La historia en la novela hispanomericana modema. Tercer Mundo: Bogota, 1988.

Tippit, Lucretia Shotzbarger. "Persistence and Change in die Modem Spanish American Historical Novel: Terra nosft-a and La guerra del fin del mundo," Diss. University of New Mexico, 1987.

Vargas Llosa, Mario. La guerra del fin del mundo. Barcelona: Seix Barral, 1981.

Walter, Richard J. "Literamre and History in Contemporary Latin America." Latin American Literary Review 15.29 Jan.-June 1987: 173-183.

53 WiUiams, Raymond Leslie. Mario Vargas Llosa. New York: Ungar, 1986.

Brody, Robert. "Mario Vargas Llosa and the Totalization Impulse." Eds. Charles Rossman and Alan Warren Friedman. Mario Vargas Llosa: A CoUection of Critical Essays. Austin: Univ. of Texas Press, 1978. 120-127,

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