The Avars Author(s): H. H. Howorth Source: Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, New Series, Vol. 21, No. 4 (Oct., 1889), pp. 721-810 Published by: Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25208954 Accessed: 13/04/2010 13:22Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=rasgbi. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.

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JOURNAL OF THE ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY.Art. X.?The Avars. Uv II. II. Ho worth, Esq., M.P.,

M.R.A.S.

the following paper I propose to myself to write a mono the Avars, from the time they are first mentioned graph upon historians to their final disappearance from by Western In The detail, history. which I have ventured I hope the completeness, with to treat the subject, which are alone are especially of value in ethnographic studies now-a-days, valuable in the case of the Avars, whose place in history was so marked aud yet so enigmatic, and who caused such potent and

in the ethnographic map of Europe. changes to myself to treat of the origin of the I do not propose and of its earlier history in Asia. That I must race, to another occasion. I would merely here that say postpone so called, I consider De in regard to the Avars, properly to be unanswerable, and that they are conclusion Guignes's or Yuan Yuan of the to be identified with the Jeoujen a race which Chinese dominated nomadic Asia histories, before the Thu kiu or Turks asserted their preponderance in The coincidences the sixth century. and the convergency of make this identification evidence very nearly a certainty. I also hold the Jeoujen or Yuan Yuan, and consequently the so called, to havo been Mongols Avars properly by race, as I the true Huns to havo been?Huns believe and Avars in fact, to the two great sections of the Mongol answering, The native race, the Mongols proper and the Kalmuks.VOL. XXI.?[new series.] 47

722name of llobrams.Var

THE AVARS. the Kalmuks written Avirathei is Uirat, by Bar The t in these names is merely tho Mongol plural; we discard it, we in fact get a mere form of theor Avar.

and whenname

I do not propose in the present paper to carry this analysis further, and will at once turn to the first notice of tho Avars contained in aWestern is moro than a hundred writer, which invaded Europe. years before the Avars The first time the Avars are mentionedPriscos, whose words are :

is in the pages

of

the Saraguri, the Urogi "About that timo {i.e. 461-465) a corruption sent of Ugori), and the Onoguri, (probably These tribes had been thrust envoys to the Eastern Romans. out of their country after a struggle with the Sabiri, whom The Avars had been themselves the Avars had driven out. near the ocean, who had driven out by the peoples dwelling been forced to migrate by the great clouds and mists which rose from the sea, and by a great hostile multitude of were not in the creatures who, it was griffons, reported, of withdrawing until they had eaten human beings. had fallen Excited they (i.e. the Avars) by these calamities, and all who could not resist their upon their neighbours, It was thus that the Saraguri, compelled attack succumbed. habit to seek new quarters, approached whom they fought several battles and then repaired to the Romans, The Emperor received their envoys the llunni Akatiri, with and whom they defeated, eager for their alliance.

and sent them courteously " back again, after giving them presents (Priscus, Excerpta, Bonn ed., p. 158; Suidas, s.v. Abaris, who follows Priscus). if it be trustworthy, and I see no reason This passage, one of tho most to doubt it, is certainly importai!t for the to bo found in ancient for it is literature, ethnographer which the sole record of one of those great race movements the ethno have been such important factors in rearranging caused the move of man. distribution Whatever graphic some great natural phenomena, ment of the Avars, whether the growing or, as is more probable, power of the race, we the and drove forward read here how they first attacked

THE AVARS.

723

Sabiri, whom I hope to treat of in another paper, and how this led to other displacements The main fact to of nomads. remember is that the Avars masters apparently thus became a of the Asatic as far west as the Volga, while Steppes number that river To until of tribes, such as the Sabiri, Saraguri, into Europe, where we next meet with etc., crossed them.

revert to the Avars. We do not read of them again the year 557, when the power of the Jeoujen, whom I have identified with them, came to an end in Asia. Hitherto, as had been deemed among says, the Avars Theophylactus as supreme. the Scythians Their power was shattered by an outbreak of their former the Turks. The same subjects author tells us that the Turks in their progress conquered the a powerful race living on the river Ogor, i.e. the Uighurs, The old chiefs of the Ogor had been (i.e. the Volga). Var and Khunni, whence several of their tribes were styled named Var and Khunni That is to Avar and Hun). (i.e. the Ogors were under the domination of the Avars. On say, the approach of the Turks, a portion of these tribes fled into the name of Avares, and styled themselves gave Europe, were not true Avares, their leader Khagan. however, They or he says, but pseud-Avares (op. cit. vii. 8), i.e. Ogors On their approach, the Sarselt, led by Avar chiefs. Uighurs dis tribes, were greatly Sabiri, and other Ilunnic Unuguri, were the real Avars, and offered them turbed, fancying they ample presents (id.). of this is that when the power of the The full meaning was broken in Eastern Avars that is, the Uirats, proper, a the Ogors, whose of their subjects, namely Asia, portion and Ilunnic chiefs were of Avar the name blood, adopted Those fugitives who went westwards Avars and migrated. were doubtless led by chiefs of Mongol descent, merely of the Byzantine and in this sense the statement is writers their name from their leaders. that they derived correct, were doubtless of Turkish The great bulk of the fugitives whence and not Mongols, race, Theophylactus styles them and refers to their appropriating to pseud-Abares, i.e. the Uirats. selves the renown of the Avars proper, them In Til

724asnuich as

THE AVARS.

were horsemen, thejr, in all probability, they to the Altaic branch of the great race of Turan, belonged race. to the Uighur section of the Altaic and, as I believe, the precise statement I cannot see any reason for doubting that tho conclude of Theophylactus, and we may tentatively were a race of Uighur Turks com Avars who invaded Europo Tho blood. manded and led by chiefs and leaders of Kalmuk time has ves called them obri, which Jiresek says in lapse of ?Sla a ginnt, Bohemian obr, Lusatian hobr, Polish Gesch. der Bulg. p. 86). To continue, we read oibrzym (Jiresek, i.e. in 557, tho fugitives at that in the 31st year of Justinian, i.e. tho country north reached the country of tho Alani, length as far as tho Don, which was at of the Caucasus, probably over by the Alans, the modern Ossctes. this time dominated name also read Saroas, or Sarodius (a They asked Sarosius, to Lobeau, vol. ix. p. 376, note 2), tho chief of tho Alans, Ho with the Romans. communication put them in friendly who com the son of Germanus, informed Justin, accordingly and he in turn informed of Lazica, manded the garrison who ordered their envoys to be sent on to him at Justinian, come- to mean Byzantium eh. i. ed. Bonn, p. 282). They (Menander, as their ambassador, and ho selected Kandikh accordingly of tho a considerable The went with aspect cort?ge. a good deal of curiosity, and wo aro told strangers aroused .They wore that the city was filled with people to see them. and hanging tied with their hair in long plaits ribbons, their appearance was like that down their backs; otherwise, ed. Bonn, of the Huns p. 359, note), whose (Theophanes,hair was cut short and completely shaved oft' in front. Theso

are referred to by more than one plaited locks of the Avars author. (preface, line 4), speaks Corrippus, Laud. Just. Min. Flori of the A var?an race, with its hair twisted like snakes. Avarian talks of the long-haired the epigrammatist, legios, tresses of tho Avars army, and Calliades speaks of the dirty also speaks John of Ephesus vol. i. p. 645, note). (Stritter, " " cit. ed. Sch?n those with long hair called Aba roi of (op. lie also says they were called felder, lib. iii. ch. xxv.). Avares from their hair (id. lib. vi. ch. xxiv.).

THE AVARS.

725

Kandikh and addressed face upon matters, put a bold tones : ho said, "The most valiant Justinian in swaggering un van and numerous race, that is, the race of the Avars, was come to submit to him. and unconquerable, quished It could repel and destroy all his enemies. It was his to ally himself with them, and to enter interest therefore into a pact with asked no They he them, other and thus to secure their reward for the best of help. than that annual pensions, and a was now old, Justinian and the the pestilence services

should give tliem precious gifts, fertile district in which to settle." and besides, was overwhelmed with that were then desolating earthquakes concurrence chains of the with senate, he encrusted

gold, used for manacling prisoners, couches, and silken robes. John saddles of Ephesus (lib. vi. eh. xxiv.) also speaks of golden Ho then dismissed and bridles. them, and also sent Valen an to make suitable tinas as his envoy, with presents, aid against and secure their with them their alliance indifferent whether enemies, they were defeated or victorious, be relieved. the pressure on the eastern frontier would Avars fell upon the Utiguri accordingly and overthrew the Sabiri and the Kali (a Hunnic tribe), cit. 282-281), all living in the step?)es north (Menander, op. of the Caucasus. of The Avars by this conquest no doubt became masters next tribes in the Russian We the many Hunnic steppes. as in either case Tho read whose of tribe of the Antee, upon the Slavic falling sent them an The latter thereupon land they wasted. ; this was headed by Mezamir (perhaps, according their

the East, and with the the envoys with presented in shape like those which were

embassy the brother of the son of Idarisias, to Schafarik, Nezamir), of the name Idarisias or Cyeligost (the termination Celagast, form ic or Schafarik patronymic compares with the Russian some prisoners to redeem ic), who was to ask to be allowedthe Avars had captured. Mezamir, who was a vain man,

whenand

he wasarrogant

admittedlanguage

to an audience,of menace.

broke out in the proud(a variant has

Kotragegos

Kotriguros,

by which

name

a Kotrigur

is doubtless

meant

;

726

THE AVARS.

who suggests ho was the chief of the Kotrigurs), Hunfahy was a vassal of the Avars, advised them that Mozamir, being a very man among the Anta), he could important persuado them to attack their enemies vigorously; it would therefore be well to kill him and then to make an attack boldly on the state. The Avars took this counsel, and, in spite unfriendly of Mezamir's of ambassador, put him to death, and character afterwards the land of the An too, carry began to lay waste ing off plunder and prisoners (Menander, op. cit. pp. 284-5). Nestor has preserved a vague tradition of these conquests, lie tells us how, about the reign of lleraklius, the Obres at lacked the Slaves, and won a victory over the Dnliebians (who lived between women. He adds the Bug and the Styr), and violated their that when an Obro wished to drive out, he did not harness either horses or oxen to his carriage, but to to it, who were obliged yoked three, four, or five women draw it (Nestor, cd. Louis, Paris, vol. i. p. 10 ; Schafarik, vol. ii. pp. 58-59). now find the Avars to envoys to Justinian sending them ask him to point out the district where he intended We to

offered settle. The Emperor, persuaded by Justin, inhabited by the Heruli, known them the country formerly as the Second Pannonia, a very safe offer, since it was then warlike tribes who did not acknowdedgo any occupied by one's political supremacy over them; but they were not dis no doubt the country of the posed to quit Scythia, by which west of the Volga and north of the Danube is meant, Nogais or the as several writers and not Little Dobruja, Scythia, were carried on through have supposed, for the n?gociations at the governor of Lazica. vexed Justin, Justin, although their decision, sent the envoys on to Constantinople. Ho had won over one of the envoys named Oeconimos, previously a Greek from one of the who, as Thierry sa}rs, was probably Ponlic that the Avars had ono cities, who told him secret^ on their in their hearts ; that lips and another would until they were allowed to cross tho they speak fairly Isi or, but had a sinister policy in view afterwards, and once over the river, they would not fail to employ all their forces sentiment

THE AVARS.

727

and advised Justin vigorously. duly informed his master, him to detain the envoys as long as possible, for the Avars would not cross the Istor until their envoys returned. Steps a com were now taken to guard the river, and Bonus, to command of the domestic guards, was appointed its garrisons. The envoys, finding they could not obtain what received gifts from the Emperor, they wished, having as was such things as they needed, and customary, bought some also The and returned arms, Emperor again. or other he that by some means ordered Justin secretly must take these arms from them. did so ; He accordingly tho Romans hence arose an ill-feeling between and the Avars. at The chief of the latter, Bayan, had been further annoyed mander the detention of his envoys, and sent to hasten their return, more them which to detain anxious only made Justinian an explanation For of the un pp. 285-6). (Menander, we have to turn to usually brave conduct of the Emperor another chronicler, the chronographer Theophanes, namely, who tells us how Askel, the ruler of the Hemikhiones, at this time sent identified with the Turks by Theophanes, an embassy to Justinian. This no doubt informed him of the state of things in the further east and of the real status in the These events took place probably of the pseud-Avars. vol. ix. p. 381, and note 1 by Saint year 558 (see Lebeau, to this point I have small doubt that the Avars Martin). Up were living in the country comprised between and the Volga and were limited on the south by the Caucasus. the Danube, were probably and Utigurs The Kutrigurs tributary to them, as were tho other Ilunnic and tribes as far as the Danube, also the different Slavic tribes of Southern Russia. no doubt became complete The Avars by these conquests masters of Little Russia and the Ukraine, and of the nomads Tartars the Nogai where who lived in the grassy steppesafterwards nomadized. Their stay here was, however, appa

The Turks, who had broken their power rently short-lived. too powerful in Asia, still threatened them, and they were a foe to be parleyed with. We and aggressive consequently with them further west, find them migrating dragging

728

THE AVARS.

races whom of tho Ilunnic they had conquered. portions and them in largo numbers, The Sabiri apparently joined tribe apparently from this time tho power of that famous in the country waned very much they had once dominated The rest doubtless remained tributary north of the Caucasus. of West to the Avars, as did the Kutrigurs and Utigurs. and and Bessarabia, the latter, on the plains of Moldavia as far and Eastern Hungary, probably also in Transylvania or at this time dominated the Hunnugars there the Theiss, of the Slavini. the masters who were They Bulgarians, were apparently of tho Avar Khan, who now independent with his own people into tho country north of the moved Carpathians. we them in their migration Before westwards, following a few words about a portion of the race which must say remained behind; for, like other nomadic hordes which havo invaded Eastern Europe from Asia, thoy apparently dropped a in the cul-de-sac formed by the portion of their people and the Caucasus. the Euxine, Caspian, of Lcsghistan At all events, we find in the mountains to Klaproth, tribes named Avar and Khunsag, and, according of tho names which are borne by them are tho same as man}* The list of these names, as given chiefs. those of Ilunnic is as follows : by him,ilrsxic Attila Names. Names Adilla, in use a very among the Lesguian man's Avaus. name. common

Uhl, Uldin Budak Ellak DingitsikEskam, wife of Attila

an Avar Uldan, Budakh Sultan. Ellak. Dingat8?k,Eska,

family.

a family

name.

a woman's

name.

BalamirAim us

Balamir.Ar maus.

Leel Tsolta GeysaZarolta

Leel. Solta. Gaissa.Zarolta.

The Lesghian Beled

chiefs

still use this titlo.

THE AVARS.

729

a river is called or, In the dialect of the Lesghian Avars " or wor. tells us : Pars hunno hor, lii., Jornandes, chapter rum in fugam versa, eas partes Scythiro petiit, quas Dan ubi i rar sua Ilunni amnis fluenta qu praetermeant, lingua has Danabii instead of Danuhii, (one MS. Tableaux This shows that p. 246). Klaproth, historiques, the Lesghian Avars the name for water is the same among ' ' as that used by the ancient Huns. til meant black Again, in Avarian. the Antsukh, dir = Char, and Andi Amongst vokolabras amongst the ancient Avars meant 'black'; 'grand the Lesghs roko, and among among the Tngushes parent'; of Antsukh, vokhula means the recorded Among 'great.' appellant"Avar names, those of Bagan, Samur, Solakh, and Kokh occur

are and Mitsdjcgi. These resemblances among the Lesghs so remarkable as Klaproth that they point very strongly, to these tribes of the Caucasus been either urges, having or mixed with the debris of that nation Avars (Klaproth, Recherches, etc., p. 268). In regard to these Avars about souls. the Caucasus, they comprise would make up about 80,000 14,700 households, from the other Their dialect is considerably different which of

dialects. The chief of the nation styles himself Lesghian Avar Khan, and he was the most powerful of the rulers of the Eastern Caucasus. intervening They occupy the valleys on the west, and the territory of the the Chetsenses between them Shamkal of Tarku on the east, while the Terek bounds on the north. that the name given to St.-Martin suggests was really the title of their chief. the tribe by the Russians The The Armenians and Georgians call them Khunchagh. the Avar Khan, Khundsagh batoni, Georgians always stylo call while the natives themselves i.e. the Lord of Khundsagh, nuzahl. The name Avar Khan is in use him Khundsakh and the Mussulmans. St.-Martin the other Lesghs out that the Armenian and writers of the twelfth points as thirteenth centuries refer to these Avars of the Caucasus among the Syrian, in his universal while Michel, Huns, history, them both Huns and Turks. It is curious that the part calls of Hungary where the Turkish Comans settled was called

730Kunsag by Uina Khan,

THE AVARS.

In 1727 their chief was called the Magyars. lie then submitted to the Russians, and the travellers who then visited his country called him Usmei Avar. His family was said to be very ancient, and one of his ancestors and was submitted invested with to tho Mongols in the thirteenth centuryy his territory by Batu Khun. The could put 2000 troops of his own in the

chief of the Avars

to 10,000 by means of field, and this force he could augment the mercenaries in his service, and he was powerful enough to exact black mail from tho Georgians in consideration of attacks upon them. This tribute was continued foregoing after they had conquered by (ho Russians (St. Georgia Martin, very vol. ix. pp. 404-406, It is notes). or Ilunnic amount of Avar blood probable these mountaineers is not very large, and that the among main the of the race is related to tho other Lesghs, body a veneer, and of this it Avar or Ilunnic element being only that the greater part may well be, as St.-Martin suggests, from the Sabiri than from the Avars is rather descended that the proper. in tho Lesghs says we must beware of identifying Klaproth wero race. Thoso of Khundzakh with tho Ilunnic general on probably conquered by some Khan of the ancient Avars, the destruction ably withdrew they founded with mingled adopted,and their own

Notes

to Lebeau,

power a portion of his people prob where the mountains of tho Caucasus, of Avar, and whore the community they the Lesghian inhabitants, whoso language they some words of their own preserving only language, of whose intoproper names (op. cit. p. 246 note).

to the history of the main body of the or frightened Avars. When driven by the Turks, they abandoned the Russian westwards, steppes, and migrated of various Hunnic and prob taking with them a following into tribes. ublj' also Slavic They did not pass immediately into the but withdrew through Gallicia apparently Hungaiy, and there they the Baltic and Carpathians, flat lands between formed a considerable power and caused a con apparently in some papers As I have argued siderable race movement.

Let

us now

turn

THE AVARS.

731

Institute, so called

on the spread of the Slaves, read before the Anthropological I believe the Sorabians or Serbians of Lusatia were from a Hunnic caste which ruled them, namely, the

Sabiri, and these Sabiri doubtless entered Lusatia at this time. The Obodriti, whom I have also argued were also a Hunnic caste ruling over Slaves, invaded the valley of the Elbe at this time, and, as I believe, the lands which occupying the Vandals, also explain ment of the Chckhs Marcomanni, Schafarik confesses Chekh occupation, which the auspices of the Avars, the migration of the Lombards, and the Angles, I would etc., had left vacant. as due to this influence of the Avars the move into Bohemia, also apparently the former home of the took place at this time. of fixing the date of this under

the difficulty and puts it somewhere after 450 A.n., went westward when the Marcomanni at the heels of Attila. I hope to revert to this important race movement in a later on the Sabiri. paper The importance of the Avarian domination under such an active chief as then ruled them has hardly been sufficiently It led no doubt to raids in various directions, appreciated. and to the settlement called Huns

of many of Slaves colonies (so in the old writings, doubtless because frequently leaders) in the country west of the Elbe. they had Hunnic This I have pointed out in detail in the paper already cited on the Northern Serbs and the Obodriti. The next time the Avars are mentioned in history, they arc found in active conflict with the Franks. of Gregory Tours calls them Huns, while Paul the Deacon describes " them as Hunni In qui et Avares" (op. cit. vol. ii. p. 10). " another vero cum Avaribus Alboin place he says, qui primum Hunui, postia do r?gis propri? nomine Avares ap " sunt i. 27). read that after We (Paul. Diae. pellati the death of Clothaire, i.e. in 502 A.D., Sigebert, who was his fourth son, and who succeeded to the throne of Austrasia, marched against and defeated the 11uns who had invaded his borders. Paul the Deacon tells us the struggle took place near the river Elbe a proof of the western in Thuringia, of tho Avarian extension domination at this time (see

732

THE AVARS.

of Tours, Hist. Franc, vol. iv. p. 234 ; Paul. Diac. Gregory i. ii. c. 10 ; Hist. d'Attila, etc., vol. i. p. 390). Thierry The Avars were at this time led if by a chief whom, we knew more of, we should compare with Attila probably and Chinghiz Khan. His name was Bayan, which, it will be remembered, wras the name of a famous Mongol chief. We now find him intercourse with Justin, having diplomatic the nephew of Justinian, who succeeded his uncle as Emperor in the year 565. Justin was a very conceited person, and a fleeted a demeanour towards his neighbours, haughty was which because ridiculous, unsupported by any real As like power. says, he posed before the Avars Thierry Marius did before the Teutons, and addressed the Persians in the language of Trajan this Trajan ; but unfortunately had no genius, and this Marius no soldiers (op. cit. p. 391). On his accession Bayan sent envoys to Byzantium to receive tho gifts which Justinian had bceu accustomed to give, the panegyrist of Justin, has preserved an account Corippus, of the reception of these envoys, of which he was a spectator. "As soon as the Emperor, in his purplo robes," he dressed "had mounted the steps of the throne, the master of says, the ceremonies, taken his orders, ushered the am having bassadors the threshold to the Imperial at every step and halted quarters. They admired the stature of the guards ranged in a doublo rank with their golden shields, their gold inlaid lances, and their golden helmets, from which hung down purple plumes. They started at the serried lances and tho battle involuntarily axes, and the}' asked if the Imperial palace was not another heaven ; but, on the other bund, they were proud that theywere themselves admired, and that the public gaze was upon

the vestibules

iuto the palace. They and long galleries

traversed which

with

astonishment

formed

them ; and the poet compares their dignified walk to that of the Hyrcauian let out of their cages in the tigers when ei re us amidst the seats of tho mob crowding the plaudits A veil being drawn aside disclosed ceilings around. thickly the throne and the sparkling diadem on tho Imperial gilt, or the chief envoy, head. Thereupon Targites, Targitius,

THE AVARS. bent

733

the Emperor the knoo three times, and saluted by a tho ground three times with his head (surely touching others of doing homage). method The very Mongolian followed his example, and the floor was inundated by the waves to The envoys, of their flowing hair." accordingCorippu8, vaunted the renown of their race, whose sovereign,

tho Imaus, the terror of the Persians, could, if conqueror to the last drop united, drink up the waters of the Ilebrus iii. 233, etc. ; de Laudibus ed. Bonn, Justiui, (Corippus vol. i. pp. 393-395). Thierry, Menander tells us the envoys adopted a bold front, either or in the hope of obtaining to overawe the Emperor larger reminded him that it was his duty to continue They gifts. the policy of his predecessor, towards his allies, Justinian, even to enlarge in order and that Emperor's beneficence, secure their good will in an equal measure to that he might what If he had been good to them, they had in ho did. turn been good to him. In the first place, they had refrained it was well within his frontiers when their from pillaging to have done so, and had prevented others from doing power so. Those in the habit of ravaging who formerly were no did so, being afraid of the Avars, whom Thraco longer They urged that he they knew to be friends of the Romans. than his father, in order that their should be more generous services might be similarly increased, and that if their chief was to bo his friend, it depended on himself. They pressed this home partially by arguments, by threats and partially was their tributary. and spoke as if the Emperor Justin, we their words mere boasting, deeming replied He affected to despise their threats as much as accordingly. to do more He promised for he did their blandishments. them than his father had done, and would teach them a are told,

of

than his, for it would be more beneficial lesson more valuable to them to show them how to restrain their arrogance. It was greater kindness to stop an impetuous temper which was to its own ruin than to allow it to become the hastening this victim of its own caprice. he said, "with "Depart," counsel ; we have no need of your aid, nor have we paid

734yon anything paymont made

THE AVARS.

not as tribute but as a except willingly, The to slaves" p. 286-289). (Menandcr, the same as that is virtually Menander language reported by " the latter makes of Corippus. You tell me, young man," to the chief envoy, "things which we do not Justin say believe, and in which you have been yourself misled by false at all. You them yourself rumours, if in fact you believe are mere dreams and illusions. Cease to boast of relating me the recital of the the exploits of mere fugitives. Spare of an exiled crowd looking vainly for a home. What glories it could not defend realm has it subdued when powerful i. 95). cit. iii. 310, etc., Thierry, itself?" op. (Corippus, their language, John of Ephesus says that, exasperated by cut their hair he called them dogs, and said ho would Justin's them (op. cit. lib. vi. ch. xxiv.). off and decapitate bold front seems to havo imposed on tho envoys, who wore for them to be possible that it would neither convinced attack the Empire, obtain a larger tribute, nor to successfully John of Ephesus returned home. and they accordingly says to Justin had them seized, put into boats, and conveyed to the number of 300 men, and that they were Chaleedon, then allowed there for six months detained ; they were to depart, with a threat that if any one of them was again be put to death (id.). At found on Roman soil, he would was engaged in a second campaign agaiust this time Bayan of as Menander the Franks, Gregory says (op. cit. 290). marched in the year 566. Tours dates this campaign Sigebert them with a large army; but at the moment when against were the Avars to engage, by (called Huns going they caused various phan skilled in the art of magic, Gregory), who were completely toms to arise in front of the Franks, but was made himself prisoner, Sigebert vanquished. an agreeable manner and address, "ho vanquished having in battle," and those by presents whom he could not defeat " " to agreo of the Huns the King induced his liberality of their lives they the remainder him that during with " of the Tho King not should together. fight again of Tours to Sigebert. Hums" also made presents Gregory

THE AVARS.

735

" a title which tells us he was called (i.e. Khakan), Gagan " was borne of that nation (op. cit. by all the rulers iv. 29). is a named The use of the necromancy just to that the Mongol chief Batu parallel by employed Khan the while the title of Khakan was precisely The peace with the the Mongol chiefs. Franks is also mentioned Menander. He tells us that by after it was made, Bayan, the leader of the Avars, informed that his army was suffering from a want of provi Sigebert sions, and promised that if ho would supply them, his people would move their camp on the third day, nor would they any sent some flour, longer remain there. Sigebert Thereupon beans or pulse, and oxen, to the Avars sheep (Menander, op. cit. 303). At this time a large part of was divided between Hungary the two rival races of the Lombards and the Gepid , the title in Hungary, used by Danube their common frontier. The Lombards forming were to the west, and the to the east of that planted Gepida3 the river, and as far as the Theiss, east of which I believe or Bulgarians. country was then dominated by the Hunugars the king of the Lombards, who was Sigebert's Alboin, had determined brother-in-law, upon the conquest of Italy, but feared to leave his dominions at the mercy of his eastern the Gepidee. He therefore sent envoys to Bayan, neighbours, him to form an alliance with him. inviting urged They him that they had been ill-used, not upon only by tho Gepiduj, but by the Romans, who were also enemies of the Avars. wished accordingly not so much to attack the They Gepidao as to fight against Justin, who had proved himself most un to the Avars, had set at tho treaty they had friendly naught made with his uncle Justinian, and deprived of the Avars their wonted presents. urged further that in alliance They with the Lombards they would be invincible, and when they had exterminated the Gepid , they would divide their wealth and their lands between them. then be in a They would position to occupy Scythia (i.e. Little Scythia or the Dobruja) and Thrace, and carry their arms as far as Byzantium, to proceed, adding, that if they meant they had better do so

736

THE AVARS.

at once, to prevent the Romans from forestalling them, and on the that they might hatred of tho depend iniplaeablo latter in any event (Menander, pp. 303 and 304). He did not reciprocate these advances very warmly. Bayan did not see what advantage it would be to his people. At one time he 6aid he could not engage in such an enter at another that he could, but was not willing to do so. prize, He kept them in suspense for some time, and at length con-, over that the Lombards condition should make once a tithe of their cattle, and that, if were to him at they in the war, one-half of tho booty should belong to successful sented should be ceded his people, while all the land of the Gepid tells us that Alboin made to them. Paul the Deacon merely a perpetual pact with the Avars Kunimund, (i. 27). When the ruler of the Gepidoo, heard of this league, he sent envoys to and offered to surrender to ask assistance from Justin, and the district within the city of Sinniiim (i.e. south for some the Drave), which had been lost to the Romans to Justin did not see how it would be of advantage time. to enter into such a treaty, and eventually would the Empire more than that he would be neutral (Mc promise nothing vit. pp. 304-305). formed an alliance nander, op. Having to attack the Gepidac. with the Lombards, Bayan proceeded route he of knowing what have no means We exactly that but it is not improbable followed in invading Hungary, the same route as that followed he marched by tho by at a later leader Batu Khan main army of the Mongol since it would Schafarik date. urges that this is probable was conquered the Avars from that Transylvania by appear invade the latter country he makes the Avars and Hungary, in the Carpathians the Dukla Pass (op. cit. vol. ii. through p. 59). and we are does not describe what Menander follows, limited to the account of Paul the Deacon, whose statements as those of a panegyrist of the are to be accepted largely of tho tho king tells us that Kunimund, He Lombards. ou one side by the Avars and on threatened Gepi(he, being first to attack the determined the other by the Lombards, him of on

THE AVARS.

737

latter. He was desperately and slain. Alboin, beaten, we arc told, had a This made of his skull. cup drinking was a custom the allies doubtless from his borrowed race it has been an ordinary since with the Mongol Avars, took battle of war This i. 27). (Paul. Diac. note to his edition of in the year 567 Waitz' place (see Paul tells us the the Deacon). chronicle The Lombard were so crushed that they ceased to exist as a nation, Gepidao and no longer had any king ; but those who remained either or to the Avars, who seized became subject to the Lombards their country, and who still held them in severe bondage when now settled Paul wroto The Avars (op. cit. lib. i. eh. 27). incident down and apparently Thciss and tho Danube, the having western neighbours, and separated from the Roman Empire In my view there is no evidence that the by the Danube. ever had any settlements Avars east of the Theiss. Tho Romans, to cross in attacking them at a later day under Prisons, had the Theiss in order to reach their camps. Bayan was not long in finding a subject of discord with the empire. defeated to be the Gepidao, he claimed Having their heir. In addition to their possessions north and east of a grant the Danube, the Gepid had also obtained from of the country of the Gepid occupied that part of Pannonia included , which was the between as their Lombards

the district of Sirmium, that city and including the peninsula included between the Save and the Danube. When the power of the Gepidoo was crushed in the war above described, the people of this district, most of whomwere under sent Roman probably the Roman to protect them peasants, empire, (Lebeau, and more once themselves placed a was garrison apparently x. op. cit. vol. p. 29). Bayan,

Justinian

after securing the main of the Gepidan portion territory, claimed this also. One of his officers, Yobulidas, received 800 pieces of money from the Governor of Illyrium, but this did not appeaso him, and Justin, sent Vitalian having and Coin itas to treat with him, he threw them into prison. He then proceeded to try and surprise Sirmium, but presently withdrew,VOL.

apparentlyXXI.?[new semes

findiug] 48

the place

too strong

for him,

738and sent sonic

THE AVARS.

to treat for terms. Somo of the people citizens, who were on the look out as usual, seeing a party of men in the distance, fancied it was Bayan's advancing army, but Bonus, how matters stood, sent out some people seeing to hold a Bonus had been wounded in the recent colloquy. and his doctor deemed it imprudent ho should go fighting, out, nor was it thought wise to let tho enemy know that ho was in this condition ; but, inasmuch as ho did not appear, concluded he was dead, and it was eventually decided ho they should go out to treat with them after his wounds had been dressed. Their envoy urged that tho Avars had beeu badly treated by the Romans, wrho had withheld from them what was had conquered with theirs, and what rightly they infinite of the Gepidao, (i.e. the country pains including Usdibad (a Gepidan Sirmium). fugitive whom the Romans had sheltered) was similarly one of their subjects, and they had otherwise been badly Bonus that the used. replied Romans were far from desiring war, and that tho Avars had was not unwilling the aggressors, been that the Emperor to treat had their them well, and had arrogantly demands, present to grant and them without his master's power approval, seems to had better send envoys on to him. they Bayan been reasonable have in his reply ; he urged that he would bo ashamed in the face of returning home again of the various tribes whom he led, if he obtained nothing so much effort, and asked at least for a small present. ;Lebeau, vol. x. p. 308 and notes.) (Menander, pp. 306-307 Bonus and his companions, including the chief ecclesiastical in Sirmium, deemed Bayan's dignitary plea reasonable, and he only asked for a silver dish, some money, and a Scythian after cloak. It was concede behaved and to them, but they to In regard aggressively. in his it was not Bonus said sent envoys

to deemed however, dangerous, apparently which might be treated as a tribute, and anything to be unable to do anything tho without Bonus professed further that being in camp, leave, and urged Emperor's he had to give; the Romans and had nothing little money, and the things their household furniture t?tere had merely

THE AVARS.

739

they wore, nor had they anything worthy of his acceptance; were all their valuables elsewhere and at a considerable was irritated at this distance. Bayan reply, and threatened He to march his forces to lay waste the Roman territory. to cross the Save and lay waste ordered 10,000 Kutrigurs the Danube, while he himself, Dalmatia, recrossing planted in the territory of the Gepidu3. the hint given him by Meanwhile, following apparently is name, as Hopf remarks, Bonus, he sent Targitius (whose most singularly like that of Targitaos mentioned Herodotus by as a primitive hero of the Scythians) with the interpreter to demand the surrender whom he had imprisoned, Vitaban, to him of the sums fomcrly paid tho payment of Sirmium, himself bo to to the Kutrigurs and Utigurs, whose heir he claimed to demand since ho had conquered and lastly them, on the ground of Usdibad, the extradition that, having were now his subjects. them, all tho Gepidaj conquered

Targitius,

the Emperor, said he had come from addressing the Emperor's whom he styled son, and that he Ba}*an, trusted he would grant him what was due to a son, and he his demands, of the surrender then went on to enumerateSirmium, etc., as above. The Emperor professed to treat

as ridiculous. to the The money demands paid and Utigurs, he urged, was due to the liberality Kutrigurs and was not a discharge and policy of Justinian, of any claim. to be fools if he As to Usdibad, he must deem the Romans to those who to grant benefits thought they were prepared these It was true that during the them. had previously wronged Justinian the Gepidee, who were reign of his predecessor to settle in and occupy the about, were permitted wandering and when a war broke out between region about Sirmium, as was tho Romans, them and the Lombards, right, had the Gcpidic helped their friends, and through their assistance their foes; nevertheless the latter had proved and treated their benefactors Ff ungrateful treacherously. must be done, it was the Romans who might demand justice who that the Gcpidai, had formerly their acknowledged should be made over to them and not that they, supremacy, had defeated

740

THE AVARS.

tho Avars, should be suing for the return of Usdibad. " " You say, O Targitius," that the continued the Emperor, Khakan will cross the Ister and even the Ilebrus, and will occupy the towns of Thrace, but the Romans would speedily nor would such an attempt, punish they desist until the arrogance of the barbarians was subdued. War was a much more useful to the Romans Of what than peace. occupation service were bows and horses and an infinite number of armed men if not for fighting?" brave words like these the With the Avarian dismissed Emperor envoys, at tho same time ho sent a message to Bonus, tho Governor of Sirmium, scolding to go him for having permitted with such demands envoys to Byzantium, and ordered him to prepare everything in case of war. events apparently in the year These took place 568-569 (Menander, 385-389). It was about tin's time that a famous race movement took ambition, place, which opened a still wider field to Avarian

This the migration of the Lombards into Italy. namely, took place probably note 5 to in the year 568 (see Waitz, Paul the Deacon, lib. ii. ch. 7 and note 4 to ch. 10), and we arc told that is to say, abandoned their own country, they to their friends the Huns, with this proviso, that if it Panuonia, to some time for them, i.e. the Lombards, be necessary were to have it Wo return, they again (Paul. Diac. lib. ii. ch. 7). that may perhaps read between the lines of Paul the Deacon that it was the pressure or dread of their friends the Avars induced them to move. It is such pressure, and not mere sen should timent, which has induced the great race changes of tho world. On the departure of the Lombards, the Avars duly occupied was Tho occupation of the Lombard their country. territory an episode with the Avars, whose with the eastern only dealingsempire meanwhile continued as before. Menander tells us

to that after several embassies had gone to try ineffectually these disputes, settle that he the Emperor told Targitius would send Tiberius, in the who held the highest position A with full power to treat and arrange matters. army, on the Imperial it seems ensued between Tiberius colloquy side and Apsikh tho Avars, and it was agreed representing

THE AVARS. that which the Romans would make if their over to the Avars chiefs

741the district

would give they occupied, principal their eons as hostages. The Emperor consented to this, but insisted naturally, for he deemed he was treating with Bayan an equal, that if hostages were to be given on one side, they should be given on the other also. To this condition Tiberius would not consent. His scheme contemplated that if Bayan should desire to invade the Roman border, the parents of the seems to have would restrain him. The Emperor hostages well in this view, and to have urged that it would bo concurred see a specimen of Roman valour to let the barbarians and warlike prowess. Tiberius instructed Bonus accordingly to see to the river being (Menander, op. cit. properly guarded The issue was now

pp. 311, 312).one of arms. The details of what are largely wanting. are told that it We followed, however, was the custom of the Avars to advance against their enemies of cymbals amidst the clashing and loud cries. Tiberius his men of this, and ordered them to countercheck warned it by beating their shields together, and raising their war But at the first charge of the bar cry louder than usual. levies fled, and, says Evagrius, tho raw Roman barians, " himself would have been captured if providence Tiberius had not preserved him to give this unfortunate century the of a wise and virtuous Emperor." After their victory example to Byzantium, sent fresh envoys with whom the Avars Tiberius should sent Dami?n, to urge that the demands of tho enemy be granted. Peace was thereupon made, we are not told its terms ; but Sirmiun, at all events, remained in Roman As the Avar envoys were returning home, they were hands. attacked by the Skaraars, who were predatory robber-bands,up of various nationalities, who infested the mountains

made

of Noricum

and probably also of Thrace. They stripped the The and other valuables. of their horses, money envoys who sent after the of this to the Emperor, latter complained the booty they had made, and restored robbers, recaptured of it to the Avars (Menander, 312-13). died in the year 578, and was tho Emperor sue

a portion Justin

742

THE AVARS.

cceded by Tiberius. In his second year the latter sent as an envoy to the Turks. Yalentinus He had an interview with one of their chiefs, named Turxanth, and urged the object of his journey, namely, that the Turks should make common cause with the Romans Tho Turkish the Persians. against chief angrily replied that the Romans had ten tongues with " which to proclaim their falsehoods. A lie is unknown among us, but is habitual with him who reigns over you; for while he addresses us friendly words, he makes a treaty with our slaves, the Varkhonitoo (i.e. tho Avars), who have fled from their lord, these Varkhonitm, who at tho sight of our whips would flee and try and hide themselves If wo in the earth. them, it would not be with swords. We them under the hoofs of our horses like ants. trample mean you Romans What by telling mo my envoys must go and by saying there is no other by way of the Caucasus, route P You sa}' this in order that the difficulties of the route the Roman frontier ; but I may frighten me from invading the Dnieper, know where the Ister and the Hebrus flow, by our slaves, went when the Varkhonitoo, which entering your as the land. I know your forces, ours also spread as widely course of the sun. Miserable creatures, look at tho Alans, should at the Utigurs. and famous They were powerful were confident in the and courage. They to attack the invincible numbers of their troops. They dared were misled nation of the Turks. in their hopes. They our and are numbered among They have been conquered, look also for their valour are very in These (Menander, 400-1). phrases to us most since that the prove teresting, they clearly at this time had lost entire control of the eastern Avars slaves" of the Nogais. Nor had they retained much authority, west of the Dnieper, in the country apparently, occupied or the Slavini and the Bulgarians in Moldavia, by Hunugars and Transylvania; told Wallachia for we are expressly steppes to sent envoys that tho ruler of the Avars by Menander or Daurentios, Daurita i.e. Dobreta, and the other chiefs of to demand tribute the Slavini, from the Slavini. They man is there upon to his summons: thus replied "What wished to chastise

THE AVARS. whomover

743to exertover

the sun'sus? We

rays shine who can claimare wont to acquiro

authorityothers,

dominion

and

not

others These

swords." equally Avarian

haughty, envoys being put to death (Menander, op. cit. p. 400; irritated Bayan, This no doubt greatly Jiresek, pp. 87-8). and when, about the year 578, the Slavini made an invasion on a great scale and overran Thrace and Greece itself, as John of Ephesus and more especially relate, he for to listen to the overtures of the Romans sent, John The Emperor in his distress the alliance. who had authority in the

us ; rather to our let us appeal by phrases haughty words were answered it ended in the and a strife having arisen, over

Menander, was ready an prefect,

and cities of islands a private wrong not only had to to him. Illyricum, Bayan to Menander, to find great he hoped but, according avenge, stores of gold in the land of the Slavini, the product of their as more raids upon the Empire, they frequent especially and robbed by others. themselves had not been molested

and reached Paeonia, had Bayan prefect John, having in long boats. his people ferried across the Danube Sixty thousand armed cavalry were thus transported across. They as far bank of the Danube tho southern marched along The the as Scythia where they again crossed (i.e. the Dobruja), a poop at either end. on ships having thus river They and crossed iuto the very heart of tho land of the Slavini, Their to ravage their villages and settlements. proceeded the wretched army being away on the borders of Greece, and people who stayed at home had to seek shelter in the woods and the invaders captured what booty they pleased caverns, in Men From another passage (Menander, pp. 404-407). on this occasion liberated that the Avars ander we gather who had been kept in servitude several thousand Romans, is not The date of these events the Slavini (id. p. 334). by who was a contemporary of Ephesus, John clear. quite "in the in 584, has the phrase: and who wrote his work cit. Justin third year after the death of the Emperor (op. of the valiant Tiberius." lib. vi. ch. 25) and the accession But also places the event in the reign of Tiberius. Menander

744tho editor read

THE AVARS.

of that work, a8 well as Hopf and Jiresek, seem to these phrases as if tho events in the really happened of Justin, but three years after Tiberius had been reign Cresar and Regent I confess I appointed (i.e. after 674). by Strittcr, in the third

followed prefer the older interpretation virtually and to consider that the events took place really i.e. about 580 a.d. year of Tiberius, Shortly after the accustomed this we

for read how Bayan sent Targitius which amounted to 80,000 pieces of tribute, money, and which was paid to him (Menander, p. 332). This tributo was doubtless the main condition of tho peace we described above. ruler of the Avars his had not forgotten as to upon Sirmium, which, having belonged as by right his own. the Gepidce, he deemed John of tells us that he applied to the Emperor for a Ephesus of workmen to build number him a palace and some sent them, whereupon Tiberius baths. his he disclosed real intentions, and tried to make them build a bridgo across the Danube, he might invade the cm piro by which cit. lib. vi. eh. xxiv.). John of Ephesus the hero mistook (op. Danube for tho Save. us that Bayan moved Menander tells his army to the Save, and encamped near its outfall into tho and opposite Danube, Singidunum (i.e. tho modern Bel As tho grade), and began to build a bridgo across the Savo. Romans had a powerful fleet on tho Danube, ho saw tho the same, and accordingly laid his hands necessity of having upon as many barges and other boats for carrying merchan dize as he could on the Danube in Upper Pannonia, and a number of others useful for his purpose, rudely constructed ambitiou8 claims further which was merely to transport his armed troops across, and he also trained some of his men as rowers. This fleet he sent along the Danube, and meanwhile marched with his to the island of Sirmium (so called by Menander, infantry i.e. the peninsula movements between the Save sent at alarmed and Drave). These tho Romans. the Scth, The

naturally of Singidunum, governor was, when they were

to inquire what his purpose to bring his armament peace,

THE AVARS.

745

If it was his intention to build a bridge over the there? river, it would not be permitted. Bayan replied that he had no ill a the Romans, but that in building designs against across the river, it was to enable him to attack the bridge Slavini. the Save into the Roman That having crossed to furnish him a then beg the Romans territory, he would sufficient number of boats in which to cross the Danube. to him for he said, were under obligations Romans, and he had a released so many of their prisoners, having of his own against the Slavini, who had refused to grievance him tribute. He swore that ho meant no harm to the pay nor yet to the town of Sirmium, which he called Romans, " so named that cauldron," perhaps from its being partially on an island, which had somewhat the round resemblance built to a cauldron. to remember it is interesting In this behalf on the middle that the Tartar town, which replaced Bolghari Seth Volga, was given tho name of Kazan or the cauldron. The the garrison of Singidunum had small faith in these but he had only few men with him, nor had he promises,many swift boats, i.e. war-galleys, to oppose the powerful

and

now began to threaten that he would march barbarian, on Rome, and said that if a single weapon was fired at the on the workmen engaged bridge, the peace must be deemed at an end, and the Romans must bear the consequences. there was no help for it, Seth and his people asked Seeing that the pacific utterances of the Khakan should be ratified by a solemn oath on his part. He drew his sword, and, who swore that if any harm came to the Romans raising it aloft, in consequence of the bridge being built across the Save, he be exterminated hoped his people might by the sword, that heaven would fall upon them, that God, who dweltthere, would cast fire down upon them, that the woods

and mountains around might fall upon and crush them, and that the waters of tho Save might overflow and over sworn thus in his national fashion, he whelm them. Having said ho was prepared to do so in the Roman fashion also, and asked how they sworo when thc}r meant tho wrath of God to come down upon those who failed in their promise. The senior

746ecclesiastic the Bible,

TUE AVARS.

was thereupon ordered to in Singidunum produce and it was conveyed to the Khakan, who roso from his throne tremblingly, and respectfully took tho book, and on his knees swore God who had written the holy by the words it contained, that he would not break the promises he had made. The governor thereupon received his envoys, and sent them on to the their return, the Emperor. Pending on tho woik was all the Avarian continued, bridge duly it, so that they should be inde army being occupied upon of tho Imperial should it be withheld pendent consent, The admitted, (Menander, pp. 332-336). envoys, being asked the Emperor that boats might bo furnished to the Avars cross the Danube their army might and attack upon which and declared that the Khakan had already begun across the Save so that ho might assail bridge saw clearly what was their common enemies. The Emperor to intercept com meant, and that the bridge was intended munications and the empire, so that when between Sirmium thus blockaded be reduced the place might no means of opposing the enemy, having were all in Armenia and Mesopotamia, Persian by famine ; but, since his troops in the engaged the Slavini, to build a

to said he also wished He war, he dissimulated. several the Slavini, who had assailed and ravaged punish Roman provinces; but it was not then on opportuno time for inasmuch the Avars to be contemplating such an expedition, as the Turks were at that moment the Chersonese attacking and if they, the Avars, crossed (i.e. the Tauric Chersonese), once hear of it. It would there the Danube, they would at Turks fore be better if they postponed were about and whither learn, Avar their expedition. What the he the they proposed advancing take care to inform and would saw that Tiberius meant envoy

shortly to Khakan. The intimidate them by the mention of the Turks, but he pro to urgo them upon fessed to share his views, and promised it was he who had been chiefly Menander the Khakan. says to attack the Romans. the Khakan inslrum-. >i tl in urging whieh he seems to havo received very largo gifts, Having As he passed through asked for, he left the Imperial city.

would

THE AVARS. a small escort,on

747ho wasthat

Illyrium,Slavini,

havingwho were

only

attackeddistrict.,

byand

thewas

making

attacks

few days after his departure a fresh envoy, named who spoke openly and without Solakh, arrived at Byzantium, to report that both banks deem it superfluous disguise:?"I You know it as well as I, of the Save are united by a bridge. killed. A and it is superfluous cannot The Romans to tell people what they already know. save Sirmium by any means, and the river of supplying it with food, there is no means being closed, unless they can send an immense force to drive out the Avars and break the bridge." He therefore, he said, came to ask if it was worth his while to engage in war with the Emperor the Avars for the sake of an insignificant town or rather, "a The Roman and the citizens might cauldron." garrison leave the place with all their effects, and leave a vacant city for them. To bo quite frank, he said, were the Romans, inclined peaceably with the Persian at present, because their hands were full war. When this was over, they would this place as a base, and the Avars, having

speedily attack no wide river between there being them to protect them. to have to them, It was very inconvenient the Avars, the gifts the this fortress eloso by. The Khakan enjoyed sent him. silver and silks were good things Gold, Emperor but life was dearer and more precious than all. in themselves, had in these very districts distributed The Romans their gifts and largess to many peoples, whom they had afterwards and destroyed. nor anything else promises his purpose, which was to of Sirmium, and he had a attacked neither gifts, nor Consequently would induce him to desist from possess himself to do

of the peninsula this, and to perfect right himself of it rather than the Romans, since, having possess the Gepidrc, their towns and property conquered belongedto him. The Emperor was much distressed at these words,

the Khakan had deluded not comply with his that he would to him one of his rather surrender

and declared

to him, give up Sirmium willingly the Romans if the Khakan broke avenge

by his oath, but He would demand. two daughters than nor would God fail to his oath and pro

him

718eroded to attack tho

THE AVARS. tho dismissed thereupon to bo mado for defence. preparations sent Narscs with an says tho Emperor town, lie

envoys, John of Ephesus armament tho place, but on tho way one by sea to relieve of his ships with the chief part of the treasure sank in the and on reaching the mouths of the Danube Narses Pontus, died (op. cit. lib. vi. ch. xxxi.). He had few troops to depend upon, but sent orders to the various prefects and officers in to collect what forces they could and and Dalmatia Illyrium to march with them to the relief of tho threatened town. one of them named When of Ephesus says Theognis?John the pnofeet of the Praetorians, had previously been Kallistros, sent to try and again treat with the Avars (op. cit. lib. vi. ch. xxxii.) ? arrived at Casia and Carbonaria, two small on the Save, a was arranged. we islands colloquy Bayan, are told, on a golden seat from his horse, sat descending stones surmounted with precious by a canopy ornamented and like a tent. A shield was held in front of him so that he might not be struck by some Roman weapon. Theognis and his companions were some distance away. The Avarian or heralds in a loud voice announced that there intrepreters said be a truco during the interview. Then Bayan that the Romans should surrender Sirmium with out fighting, since there was no chance of their saving it, for access to it not only was the town deficient in provisions, cut off, but the Avars would never cease their being entirely would it behoved exertions it. He urged until they had captured that he so that deserters to have wished of the place, control there. should not find shelter that ho Theognis replied not withdraw the Avars did so, nor would would until to surrender the Romans ho what easily compel Bayan demanded. These irritating words on either side ended by on the for battle the Khakan prepare bidding Theognismorrow bravado cMenandcr, on his part, 332-342). for, as a matter This of was fact, only he a had picco not* of tho

and ordered

to support much boasting. For three days tho Avars in battle array, and as their opponents themselves ranged did not appear, they lest such respect for them that the Avar force

THE AVARS. division

749

was in charge of a second which under Apsikh, did not deem off the place from Dalmatia, bridge, cutting to remain it worth their their while there, but rejoined a dearth of at the other bridge. Meanwhile countrymen Solomon, who com provisions began to be felt in Sirmium. in the town, was neither a vigorous manded administrator, nor had ho any skill as a soldier, and the citizens, losing heart, laid all the blame of their calamities upon the Romans. When Tiberius learnt how matters stood, he sent that tho town was to be surrendered on condition that to leave it safe and inhabitant s should bo permitted but should take nothing with them except each man These terms were accepted and one suit of clothes. Tho orders all the sound, his life

by the also demanded the payment Khakan of the of money, which annual stipend of 80,000 had been pieces three years, and which the intermitted during the previous In addition to this he insisted Romans were obliged to pay. on a fugitive who had committed adultery with his wife handed over to him. in regard to this last Theognis, being demand, replied that the Roman Empire was so vast that it to track out such a would be virtually impossible runaway, who might in fact bo dead. himself there Bayan contented a from the Romans that they upon with exacting promise and find him, and if they found him, that would try they would give him up or inform him if they heard of his death John of Ephesus ?ays a year after its capture by (id. 424-5). was burnt to ashes tho Avars Sirmium by fire from heaven Avars(op. cit. lib. vi. ch. xxxiii.).

Tho Emperor Tiberius died in the year 582, and with his of Menander death we lose the guidance and have to follow up the story in the pages of Theophylactus Simocatta, whowrote the history of his successor Maurice. Theophylactus

tells us the Avars were Huns by nation, and that the}' were tho most faithless of all races and led a nomadic life. Two sent an embassy to years after they had taken Sirmium, they who had not then mounted the throne. We are Maurice, told that they had heard of great and wonderful beasts the Imperial court, and the Khakan asked to be allowed at to

750

THE AVARS.

see a specimen. sent him one of The Emperor thereupon his largest elephants, but directly he had seen it, ho ordered to have a it to be sent back, lie also asked the Emperor bed made for him, and the most famous artizans in golden the Empire were employed it was taken upon it ; but when to him, he refused it with disdain, as unworthy of his accept an additional ance. He also demanded 20,000 gold pieces to his stipend, and when the Emperor refused, he annually In all this insolent behaviour at once prepared for war. we may recognize a not distant of the Mongolian relative Ho in the thirteenth chiefs who invaded Hungary centuiy. which was short of provi Singidunuin, captured speedily the citizens being then engaged sions and weakly garrisoned, cost the The capturo notwithstanding in their harvesting. calls the victory a and Theophylactus lives of many Avars, now to capture some The Khakan Cadmean one. proceeded inter alia, Augusta and other towns south of the Danube, situated on the right two towns of Illyrium, Yiminaciuni, then marched He bank of the Danube. upon Ankhialus its environs. devastated and says, Thermae, Theophylactuswas spared on account of the entreaties of Bayan's con

had gone thither cubines, who to be medicinal. After there were reported The waters sent the Romans had lasted three months, the campaign a senator were Elpidius, These to the Khakan. envoys who was of Sicily, and Comentiolus, and formerly governor found These Guards. an ollieer of the Scriboniau envoys in a very He met their advances at Ankhialus. tho Khakan that ho would destroy tho manner and threatened haughty the capital. famous long walls which protected Elpidius remained silent under this infliction, but his colleague, whowas of a warmer temperament and had a moro glib tongue,

on

account

of

the

baths.

According befitting rashly spuke the Romans believe he said: "O Khakan, to Theophylactus that you have some respect for your gods and for the gods of other nations who superintend oaths, and that you will not break promises which you have so solemnly sworn. That and the of the Emperors you will not forget the benevolence

out

and more

a Roman.

THE AVARS.

751

in which good of the people towards you, and the kindly manner ancestors were welcomed, and that you will not permit your your subjects to do me tho least injury since princes arc more moderate than their subjects, and have greater wisdom and Our desire for peace has made us overlook your dignity. and restrained us from attacking you. outrages and hostilities, Instead of meeting you with force, we have been rather con tent to call your attention to the treaty you as you seem untouched by the motives and that the eye of justice is closed, probity, instead of punishing you, has been still while a god of your passion; we shall fall back made with us ; of honour and and Providence, you have made on our ancient

but

courage, and we will make a terrible slaughter of your people; for much as we love peace, we shall take up arms if they are to repress the insolence of our enemies. What necessary other nation has more bravely fought for country, liberty and glory P If the feeble birds struggle with each other, what race such as ours P Do not will be the ardour of a warlike boast of your treachery. as you are, remember Brave that the Romans command a formidable power, that the vigilance of their princes is great, and that they will draw innumerable . . reinforcements from the nations subject to them. Havingbroken your your truthfulness oath, what and assurance ? can . . . Leave probity you us ever in give peace, of and

do not abuse your present prosperit}' to oppress people whoso the Remember only crime is that of being your neighbours. way in which you were received when exiles and fugitives, and when you were separated from the main trunk of your of the East. Do not violate the law of hospitality, monarchy so that the world may admire your If you want gentleness. money,place more treasures.

the Romansvalue For on the

areglory rest,

readyand you

to give

it you,than of on a vast

sinceriches

theyand

liberality are masters

territory,

where which

Return then to the territory people live comfortably. hold by the favour of the Romans, and do not you allow your troops to cross our frontiers. The most violent a tree whose winds cannot overthrow trunk is solid, whose branches are spread out and charged with leaves, whose roots

i u4i

THE AVARS. and docpty set, and which is watered by a neigh or by the rain from heaven. Those who step too late, and aro their due bounds become wise stream

are alive bouring beyond

punished by the shame which follows such temerity." as an im This oration was interpreted by the Khakan was accordingly furious and ordered Comen He pertinence. and tiolus to be thrust into prison with his feet manacled, a command which was generally his tent to be destroyed, as a sentence The following of death. day, interpreted his grandees still unappeased, Bavan's urged anger being him not to violate the sanctity of an ambassador by putting that the young man's him to death, and urging imprudent had already been sufficiently by his im expiated language to to this, and agreed assented The Khakan prisonment. send the envoys back again to the Emperor. to once more returned to Bayan, The next year Elpidius Targitius, previously mentioned, negoc?ate peace, whereupon who was held in high esteem among the Avars, was sent on tho onerous back with him, and a peace was arranged an annual were to pay the Avars the Romans to the 80,000 in addition of 20,000 subsicty gold pieces, than havo agreed to pay this rather already paid. Maurice the Avars on his hands two wars at once, namely, against and Persians op. cit. book 1, ch. v. and vi.). (Theophylactus, he was outwardly Khakan The loyal enough to the peace terms that had made, but this did not prevent his proteges and tributaries, the Slavini, with his secret connivance, making another inva as far as the Long Walls. and advancing sion of the Empire sent his guards, headed by Comen The Emperor thereupon (a river falling into tiolus, who advanced as far as the Erginas near the Chersonese), where he fell upon them the Propontis, and inflicted a defeat on them. He then advanced to suddenly where he came upon a chief of tho Slavini named Adrianople, who had with him a rich booty,and many prisoners, Andragast,and a large division of troops, who was attacked at a fort named

and he and his followers were driven out of Astica, Ensinus, and between the mountains i.e. that narrow strip of Thrace to where Mount from Constantinople the sea, stretching

THE AVARS.

753

ITaomus abuts upon the Euxine ii. 51, 53; (i.d. ch. 7; Stritter, Le Beau, op. cit. ix. 246, note 5). a There was at this time, according to Theophylactus, certain Scythian a native of Little or (probably Scythia, tho Dobruja, see Klaproth, etc. 268) called Boko Tableaux, are told meant in Greek a Magian had an intrigue with one of tho Khakan's priest. Having seven he persuaded to who were wives, Gepidao, subject to accompany and determined to escape to the him, him, land of his ancestors, who, says, were Theophylactus labra8, which who were living in the East near tho Persians called Turks. crossed the Danube, he frequently Having went to a place named Libidinum, whose site is unknown. he was captured by the Roman guards, to whom he However, told his story, and who sent him on to the Emperor. He seems to have the Roman that the informed authorities attack The whither master. of latter's the Slavini had been instigated by the Khakan. was then at Constantinople, the annual stipend due to his those Huns word we

envoy, Targitius, ho had gone to receive at Bayan's Annoyed treachery, the Emperor ordered the envoy to be arrested, and threatened to put him to death, but contented him to tho island of himself with sending a little south one of tho isles of the Princes, Khalkitis, for six months i. 689). (Theophylactus, This was furiously revenged by Bayan, who marched his men i.e. the Dobruja, into Moosia and tho Lesser Scythia, and many towns were captured by him. thus Theophylactus book 1, ch. 8 ; Stritter, namesPannasa,

of Constantinople,

where

he was

detained

them

: Ratiaria,

Bononia,and

Acys,

Dorostylus,(op. cit. viii.).

Saldapa,Co

Marcianopolis,

Tropacum

men

the invaders, again sent against the services of the raw militia command only to Ankhialus, He went and Illyria. Thrace 4000 of his

tiolus was

but he could levies from sent having

the camp with the poorest troops to garrison He had 6000 men left, whom he divided into three baggage. one to Martinus, he entrusted to another bodies, of which lie did this no and reserved the third for himself. Castas, tactics of the Avars who used to doubt to meet the peculiarYOL. XXI. ?[NBVT 8ERIE8.] 49

754overrun

THE AVARS.

Castus set out in various detachments. tho country or Saldapa, a town (whose sito is not known), for Zaldafa and Mount Hoomus. Ho surprised and defeated a body of it to the invaders. He captured a large booty, but entrusted a second one of his officers, who speedily lost it again in encounter. learnt through his spies that Martinus, having on was at Nea or Noves, the Khakan i.e. New Town, the Danube,

him. to try and surprise marched thither an ambush, he did surprise him, and the Having planted a small island Khakan only escaped by flying for refuge to a lake. There he secreted himself, failed and Martinus in men were to find him, although for five days he and his from the main body of the Avars, and were con separated com A surrender. strict soldier, the Roman templating mander returned to the rendezvous which had been fixed for There he met Castus. the meeting-place of tho three armies. to plant himself where who had undertaken But Comentiolus, he might cut off the retreat of the Avars and then join them, but allowed of his lieutenants, did not move to the assistance called one of his centurions, to be persuaded himself by There he was at Marciauopolis. and remained Rustibius, to and tho three returned his two subordinates, joined by to tho camp whence inarched, they had originally gether in a beautiful and posted themselves valley in Mount Hoo mus. The Avar Khakan, having again brought his people to enter Thrace. to cross the Panysus prepared together, to the wooden bridge by which sent Martinus Comentiolus the enemy's to watch be crossed, merely the river might to follow. Martinus and Castus was ordered movements, and having learnt of the enemy's instructions, to to join Comentiolus. Castus, determined advance, crossed the bridge, and hiding himself, himself, distinguish it had to movo on, and when their advance guard allowed Over fell on tho enem}r and killed many of them. passed, taken by night bcforo he could recross, ho found in tho the had seized the bridge, whilo that the Avars morning river was too deep and rapid to be forded, and seeing himself in tho in a trap, he fled, aud his men dispersed thus caught carried out his retired

THE AVARS. forests and were sharply pursued of their disclose the hiding-places who we are told, hid away like leaves, was at length captured men were captured. nearly all his

755

to and forced by torments Castus himself, comrades. a vine branch among the and put in chains, while now overran The Avars

Thrace, a body of 500 brave men who tried to stop them in a defile were all cut off. Ansimuth, of the the commander Thracian the Long Walls, it to garrison infantry, marched but as he and thus to protect that suburb of Constantinople; took his post behind his men, ho was captured by the enemy's scouts. had remained buried in the Meanwhile Comentiolus the forests of tho Haomus, while the enemy was overrunning At length he called together his various commanders country.

them face their dangers firmly. and harangued them, bidding a speech, a Tribune in which and made rose, Thereupon course for them was to retire. he urged that the prudent men with had but 4000 them and were They fighting burdened by the charge of 4000 unfit to fight. Their recent misfortunes had dispirited failed to them, while the Emperor succour. the An old man now rose and demanded to reply to the Tribune the soldiers assented. He ; right a stirring is reported delivered address, which by Theo them act like Romans and not be He bade phylactu8. had discouraged by one small defeat, and that the Khakan a few days before been himself a fugitive. It was not only such pusillanimous counsel as that given by the by following that the Romans had conquered Tribune the world, and he send them pressed himself to attack the foe, offering them, in stirring language, to show them an example. This speech greatly ex It was cited the soldiery, who were collected in the theatre. to leave their retreat and to advance upon Cal determined

At this time the army of the and Libidurgus. bomunt?8 was and Bayan Avars scattered in Thrace, thoroughout was living in his tent but four miles away fancied securityfrom tho place whither the Roman army was now ap

the plan by which Comentiolus proaching. arranged they were to surprise at length at arrived the Khakan. They a spot where in single file, when an had to march they

756accident fallen"

Tf?E AVARS.

disconcerted their plans. A mule having entirely to return and down, some one shouted to tho muleteer " torna fratre," the words has it, or, as Theophylactus torna,retoma," were passed on from man to man, and were mis

understood and began

The ii. ch. x.-xv.). (Theophylactus, in Romans and succeeded recovered somewhat, eventually a number of the enemy. Tho words used by the killing or Rouman was at soldiers on this occasion show that Vlakh this timo the ?availing of Thrace and Illyria, language withdrew whence were derived. the troops of Comentiolus to The Khakan returned to the Danube proceeded having a and retrieve his position by laying siege to Apiaria, try A citizen of the place named fortress on that river. strong

Bayan, also hastily

for a signal to retire. The column turned round to retire hastily and confusedly. Meanwhile heard of the imminent danger ho had been in, having

Busas, who had served well in the Imperial armies, and had retired to his native town, ventured to go out hunting while the enemy was at hand and was captured by them. When were about to kill him, he offered them a rich ransom if they took him to the foot of the spare him. they would They that if they would not walls, and sent word to the citizens redeem him for a considerable sum, he should be put to death before their eyes. Busas uplifted his hands and implored them not to allow a warrior who had done such honour to count ly to perish thus, lie cited the battles he had in and exposed the scars which he bore, and bogged fought them to take his goods, and if this did not suffice, to supple ment them in order to save him. The people would have consented, but a young man, who was carrying on an intrigue with Busas' wife, dissuaded them. Busas was now possessed with but one feeling, namely, that of revenge on his fellow citizens. to get the town into the hands of the He promised if they would spare his life, and taught them how to Avars construct one of the and battering engines called Helepolis, was and sacked. Several other Apiaria presently captured places followed the same fate. Beroen offered a stout resistance, and Bayan, having failed to capture it after repeated efforts. his

THE AVARS. was constrained also tried to retire

757

on receiving a sum of money. He to capture Diocletianopolis, Philippopolis, and Adrianople, whose citizens bravely defended their walls. The Emperor Maurice now began to suffer vicariousljr for the the object of lampoons of his troops, and became disasters lie and satires, the dangerous weapons of a discontented mob. redeemed Castus, whose capture wo have described. thereupon the He summoned John Mystacones (ie. the moustachioed), in vain war, to the rescue, and gave him or Suevian called Drocto, or Droc from invaders to withdraw the tulf. Tho latter compelled a severe defeat upon inflicted and afterwards Adrianople, retreat tactics of a feigned tho Eastern them by adopting i. ii. xvi.-xvii. and then a rally (Theophylactus, ; Strittcr, ix. 246-254). Lebeau, 689-703; for This defeat was a serious one, and the Avar Khakan to keep himself north of the several years was constrained in the Persian commander as a lieutenant a Lombard Danube. Danubian and the other Singidunura he had captured, and which were This did not (Lebeau, ix. 254). reoccupied by the Romans the Slavini, his clients, who are given the alternative prevent from devastating Thrace the name of Getao by Theophylactus, Ho also abandoned fortresses which

iii. 4). following year, i.e. in 587 (op. cit. and the Romans were engaged At this time the Lombards The Avars naturally looked in Italy. in a severe struggle the former as common friends against a common foe, upon " and we read how, about the year 591, Cacanus, the king of to make peace with sent envoys to Milan i.e. Bayan, Huns," who sent him some men skilled the Lombard king, Agilulf, he captured in building ships, and with the ships thus made an island off Thrace and even caused alarm at Constantinople Fresh iv. ch. 12 and 20). envoys passed (Paulus Diaconus, and a perpetual peace the Avar and Lombard between rulers, also sent to order the Franks was agreed upon. The Khakan that they had made make asimilar peace with the Lombards to At this time wo also read of the Lombards with themselves. invad an alliance with a body of Avars and Slaves, making Istria (id. ch. 24). ing and ravaging

758In and

THE AVARS. the same year Maurice made had his hands free to attack his seasoned soldiers peace with the Persians, and he trans tho Avars, and to Thrace, accordingly as became his at their head,

ferred

to march himself as a soldier ; and did so, in spite of many omens, reputation an eclipse of the which his people deemed most unpropitious, determinedsun, an abnormal tide, etc., etc, He left some money to restore

the church of Glycerin, which had been desolated by tho Avars he encoun (/(/. vi. 1). Four days after reaching Herakleia, neither swords tered three strangers of gigantic size, wearing nor any other weapons, and carrying only harps (citharas). On troops in Thraco. They were arrested b}r tho Imperial about their and questioned taken before the Emperor, being origin, and why they had visited the Roman world, they replied that they were Slavi who dwelt on the Western Ocean, and to their princes with had sent envoys that the Avar Khakan the Tho princes for succour. accepted many gifts asking but refused the aid asked for, on account of the long gifts, said them. distance and bad roads which They separated had been sent by them to the Khakan with this answer. they on the way. The Khakan, They had been fifteen months to the law of nations which protects envoys, had contrary heard of the power and their return. forbidden Having of tho Romans, they had seized tho opportunity humanity over into Thrace. and crossed They carried harps, since they tho use of arms, for their country produced save tumults and seditions, they lived peace no iron, whence, of war, they were devoted to music. Ignorant ably together. their strength with the visitors, The Emperor was delighted This of limb, etc , and sent them to lleracleia (id. vi. 2). is doubtless of Thcopl^lactus anecdote Arcadian largely did not know be interesting facile pen, but it would these three scalds or bards, for such they If really Slaves, doubtless were, came from. they probably that but Lebeau came from the Eastern Baltic, suggests The cit. ix, 353-354). were really Scandinavians (op. the}' concentration tho partial having superintended Emperor at Ankhialus received of the troops, and while envoys at coloured to know by his whence

THE AVARS. this time from the of tho Franks, offering on condition of an annual him

759an

Maurice

stipend. against that the but replied the envoys gave presents, Franks would find it glorious to ally themselves and useful with the Empire for honour only, and without other mercenary motives vi. 3). Theophylactus calls the envoys (Theophylactus, was called (Boson) and Bettus, and tells us their master as it was really Childebert, which is a mistake, Theodoric, of Austrasia, This is not the who was then reigning. King there was at only proof he gives of the little knowledge at this titno about the West, for he calls the Byzantium " " now called Franks The Celtiberians, (id.). Phraggoi now returned to Constantinople. The Khakan Emperor had ordered the Slavini to prepare some boats on which to Bosus was cross the river, whereupon which the people of Singidunum, to attack situated near the modern Belgrade, proceeded for the them and burnt the materials they had accumulated The barbarians, anno}*ed at this, laid siege to the purpose. town, which, after days' the Khakan seven

alliance

king tho Avars

attack, was on the point of them to join him. summoned surrendering, when This they did after obtaining 2000 gold pieces (darics is the a table plated with gold, and a word used by Theophylactus), robe. They proceeded to Sirmium (wrongly called Mirsium where by Theophylactus), boats with which to cross a bridge of boats, and the (a days reached Bononia the Khakan the Save. ordered These were them to build into formed

Avars speedily crossed, and iu five town of Dacia Ripensis), and con tinued their journey towards the Euxine. the Roman Priscus, sent Salvian wTith a thousand horse to defend the commander, defiles of Mount Hocmus, where he entrenched himself at a place called Prokliana,ing the approach of

and then wentthe Avars, he

on to explore.his

On see

regained

entrenchments.

The

tried to force them, a terrible struggle having A fresh body of Avars now ensued, which cost them dear. cuino up to the rescue 8000 strong under a chief named Samur, who again tried to force the pass, but were again came up in person, and, tho Khakan defeated. Thereupon his men at withdrew Salvian overwhelmed numbers, by invaders

760

THE AVARS.

and rejoined Prisais. The Avars did not discover nightfall retreat of the Romans the for three days, and having done so, they advanced through the pass, and in three days reached near Ankhialus. At the latter town they Sabulentus-Canal?8, burnt the church of St. Alexander and presently the Martyr, some Roman to whom caught spies, they applied torture, but obtained only misleading from them. intelligence They advanced towards the Long Walls, and having reached Drizi to attack south-east of Adrianople, pera, 68 miles proceeded it. The inhabitants showed a bold front and kept their gates for a sortie, and tho Khakan, open, as if preparing having had some vision in which ho saw great bodies of apparently and rang troops coming out of the town in broad daylight in order outside, to retired and withdrew ing themselves Perinthus deemed it a good Prisais (i.e. Ileraclcia). to attack him, but was beaten in tho struggle opportunity with his infantry to Didymotica and withdrew (still called on the Hebrus, situated south of Adrianople). Demotica, he went to Zurulla, the modern Thence Here he Churlu. was followed by the enemy, who speedily the beleaguered at Meanwhile there was naturally great trepidation place. was tho last fortress before the capital, for this the reaching The Emperor Long Walls. thereupon devised a stratagem. He wrote a letter addressed to Prisais, telling him to hold out a few days when a fleet would set sail for Pannonia, longer, who should ravage the home land of the Avars and carry off their families, and the Khakan would bo accordingly to withdraw. This letter was confided to a soldier obliged orders that he was to allow himself with to be captured. ruse had its expected effect. The Khakan, The having had the letter read to him, agreed with Priscus for a peaco in consideration of a small sum of money, and returned. distributed his troops in various winter Priscus, having to returned in Thrace, quarters (id. vi. 5 ; Constantinople ix. 351-350). Tho Slavini, tributaries of Lebcau, although the Avars, did not deem themselves bound by tho treaty of and in the spring of tho year following, i.e. 593, Zurulla, Pri