NPOEJ]EMH HA NPAEbJITAPCKATA UCTOPI/,jA 14 KYJITYPA . TOM 4.2,2OO7

THE AVARS AND DOBRUDJA

ALEXANDRU MADGEARU (BUCAREST)

0. The first topic of this paper is the short time presence of the Avars in Dobrudjaon the eve of their migration to Pannonia. The second one concerns the consequencesof the Avar inroads in Scythia Minor in the light of the recent researches. Finally,we will introduce a problem somehow neglected until norv: the Avar domination inDobrudja in the first decades of the 7s century.

l. Dobrudja was the first Roman teritory where the Avars wished to settledown. In 563, the Avar envoys requested this to Justinian. The emperor preferredto keep them as allies in the north-Danubian area in order to prevent the inroadsfrom the steppes. He had no reason to accept their installation in the Empire, whichwould be not so effective like their presence outside the frontier. Besides, he founciout that the Avars intended to attack from inside the Byzantine Empire. The generalJustinus-Boraides, commander of quaestura exercitus, received the order to defendthe fords of the Danube and to keep the Avars beyond (Stein 1949, s43-544; Vulpe.Barnea 1968, 430-4. l; Pohl 1988, 4H5). The Empire continued to give subsidiato the Avars (this shows that they were still a peace-keeping instrument in thenorth-Danubian area and a weapon against western enemies like the Franks). Thispolicy was changed by Justin II. who stopped the payments in November 565 - heabandoned the unsure alliances with the barbarians and by this reason he refused themilitary support proposed by the Avars (Vulpe, Barnea 1968, 431 ; Avenarius 1974,6l-63; Pohl 1988, 4849). The following events are well-known: Baian has foundanother ally, the Langobard king Alboin. He took part at the war against the Gepidsin 567, a fact that has contributed into a decisive manner to the Langobard victory(Wozniak 1979, 153-156; Pohl 1988,70-74).

Theophanes Confessor has briefly recorded that the Avars "had come as fugitivesfrom their own country to Scythia and Moesia and sent envoys to Justinian asking tobe admitted" (Theophanes, 340), but he has compressed in this passage some datafrom the chronicle of Evagrios, leaving aside the way from caucasus by Crimea. Hetook from his source a shortened version of the events, which regarded the comingof the Avars near the Danube as a moving into the Danubian provinces. This alsoexplains the wrong year of 558 for this event. Another information recorded bythe so-called "chronicle of Monemvasia" about the settlement of the Avars inDurostorum is without any value, because its author has developed according to hisimagination the short relation found in the chronicle of Theophanes.

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ALEXANDRU MADGEARU

However, two passages survived from the lost work of Menander Protectorare proving that the Avars lived indeed for a certain time in Dobrudja. The first onerecorded that the Langobard envoy sent to Baian for the alliance has said to himthat "they (the Avars) will keep Scythia forever and so it will be easy for them toinvade Thrace". Here, like in other places from Menander, "Scythia" means theRoman province, Dobrudja (There is no proof for the interpretation put forward b1'Besevliev 198 l, l0l, that this Scyhia is the so-called Bugeac). It can be inferredthat the Avars were already there. Another passage concerns the Avar siege ofSirmium in 568. Baian accepted the peace, but with the condition of some gifuthat would offer him a compensation, because - as he stated * "he took nothingwhen he crossed the river from Scythia" - (Menander, frg.24 andZT).We explainthese words as a reference to a crossing from Dobrudja to the northern bank ofthe Danube. This means that the Avars found a way to enter in Dobrudja after therefusal expressed by Justin II.

The installation of the Avars in Dobrudja was previously sustained by severalhistor ians. I t seems that the f i rst one was Johann Peisker (Peisker 1913,435),followed by constantin Diculescu (Diculescu 1922,156), by Ljudmil Hauptmann(Hauptmann 1927-1928,152),and next by Radu Vulpe (Vutpe 1938,358) he datedthe crossing of the Danube in 562. The problem was also discussed by Tibor Nagr(Nagy 1946-1948,20id107) and Jovan Kovadevii (Kovadevid 1973, 333). otherauthors who accepted the short Avar presence in Dobrudja are Samuel Szddeczky-Kardoss, omeljan Pritsak, and Peter Golden (Szrideczky-Kardoss 1980, 3r3:Pri tsak 1983,365; Golden 1992, l l l ) . Ion Barnea was probably r ight when heaff i rmedthattheAvars crossed the Danube in Scythia in 566 (Vutpe 1968,431).However, in his basic rvork about the Avars, walter Pohl avoided the problem ofthe installation in Dobrudja. He said only that the Avars remained on the Scythiansector of the limes dxing the winter of 566-567 and that it is not known the wa1took to Pannonia (Pohl 1988, 60).

we consider that the data given by Menander are enough_ to prove that theAvars lived in Dobrudja for a while. Most likely, this happened when the army fromMoesia Secunda and Scythia was sent to fight in the Langobard-Gepidic war, in566. Justin II helped in this way cunimund, the king of the Gepids (he hoped thatthey will give back Sirmium). The fact is confirmed by a lead seal that belonged to amessage sent by Cunimund, found at Tomis (Barnea 1986, I l9-l2l). From Scythia.the Avars went to Pannonia, perhaps through Transylvania.

2.The archaeologicalresearches made in the last decades in Dobrudja broughrnew evidence for the destructions that can be ascribed to the Avar inroads started in584. The strategic plan of Baian was to annihilate the Byzantine defence along theentire Lower Danubian frontier, from the Iron Gates to Durostorum, and to forbidthe advance of the Byzantine army through the Iron Gates toward the Avar power

264I

THE AVARS AND DOBRUDJA

centre from Pannonia. The downfall of the limes was certainly due to these anactrbut this process took place during several decades and it was not determind qrllby the barbarian inroads. The real cause of the death of the fortified settlerrcffithat composed the limes was the general economic decline that affected almosr dlthe peripheral provinces in the second half of the 6'h century and especialll' afterthe ninth decade. This would not mean that the role played by the Avar and Slaricattacks should be underestimated. We say that the end of the limes was a com@.process that involved internal and external causes.

In Dobrudja,the limes has resisted more than the western sectors ofthe Danubianfrontier, even if the Avars settled their headquarters in the area near Tomis, in 5t6and 598'. The second event is very significant for the Avar strategy: they surrumdedTomis all the winter, being able to gather so many supplies from Scythia that @'could offer a part of them to the Byzantine army during the truce. As remarked HrisoDimitrov and Istv6n B6na, this means that all tlre province of Scythia contributed tothe supplies, because it was then under the Avar domination (Dimitrov 1997,2*3A:.B6na 2000, 168).

A chronology based on numismatic evidence (Madgearu 1997b,315-336)shows that the invasions from 593-598 destroyed the limes west of Oescus andthat this area entered under the Avar domination. Scythia Minor remained for awhile in a beffer situation. If some frontier fortresses were destroyed by the Slavsin 593 (Dinogetia, Troesmis), other settlements were repaired or even remainednot affected (Sacidava, Capidava, Halmyris, Tropaeum, Histria, Tomis, Callatis).Almost all the frontier sites with final coins dated after 598 are located in Dobrudja(Ostrov (Beroe): Barnea at all 2000, 72 (years 602-610); Capidava: Vertan, Custurea1988-1989: 380, nr. 1306 (year 607-608); Noviodunum: Oberliinder-Tdrnoveanu1996, 102, footnote 23 (years 61U-641); Halmyris: Opail l99l: 473, nr. 123 (-v-ear612-613); Aegyssus: Oberltinder-Tdrnoveanu 1980: 163, nr. I (year 613-{ta);Nufhru: Mdnucu-Adame$teanu 1995-1996: 288, footnote 9 (year 613{la);Axiopolis: Poenaru-Bordea 1989,'72,nr.208 (year 613-614); Sacidava: Custureaat all 1999, 355, nr. 2077 (year 615-616); Carsium: Custurea 1986,277, nr. 6 $rear629-630). Besides, after 602, excluding Dobrudja, only atNovae the coin circulationcontinued until 612 (Dimitrov 1995,704). This means thatlimes of Dobrudja wasless affected by the Avar and Slavic inroads than the western part of the Danubianlimes.Life continued in cities like Halmyris, Histria, Tomis, even if their militaryfunction disappeared after the wave of invasions started in 576 (Madgearu 2001,

rFor 586, Theopltylact Simocatta, II. l0;for 598, idem,VII, l3-14. We can be surethat Tomis is the ciry from Dobrudja. gtefan (gtefan 1967,253-258) denied this, but fromthe context ofthe events results thathis interpretation can not be sustained (Avenarius 1974,106; Velkov 1977,107; Pohl 1988, 152,387).

ALEXANDRU MADGEARU

207-217). Recent researches ltave shown, for instance, that Tropaeum (recordedby Theopylact Simocatta I. 8. l0 among the fortresses destroyed during the Avarcampaign of 586) continued to be peopled at least until the first decade of the 7dcentury @ogdan-Cltlniciu, Poenaru-Bordea 200 l, 85-95).

At Halmyris (Murighiol, Tulcea county), the end of trre lls level can beassociated with a destruction between 577 and 587. The wesrern gare was notrestored and the Episcopal church was pillaged. The town suruived in quite goodconditions, but it lost the military function. Coins dated up to 613 werc found inthe last level (zahariade l99l,3ll-317; suceveanu 2003, and not yet publishedresearches of the team conducted by Mihail Zahariade'1.A different situation can beobseryed at Capidava. This fortress was plundered during the first wave of the Avarand Slavic invasions (576-5S7). Sometime after this event, a smaller fortress withearthen walls was built in the south-western corner. The revival of the coin currencyat Capidava around 588 could be related with this restoration. This small forlresscontinued to be used for a certain time during the 7e century (unlike Halmyris, themilitary survived). The most recent coin found at Capidava was issued in 6071608.No other fire was identified during the 7,h century (Covacef l98g-19g9, l9t-195;Vertan, Custurea 1988-1989,380, nr. 1306 Opriq 2001, 53-55).

These ferv examples are showing that the beginning of the 7n century was aquite peaceful period in Dobrudja. It was the time when the Danubian army wilstransferred to the Persian front and when a peace treat5r was concluded with theAvars, in 604 (Theophanes 420; Li l ie 1985, l8; pohl l9gg,23g; whit tow 1996,74)' The coin circulation displays a certain revival in Dobrudja between 603-607.which reflects the recovery of the trade in the new peaceful conditions. The citieslocated on the seashorc (Histria, Tomis, Callatis, Akres) or near the Danube Delta(Halmyris, Argamum) preserved their better economic situation and some urbanfeatures, because the maritime contacts were not affected by the barbarian inroads.There are no proofs in Dobrudja for destructions dated around 614, on the Danubeor in the inner cities like Tomis, Tropaeum, Histria, and Argamum. The extinctionof the cities was in most cases not violent, but a result of the disappearance of therelations with the Empire.

The great Avar and Slavic invasions of 614426 did not affect too much thecities fi'om Dobrudja, because itwas much more useful to exploit them tlran to pillagethem. Those invasions were focused on the important towns that could providea large booty of luxury goods - Justiniana Prima, Naissus, Serdica, Thessaloniki(Popovii 1975, 489497), while the smaller ciries were left in peace as sourcesof usual supplies. The Avars were interested to preserve the population, becausetheir economy way of life depended to the tribute exempted from the conqueredpeople able to provide agricultural products and other stuff- we already saw this for

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THE AVARS AND DOBRUDJA

the siege of 598 (Pohl 1988, 192-193).ln these circumstances, the seashore citiesfrom Dobrudja were a significant source of supplies, because they kept commercialrelations with the rest of the empire until the beginning of the 7m century.

3. The whole eastern part of the Balkan Peninsula entered under the Avardomination until 626, rvhen the great siege of Constantinople was repelled by theByzantine army and navy. If the Avar domination in Dobrudja can be inferred fromthis general situation, we have to identif, its archaeological evidence. Such evidencecan be provided by the buckles of Pripa type.

when ten years ago I published a paper about these buckles (Madgearu 1993, 17l-I 83. See also Madgearu 1997a, 44, 63, I 18, I 51, 154, I 55) in Dobrudja were knownonly the pieces from Histria and Jurilovca (the buckle from Kaliakra was published inthe same year). The firct one was found in a building dated in the 7s century locatedin the "Temple" sector of the city (Pippidi at all 196l,233,fig. s/2). The secondcomes from an inhumation grave oriented with the skull toward East, whose inventoryincluded an amowhead and a knife. The funeral ritual and the inventory are showingthat the grave belonged to a barbarian warrior (Coja 1977,166-167).

This type of buckles, used in the first third or in the first half of the 7.h century,has developed from the Salona-Histria type. The difference between these typesconsists in the stylizated bidheads applied on the both sides of the buckle. The P6pabuckles were found especially in the early Avar and late Gepid cemeteries, in manycases in association with weapons. They were pieces of military equipment, used forthe attachment of a bag to the belt (uenze 1966, 11, l4g-152, 165-166, 179-l g0;Varsik 1992, 80; Garam 2001 , l 09-l I I ).

A new bronze buckle of "P6pa" type was found during the archaeologicalresearches fulfil led in 2003 at Halmyris (Murighiol). The piece is almostentirely preserved (only the nail is missing). Unfortunately, the buckle has noarchaeological context (it was found in the grass level). Its length is 37 mm; thedistance between the ends of the stylizated bird heads is 39 mm; the breadth ofthe transversal pan is 13 mm; the tickness is 2 mm. unlike most other pieces, itdoes not have small circles (eyes) on the birdheads (fig. l ). Three of the four p6patype buckles found until now in Dobrudja are concentrated in its northem part,into a small area. This can not be a coincidence. All the buckles found in Dobrudjacame from sites where the Byzantine coins continued to penetrate until circa 614(fig. 2) (The last coins are: 612-613 (Halmyris - see: Zahariade lg9l, 3l l-3 l7;Suceveanu at all 2003, and not yet published researches ofthe team conducted byMihail zahariade); 613-614 (Argamum

- Iacob at all 2001 ,203-213): 6134t4(Akres - Parushev 1991, 3 l ) .I sustained in my previous study that these buckles were made by craftsmen of

Byzantine origin in Pannonia, for their Avar masters. This type was in my view acombination between a Byzantine model (the Salona-Histria type) and the buckles

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ALEXANDRU MADCEARU

Fig. I

=H.=U:=4:;t4=E_

=4= 14::.H=4=

Fig.2. P6pa typebuckles in Dobrudja:

I - Histria,2

- Jurilovka,

3 - Kaliakra,4 - Murighiol

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THEAVARS AND DOBRUDJA

l6o

s317

Fig. 3. The Pdpa type of buckles

andthe Bilgelfbeln that have stylizated birdheads. Unlike other contemporary types ofbuckles (Salona-Histria, G6tir, Syracusa), the Pdpa type buckles were not discovereduntil now in the Western regions of the "Byzantine Commonwealth" (fig. 3). As scknow, 28 pieces were found until now. Their repertory is given in the annex.

Based on the discovery of some pieces in Asia Minor and Crimea, MechfriHSchulze-Ddrrlamm has recently argued that the Pripa type of buckles was createdin the Byzantine workshops (Schulze-Ddrrlamm 2002,224-226). Asimilar opinianwas expressed byAnna Haralambieva (Haralambieva1997,20). Indeed, the presenceof some buckles in temitories that were not under Avar domination can suggest $isinterpretation, but there is still another possibility. James Russell supposed durthe buckle found at Anemurium in Asia Minor can testiff a trade with buckles ofBarbarian origin in the empire (Russell 1982,144). We should also remark that dlthe P6pa type buckles found outside the Avar qanate were discovered near the sea-in or near harbours, in north-eastern Bulgaria, Dobrudja, Crimea and Asia Minor(with the exception of the piece from lran). In this light, the concentration of tlresebuckles in the north-Danubian area dominated by the Avars (Pannonia, Transylvania

269

Wallachia) continues to be an argument for the genesis of this type in the workshopsmastered by the Avars and for the export in the Byzantine Empiie. The pieces founain Crimea can also be related to the Avars, because it is known that the north-ponticarea continued to be under Avar domination until the rebellion of Kuvrat in 635(Sziideczky-Kardoss 1975,27r-272;B6lint t9g0-1981, 137; pohl l9gg,2z3). Evenif we admit that the P6pa types of buckles were produced in the Byzantine Empire,it is obvious that they were made especially for barbarians, as their spreading areais clearly showing.

-

It could be supposed that these buckles came in Dobrudja with the wariors ofthe Avar confederacy who exerted the domination over the zurviving cities. All thebuckles were found in or near such cities. The Avar domination, if existed, it wasexerted by warriors who collected the tribute. All these cities are harbours. It is notexcluded that the Avars tried to gain control over several points suitable for sea at-

ALEXANDRU MADGEARU

Fig. 4. Gold and silver coins: I -Agighiol, 2-Gala,ti,3 l Isaccea,4 - Istria, 5 - Lunca,6 - Niculilel, 7 - Valea Teilor

270

=H.=@:

:4=: lL l=2:

THE AVARS AND DOBRUDJA

tacks fulfilled by the Slavs who fought in their confederacy - these Slavs took part

with their small boats at the great siege of Constantinople in626, as we find outfrom the chronicle of rheophanes confessor (Theophanes, 447). At Histria wasalso found a Nagyhars6ny type buckle, the single of its kind in Dobrudja. This typeis without any doubt of Pannonian origin (petre 1965,75,fig. 5/l . For this type, seeIbler 1992, 140-145; Garam z00l,93-94). This second buckle confirms the Avarpresence at Histria in the first decades of the 7n century whatever it was its form.

Of course, the evidence for this Avar control is scarce, but it can be comparedwith the situation encountered at corinth, where several 7n century graves withweapons and buckles of Pics type (of pannonian origin) were found (Ivison 1996,I | 7-l 18. For the Pdcs type, see Ibler 1992, 135-13g). Those buckles were piecesof military equipment (tike the p6pa buckles). Because the weapons are not usu-ally present in the Byzantine graves, it seems that these funeral finds from Corinthbelonged to some barbarian warriors - the swords have analogies in the Gepidcemeteries from Pannonia, while a ceramic jar belongs to the so-called risa type(Stefanovidova 1977, 127; yida, v

ALEXANDRU MADGEARU

No other gold and.silver coins with known location were found in Dobrudja-except Axiopolis and Durostorum

- where they reflect the Byzantine military pres-ence (Poenaru-Bordea at all I 989, 60; oberliinder-Tdrnoveanu I 996, I 05- I 06). Thisconcentration in the northern area, not only on the Danube and on the seashore, butalso in the inner country seems to be related to the settlement of a population whoreceived payments from the Byzantine Empire, before the migration of Asparuch.This northern area is located just near the area where the P6pa bucktes were found-and near the area where the Armenian chronicler Moses Chorenatzi recorded theexistence of the Avars, in the island of Peuce (Besevliev 1981, 173-174) - is here awell-known landmark for the area near the mouths of the Danube, not_the DanubeDelta itself.

In this light, we can suppose that the coins were paid for an Avar group thabecame independent from the Pannonian centre, after 626 or after the uprising ofKuvrat in 635.

We do not have time here for a full discussion about the earlhen walls fromNiculilel. Their identification with the so-called Onglos, where the warriors of As-panrch took refuge few years before 680, is not suitable, because from Theophanesand Nikephor results that this place was located north of the Danube (I expressedmy viewpoint about this problem in Madgearu 2000, 343.-34s\.In this case, theconstruction of the walls should be ascribed to another nomad population. For in-stance, to this Avar group, attested by the coins that came as subsidia discoveredjust around the fortification system. In this case, the fortification system of Niculilelcould be the power center of the Avars recorded by Moses Chorenatzi. This can norexclude another possibility, the building by a Protobulgarian group, which becamean ally of the Byzantines, in the same circumstances like Kuvrat (the confusinginformation recorded by Michael Syrus (Besevliev 1981, 18s-189) would supportsuch an interpretation). However, be they Protobulgarians or Avars, the people whobuilt the fortifications of Niculilel acted as Byzantine allies when the Byzantinenavy continued to exert its control along the Danube up to Durostorum (Barnea1981, 625428). Recently, at Nufdru was found a seal of Kyriakos (exconsul), datedin 696-697, which shows that the mouths of the Danube remained under the controlof the Byzantine navy after 680 (Barnea 2001,107-108, nr. 5).

Annex:The repertory of the Pdpa type buckles

I - Anemurium (Cilicia, Turkey). From an early Byzantine city (context notknown): Russell 1982, 144, fig. 7 I 2 3;

2 - Aromat (Bakcisarai District, Crimea, Ukraine). From a 6th-7th centuriescemetery. Associated with Sucidava type buckles: Loboda 1976, 139,fig. 4/8;

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T}IE AVARS AND DOBRUDJA

3 - Bratei (Sibiu County, Romania). From the cemetery nr. 3 (Gepidic):Florescu, Miclea 1980,213, nr. 829;

. 4 - Deszk-Ambrus (Csongr6d County, Hungary). From the grave nr. 16 ofi un early Avar cemetery. Associated with a srvord, a bow, and several arrowheads:I Garam 2001, I10,213, Taf.7616;I S - Gy6d (Baranya County, Hungary). From the grave nr. 34 of an early AvarI cemetery. Associated with a spearhead, a flint steel and another bronze buckle: Kiss| 1977,39, Taf. Yl:3412;| 6 - Histria (Constanfa Counry Romania). From the room L of a building datedI in the 7d' century, located in the "Temple" sector of the city: Pippidi at all 1961,233,| fig.5t2;1-

| 7 - Julilovca, point "La Zimbru" (Tulcea County, Romania). From anI inhumation grave oriented E-W. Associated with an arrowhead and a knife: CojaI te77.166-167;I 8 - Kaliakra (Akres, Dobrid County, Bulgaria). Unknown archaeologicalI context: Xapalau6ueaa 1993, 42,T.115I 9 - Keszthely (Veszpr6m Counry, Hungary). Stray find from the early AvarI cemetery: Lipp 1885, 43, 102. Abb. 1421'I t0 - Krjlked-Feketekapu (Baranya Counry, Hungary). From rhe GepidicI cemetery A, grave nr. 647: Kiss l 996: 165-166,207,Taf . 1021A 647/15;I ll - Kcilked-Feketekapu (Baranya County, Hungary). From the GepidicI

I cemetery, grave nr. 457 (female).Associated with earrings: Kiss 2001, I, 147;ll, 98,I Taf. 84lB 45717:I 12 - Kcirnye (Veszprm County, Hungary). From the grave nr. 66 of a GepidicI cemetery. Associated with a belt garnment made in the Thuschierung technique, witht arlowheads and with aumbo from a shield: Salamon, Erddlyi 1971,49,Taf.916:I l3 - Kunszentm6fton (Szolnok County, Hungary). From the grave nr. I (rvhichI belonged to a craftsman). Associated with molds for moulds for pressed beltt appl icat ions and other garnments: Csal lSny 1933,53-54,Taf . l l l l5, lYl3;t l4 - Lucistoe (Bakcisarai District, Crimea, Ukraine). From the grave nr. 46 oft aAlanic-Gothic cernetery: Afi6a6ua 1990,PI. 3l14;I l5 - Murighiol (Tulcea County, Romania). Stray find from the early ByzantineI fortress Halmyris (excavations made in 2003). Preserved in the collection of theI Institute for Eco-Museal Researches, Tulcea, nr.46.205;I 16 - Pripa (Veszpr6m Counfy, Hungary). From the grave nr. I of a small earlyI Avar cemetery. Associated with a Pseudoschnalle and with belt applications: Jank6I t930. 124-141,286-287,fi5. 87112.t l7 - Pdcs-Koztemetci (Baranya County, Hungary). From the grave nr. 54 of anI

I early Avar cemetery (a triple grave of a man, a woman and a child). Associated withI six arrorvheads: Kiss 1977,98,Taf.XL|54-2,

r 273

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I

I

ALEXANDRU MADGEARU

l8 - Rujno (Dulovo County, Bulgaria). From an Early Byzantine foftress_Presewed in the Museum od Silistra, nr.2329. Not yet published. Information givenby Dr. Gheorghi Atanasov;

l9 - Sirata Monteoru (Buzdu county, Romania). From the cremation grave nr-1/1943 of a Slavic cemetery. Associated with a knife: Nestor l953, 85, fig. l7;

20-21 - Vama (Bulgaria). Two pieces preserued in the collection of theArchaeological Museum of Varna, nr. 116.095 gi 118.889. Not yet published.Information given by Anna Haralambieva;

22-23 -Asia Minor-unknown location. Tivo pieces preserved in the collectionof the R

THE AVARS AND DOBRUDJA

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