Catalan Independence Referendum, 2017

c

Catalan IndependenceReferendum, 2017

CRISIS BACKGROUND GUIDE

Vancouver Model United Nations The Twentieth Annual Session | January 29–31, 2021

Benvolguts delegats, My name is Mikael Borres and it is my honour to serve as the Director of the Advanced Crisis Committee (ACC), which was once described to me by a delegate last year as “Cutthroat Island”. That description is perhaps a testament to the abundance of turmoil, scandal, and revelations previous ACC delegates faced. From the power struggles within Macedonia after Alexander the Great’s death to the formation of the USSR, the ACC has never feared delving into history’s most contentious times and challenging delegates of all kinds. This iteration of the committee will certainly follow that tradition. For this iteration, the ACC will be tackling a pressing situation that has been developing in recent years: the Catalonian independence movement. After centuries of Spanish control, the question of independence has increasingly become a prevailing issue that has divided the autonomous region. Taking on the role of Catalonia’s Executive Council, the committee must strike the balance of maintaining stability and unity whilst taking diplomatic, administrative, and perhaps militaristic initiatives to advance the interests of the region. At the same time, delegates have the unique opportunity of making new history, which may see a distinct and resilient people finally freed from Spanish supremacy. After all, to quote a famous Catalan proverb: "It is better to be alone than to be with bad company." Throughout its run, the ACC can only be successful when delegates utilize their creativity, acumen, and fearlessness to overcome the hurdles they are given. Therefore, it is imperative that delegates prepare by reviewing the backgrounder and exploring innovative strategies. If you have any questions, do not hesitate to email me at [email protected]. I, alongside Joyce and Ethan, look forward to challenging your skills of hard-pressed diplomacy and passionate debate. Welcome to Cutthroat Island. Sincerament, Mikael Borres ACC Director

William Tsai Secretary-General

Vivian Gu Director-General

Derek Wu

Chief of Staff

Tyler Rosenzweig Director of Logistics

Joyce Chen USG General Assemblies

Ethan Jasny

USG Specialized Agencies

Vivian Liang USG Conference

Jonah Ezekiel USG Finance

Laura Choi

USG Communications

Armaan Jaffer USG Delegate Affairs

Mia Tsao

USG Delegate Affairs

Position Paper Policy

What is a Position Paper?

A position paper is a brief overview of a country’s stance on the topics being discussed by a particular committee. Though there is no specific format the position paper must follow, it should include a description of your positions your country holds on the issues on the agenda, relevant actions that your country has taken, and potential solutions that your country would support.

At Vancouver Model United Nations, delegates should write a position paper for each of the committee’s topics. Each position paper should not exceed one page, and should all be combined into a single document per delegate.

For the Advanced Crisis Committee, position papers are mandatory, especially for a delegate to be considered for an award.

Formatting

Position papers should:

— Include the name of the delegate, his/her country, and the committee

— Be in a standard font (e.g. Times New Roman) with a 12-point font size and 1-inch document margins

— Not include illustrations, diagrams, decorations, national symbols, watermarks, or page borders

— Include citations and a bibliography, in any format, giving due credit to the sources used in research (not included in the 1-page limit)

Due Dates and Submission Procedure

Position papers for this committee must be submitted by midnight on January 22nd, 2021. Once your position paper is complete, please save the file as your last name, your first name and send it as an attachment in an email, to your committee’s email address, with the subject heading as your last name, your first name — Position Paper. Please do not add any other attachments to the email or write anything else in the body.

Both your position papers should be combined into a single PDF or Word document file; position papers submitted in another format will not be accepted.

Each position paper will be manually reviewed and considered for the Best Position Paper award.

The email address for this committee is [email protected].

Vancouver Model United Nations 2021 1

Catalan Independence Referendum, 2017 .................................................................................................. 2

Overview ..................................................................................................................................................................2

Timeline ...................................................................................................................................................................3

Historical Analysis .................................................................................................................................................5

Beginnings of Catalonia (700 BCE-1137 AD) ................................................................................................5

Catalan Integration into Spain (1137-1716) ..................................................................................................5

La Renaixença (1716-1898) ..............................................................................................................................8

Temporary Autonomy for Catalonia (1898-1936) ........................................................................................9

Catalonia Under Francisco Franco (1936-1975) ........................................................................................ 10

Transition to Democracy (1975-2006) ........................................................................................................ 11

Re-Emergence of the Catalan Independence Movement (2006-2017) .................................................... 12

Current Situation ................................................................................................................................................ 13

The Question of Independence for Catalonia ............................................................................................. 13

Economic Ramifications ................................................................................................................................ 14

Madrid Politics ................................................................................................................................................ 14

International Relations................................................................................................................................... 15

Inter-Regional Cooperation .......................................................................................................................... 16

Initiating Crisis .................................................................................................................................................... 16

Committee Mechanics ................................................................................................................................... 17

Executive Council of Catalonia ..................................................................................................................... 17

Parliament of Catalonia ................................................................................................................................. 17

Portfolio Overviews ............................................................................................................................................ 18

Party Overview ................................................................................................................................................ 19

Executive Councillors..................................................................................................................................... 19

Parliament Councillors .................................................................................................................................. 22

Non-Government Portfolios ......................................................................................................................... 23

Discussion Questions .......................................................................................................................................... 24

Bibliography ......................................................................................................................................................... 25


Catalan Independence Referendum, 2017

Overview

Map of Catalonia and its location in Spain 1

...Where are you, Spain? I don't see you anywhere. Can't you hear my thundering voice?

Don't you understand this language—that speaks of danger? Have you forgotten how to understand your children?

Goodbye, Spain!

An excerpt from Oda a Espanya (1908), a poem by Catalan writer Joan Maragall.

Catalonia is situated on the northeast coast of the Iberian Peninsula and is one of the 17 autonomous communities that make up the Kingdom of Spain. An autonomous community is an administrative division that grants every region of the country (each being ethnically and culture different) limited self-governance, controlling matters such as discretionary spending and social welfare. Although it is part of the Kingdom of Spain, Catalonia's unique culture and language separates it from the rest of the country—a separation that is the basis of the historical divide between Catalonia and the Spanish government.

1 J.R.L. Highfield, “Isabella I,” Encyclopædia Britannica, April 18, 2020, https://www.britannica.com/biography/Isabella-I-queen-of-Spain.


The Catalan independence referendum was only possible through a perfect storm of antagonism between Catalonia and the Spanish government, centuries-long oppression of cultural identity, and a deep-rooted history of political instability. Since the beginnings of Catalan history around 700 BCE, Catalonia has been through intense shifts in its freedom—a constant oscillation between complete autonomy to direct rule under Spain. Therefore, the tumultuous events that precede the current independence movement are repeated iterations of chaos and violence.

Catalonian history swings like a pendulum between increased autonomy and regression; one side of the pendulum signifies the increased autonomy of the region, while the other represents the regression of self-governance. For centuries, the pendulum of Catalan autonomy has swung in both directions. From the Spanish acquisition of Eastern Iberia, to the dictatorial rule of Francisco Franco, to the modern-day referendum protests, each swing is different in its unique circumstances and scope, but all are tumultuous and divisive.

After the 2010 Spanish Constitutional Court’s ruling to curtail Catalan autonomy, the public took to the streets in protest against the gradual removal of self-determination for the autonomous region. Since then, Catalan political parties and leaders have voiced their support for Catalan independence and a referendum to affirm the people’s choice: to either leave the union to become a sovereign state, or continue being part of Spain. Despite the growing calls for a referendum, the Spanish government has refused to comply, only worsening the divide between Spain and Catalonia.

On June 9, 2017, the Executive Council of Catalonia under President Carles Puigdemont decided to take the matter into their own hands and declared a referendum to be held on October 1, 2017. With the Catalan people evenly divided on the question of independence, and a central Spanish government determined to defeat attempts at Catalan secession, the Executive Council must be prepared to face the political strife and potentially violent path to independence.

Timeline

801 — Carolingian Emperor Charlemagne forms the County of Barcelona and other counties to act as a buffer between the Franks and the Muslim Moors.2

1137 — Catalonia and Aragon are unified into one kingdom through the marriage of Ramon Berenguer IV, Count of Barcelona, and Aragonese Queen Petronila.3

1469 — Aragon and Castile are dynastically connected through the marriage of Ferdinand II of Aragon and Isabella of Castile.

1517 — One of Ferdinand and Isabella’s grandsons, Charles I, inherits the thrones of both Aragon and Castile. This formally unifies the two realms into the Iberian Kingdom of Spain.

2 “Catalonia profile - Timeline,” BBC, May 14, 2018, https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-20345073. 3 Vicente Rodriguez, “Catalonia,” Encyclopædia Britannica, January 23, 2020, https://www.britannica.com/place/Catalonia#ref276004


1640-1652 — In retaliation for the King of Spain Philip IV’s policies of increased taxation and forced conscription of Spanish subjects, Catalonia secedes from Spain and places itself under the protection of French King Louis XIII. The Catalans eventually end their rebellion as the French withdraw its protection of Catalonia.4

1701-1716 — Catalonia sides with Holy Roman Emperor Charles VI instead of the French and Spanish Bourbon dynasty during the War of the Spanish Succession. This results in the Spanish Bourbon King Philip V harshly punishing Catalonia by removing the region’s autonomy.5

1833-1876 — Catalans fight alongside the Carlists in the Carlist Wars in a bid to regain regional self-rule lost in the 18th century.6

1913-1925 — The Commonwealth of Catalonia, a deliberative body which consisted of council members from the provinces of Catalonia, is founded. The Commonwealth’s rule is then repealed by dictatorial Prime Minister Miguel Primo de Rivera.7

September 9, 1932 — The first Statute of Autonomy of Catalonia is passed by the Spanish Parliament, which formally describes Catalonia as an “autonomous state” within Spain8

1939-1975 — Nationalist Francisco Franco rules Spain under a dictatorship, which includes the oppression of regional cultures and values. The Francoist government also centralizes the national government by revoking autonomy and powers previously granted to Spanish regions.

November 20, 1975 — Francisco Franco dies, ending the dictatorial rule of Spain. His death also marks the beginning of the Spanish transition to a democratic parliamentary monarchy.

1977-1979 — The process of Spanish regionalization begins; Catalonia receives a second statute of autonomy in 1979, recognizing “Catalan” as a nationality and reinstating the Generalitat, the three branches of the Catalan government.9

August 9, 2006 — The 1979 Statute of Autonomy of Catalonia is amended to give further powers to the Generalitat and describe the region as a “nation.”10

June 28, 2010 — The Spanish Constitutional Court rejects the 2006 statute of autonomy on Catalonia’s “nation” status, removing powers the Generalitat obtained a few years prior.11

4 Elliott, J. H. “The Count-Duke of Olivares. New Haven,” Cengage, 1986, https://www.encyclopedia.com/history/encyclopedias-almanacs-transcripts-and-maps/catalonia-revolt-1640-1652. 5 Ibid. 6 Ibid. 7 Ibid. 8 Ibid. 9 “Catalonia profile - Timeline,” BBC, May 14, 2018, https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-20345073. 10 Ibid. 11 Ibid.


November 9, 2014 — Catalonia holds a non-binding referendum on Catalan independence; 80 percent of voters approve of independence.12

November 9, 2015 — The Generalitat passes a resolution calling for the secession from Spain, promising to adopt measures to begin a “peaceful disconnection from the Spanish State.” 13

December 2, 2015 — The Spanish Constitutional Court strikes down the Generalitat’s November declaration, deeming it “unconstitutional.”14

June 10, 2017 — The Catalan Executive Council officially calls for a formal independence referendum. This event marks the beginning of the committee’s crisis.

Historical Analysis

Beginnings of Catalonia (700 BCE-1137 AD)

The first major foreign occupants of the Catalan region were the Romans, who expanded their territory westward. The Romans were pivotal in the early infrastructural developments of Catalonia, founding the settlements of Tarraco and Barcino; the latter would become modern-day Catalonia’s capital and largest city, Barcelona. Another Roman influence on the development of Catalan culture was the spread of the Latin language. Latin became the root of many Romance languages in Europe, including Catalan, the region’s most prominent language.

The Catalan area eventually gained more autonomy through the formation of the Marca Hispànica (Hispanic Marches), created by Carolingian Emperor Charlemagne, a buffer zone between the Carolingian Franks and the Moorish caliphate. Within the buffer zone were new counties ruled by local aristocrats who pledged their allegiance to the Carolingian emperor. The Frankish influence was limited due to the internal conflicts within the empire. The counties in the Marca Hispànica then distanced themselves from the Carolingians and became more autonomous. As the weakening of Carolingian rule continued, counties began to merge through military alliances, diplomatic treaties, and dynastic marriages. The distancing from the Franks coincided with incremental developments in Catalan culture. By the end of the 12th century, the use of the word “Catalonia” to describe the region became more prevalent. Through written records, it was also evident that the use of “Catalan” was increasingly widespread at the same time.

Catalan Integration into Spain (1137-1716)

In 1137, Catalonia became part of the Kingdom of Aragon through a dynastic marriage between the Count of Barcelona, Ramon Berenguer IV, and the Queen of Aragon, Petronila. Catalonia would quickly become a major part of Aragonese interests. Due to Catalonia’s proximity to many Mediterranean trading ports, the region was

12 Ibid. 13 “Catalonia independence: Parliament votes to start secession from Spain,” BBC, November 9, 2015, https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-34766034. 14 Ashifa Kassan, “Catalan secession bid ruled unconstitutional by Spanish court,” The Guardian, December 2, 2015, https://www.theguardian.com/world/2015/dec/02/catalonia-secession-unconstitutional-spanish-court.


instrumental in increasing trade between Aragon subjects and other Mediterranean markets. Therefore, it was imperative for the Aragonese to keep the Catalans content under their rule; Aragon would mostly refrain from interference in Catalan affairs and preserve the Catalans' distinct customs, traditions, and values. A notable example of this was the retainment of the Corts Catalanes, a parliamentary body that would give consent to the Count of Barcelona’s general statutes.15 This body would be the precursor to the present-day Parliament of Catalonia.

The level of priority allocated to Catalonia within the Aragonese affairs of state would begin to diminish in 1469, when the crowns of Aragon and Castile were unified through the marriage of Ferdinand II and Isabella. This unification would be considered the beginning of the Spanish Empire; unification was followed by expansion within the Iberian Peninsula through the ousting of the Muslim Moorish Emirate of Granada. By 1517, Ferdinand and Isabella’s grandson, Charles I, inherited both the thrones of Aragon and Castile, thus formally creating the Kingdom of Spain. Subsequently, the importance of Catalan interests would further dwindle as Spain’s agenda focused on newly discovered territories. As explorers such as Christopher Columbus and Ferdinand Magellan reached the Americas and Southeast Asia respectively, Spain and the rest of Europe diverted their commercial interests away from the Mediterranean Sea and towards the Atlantic, Pacific, and Indian Oceans. 16 This age of exploration brought Spain access to exotic resources like Indonesian spices, South American cocoa, and Mexican gold. Conversely, it mostly hindered Catalonia's economy, whose markets were based on the previously popular Mediterranean trade sphere; the ports of Barcelona and Terraconna became strategically less significant to those bordering the Atlantic, such as Lisbon and Porto.

Painting of Italian Explorer Christopher Columbus speaking to King Ferdinand II and Queen Isabella I.17

15 Adrian Shubert, Joseph F. O'Callaghan and Others, “Spain,” Encyclopædia Britannica, August 9, 2020, https://www.britannica.com/place/Spain/Aragon-Catalonia-and-Valencia-1276-1479#ref587326. 16 John S. Richardson, Vicente Rodriguez and Others, “Spain,” Encyclopædia Britannica, August 9, 2020. https://www.britannica.com/place/Spain/The-conquest-of-Granada#ref70391. 17 J.R.L. Highfield, “Isabella I,” Encyclopædia Britannica, April 18, 2020, https://www.britannica.com/biography/Isabella-I-queen-of-Spain.


Before the 17th century, it was understood that Catalonia was distinct enough to be exempted from paying certain Spanish taxes and have a separate parliament from Spain. Such a policy would change under Philip IV, whose time as the Spanish king was defined by conflict with the Dutch, French, and other European foes during the Thirty Years’ War (1618-1648). For the Spanish to continue their war efforts, the Count-Duke of Olivares, Gaspar de Guzmán, insisted on having a fair share of contributions from all European subjects in the Spanish realm—including Catalonia. Catalonia would be subject to paying more taxes to Spain and sending able-bodied Catalan men to fight the war. This only fueled Catalan resentment against the Spanish and led to refusals to cooperate in the effort against the empire’s wartime enemies.

After multiple failed attempts to increase contributions from Catalonia, the Count-Duke of Olivares decided to make Catalonia a battlefield. The Count-Duke reasoned that Catalans would be impressed by the Spanish army’s strength, possibly encouraging loyalty from the Catalans. Although the Spanish were competent in their fight against the French, the Spanish decision to attack France via Catalonia only worsened their relationship with the region. Catalonia had to carry the burden of housing soldiers, financing an unwanted war, and grieving the deaths of their fellow countrymen.

The resentment contributed to the start of the Reapers’ War (1640–1652), but the assassination of the Count of Santa Coloma—the Spanish Viceroy of Catalonia—on June 7, 1640 directly triggered the conflict. For the 12-year duration of the conflict, Catalonia was briefly a republic whose independence was guaranteed by the French. However, after the signing of the Treaty of Westphalia and the beginning of the Fronde (a series of civil wars in France from 1648 to 1653), France withdrew its protection of Catalonia, leaving the Catalans to fend for themselves. The Reapers' War officially ended when Barcelona surrendered on October 13, 1652. Fortunately for the Catalans, Philip IV was merciful to them in the aftermath of the rebellion; the king gave amnesty to those who fought against the monarchy and preserved Catalan constitutionalism.

A painting of the Catalans revolting against the Spanish monarchy during the Reaper’s War.18

In the long run, Philip IV’s generosity proved to be ineffective, as the Catalans fought alongside Spain’s enemies in the War of the Spanish Succession (1701-1714). After the passing of the childless Spanish Habsburg King Charles II, the throne went to the French Bourbon Philip V. If left unchecked, the Bourbon dynasty would

18 Simon Harris, “Catalonia Is Not Spain - A Historical Perspective, Chapter 13: The Reapers’ War,” https://www.barcelonas.com/reapers-war.html#gallery[pageGallery]/1/.


control two European empires and disturb the balance of power on the continent. Alongside two other kingdoms within Spain, Valencia and Aragon, Catalonia sided with the anti-Bourbon Grand Alliance, which consisted of England, the Dutch Republic, and Austria. The Bourbon dynasty ultimately lost the war since France and Spain were not able to unite and the Spanish were forced to cede territories to the Grand Alliance under the Peace of Utrecht (1713-1715). However, Catalonia received little to no gains during peace negotiations. Instead, Duke Philip of Anjou, who eventually became the king of Spain as Philip V, punished the three dissenting kingdoms (Catalonia, Valencia, and Aragon) by integrating them into Spain as provinces. Prior to the integration, Valencia and Aragon, similar to Catalonia, were guaranteed a limited amount of autonomy. The Nueva Planta Decree of 1716 required Catalonia to follow Castilian laws.19 This decree abolished all Catalan government institutions and suppressed the region’s culture by banning the Catalan language from government documents, educational settings, and other public facilities. The changes marked a temporary halt to Catalonian self-rule, which would last until the beginning of the 20th century.

La Renaixença (1716-1898)

Between 1716 and 1898, Catalonia was unsuccessful in regaining the autonomy they lost during the reign of Philip V. One attempt to regain autonomy was the Catalan involvement in the Carlist Wars (1833-1876), a series of internal conflicts to determine the rightful successor to King Ferdinand VII. The wars split Spain into two factions: the constitutional liberal Isabelinos who supported Isabella II, and the autocratic monarchist Carlists who supported Infante Carlos.20 Although the Carlists' purpose was to remove the Alfonsine branch of the Bourbon dynasty from ruling Spain, ideological differences also divided the nation. The liberals favoured centralizing Spain into a unitary state, whereas the Carlists were proponents of preserving cultural and political regionalism. Catalans, hoping to bring back self-rule for Catalonia, sided with the Carlists. Unfortunately, that goal was not achieved when the Carlists were defeated in all three iterations of the war.

After years of constant political strife and war, Catalonia was able to repair and expand its economy between 1876 and 1898. The recovery was mainly possible due to technological advancements during the Industrial Revolution. An early example of such innovation was in the liquor industry. For centuries, the poor quality of Catalan grapes prevented the region from cultivating a profitable wine business. However, through new methods of distillation, the wine was filtered to become aiguardent— meaning “firewater.” 21 This innovation was concurrent with new trade connections between Catalonia and the Americas, which sharply bolstered the export of aiguardent. The boom in the liquor business began the diversification and expansion of the whole economy. Catalonia’s textile and cotton industry benefited from new machinery developed in Northern Europe, becoming one of the largest producers of the aforementioned resources. 22 The introduction of steam technology and hydraulic power lowered production costs, while new railways connected manufacturing towns to previously-inaccessible European markets.

19 “Catalonia profile - Timeline,” BBC, May 14, 2018, https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-20345073. 20 The Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica, “Carlism,” Encyclopaedia Britannica, May 20, 2013, https://www.britannica.com/topic/Carlism. 21 Simon Harris, “Catalonia Is Not Spain - A Historical Perspective,” Dec. 11, 2014, https://www.barcelonas.com/cultural-renaixenca.html. 22 Ibid.


Although the Catalans’ military efforts to bring back autonomy mostly failed, the movement was well underway to revive Catalan culture, a core part of Catalonia suppressed by the Nueva Planta Decree of 1716. La Renaixença, or the Catalan Renaissance, was a campaign to bring the Catalan language back to mainstream use. Catalan had never truly disappeared from use, as the working class continued to speak the language for generations. However, as previously mentioned, the Spanish government had suppressed the language by requiring the use of Castilian Spanish in public settings and banning Catalan-based art. The shift began when poets and writers of the middle 19th century published their works and held contests to show their linguistic capabilities in the Catalan language.23 By the latter half of the century, more newspapers printed their publications in Catalan. It must be noted that the revival of Catalan culture was met with strong condemnation and suppression from Madrid. For instance, the headquarters of the satirical magazine ¡Cu-Cut! were raided by the Spanish army after the publishing of a particular comic that criticized the Spanish army’s failures in Cuba during the Cuban war of independence. The publication was suspended and many writers were arrested on that day.24

Temporary Autonomy for Catalonia (1898-1936)

It was only in the 20th century that Catalonia was able to formally restore some autonomy for itself, which was a combination of renewal for Catalan nationalism and a crumbling Spanish government. Since the Thirty Years’ War and the Spanish War of Succession, Spain was continuing to decline as a major world power. By 1898, Spain lost control of Cuba, Puerto Rico, Guam, and the Philippines after the Spanish-American War, effectively ending the Spanish Empire.25 This devastating defeat put the credibility of the Spanish government in question. At the same time, political parties and groups like La Lliga Regionalista (the Regionalist League) were founded on the basis of a growing Catalan identity. Although the Catalan parties were different in their political ideologies, they became a united front after the raids of the ¡Cu-Cut! magazine headquarters. These groups would form a coalition called Solidaritat Catalana, which would go on to win most of the Catalonian seats in the 1907 Spanish general election.26 With strong support in Catalonia, the leaders of the coalition—including Prat de la Riba and Francesc Cambó—were then successful in lobbying to the Spanish government to give the Catalans more autonomy.

As a result, a deliberative assembly was formed: the Commonwealth of Catalonia. The Commonwealth was able to implement multiple policies and projects in a very short time. Improvements in Catalan infrastructure and telephone systems were mandated, investments in technical and adult education were made, and a welfare system was created that offered free healthcare services. Despite the Commonwealth’s progress and achievements, it eventually was abolished in 1925 during the dictatorial rule of Miguel Primo de Rivera—a Spanish leader who insisted that all parts of the country were to be ruled unilaterally.27

23 Ibid. 24 Ibid. 25 The Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica, “Treaty of Paris (1898),” Encyclopaedia Britannica, December 3, 2019, https://www.britannica.com/event/Treaty-of-Paris-1898. 26 Simon Harris, “Catalonia Is Not Spain - A Historical Perspective,” December 11, 2014, https://www.barcelonas.com/mancomunitat.html. 27 Ibid.


Miguel Primo de Rivera’s premiership ended with his resignation in 1930. He left Spain in a worse state through his lacklustre response to the Great Depression and alienation of the general public. 28 Primo de Rivera's resignation would set the stage for Catalonia to possibly break free and become an independent state. Led by Francesc Macià, a left-wing separatist, Catalonia proclaimed independence from Spain and formed the Catalan Republic on April 14, 1931. 29 The Republic only existed for three days, as Macià struck a deal with the government of the new Second Spanish Republic through the 1932 Statute of Autonomy. Under this new statute, Catalonia would remain in Spain as an “autonomous state,” in exchange for the restoration of the Generalitat, the system of government the Catalans lost more than two centuries ago.30

Catalonia Under Francisco Franco (1936-1975)

The second iteration of the Generalitat was short-lived, as the rebelling right-wing fascist Spanish Nationalists, led by General Francisco Franco, were victorious in the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939). The Spanish Civil War was a bloody internal conflict between the left-wing Republicans (a big-tent group of communists, socialists, and moderates) that replaced Miguel Primo de Rivera, and Franco's Nationalists. In response to the Republicans’ rise to power, the Nationalists unsuccessfully attempted a military coup to overthrow the government. The Republicans were supported by the Catalan Generalitat, who feared that the Nationalists would remove the autonomy Catalonia and other communities recently attained.

In hindsight, the Republicans were doomed to lose the war. Unlike the Nationalists, the Republicans had unskilled armed forces led by inexperienced generals; the Republicans also lacked ammunition and equipment to defend themselves from attacks. 31 Franco declared the end of the Spanish Civil War on April 1, 1939, beginning a dictatorship that would last for almost four decades.

Surrendering Republicans marches under Nationalist forces’ orders, Spanish Civil War32

28 Ibid. 29 Simon Harris, “Catalonia Is Not Spain - A Historical Perspective,” December 11, 2014, https://www.barcelonas.com/catalan-republic.html 30 Ibid. 31 Alex Clifford, “Why Did the Republicans Lose the Spanish Civil War?” HISTORYHIT, February 11, 2020, https://www.historyhit.com/why-did-the-republicans-lose-the-spanish-civil-war. 32 “The Spanish Civil War: an avoidable tragedy,” History Extra, April 1, 2019,


The immediate aftermath of the war was catastrophic; hundreds of thousands of Catalans, Republicans, socialists, and other dissenters left Spain for France or North America, causing a refugee crisis. 33 Anyone from the opposition who stayed in the country was harshly punished for their roles in the civil war. Many were imprisoned, tortured, or subsequently killed as a result of their opposition to the Nationalists. For the next four decades, Catalonia saw the gradual dismantling of the Statute of Autonomy of 1931, which had allowed for the reestablishment of the Generalitat and several government institutions and laws. 34 The Franco regime also enforced a strict policy of cultural unity in Spain. To execute this policy, the Nationalists suppressed any traditions, cultures, and values that empowered regional identity.35 For a majority of Franco’s rule, the use of any language other than Castilian Spanish was banned. Therefore, Catalan speakers were not allowed to speak their native tongue in public, regardless of context or reason. Catalan was still used by many in private homes or secret gatherings, but many would not take the risk to do so in public in order to avoid punishment.

Before the end of Francisco Franco’s regime, it was already clear that his policy of cultural unity would crumble. Throughout the Francoist years, pockets of Catalan resistance from a new generation of protesters persisted. By the 1960s, which was the beginning of the end of Franco’s weakening dictatorship, nations in the West saw a new wave of counterculture among their youth. From the anti-war protests in response to the American intervention in Vietnam to the rise of social movements that called for equality for all races, genders, and sexualities, young people challenged the status quo in hopes of changing societal norms for their generation and the ones succeeding them. Inspired by 1960s activism, Catalan youths believed that unequivocally defending the Catalan identity was worth the risk of arrest and persecution.36 Other groups, such as left-wing organizations and the Catholic Church, banded together to create a coalition to push for more political freedoms for Catalans. Although the retribution against the Catalan resistance was harsh and archaic, the Francoist government’s efforts did not stop the coalition from continuing to support the Catalan cause. Eventually, the Spanish dictatorship had to acquiesce by allowing certain regional traditions to be observed.

Transition to Democracy (1975-2006)

When Francisco Franco died, Spain began to transition from an oppressive regime to a European democracy. As Madrid shifted away from far-right politics to pragmatic centrism, the Spanish government and the general public were heavily in favour of adopting a new constitution in 1978.37 The Spanish constitution created 17 new autonomous regions throughout the country, including the formation of the autonomous region of Catalonia through a new statute of autonomy in 1979. Under this new statute, the Generalitat was reinstated as Catalonia's regional system of government. The Generalitat is entirely responsible for certain matters, including policing, the environment, and culture, and gained partial jurisdiction over other affairs like foreign relations and education. Another part of the statute was the declaration of Catalan as a nationality. This specific element of the

https://www.historyextra.com/period/20th-century/spanish-civil-war-what-happened-why-colonel-segismundo-casado-spain-tragedy/. 33 Ibid. 34 Ibid. 35 “Catalonia profile - Timeline,” BBC, May 14, 2018, https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-20345073. 36 Ibid. 37 Juan Vernet Ginés, Raymond Carr, Editors of Britannica Encyclopedia, “Spain,” Britannica Encyclopedia, August 16, 2020, https://www.britannica.com/place/Spain/Francos-Spain-1939-75#ref258572.


statute was significant because it was clear, formal recognition that Catalan was a uniquely separate nationality within Spain that needed a level of independence.

The decades following the passage of the 1979 statute saw the further development of Catalan culture and institutions. By the end of the 20th century, Catalonia would have held six regional elections, created the Mossos d'Esquadra (the police force of Catalonia), and gained widespread recognition from the world during the 1992 Barcelona Summer Olympics. The latter was pivotal to Catalonia’s overall growth, as both the Spanish and Catalan governments heavily invested in the autonomous region’s infrastructure leading up to the games. Roads were expanded and repaved to reduce congestion, green spaces were built for tourism, and transportation lines were constructed to accommodate the millions of people visiting the city.38 The games only bolstered Catalonia’s international profile, leading to long-term benefits for Catalonia and Barcelona in particular. The city transformed into a major hub of tourism, commerce, and education in the following years, guaranteeing more jobs for Catalans and creating a promising economy whose prosperity seemed to never end.

Opening Ceremonies of the 1992 Barcelona Summer Olympics39

Re-Emergence of the Catalan Independence Movement (2006-2017)

Catalan autonomy further expanded into the 21st century. In August 2006, the Catalan statute of autonomy from 1979 was amended. The newly amended statute gave the Generalitat more control over Catalonia's domestic affairs, such as the budget and taxation. This change was in part due to the new preamble in the amended Statute that states that Catalonia was a "nation."40 The description was important because it was a formal recognition that Catalonia was a separate state within Spain and not just another autonomous community. However, the amendments were only a temporary provision, as the Spanish Constitutional Court struck down most of the 2006 changes, including the language of Catalonia being a "nation." The court stated that the preamble of Catalonia being labelled as a nation “has no legal effect” since Catalan laws do not supersede the Spanish

38 “6 Ways the 1992 Olympics Transformed Barcelona,” Barcelona Metropolitan, August 22, 2016, https://www.barcelona-metropolitan.com/features/6-ways-the-1992-olympics-transformed-barcelon/. 39 “Barcelona “Totally Transformed” by hosting 1992 Olympic Games,” Olympics, July 17, 2012, https://www.olympic.org/news/barcelona-totally-transformed-by-hosting-1992-olympic-games. 40 “Catalonia profile - Timeline,” BBC, May 14, 2018, https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-20345073.


constitution. The Court's action only ignited hate and anger towards the Spanish government, and large protests began in response to the ruling.

Economic prosperity would also end, as the Great Recession of 2008 affected the global economy. Spain was particularly hard hit by the burst of the housing bubble. Leading up to the 2008 crisis, the Spanish housing market was booming as significant investment was placed into the nation’s properties. This led to high tax revenues from the new economic activity, which was used to fund generous social programs.41 Spain also eased on its market regulations, allowing the nation’s banks and financial institutions to hide its unethical dealings and actions. When the bubble burst, the combination of corruption in the financial sector and the rising deficit (which arose from falling tax revenues) led to a recession that lasted longer than initially anticipated. By July 2012, over 20 percent of the Spanish working population was unemployed.42 The number would be higher for adults under 25 years old, with around half of those in this age group out of work.43 In order to alleviate the situation, the Spanish government raised taxes and placed austerity measures in its budget, cutting welfare benefits and overall spending. The crisis also exposed an inequality gone unnoticed. Wealthier autonomous communities, including Catalonia, have been paying more taxes to the Spanish government, which was in turn reallocated to poorer regions of the country. Many Catalans were outraged by this inequality, as they believed Catalan taxpayers' money could have been used to save Catalonia's economy, instead of other communities.44

Current Situation

The Question of Independence for Catalonia

The Catalan independence movement has always revolved around the question of whether Catalonia should be a nation. For centuries, many Catalans were content to be part of the Kingdom of Spain on the condition that they were reserved certain exclusive privileges in governance. This was evident when Catalans were highly supportive of the 1979 Statute of Autonomy. Although the statute did not offer outright independence from Spain, Catalans were more than willing to accept reintroduction of the Generalitat—a political institution activists fought for over two centuries—and the end of suppression towards Catalan language and culture. This acceptance was not to suggest there was no vocal support for an independent nation, but the flourishing Catalan economy and quality of life was enough to keep the question of independence as a matter of secondary importance. However, the 2010 curtailing of the 2006 Statute of Autonomy set Catalonia back in terms of gaining more autonomy from Spain, encouraging outrage from Catalans.

The question on whether Catalans should be independent of Spanish control has divided the Catalan public itself. Polling in recent years shows that Catalans are unified on whether an independence referendum should be held, with an average of 70 percent agreeing to hold one.45 62 percent are also in agreement that Catalonia has achieved

41 David C. Wagner, “The Spanish Financial Crisis: Economic Reforms and the Export-Led Recovery,” Inquiries Journal, 2014, http://www.inquiriesjournal.com/articles/1672/2/the-spanish-financial-crisis-economic-reforms-and-the-export-led-recovery. 42 Ibid. 43 Ibid. 44 Ibid. 45 Sam Jones, “Why do some Catalans want independence and what is Spain's view?” The Guardian, September 21, 2017, https://www.theguardian.com/world/2017/sep/21/why-do-some-catalans-want-independence-and-what-is-spains-view.


“an insufficient amount of autonomy,” according to the government-mandated Centre of Opinion Studies.46 However, when asked about whether Catalonia should be independent, polls are even-split. The same data from the Centre of Opinion Studies also shows the most recent polling (July 2017; one of the last polls before the referendum) on Catalan independence: 49.4% of respondents opposed Catalonia becoming “an independent state,” while 41.1% supported the proposition.47

Economic Ramifications

The question of independence is not only about culture and identity; it is also an economic one. Between the Spanish acquisition of the region and the 21st century, Catalonia has always been one of the wealthier autonomous regions in Spain, known for its growing industries in textiles, technology, and financial services.48 Catalonia, in fact, contributes 20-25% percent of Spain’s gross domestic product (GDP), considering the fact that it only makes up 16% of the Spanish population. Since the region is wealthier, Catalonia carries more of the fiscal burden of Spain as a whole; the region contributes more to the Spanish budget through taxes and other discretionary payments than they receive in spending. Catalan contributions tend to be redistributed to the struggling parts of the country, which many Catalans see as unfair.

Catalans, when voting on the October referendum, have to weigh the economic benefits and consequences that come with independence. When it comes to the benefits, Catalonia has a lot to gain when becoming independent; the Generalitat can create economic policies that suit the needs of the people they represent. For example, when independent, the Generalitat would have autonomy on how tax revenue from Catalonia is spent. Instead of sharing their revenues with other autonomous regions, the government can invest in Catalan social programs and major initiatives.

The downside would be the possible instability of Catalonia’s economic growth. Catalonia is a wealthy nation in its own right, with Barcelona as an economic hub in Europe. However, it must be understood that Catalonia would not have been as successful if it were not for Spanish companies—which are mostly situated in Madrid, the economic centre of Spain—allocating resources into Catalonia, as well as the Spanish government attracting investment from across the globe. Leaving Spain would mean that Catalonia would potentially lose the investment that has fuelled its economy and supplied its jobs.

Madrid Politics

To put it mildly, the relationship between the Catalan Generalitat and the government of Spain has been less than quaint, or diplomatic for that matter. Throughout the crisis, the politicians of Catalonia should expect fervent opposition and obstruction from Spanish unionists who will extend their powers to stop any attempts to

46 “Political Opinion Barometer. 2nd wave 2017,” Centre of Opinion Studies, July 21, 2017, http://upceo.ceo.gencat.cat/wsceop/6288/Abstract%20in%20English%20-857.pdf. 47 Ibid. 48 Harriet Alexander and James Badcock, “Why does Catalonia want independence from Spain?” The Telegraph, October 10, 2017, https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/0/does-catalonia-want-independence-spain/.


create an independent Catalonia. One of these unionists is the Prime Minister of Spain himself, Mariano Rajoy, who has declared that “Catalonia will not disconnect itself from anywhere.”49

Prime Minister Rajoy, a powerful voice in Spanish politics due to his position, is part of a big-tent coalition of political figures and parties who oppose the independence movement. All of the five dominant Spanish political parties (the People’s Party, the Spanish Socialist Workers’ Party, Podemos, Ciudadanos, Vox, and the Union, Progress and Democracy Party) support some form of unionism, with each party holding different, specific viewpoints regarding the status of Catalonia:

• Members of the Spanish Socialist Workers’ Party (PSOE) are Spanish federalists, which means that certain autonomous communities such as Catalonia are recognized as nations within the Spanish union and are awarded powers not normally granted to other autonomous communities.

• Vox is a proponent of political unitarism, advocating for the highest level of integration and centralization of the Spanish government. If the ideology is materialized into actual policies, autonomous communities would potentially be eliminated.

• Ciudadanos and the People’s Party (PP) are unionists who mainly support the status quo regarding Catalonia. Podemos is also a unionist party; however, the party supports holding a referendum, considering that a supermajority of Catalans supports the idea.

At the beginning of the crisis, Prime Minister Rajoy and his party (PP) control the most seats in both levels of the Cortes Generales (Spain’s national legislature). Throughout the crisis, control of the Cortes Generales can switch between parties; these changes are highly dependent on the progression of the independence and other factors can contribute to the rise and fall of a political party.

It is important for the Executive Council to be aware of the different stances of the Madrid parties and reflect on whom Catalonia may wish to negotiate or ally with—these relationships with Madrid may affect how the Council will have to act in order to achieve independence. Councillors and members of the committee need to constantly adjust their strategies whenever there is a switch of power in Madrid, as well as making sure to take advantage of opportunities that benefit the independence movement.

International Relations

As Catalonia and Spain continue their internal conflict, the world has remained neutral on the issue of the referendum. Most European nations, such as France, Germany, and Belgium, have stated that the issue of Catalonia is an internal issue that should be dealt with through peaceful negotiation and dialogue. At the same time, many nations have also expressed their desire that Spain does not use pressure to enforce their will on the Catalan people, calling it unnecessary. The global community has expressed concern over Spain’s aggressive actions towards Catalonia, signifying that the international community might come to Catalonia’s defence if the Spanish government were to continue mistreating both the Catalan government and people.

49 Alison Eldridge, “Mariano Rajoy,” Britannica Encyclopedia, March 23, 2020, https://www.britannica.com/biography/Mariano-Rajoy.


In the possible scenario that Catalonia becomes an independent nation, the Executive Council has to decide on its relationship with the rest of the world—particularly with the European Union (EU). The President of the EU’s European Commission, Jean-Claude Juncker, has firmly stated that the EU “will not recognise Catalonia as a state if it is created in violation of the law and particularly the Spanish constitution.”50 Catalan policymakers must keep this statement from the EU in mind when working towards independence, considering the fact that the EU will play a significant role in Catalan foreign affairs. If Catalonia becomes independent without consent from Spain and/or a negotiated agreement of EU membership, the new nation runs the risk of losing access to EU privileges. These privileges include the freedom of movement between EU nations (Schengen Agreement), the European single market (which eliminates regulatory obstacles for goods and services trading within the EU), and the use of the Euro (the currency of Spain, including Catalonia).

Inter-Regional Cooperation

Although it is unfortunately difficult for Catalonia to find international support, the Council can possibly create alliances with other autonomous communities. Similar to Catalonia, multiple autonomous communities in Spain have varying levels of separatist sentiment due to fundamental differences in culture and language.

One autonomous community that is the most similar to Catalonia in terms of the level of separatist sentiment is the Basque Country. The Basque region is distinct from the rest of Spain due to the Basque language—called "Euskara"—which has unclear origins and is unrelated to any other language group in Europe. Two of the Basque’s major political parties (the Basque Nationalist Party and the Basque Country Unite Coalition)—with the former controlling the Basque government—have stated their support for the Generalitat “to find a constructive future.”51 It is unclear in what form Basque support may materialize; the Basque government has not stated whether they are willing to provide monetary, political, or military aid to Catalonia.

Other autonomous communities, such as the other Catalan-speaking countries of Valencia and the Balearic Islands, as well as Galicia, have some level of separatist sentiment, but their movements are not as strong as their Catalan counterparts. These communities have either not commented on the independence movement in Catalonia, or have expressed preference towards a more unified Spain; however, these sentiments can change during the crisis as they may feel threatened by the aggressive actions of the Spanish government—fearing that the crackdown on Catalonia’s independence movement may lead to other autonomous communities to lose their autonomy privileges.

Initiating Crisis

The crisis starts on June 10, 2017, just a day after the Catalonian Government officially called for a referendum on independence. President Carles Puigdemont has called on the Executive Council, the executive branch of the Generalitat, to hold an emergency meeting to prepare for the upcoming independence referendum on October

50 “Catalonia faces unclear future in European Union if it splits from Spain,” Agence France-Presse, October 10, 2017, https://www.scmp.com/news/world/europe/article/2114757/realism-or-orthodoxy-either-way-catalonia-faces-unclear-future. 51 Creede Newton, “Which other regions want to secede from Spain?”, Al Jazeera, October 27, 2017, https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2017/10/27/which-other-regions-want-to-secede-from-spain.


1, 2017. Prior to the meeting, the President has indicated to the Council that there will be three main items in the meeting's agenda: legal issues, logistics, and interference.

Although the referendum has been announced by the Executive Council, it has yet to be legally approved by the Parliament. For the vote to be legitimate, the Catalonian government not only has to pass legislation that sets the referendum; it also has to approve a comprehensive proposal that outlines Catalonia’s withdrawal from Spain on the chance that the public votes in favour of independence.

Another major concern that the Council will have to address is the logistics of the referendum. On the day of declaring the referendum, Catalonia does not have the resources to execute the vote: they do not have access to ballot boxes—which are usually provided by the central Spanish government—nor do they have an updated voter roll of voters and locations that will be used as voting centres during the referendum.

The emergency meeting was called immediately after the Spanish Ministry of the Treasury released a statement declaring that they will not provide ballot boxes for the independence referendum. Although it has only been two days since the referendum campaign started, it should be expected that the Spanish government will intervene in order to prevent the vote. It would not be far-reaching to think that the Spanish government would be willing to use brute force to stop the referendum. In numerous reports from Madrid insiders, the Spanish government is planning to interfere on the day of the referendum if they fail to stop it before October 1.

Committee Mechanics

There are two bodies that are modelled in the ACC: the Executive Council and the Parliament. Although the two bodies function differently, both have to work simultaneously and cooperate in order to govern Catalonia.

Executive Council of Catalonia

The Executive Council of Catalonia acts as the executive branch of the Generalitat. Each member of the council is responsible for leading specific departments. This Executive Council consists of politicians from different political parties and affiliations that hold different perspectives on several issues as a result of a political coalition between the Catalan European Democratic Party (PDeCAT), the Republican Left of Catalonia (ERC), and nationalist independents.

In this body, there are three kinds of council members: Executive Councillors (those who hold have jurisdiction over a government department), Parliament Councillors (those who hold top-level positions in their political party or in the Catalan Parliament), and Non-Government Councillors (those who hold non-government positions outside of the Council).

Parliament of Catalonia

The Parliament serves as the legislative branch of the Generalitat. Certain actions made by the Executive can only be executed when the Parliament of Catalonia has given its consent. For example, a declaration of war cannot be passed through a public or private directive; it has to be approved by the Parliament to enforce the declaration. This process will only be used for certain public directives that the Dais deems appropriate for a parliamentary vote. Examples of these directives include trade agreements, war declarations, or treaty


ratifications. Considering that the committee mostly focuses on the Executive Council, this body will sparingly be utilized for the sake of efficiency.

There are 135 members in the Catalan Parliament, with most of them caucusing with one of the 11 represented political parties (including the PDeCAT and the ERC). When in session, these 135 Parliament members decide whether or not a major directive or legislation passes. The table below is the composition of the Catalan Parliament at the beginning of the crisis. Please note that some parties in the Parliament are regional affiliates to nationwide parties.

Nationalist Parties # of Seats Unionist Parties # of Seats

PDeCAT (Centre-Right) 30 Ciudadanos (Centre-Left) 25

ERC (Centre-Left) 23 Socialists’ Party of Catalonia

(Centre-Left/Left)

16

Popular Unity Candidacy (Far-Left)

10 People's Party of Catalonia (Centre-Right/Right)

11

Other Parties/Independents 18 Independents 2

Total 81 Total 54

Portfolio Overviews

On June 9, 2017, President Carles Puigdemont and his Executive Council announced the date of the referendum: October 1, 2017.52

52 Press Release, President Puigdemont: "It is time for Catalans to decide their future. It is in our hands to prove that democracy unites us all," Catalan Government, June 9, 2017, https://catalangovernment.eu/catalangovernment/news/301408/president-puigdemont-time-catalans-decide-future-hands-prove-democracy-unites-us.


Party Overview

This section outlines the policy positions of the parties involved in the Council (PDeCAT, ERC, CUP, and independents). Council members generally follow their parties’ views, but they are allowed to differentiate themselves from their party on some issues. Understanding that a party’s ideology sometimes cannot be applied to the solution to an issue at hand, delegates can explore different viewpoints in order to find what they believe is the most effective approach to a particular problem. The acronyms beside the council members’ names are party affiliations.

Catalan European Democratic Party (PDeCAT)

The PDeCAT is a centre-right party that believes in Catalan integration into Europe after independence and a semi-laissez-faire approach to the economy. Although the PDeCAT's convictions of right-wing politics are underlying in their party identity, the party is capable of compromise with other parties, as they view themselves as moderates on issues such as civil liberties, the environment, and healthcare.

Republican Left of Catalonia (ERC)

Members of the ERC describe themselves as “social democrats” who stand up for centre-left politics in Catalonia. Similar to PDeCAT, the ERC has the ability to negotiate with other parties as they are more flexible with their policy.

Popular Unity Candidacy (CUP)

As blatantly stated by the party itself, the CUP is the “radical left alternative in the Catalan Countries” that strives for the nation’s “rupture from the capitalist system.”53 The party has been rather strong in their disdain for Spain, calling on their supporters to “disobey the Spanish government.” 54 Although bipartisanship is potentially possible, it would be harder for the CUP to compromise with parties like the PDeCAT, as their deeply rooted socialist beliefs and values are inherently different from others.

Independents

Independents are members without any party affiliation. Non-government members are also considered independents. These members are free to associate with any party, if they choose to do so. It must be noted that although independents have more freedom in their association, council members with this ability should try to maintain a level of consistency. Therefore, constant shifts in views or party affiliation without rationale are highly discouraged by the Dais.

Executive Councillors

Most executive councillors hold executive jurisdiction of a government department to enforce policies related to their assigned department. The only exception is the President, who is given a unique executive power.

53 “What is the CUP?” CUP Official Website, http://cup.cat/que-es-la-cup. 54 Ibid.


President — Carles Puigdemont (PDeCAT)

It is an understatement to say that Carles Puigdemont is a key figure of the Catalan independence movement: he is the face of the movement. Before his political career, Puigdemont was a staunch supporter of Catalan independence, writing for the pro-independence newspaper El Punt Avui and mobilizing like-minded individuals on social media.55 As the President, he can veto any public directive passed or legislation consented to by the Parliament. This veto, however, can be overridden if the directive has two-thirds support from either Parliament or the council.

Vice President & Councillor of Economy and Finance — Oriol Junqueras (ERC)

Previously a professor and a writer, Junqueras rose to prominence as the Mayor of Sant Vicenç dels Horts and President of the Republican Left of Catalonia (ERC). If the President is unable to serve his duties because of impeachment, resignation, death, or incapacitation, the Vice President will become the President of Catalonia. Junqueras also serves as the Councillor of Economy and Finance. In this role, he can control the tax rates of the country and manage the national budget, cutting and/or increasing spending for any expenditures.

Councillor of the Interior — Joaquim Forn (PDeCAT)

Apart from being a close advisor to Carles Puigdemont, Forn heads the Department of Interior. As this department’s councillor, he oversees the Mossos d'Esquadra, the police force of Catalonia; the police force is tasked to ensure the safety of citizens and the legitimacy of the upcoming referendum. The councillor will also be responsible for managing the Catalan borders, controlling the flow of movement coming in and out of Catalonia and detecting threats that enter the autonomous community. The Interior Councillor is able to arrest any Catalan, including members of the Executive Council except for the President. At his request, foreigners on Catalan soil can also be subjected to detainment. For this power to be executed, the councillor must submit evidence and/or rationale that corroborates their reasoning for arrest. Proof can be supplied through evidence discovered during an investigation, crisis update, or any other similar event.

Councillor of Justice — Carles Mundó (PDeCAT)

The Councillor of Justice functions as the government’s main legal advisor, representing the government of Catalonia in legal matters and cases. The councillor also heavily influences the government's policy of crime prevention and the retribution or rehabilitation of criminals, as well as managing the system that resolves civil disputes. The Council has the power to open an investigation (which would be led by Mundó), allowing him to uncover any misdeeds committed by a group or person.

Councillor of Foreign Affairs, Institutional Relations, and Transparency — Raül Romeva (Independent)

As the Councillor of Foreign Affairs, Institutional Relations, and Transparency, Romeva is responsible for developing and maintaining relationships between Catalonia and foreign nations. He is also the only person in the council who is able to communicate with foreign governments on behalf of the Executive Council and

55 Patrick Jackson, “Carles Puigdemont: The man who wants to break up Spain,” BBC, March 26, 2018, https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-41508660.


Catalonia, taking on the role of Catalonia’s chief negotiator during diplomatic deliberations. Other councillors can contact foreign governments, but not as representatives of the Catalan government.

Councillor of Enterprise and Knowledge — Santi Vila (PDeCAT)

The Councillor of Enterprise and Knowledge is responsible for the growth and development of Catalan business and trade. Vila has the ability to attract investment into Catalonia through incentives such as subsidies and tax benefits, as well as leading the negotiations of trade agreements with other nations. This department is also crucial in devising a blueprint aimed to outline Catalonia’s strategy to invite and retain investment when it becomes independent from Spain.

Councillor of Social Welfare, Employment and Family — Dolors Bassa (ERC)

Bassa heads the department that deals with Catalonia's welfare programs: a broad responsibility that ranges from education to social benefits. She is tasked with managing social welfare policy, such as unemployment insurance, family credits, and childcare, as well as creating new initiatives that address any issues and deficiencies not currently covered in existing programs.

Councillor of Health — Antoni Comín (Independent)

Within this role, Comín oversees the healthcare system of Catalonia, dealing with matters concerning medicine, hospital capacity, and medical staff. The councillor is also responsible for executing regulations on matters related to health (such as alcohol and drugs) and controlling disease outbreaks. If Catalonia were to become independent, the councillor will have to make sure that the healthcare system remains intact by guaranteeing a reliable medical supplies stockpile and protecting the healthcare workforce.

Councillor of Education — Clara Ponsatí (Independent)

Ponsatí is entrusted with administering Catalonia’s education from primary schools to post-secondary institutions. A committee power she holds is her ability to allocate Catalan resources to research and development of technology in any field. As she holds the office that oversees universities and colleges, her research efforts will quicken technological development.

Councillor of Governance, Public Administration, and Housing — Meritxell Borràs (PDeCAT)

Borràs' portfolio holds two purposes: guiding the passing of legislation with the help of government officials and directing Catalan housing policy. Since she is the councillor of a department that constantly engages with other sections of government, she has developed a network of associates that can aid her in accomplishing her agenda. At her request, the councillor can use her network to assist a department in implementing its directive. As a result, the directive in question will have a much higher chance of success. Alternatively, the councillor can also use her associates to hinder the effectiveness of a department's implementation of a directive. It must be noted that this power can only be used for one directive at a time.

Councillor of Planning and Sustainability — Josep Rull (PDeCAT)


Throughout his time as the Councillor of Planning and Sustainability, Rull has been vocal against the Spanish government’s management of Catalonia’s infrastructure and transportation systems.56 Under this portfolio, Rull conducts the agenda of the department concerning environmental policy and urban planning. Considering the possibility of independence, the council member responsible for this department has to prepare to deal with the strategy of connecting Catalonia’s cities and businesses with the rest of Europe through transportation, such as rail and shipping routes.

Councillor of Agriculture, Livestock, Fisheries, and Food — Meritxell Serret (ERC)

An accomplished leader in her past career as a coordinator of the Farmers Union and the Rural World Foundation, Serret now serves as part of the Executive Council to advise the government on matters pertaining to Catalonia’s farming and food production sectors.57 She supervises and enforces the aforementioned industries, aiming to guarantee the safety and abundance of food.

Councillor of Culture — Lluís Puig (PDeCAT)

The Councillor of Culture conducts government affairs regarding the promotion of the Catalan language, culture, and art. The councillor also regulates all Catalan media and the information received by citizens. With Puig's direction, the Department of Culture can initiate propaganda campaigns and censor news-related organizations deemed inappropriate for widespread consumption.

Councillor of the Presidency and Spokesperson of the Government — Jordi Turull (PDeCAT)

This council member holds two separate roles. One of the roles is the Councillor of the Presidency, a high-level position in the council whose job is to advise (and possibly influence) the President on his agenda. The other role is the Spokesperson of the Government. In this role, the council member communicates the government’s policies and actions to the public. The Spokesperson is tasked to write press releases when announcing important legislation and council decisions. The quality and content of these press releases are as important as the legislation being proposed. The spokesman’s choice of words can sway public opinion of the government and the solutions at hand, or can evoke outrage from the general public, groups and organizations, or even foreign nations.

Parliament Councillors

Most Parliament Councillors are party leaders; they have the ability to “whip” their party’s members of Parliament to vote on legislation in accordance with the party’s ideology, platform, or strategy. For simplicity, all party leaders are members of the Parliament. They are also the only council members who are able to negotiate with other parties in the Parliament. Their negotiation can be used to create government coalitions and bring support for specific legislation, among other possibilities. The only exception is the President of the Parliament. As the person who holds the highest position in Parliament, a distinct set of powers is given only to her.

President of the Parliament of Catalonia — Carme Forcadell (ERC)

56 “Jose Rull,” El cercador de referència en català, n.d., https://www.enciclopedia.cat/ec-gec-21506286.xml. 57 “Meritxell Serret,” People Pill, n.d., https://peoplepill.com/people/meritxell-serret/.


The President of the Catalan Parliament is responsible for organizing the work of the legislative body and has control on what is voted on in the Parliament. Designated as her committee power, Forcadell decides whether a bill is denied or allowed to be voted on. She can also send directives to push members of the Parliament to write certain proposals. This could be consequential, as the President of Parliament may block the passage of key legislation or push forward legislation that could change the course of the committee.

Leader of the Partit Demòcrata Europeu Català (PDeCAT) — Artur Mas

The predecessor of Carles Puigedemont as President and the man behind the 2014 Catalan referendum, former President Artur Mas retains political relevancy as the leader of PDeCAT.58 Although the PDeCAT is the largest party in Parliament, it is still disadvantaged considering that most parties represented lean centre-left. Therefore, Mas has to create a coalition, if not multiple coalitions, in order to pass legislation his party desires to enact.

Secretary-General of the Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya (ERC) — Marta Rovira

Rovira holds the second-most important position of the ERC as the party’s secretary-general, only inferior to the party President Oriol Junqueras. Although Junqueras is the leader of the party, his position in the Executive Council limits his time and dedication to the ERC. Therefore, Rovira will assume the role of the party whip in Parliament.

Leader of the Candidatura d'Unitat Popular (CUP) — Carles Riera

Riera holds the position as the leader of the CUP, the third-largest pro-independence party in the Catalan Parliament. Although he nor any member of the CUP holds any executive position, he is given a seat in the council since his party makes up a small yet significant portion of the Parliament. When effective, the CUP leader could sway influence in the council’s action in a way that bodes to his party’s agenda.

Non-Government Portfolios

Due to their life-long commitment to the independence movement, the Catalan Executive Council has given these individuals a special position as representatives of their organizations. They will have a vote on any public directives presented in the council.

President of the Assemblea Nacional Catalana (ANC) - Jordi Sanchez

A former professor of political science and an aide to political groups, Sanchez assumed the ANC’s presidency in May 2015. Ever since then-leader Carme Forcadell founded the organization in 2012, the ANC has been part of the grassroots campaign calling for Catalan independence. The organization is known for its effective demonstrations against the Spanish government.59 As of 2015, the ANC has reported having around 80,000 members in the organization.60 Under the direction of the president and the organization's leadership, these

58 Vicente Rodriguez, “Catalonia,” Encyclopædia Britannica, January 23, 2020, https://www.britannica.com/place/Catalonia#ref276004. 59 Sam Jones, “The key figures in the push for Catalan independence,” The Guardian, February 10, 2019, https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/feb/10/catalan-independence-key-figures. 60 ANC, “Assemblea Nacional Catalana,” Assemblea, n.d., https://int.assemblea.cat/.


members can be tasked to assemble in groups, partake in civil disobedience, and even take aggressive action against those opposed to the organization.

President of Òmnium Cultural - Jordi Cuixart

A businessman and a staunch activist, Jordi Cuixart heads Òmnium Cultural, one of the most prominent cultural groups in Europe that serves to spread Catalan ideals and culture. Its decades-long history of promoting Catalonia’s language and culture has benefited the organization, as it has attained 180,000 members and has dozens of branches around Catalonia.61 Similar to the ANC, members can be directed to assemble, partake in civil disobedience, and take aggressive action against those opposed to the organization.

Discussion Questions

1. What are the economic, political, and societal benefits of secession from Spain? What would be the economic, political, and societal consequences?

2. How can the Executive Council prevent Spanish interference in the October referendum?

3. What concessions should the Executive Council be willing to make to attain independence?

4. If Catalonia fails to be independent, what kind of status should it have within Spain?

5. How would the Executive Council be able to gain any allies, foreign or domestic, in its fight against the Spanish government?

6. If Catalonia were to be independent, how would it conduct its relationship with the European Union (EU)? Should it be part of the EU or should it exclude itself from the union?

7. How can the Executive Council be united in its actions despite the stark and sometimes irreconcilable ideological differences between council members?

61 “About Us,” Òmnium Cultural, n.d., https://www2.omnium.cat/en/presentation/


Bibliography

“About Us.” Òmnium Cultural, n.d. https://www2.omnium.cat/en/presentation/.

Assemblea Nacional Catalana, October 13, 2019. https://int.assemblea.cat/.

Badcock, Harriet Alexander. “Why Does Catalonia Want Independence from Spain?” The Telegraph, October 5, 2017. https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/0/does-catalonia-want-independence-spain/.

Blakemore, Erin. “Why Spain's Wealthiest Region Wants Independence.” National Geographic, November 11, 2019. https://www.nationalgeographic.com/history/reference/people/why-catalonia-spain-wealthiest-region-independence/.

“Carles Mundó i Blanch: Spanish Lawyer and Politician (1976-): Biography, Facts, Career, Life.” People Pill, n.d. https://peoplepill.com/people/carles-mundo-i-blanch/.

Carr, Raymond, and Helmut Georg Koenigsberger. “Aragon, Catalonia, and Valencia, 1276–1479.” Encyclopædia Britannica, August 23, 2020. https://www.britannica.com/place/Spain/Aragon-Catalonia-and-Valencia-1276-1479.

“Catalonia Independence: Parliament Votes to Start Secession from Spain.” BBC, November 9, 2015. https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-34766034.

“Catalonia Profile - Timeline.” BBC, May 14, 2018. https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-20345073.

“Catalonia Region Profile.” BBC, June 11, 2018. https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-20345071.

“Catalonian Timeline,” Sutori, n.d. https://www.sutori.com/story/catalonian-timeline--LAEBts3cUU26u3qVWecqJfBi.

Cereceda, Rafael. “Who Is the Real Power behind Catalonia's Independence Movement?” Euronews, October 12, 2017. https://www.euronews.com/2017/10/12/omnium-and-assemblea-the-powerful-movements-behind-the-catalan-independence-push.

Clifford, Alex. “Why Did the Republicans Lose the Spanish Civil War?” History Hit. History Hit, February 11, 2020. https://www.historyhit.com/why-did-the-republicans-lose-the-spanish-civil-war/.

The Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica. “Treaty of Paris.” Encyclopædia Britannica, December 3, 2019. https://www.britannica.com/event/Treaty-of-Paris-1898.

“Europe, 1450 to 1789: Encyclopedia of the Early Modern World.” Encyclopedia.com, August 23, 2020. https://www.encyclopedia.com/history/encyclopedias-almanacs-transcripts-and-maps/catalonia-revolt-1640-1652.

Harris, Simon. “Catalonia Is Not Spain: A Historical Perspective by Simon Harris.” Barcelonas, n.d. https://www.barcelonas.com/catalonia-is-not-spain.html.

Jackson, Patrick. “Carles Puigdemont: The Man Who Wants to Break up Spain.” BBC, March 26, 2018. https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-41508660.


“Joaquim Forn: Vividor (1964-): Biography, Facts, Career, Life.” People Pill, n.d. https://peoplepill.com/people/joaquim-forn/.

Jones, Sam. “Why Do Some Catalans Want Independence and What Is Spain's View?” The Guardian, September 21, 2017. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2017/sep/21/why-do-some-catalans-want-independence-and-what-is-spains-view.

“Jordi Turull i Negre: Catalan Politician (1966-): Biography, Facts, Career, Life.” People Pill, n.d. https://peoplepill.com/people/jordi-turull-i-negre/.

“Josep Rull i Andreu.” Enciclopèdia.cat, n.d. https://www.enciclopedia.cat/ec-gec-21506286.xml.

Kassam, Ashifa. “Catalan Secession Bid Ruled Unconstitutional by Spanish Court.” The Guardian, December 2, 2015. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2015/dec/02/catalonia-secession-unconstitutional-spanish-court.

“The Key Figures in the Push for Catalan Independence.” The Guardian, October 14, 2019. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/feb/10/catalan-independence-key-figures.

López, Alejandro. Pseudo-left Popular Unity Candidacy campaigns for Catalan separatism. World Socialist Web Site, November 22, 2019. https://www.wsws.org/en/articles/2017/08/17/spai-a17.html.

“Meritxell Serret: (1975-): Biography, Facts, Career, Life.” People Pill, n.d. https://peoplepill.com/people/meritxell-serret/.

“Raül Romeva: Catalan Politician (1971-): Biography, Facts, Career, Life.” People Pill, n.d. https://peoplepill.com/people/rauel-romeva/.

Rodriguez, Vicente. “Catalonia.” Encyclopædia Britannica, January 23, 2020. https://www.britannica.com/place/Catalonia.

“Timeline of Catalan Separatism That Has Rocked Spain.” Al Jazeera, October 18, 2019. https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/10/timeline-catalan-separatism-rocked-spain-191018203010894.html.

Documents

Catalan Independence Referendum, 2017