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10th International Conference of Missionary Linguistics “Asia”

Rome, 21-24 March 2018

Book of abstracts

Sponsor: Confucius Institute of Sapienza Università di Roma

Info & conference program: https://web.uniroma1.it/2018missionarylinguistics/en

Contacts: missionarylinguistics2018@gmail.com

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Sommario Andrés Acosta Félix ......................................................................................................................... 5

Cristina Altman ............................................................................................................................... 6

Davor Antonucci ............................................................................................................................. 7

Assunção Carlos .............................................................................................................................. 8

Victoria Béguelin ............................................................................................................................. 9

Doyle Calhoun ............................................................................................................................... 10

Miriam Castorina .......................................................................................................................... 12

Angelo Cattaneo ........................................................................................................................... 13

Erica Cecchetti .............................................................................................................................. 15

Elisabetta Corsi ............................................................................................................................. 17

Miguel Cuevas Alonso ................................................................................................................... 18

Verónica C. Cuevas Luna ............................................................................................................... 19

Anabela Leal De Barros ................................................................................................................. 21

Raissa De Gruttola......................................................................................................................... 22

Anna Di Toro ................................................................................................................................. 23

Ding Ruizhong ............................................................................................................................... 24

Joaquim Rinald D'Souza ................................................................................................................ 25

Eun Mi Bae .................................................................................................................................... 26

Giulia Falato .................................................................................................................................. 27

Noel Golvers ................................................................................................................................. 28

Juan María Gómez Gómez ............................................................................................................ 29

Gonçalo Fernandes ....................................................................................................................... 30

Ana Segovia Gordillo ..................................................................................................................... 31

Alonso Guerrero Galván ................................................................................................................ 34

Katsumi Iwasawa .......................................................................................................................... 35

Maia Jijava, Tsiuri Akhvlediani, Giovanni Giacomantonio .............................................................. 36

Atsuko Kawaguchi ......................................................................................................................... 37

Kichigin Kirill ................................................................................................................................. 38

Emi Kishimoto ............................................................................................................................... 39

Henning Klöter .............................................................................................................................. 40

Ksenia Kozha ................................................................................................................................. 41

Chun-fat Lau and Cheung Anthea .................................................................................................. 42

Xavier Lee-Lee and Verónica C. Trujillo-González .......................................................................... 43

Li Fei ............................................................................................................................................. 44

Liu Roumei .................................................................................................................................... 45

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Monica Lupetti and Matteo Migliorelli .......................................................................................... 46

Carmela Mastrangelo .................................................................................................................... 47

Nana Metreveli ............................................................................................................................. 48

Rosío Molina Landeros .................................................................................................................. 49

Monzon Garzia .............................................................................................................................. 50

David Moore ................................................................................................................................. 51

Pablo Robert Moreno.................................................................................................................... 52

Francisco Moscoso García ............................................................................................................. 53

Cristina Muru ................................................................................................................................ 55

Olivia Yumi Nakaema .................................................................................................................... 57

Haruka Nakano ............................................................................................................................. 58

Nguyen Thi Thu Van ...................................................................................................................... 59

Marta Ortega Pérez....................................................................................................................... 60

Andy Peetersman .......................................................................................................................... 61

Pei Mengsu ................................................................................................................................... 62

Thi Kieu Ly PHAM .......................................................................................................................... 63

Diego Poli ...................................................................................................................................... 65

Raini Emanuele and Zhao Hongtao ................................................................................................ 67

María Alejandra Regúnaga ............................................................................................................ 68

Emilio Ridruejo .............................................................................................................................. 69

Rebeca Fernández Rodríguez ........................................................................................................ 70

Eustaquio Sánchez Salor................................................................................................................ 71

Richard VanNess Simmons ............................................................................................................ 72

P. Swiggers – W. Thomas – T. Van Hal ........................................................................................... 73

Heréndira Téllez Nieto .................................................................................................................. 74

Gabriele Tola ................................................................................................................................. 75

Masayuki Toyoshima ..................................................................................................................... 76

Benjamin K. Tsou .......................................................................................................................... 77

Cécile Van den Avenne .................................................................................................................. 78

Toon Van Hal ................................................................................................................................ 79

Zanna Van Loon ............................................................................................................................ 80

Raf Van Rooy................................................................................................................................. 81

Wenjie Wang ................................................................................................................................ 82

Xu Jiana ......................................................................................................................................... 83

Masayuki Yoshikawa ..................................................................................................................... 84

Yu Yating ....................................................................................................................................... 85

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Frida Villavicencio Zarza ................................................................................................................ 86

Paolo de Troia and Otto Zwartjes .................................................................................................. 87

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Andrés Acosta Félix, Universidad de Sonora-México

Técnica lexicográfica en Tarahumarisches Wörterbuch del jesuita Matthäus Steffel (1791)

En esta investigación presento un análisis metalexicográfico del diccionario bidireccional de la lengua tarahumara y su equivalente en alemán, realizado por el jesuita moravo Matthäus Steffel en 1791, a partir de la traducción al español de William Merrill (próxima a publicarse). Esta obra registra un total de 1437 entradas y presenta, en los artículos, una organización muy interesante e iconoclasta que rompe con toda la tradición lexicográfica de la que se tenga memoria en el territorio de la Nueva España. Por otra parte cabe señalar que esta diccionario en realidad bien puede ser visto como una descripción antropológica muy extensa y rica acerca de la lengua tarahuamara ya que este jesuita se dedicó a contemplar el espacio físico, la personalidad de los naturales y fijó su mirada en aquellos detalles que para este misioneros fueron relevantes. El propio Steffel nos dice que esta obra no tiene propósitos de evangelización ya que su interés es dar a conocer la lengua y cultura de este grupo amerindio. Para propósitos de esta investigación metalexicográfica se vuelve necesario hacer un recuento histórico de todos los momentos y tiempos que han pasado desde la elaboración del diccionario en el destierro europeo del autor, hasta las diversas traducciones que ha recibido del alemán al inglés, así como del inglés al español por Merrill. De igual forma, deben mención la labor investigativa por parte de Estrada y Grageda en la Universidad de Sonora, en el norte de México. La sección alemán-tarahumara se ubica desde la página 301 hasta la 353. El apartado tarahumara-español se localiza entre las páginas 354-368. La estructura del artículo es muy sencilla: entrada + equivalencia + ejemplo de uso, asimismo incluye referencias cruzadas, el orden es alfabético de acuerdo con la lengua alemana. Tal como lo han señalado Díaz (2010) y Estrada (2011), este misionero proporciona definiciones enciclopédicas a las cuales dedica hasta 120 líneas aproximadamente. Por su parte, Díaz (2010:61) dice lo siguiente: “Merrill cree que Steffel consideraba su proyecto más como una enciclopedia de la cultura tarahumara que un diccionario de la lengua. Tal vez, su diseño y calidad del corpus y las definiciones estaban más bien inspirados en la Enciclopédie elaborada en Francia entre 1751 y 1780”.

REFERENCES

Díaz Córdova, Claudia, 2010. Descripción y generalidades lexicográficas del diccionario alemán-

tarahumara de Matthäus Steffel. Tesis de maestría, Hermosillo: Universidad de Sonora. Estrada Fernández, Zarina, 2011. Los estudios lexicográficos de las lenguas indígenas del noroeste

de México. María Eugenia Vázquez, et al., (eds.), de la lengua por sólo la extrañeza. Estudios de lexicología, norma lingüística, historia y literatura en homenaje a Luis Fernando Lara. México: El Colegio de México, 173-191.

Merrill, William (en prensa). Lengua y cultura rarámuri en el siglo XVIII. El diccionario tarahumara–alemán de Matthäus Steffel. Zarina Estrada Fernández y Aarón Grageda Bustamante (eds.). Hermosillo: Universidad de Sonora.

Steffel, Matthäus, 1809. Tarahumarisches Wörterbuch: nebst einiguen Nachrichten von der Sitten und Gebräuchen der Tarahumaren, in Neu-Vizcaya, in der Audiencia Guadalaxara im Vice-Königreiche Alt-Mexico, order Neu Spanien, 1791. En: Murr Christoph Gottlieb von (ed.), Nachrichten der verschiedenen Länder des Spanischen Amerika, aus eigenhändigen Aufsätzen einiger Missionare der Gesellschaft Jesu, vol.1. Halle: Johann Christian Hendel: 293-374.

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Cristina Altman, Universidade de São Paulo

Nominal classes description within the Brazilian missionary tradition

Since ‘the most spoken language along Brazilian coast’ was first described by Joseph of Anchieta (1534–1597) in the 16th century, researchers of the Tupi languages that came after him had to assume, not without a good deal of disagreement, a theoretical position in the face of the difficulties that the description of the lexical categories of these languages imposed to them, notably those regarding nouns and verbs (Queixalos 2011). As a matter of fact, one of the main incompatibilities between the grammatical model used by the Portuguese missionaries and the languages they described referred to the adequacy of the subcategories that defined nouns and verbs as two discrete classes. On the one hand, the nominal roots of the Tupinambá, variety described by Anchieta, for example, did not have morphological marks of declension, gender and number at the same time they seemed to eventually be time inflected; verbs, on the other, could be interpreted as adjectives, depending on the particles added to them. As expected, these functional difficulties found correspondences in other levels of description, notably those concerning the status of the linguistic forms that made up a nominal or a verbal phrase. As a result, some later scholars interpreted the descriptions done by the missionaries (Mattoso Câmara 1965), even if innovative, as an imposition of the descriptor model on the language to be described, i.e., according to them, the missionaries had proceeded to a sort of adaptation of the language in order to make it fit into the Latin model. The present study not only revisits this old issue, but also examines the reverse question: to what extension did the linguistic forms to be described induce the missionaries to modify their model of reference? For this, we expanded a previous study done within the Tupinambá tradition (Altman 2012), by comparatively evaluating the descriptive solutions done by the first describers of the Angola language (Dias 1697) and the Kiriri language (Mamiani 1699), both spoken in colonial Brazil along the 17th century. The results suggest that if we cannot directly link the changes suffered by the languages through time to their first descriptor models, we can at least attribute to the language from which we build our theories great part of the power of our generalizations.

REFERENCES

Altman, Cristina. 2012. “A herança missionária na tradição gramatical do Tupinambá: notícias de um projeto”. In: Políticas de Línguas no Novo Mundo, ed. by Consuelo Alfaro, Maria Carlota Rosa and José Ribamar Bessa Freire, pp.179-215. Rio de Janeiro: EDUERJ.

Dias, Pedro. 1697. Arte da lingoa de Angola oferecida a Virgem Senhora N. Rosario, Mãy e Senhora dos mesmos Pretos. Lisboa: Miguel Deslandes.

Mamiani [della Rovere], Luis Vincencio. 1877 [1699]. Arte de Grammatica da Lingua Brasilica da Naçam Kiriri. 2nd ed. Rio de Janeiro: Biblioteca Nacional. (1st ed., Lisboa: Miguel Deslandes.)

Mattoso Câmara, Joaquim. 1965. Introdução às Línguas Indígenas Brasileiras. Rio de Janeiro: Acadêmica.

Queixalos, F. org. 2001. Des noms et des verbes en tupi-guarani: état de la question. Munich: Lincom Europa.

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Davor Antonucci, Sapienza University of Rome

Antoine Guigne’s practice and study of Chinese in Europe

Antoine Guigne (? - 1741) was a missionary of the Mission Étrangères de Paris (M.E.P.), he spent more than 25 years as a missionary in China, he was a committed opponent of the Jesuit approach regarding the Chinese rites. Imprisoned by the Kangxi Emperor for several years, he was finally released thanks to the intervention of the Pope Benedict XIII. In 1733 he came back to France, but he was expelled from the M.E.P., as a consequence he went to Rome where he passed away in 1741. Once in Europe he continued to study and practice Chinese language, this can be inferred not only from his notes, draft of primers, lists of Romanizations for Chinese language, translations of Chinese texts, and from the Chinese books he brought with him from China, the latter he donated to the Casanatense Library. But also from his visiting to the Chinese living in Italy for practicing the spoken language. The aim of this presentation is to try to shed more light on Guigue’s attempts for manteining his knowledge of Chinese while in Europe, taken also into consideration that he hoped to became the King of France Chinese interpreter.

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Assunção Carlos, Universidade Trás-os-Montes Alto Douro (UTAD)

Projections of Portuguese and Latin Grammars in the Descriptions of Japanese and Indian Languages in the 16th and 17th century

The Discoveries in Asia placed before the 16th and 17th century Portuguese authors of missionary grammars the necessity of describing several languages which were utterly different from what they knew from within the Portuguese or Latin systems. Indeed, the first grammars as well as the efforts for literacy or transcription of the Asian languages in the Latin alphabet mostly owed their existence to the efforts in learning and teaching of these languages to the novices in those territories. Until then, some of these languages were known only due to oral tradition. The grammars that were elaborated in the course of these efforts resulted from the interlinguistic contact between different languages and the training of its authors, as will be shown. In this context, our paper pretends to ascertain the projection of some Portuguese and Latin grammars in the first grammatical descriptions of vernacular languages in late 16th century and the 17th century Japan and India, dating. For this means, the structural design of the Portuguese, Latin, Japanese and Indian metalinguistic texts will be presented in a contrastive perspective. Focusing on key aspects concerning word classes and syntax, we will assess the contributions of the first works to prepare the latter ones.

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Victoria Béguelin, Argimón Université de Lausanne

Voces chinas en las primeras relaciones de castellanos al Imperio Celeste

A su llegada a Filipinas en 1565, los castellanos empiezan muy pronto a codiciar China y a sondear las posibilidades de proseguir su expansión tanto territorial como espiritual en el Imperio Celeste. De las dos más tempranas expediciones de castellanos a estas tierras, nos han llegado testimonios escritos. Del primer viaje (1575), conservamos la relación del agustino Martín de Rada y la del soldado Miguel de Loarca; del segundo viaje (1579), la relación del franciscano Agustín de Tordesillas y la del alférez Francisco de Dueñas. Estos documentos, inéditos o de difícil acceso, recogen interesantes comentarios sobre la lengua china, su escritura, y su importancia en la vida social, e incluyen un amplio conjunto de voces que suponen el más precoz testimonio del chino en textos castellanos, dando cuenta por su especificidad de cuáles eran los objetivos principales de los viajeros. Unos años más tarde, en 1585, cuando Juan González de Mendoza publique su Historia del gran reino de China, parte de este léxico va a ser plasmado en letras de molde y, gracias a la popularidad del texto y a sus traducciones al inglés, francés, italiano, holandés y latín entre 1585 y 1600, un buen número de los hablantes cultos europeos van a entrar en contacto, aunque solo sea de manera efímera, con estos vocablos. La ponencia tiene como objetivo presentar este acervo léxico situándolo en el contexto en el que aparece y analizando: a) las diferencias en la frecuencia de uso de las voces según los relatores; b) los campos semánticos a los que estas pertenecen; c) los recursos sintácticos o pragmáticos mediante los que se da cuenta de su significado: traducción, asimilación a realidades castellanas consideradas equivalentes, explicación de la palabra o de sus referentes; d) su pervivencia en castellano. Se rastrearán, igualmente, los vocablos que González de Mendoza decide incluir en su Historia. El análisis se completará con información sobre los étimos en lengua china de algunas de las voces y sobre el dialecto del que estas proceden.

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Doyle Calhoun, Yale University Center for the Historiography of Linguistics (KU Leuven)

Language, plants, and empire: Ethnobotany and missionary linguistics in French colonial Africa

In the context of missionary linguistics, language science and collection practices intersected in a powerful way. Missionaries collected— and in many cases, were instructed to collect (Murray 1995; Veit 2015)— not only linguistic data but also cultural artefacts, ethnographic and natural scientific specimens of various kinds. In doing so, they became motors of European ‘arm-chair’ science and museum culture, supplying universities and museums with curiosities and rarities from the New World (Grinke 2006; Hooper-Greenhill 1992; Weil 1995). In 19th France, institutions such the Muséum national d’histoire naturelle actively relied on missionaries to extend their network of overseas collectors (Bonneuil 1999). A rich literature exists that examines the highly fraught history of colonial collecting from a variety of perspectives and in a variety of contexts; a relatively unexplored area of inquiry, however, concerns the relationship between missionaries’ diverse collection practices and their linguistic fieldwork. This paper argues that because missionaries often pursued linguistic and natural scientific pursuits simultaneously— and, in many cases, these enterprises informed one another and shared common epistemological ground—we should understand missionaries’ collection of linguistic data within the diverse range of their collection practices. Does a better understanding of how missionaries approached the collection of linguistic data, on the one hand, and non-linguistic specimens, on the other hand, provide insight into how they viewed or ‘handled’ indigenous languages? Specifically, I examine the collection of lexicographic and botanical data by French Catholic missionaries in colonial Africa in the 19th and early 20th centuries, against the background of junctures between the natural sciences and linguistics in France during this period (e.g. Desmet 1996). Drawing on archival materials from the Archives générales des Spiritains in Chevilly-Larue, FrancE in the form of field notes, early drafts of published works, and correspondences— I focus on intersections between methods of natural scientific and linguistic description in the works of:

• Charles Sacleux (1856–1943), the founding father of Swahili studies in France, who has long been considered a major figure in the history of African linguistics, but also made equally impressive contributions to botany;

• Charles Michel Tisserant (1886–1962), who produced an imposing body of both linguistic and botanical works, including lexicographic and grammatical analyses of Banda and Sango, and several studies on the flora of the Ubangi-Chari region;

• Jean Berhaut (1902–1977), whose monumental studies of the flora of Senegal were informed by lexicographic practice and designed with particular sociolinguistic functions in mind.

This paper aims to contribute not only to our understanding of missionary linguistics in the context of French colonial Africa, but also to the broader scholarly discourse on the relationship between natural science, particularly (ethno-)botany, and colonization, which has largely focused on the early modern period (Laissus 1981; Macleod 2000; Schiebinger 2004; Schiebinger & Swan 2004).

REFERENCES

• Bonneuil, C. (1999) Le Muséum national d'histoire naturelle et l'expansion coloniale de la Troisième République (1870-1914). Revue française d'histoire d'outre-mer 86(322–323): 143–169.

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• Desmet, P. (1996). La linguistique naturaliste en France (1867-1922): nature, origine et évolution du langage. Leuven: Peeters.

• Grinke, P. (2006). From wunderkammer to museum. London: Quaritch. • Hooper-Greenhill, E. (1992). Museums and the shaping of knowledge. London: Routledge. • Laissus, Y. (1981). Les Voyageurs naturalistes du Jardin du Roi et du Muséum d’Histoire

Naturelle. • Revue d’histoire des sciences 34: 259–317. • MacLeod, R., ed. (2000). Nature and Empire: Science and the Colonial Enterprise. Special

issue of Osiris 15. • Murray, B. (1995). Science, Exploration and Travel: An Examination of the Scientific

Instructions Provided for Travellers in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries. PhD Thesis, Centre for Comparative Literature and Cultural Studies, Monash University. Schiebinger, L. (2004). Plants and empire: colonial bioprospecting in the Atlantic world. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press.

• Schiebinger, L. and C. Swan, eds. (2004). Colonial Botany: Science, Commerce, and Politics in the Early Modern World. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press.

• Spary, E. (2000). Utopia’s Garden: French Natural History from Old Regime to Revolution. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

• Veit, W. F. (2015). Missionaries and their ethnographic instructions. Proceedings of the Royal Society of Victoria 127(1): 73–82.

• Weil, S. (1995). A cabinet of curiosities: inquiries into museums and their prospects. Washington: Smithsonian Institution Press.

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Miriam Castorina, University of Florence

Joseph M. Pruggmayr OCD (1713-1791) and his Italian-Chinese vocabulary

The history of the cultural contacts between China and the Europe has been widely studied and, nowadays, scholars have a lot of primary and secondary sources to work on. The main role in this history has been played by Jesuit missionaries, the “generation of giants” who, with their enormous cultural work, better succeed in spreading knowledge both in China and in Europe. Nonetheless, missionaries belonging to other orders had a role in this history as well as many times the archives prove. This paper will draw the attention to one of these missionaries, whose name is Joseph Maximilian Pruggmayr OCD (1713-1791), with a special focus on his Italian-Chinese vocabulary he compiled during the years he spent in Beijing.

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Angelo Cattaneo, CHAM - Centre for the Humanities Faculdade de Ciências Sociais e Humanas - Universidade Nova de Lisboa

Extending the Paradigm of Humanism: Contacts and Translations among Living Languages as Major Periodization Landmarks in Early Modernity

Although always based on disputable and to certain extent fragile conventions, the issue of periodization is a major on-going debate in historical and philosophical studies. At this regard, the complex transition from the fifteenth to the sixteenth century has been generally regarded as particularly relevant with respect to historical periodization. Whether understood as the transition from the Middle Ages to the Renaissance, or from the Middle Ages to Early Modernity, major European historical narratives have been highlighting the decades comprised between 1400 and 1550 as the period of paramount transformations impacting the world at the global scale, for the first time. Historians of culture have largely insisted on the first decades of the fifteenth century to highlight the humanistic re-discovery of and translation into Latin of the Greek language, as a paradigmatic milestone in history, implicitly highlighting the importance of cultural translation as a major factor in historical periodization. Sources such as Leonardo Bruni’s Commentaria rerum suo tempore gestarum (1440-1441) that praises with emphasis the beginning of the teaching and learning of Greek in Florence as an epoch-making event, were the ground on which a cleavage was established in the transition from Medieval to Renaissance or Early modern culture. In this contexts, extensive research by missionary linguistics have brought to light that in the context of asymmetrical though connected pasts, the mid-sixteenth and seventeenth centuries also witnessed the formation of the first global system of connected languages, mostly through the use of Spanish and Portuguese as vehicular languages, as well as the use of Latin for compiling grammars of newly discovered non-European languages. While Humanistic efforts have been object of deep recognition also with respect to historical periodization, early modern translations of living languages based on Spanish and Portuguese as vehicular language, in the broad and heterogeneous contexts of missions, have largely been overlooked outside of the field of missionary linguistics. In particular, their strong documentary potential, meaning, implications and importance with respect to current debates on early modern global history and its periodization, are not fully recognized and acknowledged. By focusing mainly on the Eurasian hemisphere, in which Portuguese played a major role as vehicular language, the events already highlighted by historical linguists, in particular with respect to grammatoly and lexicography (I am referring to Missionary Linguistics 2004, 2005, 2007, 2009, 2014, edited by Zwartjes et alii and the extensive bibliography reported), will be analysed in terms of a major discontinuity in world and global history, making the case for a concrete landmark in global history periodization. At this respect, a contrasting comparison will be attempted with other major linguae francae, in particular with Arab, already present in the area during several centuries.

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Toward a Global Geography of Languages: Mapping Amerindian, African and Asian Languages through Portuguese in Early Modernity (16th-18th centuries)

Early modern Portuguese has been traditionally studied as “the companion language of Empire,” the emblem of a complex identity and a tenacious sentiment to propagate Catholicism worldwide. This simplistic approach has overshadowed two essential phenomena: 1) Portuguese was the vehicular language for the first translations of several Amerindian, African and Asian languages unknown to Europeans until the age of expansion; 2) It became a lingua franca used by multi-lingual communities ranging from Brazil to African and Asian coast territories. This fusion resulted in hundreds of descriptions, word-lists, dictionaries and grammars, mostly compiled by missionaries. While similar sources using Spanish as vehicular language are amassed and available digitally in the USA, Portuguese material is still scattered and understudied, despite the pioneering works by a few linguists. GEOLANG promotes an innovative interdisciplinary study of processes of cultural (mis)communication and (mis)translation among communities across the globe by focusing on multi-lingual sources that use Portuguese as vehicular language. The project has four main objectives: 1) Tracing a social history of linguistic contacts by studying the emergence of multi-lingual spaces and communities in early modernity; 2) Drawing an historical analysis of social practices of (mis)communication, power relations and formal and informal spaces of translation in the troubled pasts of colonialism and missions; 3) Transcribing and comparing dictionaries (e.g. Tupi, “Mina Language,” Tamil, Chinese, Vietnamese, Japanese, and others) to reconstruct cultural exchanges; 4) Creating open-access digital repositories of forgotten sources, a world heritage corpus with universal significance. By focusing on languages within “troubled pasts,” GEOLANG facilitates decoding processes of global communication, offer new ideas on the relevance of linguistic interactions and provide insight into our multicultural and multilingual “troubled present.”

Team

Cristina Altman; Carlos Assunção; Jean-Marc Besse; Hugo Cardoso; Angelo Cattaneo (P.I.); Alexandra Curvelo; Gonçalo Fernandes; Paolo de Troia; Emi Kishimoto; João Luis Lisboa; Ana Martinho; Cristina Muru; Eduardo Navarro; Toyoshima Masayuki; Otto Zwartjes.

The research project is based on the FCSH-Nova Lisboa exploratory project “The Space of Languages. The Portuguese Language in the Early Modern World (15th-17th centuries)” (Lisbon, 2015-2017) © Angelo Cattaneo – CHAM, FCSH/NOVA

W: http://www.cham.fcsh.unl.pt/pr_descricao.aspx?ProId=61 – E: ang.cattaneo@gmail.com

Partnerships

- CHAM - Centro de Humanidades, FCSH-Universidade Nova de Lisboa e Univ. dos Açores - Centro de Linguística, FCSH-Universidade Nova de Lisboa - Centro de Linguística, Universidade de Lisboa - Instituto de Lexicologia e Lexicografia da Língua Portuguesa - Università della Tuscia - DISTU

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Erica Cecchetti, Università per Stranieri di Perugia

“Eligio Cosi (OFM, Florence 1818 - Jinan, China, 1885) Script”: teaching Chinese language to Chinese poor peasants through the Gospel.

The aim of this paper is to analyze “Eligio Cosi (OFM, 1818 – 1885) Script” and its impact on the lives of rural Chinese peasants of Shandong in the second half of the 19

th century.

Eligio Cosi was an Italian franciscan missionary who lived in China from 1849 until his death in 1885. During his activity as Director of the Franciscan Seminary of Jinan, Cosi invented a new method of transcription of the Chinese language which spread through the Catholic communities of Shandong and Henan until the first half of 20

th century.

The aim of “Cosi script” (“Nuovo metodo per scrivere la lingua volgare cinese”) was twofold: first of all, he was moved by the need of teaching oral Chinese to foreign friars and missionaries operating in China at the time using an easy and reliable phonetic support; secondly, he wanted to help Chinese peasants learn the Chinese language without using Chinese characters in order to let them understand the Gospel in a better way.

To reach these goals Cosi created a script based on a brand new 33-letter alphabet.

Among the other religious texts he translated from Latin into their “Cosi Chinese version”, the franciscan was the author of a rendition of some excerpts from the Old Testament known as “古经略

说, Gǔ jīng lüè shuō (1875)”.

After the analysis of the most important characteristics of “Cosi Script”, the paper examines some excerpts from “古经略说, Gǔ jīng lüè shuō” which represent a special example of translation of the Bible at the local level1

- and its impact on the lives of Chinese poor rural people in the second half

of 20th

century Shandong.

1. R. Malek, The Bible at local level. Notes on biblical material published by the Divine Word Missionaries SVD in Shandong (1882-1850), in Monumenta Serica, Journal of Oriental Studies, n.64, 2016, pp.137-172.

2. F. Bornemann, Der Selige P.J. Freindemetz 1852-1908. Ein steyler China-Missionar. Ein Lebensbild nach zeitgenὃssichen Quellen, Analecta SVD – 36, Roma 1976, pp. 1095,1096

3. P. R. Streit, P. Johannes Didinger et al. (a cura di), Chinesische Missionletteratur 1880-1884, Bibliotheca Missionum. Bd. XII, Roma 1959, pp.347-348;

4. ACTA OFM XXV “Dissertatio de lingua sinica ad discenda iuxta methodum Episcopi Cosi O.F.M.; ex codice mss. bibliothecae nostrae missionis in Zinanfu (China)”, Ad claras aquas, Firenze 1906, pp.97-100, 133-134, 214-216.

5. F.H., Un essai de romanisation de la langue chinoise (Cosi). in Le Bulletin Cath. De Pékin V, (Pekin 1918, pp. 296-299, 471-473, 502-504.

6. F. Masini, La riforma della lingua, in Samarani e Scarpari (a cura di), La Cina III. Verso la modernità, Einaudi 2011, ed. Mondadori 2012, pp. 621-662;

1 R. Malek, The Bible at local level. Notes on biblical material published by the Divine Word Missionaries SVD in Shandong (1882-1850), in Monumenta Serica, Journal of Oriental Studies, n.64, 2016, pp.139.

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7. G. Casacchia e M. Gianninoto, Storia della linguistica cinese, Cafoscarina 2012.

8. Eligio Cosi, “古经略说”, Jinan, Tipografia seminario di Jinan 1975 and his munuscripts in

AGOFOM – Storico: SK 541, SK 542, SK 543.

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Elisabetta Corsi, et al., Sapienza University of Rome

TOTUS MUNDUS Project: a virtual journey through Pasquale D’Elia’s edition of Kunyu quantu by Matteo Ricci (1602).

TOTUS MUNDUS Project (www.totusmundus.it). was supported under the Sapienza Awards Scheme, 2015 Exercise, its main scope being the digitalization of the annotated edition by P. D’Elia of the World Atlas, Kunyu quantu (1602), by Matteo Ricci, SI. The main feature of the project portal is the computational lexicon containing geographical lexemes, astronomical and other scientific lexemes, and their corresponding Chinese graphs. The lexicon is continuously being enriched with new lexemes and new findings.

Three dimensions will be accounted for during the presentation: 1. Design and development of the web portal. The application has been structured in a specific way that allows users to initially obtain an overview of the contents, which can then be filtered and examined in depth. Specific interactive views have been included in the application in order to host high-resolution digital images, manage aligned texts in different languages and present specific linguistic resources. 2. Modelling and creation of a bilingual computational lexicon which structures the chinese terms extracted from Ricci's map cartouches and their translation into Italian by Pasquale d'Elia. The lexicon, based on the lemon model, was created by means of LexO, a collaborative web editor for lemon lexical resources developed by ILC. 3. Text enrichment: transcription of the Chinese text, its alignment with the Italian translation of Pasquale D'Elia and the analysis of each graph in terms of transliterations and definitions.

The Totus Mundus Research Group: Elisabetta Corsi (Coord.), Sapienza University of Rome, Martin Morales, Pontifical Gregorian University, Andrea Marchetti, Institute of Informatics and Telematics, CNR Pisa, Emiliano Giovannetti, Institute of Computational Linguistics, CNR Pisa, et al.

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Miguel Cuevas Alonso, Universidade de Vigo

Tradición española y misionera. El componente fónico

En esta comunicacion realizaremos un acercamiento en profundidad a las cuestiones fónico-ortográficas que encontramos en 16 gramáticas misionero coloniales de Filipinas de los ss. XVII y XVIII. Realizaremos un estudio contrastivo a partir de las ideas encontradas en los tratados europeos de la época clásica, el renacimiento, de la tradición hispánica y de la tradición misionera amerindia. En primer lugar, describiremos las ideas fónicas y ortográficas más importantes durante la tradición gramatical.

A continuación nos centraremos en los sistemas de representación no alfabéticos encontrados en las islas y su importancia en la gramatización de las lenguas del archipiélago, así como en la adaptación y expansión del alfabeto latino en la tradición misionera, aspecto que entroncaremos con lo que se estaba realizando en europa durante la misma época; señalaremos las convergencias y divergencias que se producen entre ambos lados.

Finalmente se estudiará el tratamiento del componente fónico en las gramáticas misionero-coloniales de Filipinas en el plano segmental y suprasegmental. Se establecerán los vínculos entre su forma de proceder y la que encontramos en la tradición previa y se señalarán las características más importantes.

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Verónica C. Cuevas Luna, Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, Escuela Nacional de Lenguas, Lingüística y Traducción

La dimensión traductológica de la lingüística misionera

Como sabemos, durante las últimas décadas y gracias a la historiografía lingüística, ha cobrado gran fuerza el estudio del vasto corpus textual que modernamente recibe el nombre de lingüística misionera (LM). Al tratarse de un conjunto de obras metalingüísticas llevadas a cabo en el contexto de un inesperado y muy particular contacto intercultural, estos textos plantean interrogantes que resultan de gran interés para la traductología (disciplina conocida también como Estudios de traducción o Translation Studies). El interés de este fenómeno para la traductología se relaciona con los elementos constitutivos del proceso traductor (como el encargo, la direccionalidad, el Skopos, la finalidad, el método, las estrategias), cuyo análisis en este material puede contribuir a una nueva problematización de algunos conceptos traductológicos básicos, como la direccionalidad, la domesticación vs. extranjerización, la mediación cultural y muchos otros.

No obstante, la LM ha recibido poca atención por parte de los estudiosos de esta disciplina. De hecho, el interés por la dimensión traductológica de este fenómeno ha sido abordado recientemente desde la propia historiografía lingüística, como lo muestra el quinto volumen de la serie Missionary Linguistics/Lingüística Misionera, de 2014, dedicado a la teoría y práctica de la traducción, donde se pone de relieve la importancia de incluir esta perspectiva para la comprensión de algunos aspectos de este complejo fenómeno. Además de los incluidos en ese volumen, pocos trabajos pueden encontrarse en los que se desarrolle este tipo de enfoque sobre la labor de los misioneros como mediadores culturales (entre ellos, Hernández Sacristán 1997, Durston 2007 y Payàs 2010).

Considero que tanto los conceptos como la metodología de los Estudios de traducción tienen mucho que aportar al diálogo interdisciplinario en torno a la LM y, por supuesto, pueden a su vez beneficiarse de su estudio. Por ello, el objetivo de esta ponencia será presentar un modelo de análisis traductológico-discursivo que permita enfatizar el papel de los misioneros como mediadores culturales y abordar algunos aspectos de su trabajo (incluida la adaptación del metalenguaje gramatical a la nueva realidad lingüística) como estrategias traductológicas. La propuesta de análisis se aplicará al Arte de la lengua mexicana y castellana de Alonso de Molina, y será precedido de una revisión crítica de la bibliografía disponible, con el fin de resaltar los posibles puntos de contacto entre la traductología y las otras disciplinas que participan del interés en este fenómeno.

References Durston, Alan, Pastoral Quechua: The history of Christian translation in Colonial Peru. 1550-1650,

Notre Dame, Indiana: University of Notre Dame Press, 2007. Hernández Sacristán, Carlos, “Categoría formal, categoría funcional y teoría de la traslación en las

primeras gramáticas del náhuatl”, en K. Zimmerman (ed.), La descripción de las lenguas amerindias en la época colonial, Vervuet: Iberoamericana, 1997.

Payàs, Gertrudis, El revés del tapiz. Traducción y discurso de identidad en la Nueva España, 1521-1821, Madrid: Iberoamericana, 2010.

Zimmermann, Klaus, “Translation for colonization and Christianization. The practice of the bilingual edition of Bernardino de Sahagún”, en Zwartjies et al. (eds.), Missionary Linguistics V, pp. 85-112.

Zwartjes, Otto, “The missionaries’ contribution to translation studies in the Spanish colonial period”, en Zwartjies et al. (eds.), Missionary Linguistics V, pp. 1-50.

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Zwartjes, Otto, Klaus Zimmermann y Martina Schrader-Kniffki (eds.), Missionary Linguistics V. Translation theories and practices (selected papers from the Seventh International Conference on Missionary linguistics, Bremen, 28 February-2 March 2012), Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company, 2014.

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Anabela Leal De Barros, University of Minho

A Portuguese and Chinese Dictionary from the 18th century: The edition of the codex 3306 of the National Library of Portugal

Centuries before the birth of sinological studies in Europe, priests and missionaries taken to the East by the Portuguese Discoveries had already begun producing bilingual dictionaries, grammars and language textbooks participated by the Portuguese language and the Chinese, Malay, Japanese, Vietnamese, and many other Asian languages. The cultural and linguistic contacts promoted by the Portuguese from the 16th to the 20th century resulted in an important linguistic legacy that has, by and large, waited until the 21st century for research and editing, with few exceptions. The reason for this neglect of such an important material is certainly the difficulty of establishing an interdisciplinary and interlinguistic academic team, scientifically prepared to read and edit manuscripts in Old Portuguese and Classical Chinese, at different stages of evolution, since de 16th century. The text transcription, the criteria of its fixation, the terms of each edition, in general, and the contrastive study between the languages involved present several problems, difficult to solve without the constant dialogue between researchers in the fields of History of each language involved, History of the Portuguese Discoveries, History of Religions, Literature and Philosophy, since these are the main areas treated and included in metalinguistic texts, from a comparative perspective. In this paper, we will discuss some of the difficulties and challenges of the edition and research of the codex 3306 of the National Library of Portugal, emphasizing the genesis of the manuscript, its anonymous author (undoubtedly a priest or friar), its characterization and some aspects of its linguistic and cultural content.

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Raissa De Gruttola, Università degli Studi di Perugia

Considerations on Chinese Language from a Franciscan Missionary’s Archive

“I am now learning the very difficult Chinese language. The Bishop says that when I acquire good command of it, he will give me a lot of work. And I came here in China to work with all my heart.” “Maybe you would like to know something about China, but I do not know much as I am always studying to learn the language.” These are extracts from two letters written in 1931 by Gabriele Allegra from the Chinese city of Hengyang, Hunan. Gabriele Allegra was an Italian Franciscan missionary who reached China in 1931 with the purpose of translating the Bible in Chinese. He started his translation in 1935 and completed it in 1961, publishing a single volume Bible in 1968. This was the first complete Catholic Bible published in Chinese language and it represents a significant text for Chinese speaking Catholics still today.

Allegra died in Hong Kong in 1976, and in 1986 his body was brought to a convent near his hometown in Italy where it still remains today. In the same convent, there is an archive where a vast amount of material is preserved. This includes published and unpublished papers written by Allegra, together with articles and books on his life and work. Among the autograph documents, there are handwritten and typewritten diaries, letters, notebooks, reports, where many considerations on Chinese language can be found, both from a general and a biblical perspective. After a first analysis of a recently compiled catalogue, papers and notebooks containing translation drafts, tables with translations of proper names from Latin to Chinese, translation of Chinese poems into Latin and Italian language, glossaries and comments on biblical translation were found. A noteworthy document stored in the Archive, is the partial draft of a Greek-Chinese dictionary of biblical terms. Furthermore, many of the introductions and notes accompanying the published translation of biblical books are interesting explanations of translation issues.

The purpose of this proposal is to present the considerations on Chinese language found in the published and unpublished documents written by the missionary Gabriele Allegra. After a brief presentation of his education and missionary activity, the material found in the Archive will be presented, in order to explore the considerations reported in it. The analysis will outline the attitude of a Franciscan missionary toward Chinese language, and how it influenced his translation of the Bible, in a very important period for the history of the Catholic Church in China.

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Anna Di Toro, Università per Stranieri di Siena

‘I. Bičurin’s ideas on Chinese language between European and Chinese linguistic categories’

Iakinf Bičurin (1777-1853) devoted to Chinese language his grammar book (Hanwen qimeng漢文啟蒙, Kitajskaja Grammatika, 1835) and several pages in his works (for ex., in San’-czy-czin, ili Troeslovie s litografirovannym kitajskim testo, 1829, or in Kitaj. Ego žiteli, obyčai, prosvešenie, 1840). In the Preface to the Kitajskaja Grammatika, Bičurin wrote: ‘In the Chinese grammars that have been published till now in the various European languages is contained […] almost everything we need for a fundamental knowledge of Chinese language and script; in composing this grammar book, all I had to do was to integrate the lack of rules, giving to the grammar the order that is required by the complete removal (ustranenie) of the Chinese language, with all its peculiarities, from all the other languages.’ But how did Bičurin implement the “removal” of the Chinese language from the European linguistic categories? Following the path of J. de Prémare, the Russian missionary introduced the traditional Chinese categories (shizi 實字 and xuzi 虛字), to explain the mechanism of the language, but devised also the theory of ‘mental inflection’ (umstvennye izmenenija, literally “mental changes”) to explain the peculiarity of Chinese, probably with the aim to give Chinese a dignity equal to that given by early 19th century European linguists to the “superior” inflectional languages.

In my paper I shall explore the presence of both European and Chinese linguistic categories in Bičurin’s analysis of Chinese, paying a special attention to the inspiration he drew from previous works by missionary linguists. I shall also deal with early XIXth century European debate about inflectional and non-inflectional languages and its influence on the ideas on Chinese language developed by the Russian sinologist.

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Ding Ruizhong, University of Bonn

The Contribution of Confucian-Christian Wang Zheng to Chinese Linguistics

In the late Ming Dynasty, the Sino-Western cultural exchange is one important part of global history. The Linguistics plays a quite essential role in the communication.

From Portuguese-Chinese Dictionary 葡漢詞典, Xi Zi Yao Jue 西字要訣 to Xi Ru Er Mu Zi 西儒

耳目資, the missionaries made more contributions, then they could study Chinese culture and further to missionize. Xi Ru Er Mu Zi is a linguistic work, which was compiled by Nicolas Trigault 金尼閣 (1577-1629) and Chinese intellectuals, such as Confucian-Christian Wang Zheng 王徵(1571-1644). He not only collaborated with Nicolas Trigault on the work, but also made his creative contribution, such as the two chapters, the explanation of Xi Ru Er Mu Zi 西儒耳目資释疑 and San yun duikao 三韻兌考 were wrote by him. His contributions have profound influences on the Romanization of Chinese pronunciation. I will analyse the contents of these two chapters, and find what are the linguistic contributions of Wang Zheng?

In the chapter of Shiyi 释疑, Wang summarized the innovations of Xi Ru Er Mu Zi and enumerated 51 clauses, in which he pointed out the deficiencies of Chinese traditional Linguistics and the Latin letters could pronounce the Chinese characters precisely. He drew many new linguistic concepts and terms into Chinese. He also persuaded the Chinese scholars to learn Latin letters actively which was simpler to master the Chinese characters than the traditional way. Wang Zheng compared Latin syllables with Chinese three works of syllables in San yun duikao 三韻兌考, he found out that there were only 50 syllables in Chinese works of syllables corresponding to Latin syllables. By comparing he found the insufficiences of Chinese syllables. Eventually he intended to supplement his study, there may be a great dictionary compiled by Wang Zheng, but it was a pity that plan was stopped.

This is the important cultural exchange phenomenon between China and European. These two languages systerms met each other and integrated by the scholars four hundreds year ago, the linguistic integration is the basis of cultural exchange, from this elementary work, the Chinese scholars could learn Latin and translate the western works into Chinese more profoundly, at the same time the missionaries could understand Chinese culture thoroughly.

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Joaquim Rinald D'Souza, Research Unit of History, KU Leuven

Hoffmann’s Mundarica: understanding contexts, reframing identity

The European colonisation of the South Asian subcontinent from the sixteenth to the twentieth centuries formed contact zones where disparate cultures not only met and clashed with each other but also imagined and shaped each others’ histories and worldviews. Language and linguistics had much to contribute to these encounters. While colonial missionary linguistics did shape language into tools of power, surveillance and colonial difference; it could also be argued that missionary linguistics offered a more didactic approach that aided the missionary’s mission of proselytization as well as cultural accommodation and negotiation.

This paper is a historical exploration of the linguistic works of the German Jesuit missionary John Baptist Hoffmann (1857-1928), a social worker and reformer among the Mundas in Chota Nagpur in central India. His works on the Mundari Grammar (1903), A Mundari Grammar with Exercises, 2 volumes (1905) and his magnum opus, the Encyclopaedia Mundarica, 16 volumes, (1930) are a major contribution to the Munda tribe as also the Adivasis in general.

Earlier linguistic works on the Adivasi languages (Tickell, 1840; Hodgson, 1848; Phillips, 1852; Campbell, 1866; Puxley, 1868; Das, 1871; Skrefsrud, 1873; Coates 1875; Pendercast, 1881; Cust, 1884; de Smet, 1891; Crooke, 1892; Banerjee, 1894; Campbell, 1899) notwithstanding, Hoffmann’s Grammar proved very functional for missionaries studying the Mundari language. Moreover, his Encyclopaedia Mundarica was a marked departure from earlier linguistic works on the Mundas. Apart from being a descriptive dictionary of the Mundari language, the Mundarica was a detailed ethnographic study of the Mundas.

There has been a spurt of studies in Munda linguistics (e.g. Anderson, 2007, 2015; Zide, Anderson, 2008; Peterson, 2010) that have advanced from Hoffmann’s works while also contributing to a scientific understanding of Adivasi languages. However, this paper seeks to argue that what sets Hoffmann’s linguistic works apart is the social and cultural contexts in which they were constructed and how they reframed those very contexts again. Rather than participating in a colonial civilising mission, Hoffmann’s works sought to recover Adivasi civilisation and thus assert and reframe Adivasi identity vis-à-vis its colonisers: the Indian elites and the British colonizers. Studying these contexts is key to understanding Hoffmann’s contribution to Mundari linguistics.

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Eun Mi Bae, University of Rey Juan Carlos

Expressions of Linguistic Politeness and Impoliteness in the Missionary Grammar of Chinese and Japanese Languages during the 17th-18th century

The advent of Christopher Columbus in New World in 1492 and the arrival of a Spanish expedition led by Ferdinand Magellan in the Philippine archipelago in 1521, provided the missionaries extremely important opportunities not just to spread the Catholic doctrine, but also to experience numerous exotic languages from the different continents. According to the manuscripts of the Chinese and Japanese grammars survived up until nowadays edited during the sixteenth and seventeenth century, the European religious grammarians confronted another complication, namely politeness. The cultures in Far East, still in modern-day, were strongly influenced by Confucianism (Jukyō じゅきょう in Japanese, Rújiào 儒教 in Chinese) that usually refers to politeness and social etiquette rather than religion. Despite the existence of grammatical metalanguage and the quite solid tradition of written culture in the societies, it was still utterly difficult task in the intercultural context to translate its cultural-ideological link between expressions of linguistic politeness.

Politeness deals with considerate manner or courtesy behavior to other people. Whether polite action or speech, they all should respect the customary norms of a society and perform within accepted social usages. That implies that the expressions of politeness are involved in both language and culture. The authors of missionary grammar, therefore, struggled with coding the expressions of politeness into the grammars such as Chinese and Japanese based on the Greek-Latin grammatical tradition. Japanese politeness such as Korean politeness explicitly instructs in the grammar and Chinese politeness is far much less grammatically expressed. The missionaries, however, intended to describe them as linguistical as possible.

The scope of this paper is to analyze the expressions of linguistic politeness and impoliteness in the missionary grammar of the Chinese and Japanese languages documented during the sixteenth and seventeenth century. Here are five edited and two inedited manuscripts of Chinese and Japanese grammars that will be used as follows: Arte de la lengua mandarina (Francisco Varo 1703), Arte de la lengua chinica (Rodríguez Juan c. 18th century), Arte da Lingoa de Iapam (João Rodrigues 1604-1608), Arte Breve da Lingoa Iapoa (Ibid.1620), Ars Grammaticae Iaponicae Linguae (Diego Collado 1632), Arte de la lengua de Japon (Juan de Jesús 1682) and Arte de la lengua japonesa (Melchor Oyanguren de Santa Inés 1738).

This study of missionary grammars of the languages in Far East reflects not only the history of linguistics in general, but also the history of the written grammars of Chinese and Japanese vernacular languages during the seventeenth and eighteenth century.

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Giulia Falato, Sapienza Università di Roma

A preliminary investigation on the translations of the names of animals and their crosscultural representations in late Ming Jesuit humanistic works

Ever since the earliest stages of the introduction of European scientia (and religion) to the late Ming

literati, the Jesuits understood the importance of emphasising the aspects that the two traditions had in common, while avoiding points of friction. From a literary perspective, this strategy resulted in the selection of a particular range of topics that could be better received and accepted by the Chinese readers, along with the adaptation of specific terminology mainly borrowed from the Four Books and Five Classics to express terms or notions of foreign origin.

The edifying use of metaphors or anecdotes related to nature and animals was particularly frequent in the so-called “wisdom literature” of the Jesuits, i.e. literary works that emphasised moral teaching over Christian themes, and “were enjoyed as an exotic type of shanshu 善書 (moral books)”. The use the symbolic representation of animals featuring human virtues or vices was well rooted in the Classical and Renaissance literary tradition: these rhetorical strategies appeared, for instance, in the masterpiece on natural history by Pliny the Elder, the Historia Naturalis (c. 1st century A.D.), and in the eminent work on zoology by Swiss professor Cornad Gessner (1516 – 1565), the Historiae animalium (1551 – 1558), which were both used by the Jesuits as literary sources. In their texts, the Jesuits drew upon this symbolism and attempted to create cross-cultural representations where possible, which were reflected in their translation choices. The present work attempts a preliminary investigation into the most frequently recurring representations of animals in late Ming Jesuit humanistic texts. In particular, it seeks to highlight the following aspects:

• the method of translation (phonemic loan or semantic loan)

• the source term (Latin, Spanish, Portuguese or pre-existing in Chinese language)

• diachronic evolution of the term

• the characteristics of these animals in European symbolism

• their characteristics in Chinese symbolism (where applicable).

The analysis is carried out by cross-checking a selection of works on moral, geographical and pedagogical subjects authored by Matteo Ricci (1552-1610), Alfonso Vagnone (1568-1640), Giulio Aleni (1582-1649), Ferdinand Verbiest (1623-1688) and other Jesuits that excelled in humanistic writing in Chinese language. By integrating lexical and pragmatic perspectives, this study intends to share fresh insights into the Jesuits’perception of Chinese language and culture and to provide a humble contribution to the history of cross-cultural exchanges between China and the West.

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Noel Golvers, Ku Leuven

Jesuits in China in the 17th/18th centuries as translators between China and Europe

Jesuits in China in the 17th & 18th centuries arrived in a complex linguistic situation, in which Western and Far Eastern languages were coexisting in various ways, in their oral communication and their reading (see the 8-languages libraries’ holdings). Since the Longobardo library project (1613 etc.) the central aim was, to transmit by translation - on the basis of comprehensive Western libraries - Western learning (xixue) with (and in function of) the Teaching to Chinese people, literati and other (“pauperes”), translating from the different Western linguistic traditions (esp. Latin, but also several modern vernaculars), and using also large Chinese book collections for making ‘translations’ for the Western readers. Both libraries were not only used ‘independently’ but occasionally also ‘crossed’ (compared; complemented) with each other. Central in this process of reading / mutual translation was a ‘battery’ of dictionaries and grammars of / on some 8 European ‘source languages’, and instruments for the study of Chinese as the ‘target language’ (the support of Chinese assistants is barely mentioned in the Western sources, but known from the paratext of the Chinese printings). Continuing and complementing some earlier contributions in the field (Tsuen-hsuin Tsien; Ronnie Po-chia Hsia; Huiyi Wu), I will focus in this contribution especially (but not necessarily in this order) on: (a) the typology of Western / Chinese texts, which were translated (esp. less well-known categories, such as official documents; Chinese newspapers (etc.); (b) which 'vocabularia' (word lists) and bi- or even trilingual dictionaries are mentioned in the Western sources (making here a clear distinction between those made by Europeans for their own behalf and the native Chinese dictionaries; occasional skepticism on the ‘feasibility’ of such dictionaries), (c) some observations on the unequal linguistic competences showed by a series of individual Jesuits; (d) the methodology they applied when using these dictionaries, and when translating, (e) the typology of Romanization of Chinese names, etc.

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Juan María Gómez Gómez, Universidad de Extremadura

La Sintaxis de Álvares editada en México (1579) como réplica a la Gramática latina de Maturino Gilberti (México, 1559)

Como se ha expuesto recientemente en otro lugar, la Sintaxis de Álvares publicada por los jesuitas en Nueva España en 1579 por un lado resalta en su prólogo la importancia de las figuras de construcción como herramientas para el correcto aprendizaje de la lengua latina, y, por otro, incorpora novedades sobre las ediciones europeas del libro segundo de Álvares de uso común, como, por ejemplo, el uso generalizado de versos mnemotécnicos o la adición de un capítulo de Copia. En esta comunicación se explican estos cambios y la importancia otorgada a ellos en el prólogo desde el punto de vista de la competencia que se produciría con la Gramática latina del franciscano Maturino Gilberti (México, 1559).

The Syntax of Alvares published in Mexico (1579) as a replica to the Latin grammar of Maturino Gilberti (Mexico, 1559).

As it has been explained in another place recently, Alvares Syntax published by the Jesuits in New Spain in 1579, highlights, on the one hand, the importance of the construction figures as tools for a correct learning of the Latin language in his foreword, and on the other hand, it incorporates some newness and developments about the common use of European editions of Alvares second book, such as the widespread use of mnemonics verses or the addition of one chapter of Copia. In this communication, these changes and the importance given to them in the prologue are explained from the point of view of the competition that could occur with the Latin Grammar of the Franciscan Maturino Gilberti (Mexico, 1559).

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Gonçalo Fernandes, University of Trás-os-Montes and Alto Douro (UTAD) / Center for the Studies in Letters (CEL)

First Mozambican Lexicographic works by missionaries from Portuguese Patronage

This paper is a first endeavor to describe the main lexicographic works written by missionaries from Portuguese Patronage in the current territories of Mozambique (eastern Africa), since the beginning of Portuguese colonization. Mozambique has, according to the NELIMO, a research center from the Eduardo Mondlane University, in Maputo, 41 native languages, being only Portuguese the official language.

Various Mozambican languages were described by the missionaries from Portuguese Patronage mostly after the Berlin Conference (1884-1885) and the “re-establishment” of the religious orders, which were suppressed in 1834 by the Portuguese Minister of Justice Joaquim António de Aguiar (1792–1884).

All manuscript vocabularies written in the early centuries of Portuguese colonization remain disappeared. As a consequence, I only present some of the first printed dictionaries of Makhuwa, Chisena, Cinyanja and Cinyungwe. It deserves a special reference the Jesuits Pierre Dupeyron (1855–1935) and Victor Joseph Courtois (1846–1894), and the secular priests from the Sociedade Missionária da Boa Nova (SMBN) [Missionary Societies of Good News] Alexandre Valente de Matos (1917–1997) and António Pires Prata (1914–1984).

References Primary Sources Alves, Albano. 1939. Dicionário Português-Chisena e Chisena-Português. Lisboa: Casa Portuguesa. Bleek, W. H. I. 1856. The Languages of Mosambique: Vocabularies of the dialects of Lourenzo

Marques, Inhambane, Sofala, Tette, Sena, Quellimane, Mosambique, Cape Delgado, Anjoane, The Maravi, Mudsau, &c. drawn up from the manuscripts of Dr. WM. Peters, M. Berl. Acad., and from other materials. London: Harrison and Sons.

Courtois, Victor José. 1899. Diccionario Portuguez-Cafre-Tetense ou idioma fallado no Districto de Tete e na vasta região do Zambeze Inferior. Coimbra: Imprensa da Universidade.

Courtois, Victor José. 1900. Diccionario Cafre-Tetense-Portuguez ou idioma fallado no Districto de Tete e na vasta região do Zambeze Inferior. Coimbra: Imprensa da Universidade.

Dupeyron, Pedro. ca.1880. Pequeno Vademecum da Lingua Bantu na Provincia de Moçambique ou Breve Estudo da Lingua Chi-Yao ou Adjaua comparada com os dialectos de Sena, Tete e Quelimane e seguida d'um vocabulario da mesma lingua e da de Quelimane. Lisboa: Administração do Novo Mensageiro do Coração de Jesus.

Jesuits. 1963. Dicionário Cinyanja-Português [editado por Gonçalves Kamtedza y Domingos Isaac Mlauzi]. Lisboa: Junta de Investigação do Ultramar.

Jesuits. 1964. Dicionário Português-Cinyanja, editado por Gonçalves Kamtedza y Domingos Isaac Mlauzi. Lisboa: Junta de Investigação do Ultramar.

Matos, Alexandre Valente de. 1974. Dicionário Português-Macua. Lisboa: Junta de Investigações Científicas do Ultramar.

Prata, António Pires. 1973. Dicionário Português-Macua. Cucujães: Sociedade Missionária Portuguesa.

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Ana Segovia Gordillo, Universidad Rey Juan Carlos

El tratamiento de la interjección en las gramáticas coloniales de la lengua quechua

En esta comunicación examinaremos el tratamiento que recibe la categoría de la interjección en nueve gramáticas sobre el quechua compuestas entre 1560 y 1753 (v. bibliografía, fuentes primarias). Teniendo en cuenta que los lingüistas misioneros toman al latín como referente metodológico y conceptual de cómo enseñar una segunda lengua, nuestro primer objetivo será descubrir qué tratamiento hacen de la tradición latina heredada los gramáticos de la lengua quechua. En segundo lugar, procuraremos sacar a la luz las novedades introducidas por los lingüistas misioneros a la hora de explicar esta categoría y mostrar las interrelaciones existentes entre las distintas gramáticas del quechua, pues conforman una tradición gramaticográfica propia. Para ello, tras revisar Viñaza (1977 [1892]) y Niederehe (1995, 1999 y 2005), así como las bibliografías específicas sobre la lengua quechua elaboradas por Rivet y Créqui-Monfort (1951) y por Medina (1930), hemos seleccionado aquellas artes coloniales de la lengua quechua con paradero conocido y hemos cotejado la sección dedicada a la interjección. Los principales resultados de este trabajo se exponen a continuación. Los misioneros estudiados no tuvieron en consideración las modificaciones nebrisenses de la Gramática Castellana (1492), porque para ellos la interjección es una clase de palabra independiente, tal y como consideraron Antonio de Nebrija (1441/44–1522) en sus gramáticas latinas o Manuel Álvares (1526-1583) en su De institutione grammatica libri tres (2002a [1572]). Además, los gramáticos del quechua proponen definiciones de la interjección con claras reminiscencias clásicas y dos de ellos (Torres Rubio y Juan de Aguilar) añaden la importancia del valor contextual para delimitar su significado. Por otra parte, entre los gramáticos considerados destaca la labor de González Holguín, pues incluye nuevas clases de interjecciones a las que no se había aludido con anterioridad ni en las fuentes hispánicas ni misioneras y recoge los verbos quechuas que se forman a partir de las interjecciones. Estas particularidades dejarán su huella en las gramáticas de Torres Rubio, Sancho de Melgar y Aguilar.

References Fuentes primarias Aguilar, Juan de. 1939 [1690]. Arte de la lengua quichua general de los Indios del Perú. Ed.

facsimilar de Radames A. Altieri. Tucumán: Instituto de Antropología. Álvares, Manuel. 2002 [1572]. De institutione grammatica libri tres. Ed. de Rogelio Ponce de León

Romeo. Madrid: Universidad Complutense, Servicio de Publicaciones. Anónimo (Blas Valera). 2014 [1586]. Arte y vocabulario en la lengua general del Perú. Edición

interpretada y modernizada de Rodolfo Cerrón-Palomino, Raúl Bendezú-Araujo y Jorge Acurio Palma. Lima: Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, Instituto Riva-Agüero.

Anónimo. 1586. Arte y vocabulario en la lengua general del Perú llamada qquichua, y en la lengua Española. Lima: Antonio Ricardo.

Anónimo. 1603 [1586]. Gramática y vocabolario [sic] en la lengua general del Perú, llamada quichua, y en la lengua española. Sevilla: Clemente Hidalgo.

Anónimo. 1604 [1586]. Vocabulario en la lengua general del Perú llamada quichua, y en la lengua española. Nuevamente emendado y añadido de algunas cosas que faltavan por el padre maestro Fray Juan Martínez. Lima: Antonio Ricardo.

Anónimo. 1614 [1586]. Arte, y vocabvlario en la lengua general del Perú llamada quichua, y en la lengua española. Lima: Francisco del Canto.

Anónimo. 1753. Breve instrucción, o arte para entender la lengua común de los indios, según se habla en la Provincia de Quito. Lima: Imprenta de la Plazuela de San Cristóbal.

Anónimo. 2009 [1586]. Arte y vocabulario en la lengua general del Peru llamada Quichua, y en la lengua española (1586). Ed. facsimilar del original conservado en la Biblioteca Nacional de

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España de Madrid [BNE R/9166]. Estudio de Julio Calvo Pérez. Madrid: Agencia Española de Cooperación Internacional para el Desarrollo.

González Holguín, Diego. 1607. Gramática y arte nueva de la lengua general de todo el Perú, llamada lengua qquichua, o lengua del Inca. Lima: Francisco del Canto.

Huerta, Alonso de. 1616. Arte de la lengua quechua general de los indios de este reino del Pirú. Lima: Francisco del Canto.

Nebrija, Elio Antonio de. 1992 [1492]. Gramática Castellana, introd. y notas de Miguel Ángel Esparza y Ramón Sarmiento. Madrid: Fundación Antonio de Nebrija.

Nebrija, Elio Antonio de. 1996 [c. 1488]. Introduciones latinas contrapuesto el romance al latín (c.1488). Ed. de Miguel Ángel Esparza y Vicente Calvo. Münster: Nodus Publikationen.

Roxo Mexía y Ocón, Juan. 1648. Arte de la lengua general de los indios del Perú. Lima: Jorge López de Herrera.

Sancho de Melgar, Esteban. 1691. Arte de la lengua general del Inga llamada qquechhua. Lima: Diego de Lira.

Santo Tomás, Domingo de. 1560. Gramática o arte de la lengua general de los indios de los reinos del Perú. Valladolid: Francisco Fernández de Córdoba. Santo Tomás, Domingo de. 1994 [1560]. Gramática o arte de la lengua general de los indios de los

reinos del Perú por el maestro fray Domingo de S. Thomas. Ed. facsimilar, transliteración y estudio por Rodolfo Cerrón-Palomino. Madrid: Cultura Hispánica, Agencia Española de Cooperación Internacional para el Desarrollo.

Torres Rubio, Diego de, y Figueredo, Juan. c. 1700 [1619]. Arte de la lengua quichua. Lima: José de Contreras y Alvarado.

Torres Rubio, Diego de. 1619. Arte de la lengua quichua. Lima: Francisco Lasso. Torres Rubio, Diego de; Figueredo, Juan; y Anónimo .1754 [c. 1700, 1619]. Arte y vocabulario de la

lengua quichua general de los indios del Perú. Lima: Imprenta de la Plazuela de San Cristóbal.

Fuentes secundarias Calvo Pérez, Julio. 1993. Pragmática y gramática del quechua cuzqueño. Cuzco: Centro de Estudios

Regionales Andinos Bartolomé de las Casas. Calvo Pérez, Julio. 1994. “Las gramáticas de Nebrija y las primeras gramáticas del quechua”. Actas

del Congreso Internacional de Historiografía Lingüística. Nebrija V centenario ed. by Ricardo Escavy Zamora, José Miguel Hernández Terrés & Antonio Roldán Pérez, vol. II, 63-80. Murcia: Secretariado de Publicaciones e Intercambio Científico, Universidad de Murcia.

Calvo Pérez, Julio. 2000. “Las gramáticas del Siglo de Oro quechua: originalidad y diversidad”. Las gramáticas misioneras de tradición hispánica (siglos XVIXVII), ed. by Otto Zwartjes, 125-201. Amsterdam & Atlanta: Rodopi.

Calvo Pérez, Julio. 2004. “El siglo de Oro de la Lingüística Amerindia: el caso del quechua”. Dos mundos, dos culturas o de la historia (natural y moral) entre España y Perú. Congreso Internacional «Dos mundos, dos culturas: la huella peruana en la ciencia española» (Lima, diciembre 1999) ed. by Fermín del Pino Díaz, 201-226. Frankfurt am Main & Madrid: Iberoamericana Vervuert.

Cerrón Palomino, Rodolfo. 1987. Lingüística quechua. Cuzco: Centro de Estudios Rurales Andinos Bartolomé de las Casas.

Cueto Vallverdú, Natalia, y Mª Jesús López Bobo. 2003. La interjección: semántica y pragmática. Madrid: Arco/Libros.

Edeso Natalías, Verónica. 2009. Contribución al estudio de la interjección en español. Frankfurt: Peter Lang.

Mannheim, Bruce. 1991. The Language of The Inka since the European invasión. Austin: University of Texas Press.

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Medina, José Toribio. 1930. Bibliografía de las lenguas quechua y aymará. New York: Museum of the American Indian, Heye Foundation.

Niederehe, Hans-Josef. 1995. Bibliografía cronológica de la lingüística, la gramática y la lexicografía del español (BICRES): desde los comienzos hasta el año 1600. Amsterdam & Philadelphia: John Benjamins.

Niederehe, Hans-Josef. 1999. Bibliografía cronológica de la lingüística, la gramática y la lexicografía del español (BICRES II): desde el año 1601 hasta el año 1700. Amsterdam & Philadelphia: John Benjamins.

Niederehe, Hans-Josef. 2005. Bibliografía cronológica de la lingüística, la gramática y la lexicografía del español (BICRES III): desde el año 1701 hasta el año 1800. Amsterdam & Philadelphia: John Benjamins.

Rivet, Paul & Georges de Créqui-Montfort. 1951. Bibliographie des langues aymara et kicua. vol. I (1540-1875). Paris: Institut d’Ethnologie.

Robins, R. H. 2000 [1967]. Breve historia de la lingüística. Madrid: Cátedra. Torres Sánchez, María Ángeles. 2000. La interjección. Cádiz: Universidad de Cádiz. Viñaza, Conde de la [Muñoz y Manzano, Cipriano]. 1977 [1892]. Bibliografía española de lenguas

indígenas de América. Madrid: Atlas.

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Alonso Guerrero Galván, Dirección de Lingüística del INAH, México

El Contacto escritural en domumentos Otomíes de los siglos XVI al XVIII

El contacto lingüístico sucede en todos los niveles de la lengua, pero ¿también se da en la forma en que se registra la lengua?, resulta evidente que en términos diacrónicos los cambios inducidos por contacto lingüísticos se registran por escrito, sin embargo ¿podríamos decir que los sistemas de escritura entran en contacto?, ¿si los escribientes manejan más de un sistema de escritura, puede compartir elementos en un mismo texto sin llegar a la traducción o al palimpsesto? La respuesta a estas preguntas seguramente dependerá de muchísimas variables, como el interlocutor que se busca, el mensaje que se quiere hacer llegar, la situación comunicativa, el estilo y la técnica que se posea o se disponga. En el trabajo se expondrán algunos aspectos del contacto escritural entre los otomíes de los siglos XVI al XVIII, los cuales vivieron un proceso de desplazamiento escritural, que los llevó a abandonar la escritura logográfica y adquirir la alfabética.

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Katsumi Iwasawa, Sophia University, Tokyo

'The source of “Rosario no Kyo” and its translation' Summary

The Dominican Juan de los Angeles (Juan de Rueda) translated literature published to translations Ioan Sagastizabal (1597) and Ieronimo Taix (1556) in Manila twice in 1622 and 1623. These translations are rare examples written in Japanese by the Dominican.

Evangelization in Japan in the 16th and 17th centuries, was done by three orders, of which only Jesuits and Dominicans published in Japanese. It is rare to find two religious orders left published records of one single language of a same period. These two orders contrast sharply in terms of the standardization of wording, especially in translating western documents. Jesuits exerted strict standardization in its Japanese translations. On the other hand, the Dominicans show little concern on standardizing their publications, especially in "Rosario no Kyo"(1623) . For example, Jesuits always use "paadere" for translating "padre" and "sacerdote",

whereas "Rosario no Kyo"(1623) translates "prelado" as "giŭgi" (a Buddhist term for the superior of a monastery) as well as "paadere", sporadically.

The difference between these two Orders is also evident in the posture of translation. The difference of standardization does not confine itself in translating texts, but also in compilation of dictionaries. The Jesuit Japanese dictionaries (1595, 1603) and the Dominican one (1632) show a same tendency. This difference may also hold between the Jesuit Japanese grammars (1604, 1620) and the Dominican grammar (1632). These grammars of Japanese may have to go under a thorough review in terms of the level of intentional and normative standardization of Japanese by these two orders.

References Primary sources Ioan Sagastizabal "Exortacion a la santa devocion del Rosario de la Madre de Dios" (1597, Aragon) Ieronimo Taix "Llibre dels miracles de Nra. Sra. Del Roser y del modo de dir lo rosari de aquella"

(1556, Barcelona); Juan de los Angeles "Rosario Kiroku" (1622, Manilla); Juan de los Angeles "Rosario no Kyo" (1623, Manilla); "Dictionarium Latino-Lusitanicum ad Japonicum" (1595, Amakusa, Japan); "Dictionarivmsive Thesavri Linguae Iaponicae Compendivm (1632, Roma); Ioão Rodriguez "Arte da lingoa de Iapam"(1604, Amakusa, Japan); Ioão Rodriguez "Arte Breve da Lingoa Iapoa"(1620, Macao); Diego collado "Ars Grammaticae Iaponicae Lingvae" (1632, Roma).

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Maia Jijava, Tbilisi State University “Ivane Javakhishvili” (TSU); Tsiuri Akhvlediani, Tbilisi State University “Ivane Javakhishvili”; Giovanni Giacomantonio, Italian Language and Culture Centre “Minerva”, Tbilisi (Georgia)

Sociocultural and linguistic influences of Italian missionaries in the 17th century in Georgia.

The presence of Theatine missionaries in Georgia, Christian land since the time of Constantine but not Catholic, occurred in the 17th century. The “Propaganda Fide” congregation entrusted this mission to the Theatine monks in 1626. The mission was immediately implemented, so that in 1628 the first two missionaries were already in Georgia.

Other missionaries came to small groups in the following years and arrivals came after long journeys from Constantinople, where they encountered many problems, or passing from Syria and then from Persia.

The first missionaries arrived in the region of Kartli (Georgia's eastern region), where they were welcomed by King Teimuraz with circumspection and without reserving them a special welcome.

The mission did not give the expected results from the point of religious conversion but provided a significant contribution in the field of medicine, art and construction, as well as in the military sector, thanks to the presence with the friars, of experts and artisans specializing in such sectors.

Acting in this way, the missionaries immediately conquered the benevolence of the monarchs and assumed the greatest role. Slowly the mission expanded to the regions of Samegrelo (west region of Georgia), where the missionaries were welcomed by Prince Laevan Dadiani.

Among the missionaries who went to Georgia, for research purposes are:

• Arcangelo Lamberto (XIV century) "Relazione della Colchide hoggi detta Mengrellia" (Naples, 1654) and "Colchide Sacra" (Naples, 1657);

• Cristoforo Castelli (XVII century) with his manuscripts, including writings and drawings, which remain today, an essential, if not unique, testimony, both from the historical and pictorial point of view of life and characters of the time in Georgia.

Although Castelli's albums, between texts and images, may appear to be affected by a “sometimes-incomplete” narrative style, they play a very important role in spreading this country's culture in Europe.

In the writings of the Theatine monk, and in particular those of the missionary Cristoforo Castelli, many of which are still kept in the museums and archives of the Vatican City in Rome, valuable information on Georgian culture and traditions is collected.

This research, based essentially on older texts, constitute an attempt of analysis between an Ibero-Caucasian (Georgian) and Indo-European languages (Latin and Italian) and of its sociocultural aspects.

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Atsuko Kawaguchi, Faculty of Humanities, Law and Economics, Mie University, Tsu City

Notations in Romanized Japanese: A comparison of Spanish missionaries’ texts and Jesuits’ texts

The Kirishitan texts related to Japanese Christians from the late 16th century to the early 17th century include Japanese words written in the Roman alphabet (Romaji). The Jesuits who came to Japan in mid-16th century wrote some texts in Portuguese-style Romaji. Then, the Dominicans who came to Japan after the Jesuits, referenced the Romaji of Jesuits’ style for their publications, including Rosario Kiroku (Manila, 1622) and Rosario no Kyo (Manila, 1623), and Diego Collado’s books (Rome, 1632).

However, the Romaji in the printings are very standardized but the Romaji in the manuscripts have some difference from the Romaji in the printings. For example, while in the Jesuits’ printings the Japanese Kana tsu is transcribed as “tçu”, it is written as “ççu” (and “tçu”) in the manuscripts.

The Japanese linguist Tadao Doi mentions the originality of the Romanized Japanese notations in the manuscripts of Relacíon del Reino de Nippon by Spaniard Bernardino de Avila Girón by comparing them with the notations in Jesuits’ printings. Additionally, I have pointed out in a previous paper the similarities of the notations in the manuscripts of Relacíon del Reino de Nippon and the Franciscan manuscript by Diego de Chinchón OFM. It shows that there is a common notation style in the Spanish missionaries’ manuscripts and it is different from the style the Jesuits used.

Sample notations

Jesuits Spanish missionaries (Manuscripts) (Printings) (Manuscripts) (Printings)

tsu ççu, tçu tçu tzu, tz tçu wa ua, va ua, va ua, va, gua ua, va

In this presentation, I will present an analysis of the differences in the notations found in the Jesuits’ texts and the Spanish missionaries’ texts. In Collado’s draft-manuscript and the printed books, Japanese words are mainly written in Portuguese-style Romaji, but there are a few unique and curious notations.

(Collado) (Expected notation)

mitsu [honey] mizu mitçu kugatsu [September] cuguatç, cuguat cuguat

My analysis will show that Collado’s irregular notations are not errors, but the result of the influence of the notations found in the manuscripts by the Spanish missionaries. I will use these texts to show the examples of the notations of Romanized Japanese: the Jesuits’ manuscripts including the Barretto manuscript (Vatican Library Reg. Lat. 459), the dictionaries and the grammar books published by the Jesuits, the manuscripts of Relacíon del Reino de Nippon by Avila Girón, the manuscript by Diego de Chinchón OFM (Franciscan Ibero-Oriental Archive 23-1), Collado’s draft-manuscript dictionary Vocabulario de la Lengua Japona (Vatican Library Borg. cin. 501), and Collado’s printed books.

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Kichigin Kirill, MSU Lomonosov, Mosca

"The grammar of a Siberian dialect of the Tatar language (1801), tradition and innovation"

En el presente artículo se analiza una gramática de finales del siglo XVIII en la que se describe un dialecto de la lengua tártara hablada en Siberia "Грамматика татарского языка" (Gramátika tatárskogo yaziká) (San Petersburgo, 1801). In the present article it is analyzed a grammar of the end of the 18th century in which a dialect of the Tatar language spoken in Siberia is described "Грамматика татарского языка" (Gramátika tatárskogo yaziká) (Saint Petersburg, 1801). The work was written in Russian by a priest-intellectual Yosif Giganov who was teaching at a school in Tobolsk. The objective of the grammar in question was to strengthen the cultural and commercial contacts between the subjects of the Russian Empire that come to populate the territories of Siberia and the Tatar native population. The grammar is not missionary stricto sensu. However, it presents traits that bring it closer to the category of missionary grammars and, at the same time, it has peculiarities that may be of some importance for the understanding of the status of the Greco-Roman canon and the level of development of the linguistic theory of the end of the 18th century (in Russia, in particular, and in Asia and Europe, in general). Specifically, in this article an attempt is made to analyze the role of the Greco- Latin grammatical tradition and the peculiarities that distinguish this grammar. The following conclusions are made. In the author's grammatical description, the approach developed in the framework of the Greco-Latin tradition is clearly perceived, which was reflected in the structure and organization of the material and the treatment of word classes, the explanation of some linguistic phenomena such as gender and nominal cases, verb moods etc. On the other hand, (like the missionary grammars (of XVI and XVII centuries)) the grammar in question displays theoretical innovations in the treatment of some linguistic phenomena (affixes, inflexions). Among its peculiarities is the fact that the theoretical basis is not only that which was developed from Latin and Greek grammars, but also that which was elaborated based on the analysis of the Russian language. Thus, for example, in the treatment of some phenomena of the Tatar language the author relies on his understanding of the structural organization of the Russian language and on several occasions he even chooses it as the point of reference (the description of aspectual classes of verbs, among others).

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Emi Kishimoto, Osaka University

Influence of João Rodriguez’s Japanese grammar books seen in Alexandre de Rhodes’ Vietnamese books

The French Jesuit Alexandre de Rhodes (1591–1660) was engaged in missionary work in Vietnam for more than ten years after which he published two books in Vietnamese: Dictionarium annamiticum lusitanicum, et latinum, Vietnamese-Portuguese-Latin dictionary, and Catechismus pro iis, qui volunt suscipere baptismum, in octo dies divisus, Catechism in Vietnamese and Latin, in 1651 in Rome. The dictionary consists of main three parts: a trilingual dictionary, a Latin index of the dictionary, and a short explanation of Vietnamese language, Linguae Annamiticae Seu Tunchinensis Brevis Declaratio.

Before coming to Vietnam, Rhodes originally studied Japanese language to prepare for missionary work in Japan. However, he was sent to Vietnam instead of Japan because of the severe persecution of Christians in Japan. Although he must have studied Japanese by reading two Japanese grammar books by the Portuguese Jesuit João Rodriguez (1561/1562–1633), Arte da lingoa de Iapam (1604–1608) and Arte Breue da lingoa Iapoa (1620), we hardly have any evidence of how Rhodes was influenced by Rodriguez’s grammar books and other Japanese books printed by missionaries. In this paper, I present some evidence in Rhodes’s summarized Vietnamese grammar that refers to Rodriguez.

References Fernandes, G. and Assunção, C. (2014) Cuốn Từ Điển Tiếng Việt Đầu Tiên (Rome 1651): Đóng Góp Từ Chế

Độ Bảo Trợ Của Bồ Đào Nha Đối Với Ngôn Ngữ Học Phương Đông [The first Vietnamese Dictionary (Rome 1651): Contributions of the Portuguese Patronage to the Eastern Linguistics]. Journal of Foreign Language Studies, 41, 3–25.

Jacques, R. (2002) Pionniers portugais de la linguistique vietnamienne [Portuguese Pioneers of Vietnamese Linguistics]. Bangkok: Orchid Press.

Phan, P. C. (1998) Mission and catechesis: Alexandre de Rhodes and inculturation in seventeenth-century Vietnam. Maryknoll, NY: Orbis Books.

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Henning Klöter, Humboldt University of Berlin

Missionary documents as sources of historical sociolinguistics: Examples from China

Chinese dictionaries and grammars written by Western missionaries after the 16th century contain a wealth of linguistic information. Various studies have succeeded in reconstructing earlier language stages on the basis of such missionary documents. In the field of Chinese linguistics, previous research has largely focused on the history of Mandarin phonology and the formation of the modern Chinese lexicon. Diachronic studies on Chinese syntax have also benefited from historical data documented in missionary sources. In contrast to these studies, my paper is not concerned with language in a narrow sense, but rather with language in its social contexts. It thus falls into the newly emerging field of historical sociolinguistics, an interdisciplinary field in the nexus of linguistics and social history explores “the extent to which sociolinguistic theoretical models, methods, findings, and expertise can be applied to the process of reconstruction of the past of languages in order to account for diachronic linguistic changes and developments” (Navalainen and Raumolin-Brunberg 2012: 36). Specifically, I will analyze missionaries’ responses to language variation and attitudes towards different Sinitic varieties. Questions to be addressed include: What kind of “evaluative stance” (Garrett, Coupland, and Williams 2003: 3) towards non-standard varieties do we find in missionary sources? On what grounds did missionaries attribute positive qualities to some varieties and negative qualities to others? To what extent did language attitudes and language ideologies expressed in missionary documents influence European sinology in the 19th century? My assessment will be based on a comparison of two groups of missionary sources, i.e. those compiled by Catholic missionaries before 1800 (inter alia Ricci, Martini, Varo) and those compiled by Protestant missionaries after 1800 (Morrison, Medhurst, Wells Williams, Douglas).

References Garrett, Peter, Nikolas Coupland, and Angie Williams. 2003. Investigating language attitudes: Social meanings of

dialect, ethnicity and performance. Cardiff: University of Wales Press. Navalainen, Terttu and Helena Raumolin-Brunberg. 2012. Historical Sociolinguistics: Origins, motivations, and

paradigms. In: Hernández-Campoy, Juan Manuel and Juan Camilo Conde-Silvestre, (eds.), Blackwell Handbooks in Linguistics: Handbook of Historical Sociolinguistics. Hoboken: Wiley, 22–40.

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Ksenia Kozha, Institute of Oriental Studies, RAS, Moscow

“Systema phoneticum scripturae sinicae” by J.-M. Calleri,

its translation by I. Bichurin and V.P. Vasyliev’s marginal notes:

one manuscript – three dimensions.

The present research deals with a unique piece of work, kept at the National Archive of the Tatarstan Republic: The phonetic system of the Chinese writing by Calleri. Translation and comments, written for Academy of Sciences in 1841. The author of the manuscript is Rev. Father Iakinf (Bichurin), a.k.a. Hyacinth – probably the most renowned Russian sinologist of the XIXth century. This highly peculiar academic work is a translation of J.-M. Calleri’s Systema phoneticum scripturae sinicae (published in Macao earlier in 1841), supplied with Bichurin’s explicit and critical comments. The central issue of the paper is the conflict between Bichurin's perceprion and that of J.-M. Calleri. The manuscript was left unpublished and is – undeservingly – unknown to most contemporary sinologists.

A peculiar and essential part on the manuscript are notes in the margin, made in pencil by hand of a third-party reader. With the grounded assertion on the authorship of marginal remarks, the extension to the research involves V.P. Vasilyev’s conception of the issues, disputed by both Bichurin and Calleri.

The original text in Latin is not part of the manuscript folio; we have only Bichurin’s translation in Russian, paralleled with his notes and comments (95 pages of paralleled text layouts, chapter after chapter, in due correspondence with the logic of the original composition), sharply remarked, in their turn, by Vasilyev, who read through the manuscript sometime later.

The manuscript provides a present-day researcher with a precious opportunity to analyse the contents of the original text alongside Bichurin’s translation and Vasilyev’s marginalia, in a comparative perspective tracing out different approaches in early linguistic studies in Europe.

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Chun-fat Lau and Cheung Anthea, Hong Kong Polythecnic University

Observing linguistic changes of Modern Cantonese in the past two centuries by making use of Morrison’s Vocabulary of the Cantonese Dialect (3 vols.) published in 1828

Robert Morrison (1782-1834) was an Anglo-Scottish Protestant missionary who came to Guangzhou, China in 1807. Soon afterwards, he learnt both Mandarin and Cantonese, and began to compile dictionaries on these two languages. He published Vocabulary of the Cantonese Dialect (3 vols.) in 1828. We analyzed the Cantonese words and phrases in these three volumes. Excluding repetitions, a total of 6374 entries have been collected, of which 5402 are words and 972 are phrases. We are now comparing these words and phrases with their counterparts in the Cantonese dialect currently spoken in Hong Kong. We divided the 5402 Cantonese words into different categories and discovered that 3687 of them are still in use today, of which 542 are very colloquial expressions. That means, about one-third (1715 in total) of the words have changed in form in the past 200 years. We also divided those changed items into four groups: (1) abandoned words; (2) words being changed from Cantonese into Mandarin; (3) words being changed from Mandarin into Cantonese; and (4) wrong translations. We also spotted syntactic changes in the phrases. But for this, we have not drawn a conclusion yet, since we are still working on it.

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Xavier Lee-Lee, Universidad de Las Palmas de Gran Canaria; Verónica C. Trujillo-

González, Universidad de Las Palmas de Gran Canaria

La Grammaire de la langue chinoise orale et écrite de Perny: una obra representativa de la sinología misionera francófona del siglo XIX

Paul Perny (1818-1907) fue un sacerdote de las Misiones Extranjeras de Paris destinado en el sureste de China durante una veintena de años, en los que adquirió unos sólidos conocimientos de la lengua china. Fruto de ello es una amplia serie de obras enfocadas al aprendizaje del chino, que se publicaron mayoritariamente después de su vuelta a Francia en 1868. No obstante, su aportación a la sinología ha sido poco estudiada y la escasa literatura académica dedicada a él suele considerarlo un sinólogo olvidado. Entendemos, sin embargo, que una mirada más detenida a su obra está justificada, pues es especialmente representativa de la sinología misionera francófona decimonónica.

A través del estudio de su Grammaire de la langue chinoise orale et écrite (1873-76), mostraremos los elementos fundamentales que caracterizan esta obra como una de las más relevantes de la sinología misionera francesa del siglo XIX.

Situaremos, pues, esta publicación en el marco mayor de la evolución de la sinología occidental en el siglo XIX. Este fue un periodo especialmente decisivo para el desarrollo de dicha disciplina. Por un lado, la constitución (1814) de la primera cátedra en Occidente dedicada al estudio y la enseñanza del chino en las aulas del Collége de France inicia la institucionalización de los estudios chinos y, a su vez, el afianzamiento de su laicización. Por otro, las derrotas bélicas chinas en las que culmina la escalada de los conflictos comerciales con las potencias occidentales les reportan a éstas extensas ventajas de cara a sus intereses en China, lo que, necesariamente, supone otro impulso para el desarrollo de la sinología occidental.

Hasta entonces, los conocimientos sobre la lengua china habían sido un campo dominado por los misioneros católicos a cuya producción se debe la amplia mayoría de gramáticas hasta finales del siglo XVIII. Pero esta situación habría de cambiar en el siglo XIX cuando se produce una verdadera eclosión de gramáticas provenientes de la sinología académica y de la sinología protestante anglosajona, alcanzando un punto álgido en la segunda mitad de siglo. La del misionero Paul Perny pertenece precisamente a ese periodo, pero es, además, la única gramática asignable a la escuela misionera católica gala, hecho que le confiere un especial interés. En sus páginas se refleja un panorama nuevo en el que la sinología practicada por la escuela misionera, lejos ya de liderar la disciplina como sucedía en siglos anteriores, ahora ha de compartir ese espacio intelectual –el relativo a la lengua y el universo chino– con sinólogos académicos y protestantes. En este sentido, nuestra comunicación también abordará la visión que Perny tuvo de la sinología practicada en los centros universitarios, así como la recepción que tuvo su gramática por parte de sus colegas laicos. Asimismo, incidiremos en algunos aspectos de dicha obra que dejan entrever el incipiente cambio de postura en la labor misionera como consecuencia de la mencionada debilidad política de China.

References: Perny, Paul. 1873. Grammaire de la langue chinoise orale et écrite. Vol. I. Paris : Maisonneuve &

Cie. Perny, Paul. 1876. Grammaire de la langue chinoise orale et écrite. Vol. II. Paris : Maisonneuve &

Cie.

44

Li Fei, Beijing Language and Culture University

A research on lexical and grammatical features in Shanghai dialect based on Joseph Edikin’s A Grammar of Colloquial Chinese

The book A Grammar of Colloquial Chinese, as Exhibited in the Shanghai Dialect was written by British missionaries Joseph Edkins. The first edition of the book was published in 1853 and the second edition was in 1868 which were marked “corrected”. It is known as the first grammar book to translate colloquial Chinese documents in Shanghai dialect and influenced most missionaries came to China during the late Qing Dynasty and the early Republic of China. As a kind of valuable language materials, this book recorded Shanghai dialect with contribution on at least two areas: phonetics and grammar. In addition to these aspects, it also reflected social and cultural background by the mid-1800s. This article based on the second edition of A Grammar of Colloquial Chinese, as Exhibited in the Shanghai Dialect, making some descriptions and discussions of typical Shanghai dialect words and grammars. To explore the dialect value of the book, this paper used methods of Chinese Historical Philology with synchronic regional materials. After a reviewing of existing researches, according to the comparison of more homogenous materials and an investigation of synchronic and diachronic analysis of Wu dialect words including Shanghai dialect written in the book and in other historical documents which includes related words in surrounding areas, the article finally draws two conclusions. Firstly, the selection words which contains practical and frequency words in Shanghai dialect is full of importance for missionaries and western scholars which helped them learn Wu dialect rapidly and understand Chinese deeply in half of the nineteenth Century. Secondly, the book reflects basic features of vocabularies and grammars in Shanghai dialect during the period. For instance, personal pronouns such as “Ni”, “Nong”, ”Na” and “Yi”, prepositions such as auxiliary “Ge”, instrumental “Dan”, ”Bo” and “Bola”, prepositional “Lixiang” and so on. The description of those words revealed the lexical and grammatical features of Shanghai dialect at the turn of century. Finally, the content of the book needs more concern in Chinese research area such as researches of Wu dialect words and studies in Chinese diachronic common words.

45

Liu Roumei, Beijing Foreign Languages University

《汉文启蒙》——俄国历史上第一部汉语语法书

《汉文启蒙》出版于 1835年，是俄罗斯汉学奠基人比丘林为其主持的恰克图汉语学校的

教学之用而编写的。全书共由序言、第一部分、第二部分和附录构成。在前言中作者介绍了

汉字的来历以及本书之前欧洲人所编写的汉语语法书、本书的撰写的起因；第一部分是“汉

语和汉字的基本概念”；第二部分为“汉语的语法规则”；附录部分包括汉字笔划、偏旁问题、

部首问题、汉字的俄语、法语、葡萄牙语标音、汉语中的数字、汉语中用于表示谦称的人称

代词。《汉文启蒙》问世后，一直被应用于俄国 19 世纪的汉语教学。本文梳理《汉文启蒙》

的作者经历和成书过程，整理《汉文启蒙》问世前俄国所积累的关于汉语的认识，钩沉《汉

文启蒙》与此前欧洲所出版的汉语语法书之间的联系，从俄语语法史和清代汉语语音北音系

统的角度，分析《汉文启蒙》的语法体系，挖掘《汉文启蒙》与欧洲语言思想之间的内在联

系，力求全面再现《汉文启蒙》的价值。

Chinese Grammar: the First Chinese Grammar Book in Russian History

Published in 1835, Chinese Grammar, was compiled by N. J. Bichurin, the founder of Russian

Sinology, for the teaching in Kyakhta Chinese Language School under his auspices. The book

consisted of Preface, Part I, Part II and Appendix. In the Preface, Bichurin introduced the origins of

Chinese characters, books on Chinese grammar compiled by Europeans before and the cause of this

book’s compiling. Part I was “the Basic Concepts of Chinese and Chinese Characters”; Part II was

“Chinese Grammar Rules”; the Appendix included Chinese strokes, primitives, radicals, the Russian,

French and Portuguese pronunciation of Chinese characters, numbers in Chinese and personal

pronouns used in Chinese to express modesty. Chinese Grammar had been applied to the Chinese

language teaching in Russia in the 19th century since its publication. This paper aims to comb through

the files for evidence of the author’s experience and the process of compiling Chinese Grammar, to

sort out the accumulated knowledge of Chinese language in Russia before the advent of this book,

and to investigate into the relationship between Chinese Grammar and books on Chinese grammars

published in Europe before. From the point of view of the history of Russian grammar and the

northern sound system of Chinese phonetics in the Qing Dynasty, this paper analyzes grammatical

system of Chinese Grammar and explores the intrinsic relationship between Chinese Grammar and

the thought of European languages, in order to fully reproduce the value of Chinese Grammar.

46

Monica Lupetti and Matteo Migliorelli, Dipartimento di filologia, letteratura e Linguistica, Università di Pisa

East-West Bridges: the Gramatica linguae malavaricae. Samscredam by Giuseppe Chiariati Indiano

The paper aims to contribute to linguistic historiography, and more particularly to the study of missionary linguistics in the lusophone area. It develops a macro- and microstructural analysis of the Gramatica linguae malavaricae. Samscredam, codex unicus, composed in Portuguese by a clergyman of Indian origin, “G Ch I” attempts a careful contextualization of this work.

As known, Portuguese Jesuits organized a network of missions (not only) in the East since the 16th century and were responsible for the dissemination of Christian culture and for Christian education. They also promoted the teaching of Portuguese, but this language was too complex for the natives of those lands, who were hardly able to memorize the essentials of this European language in order to understand the catechesis. Facing this impasse, missionaries felt obliged to observe, study and learn autochthonous languages, and exported them to Europe through grammars and conversation manuals. An example of this kind is the Gramatica linguae malavaricae. Samscredam”

The sources that testify the existence of this text and of its author are a rarity. A notable exception is the entry of the Catalogue of the Biblioteca Picena, by Filippo Vecchietti and Tommaso Moro (vol. III, 1793), which attributes to Father Cassiano Beligatti from I f G Ch ’ 1790 A first examination of the manuscript reveals some errors of Portuguese, the language into which Sanskrit was translated, which seem to be caused by the interference of Italian, learnt by the author when he was a student at Propaganda Fide (later, he became Catholic bishop in India).

Interestingly, the author adopted, for Sanskrit spelling, the calligraphic scripts of Malabari, a language coming from South-western India, the area of the ancient Portuguese colony of Cochim. This fact contributes to explaining the use of Portuguese as lingua franca, as well as the knowledge of Sanskrit.

By reconstructing Chariati’s profile and the nature of his grammar, the present paper attempt to understand the choice of Portuguese as vehicular language in the context of Missionary Linguistics studies.

47

Carmela Mastrangelo, Sapienza Università di Roma

Thesaurus of the Immortals: Amarakośa and the Latin-Sanskrit dictionary by Paulinus a Sancto Bartholomaeo

This paper focuses on the first European printed edition of the traditional Sansktit lexicon Amarakoś a attributed to the grammarian and poet Amarasiṃha (4th or 7th c. AD), i.e. Paulinus a Sancto Bartholomaeo’s Amarasinha. Sectio prima de caelo ex tribus ineditis codicibus Indicis manuscriptis, Roma 1798. In this work, Father Paulinus, a Discalced Carmelite patronized by Cardinal Stefano Borgia, translated into Latin the first chapter of the dictionary. Then, he also appended to his second Sanskrit grammar — i.e. Vyàcarana seu locupletissima Samscrdamicae linguae institutio, Roma 1804 — a Nomenclator Latino-Samscrdamicus, which is basically the Latin version of the whole lexicon. Through the comparison of these two works by Paulinus with Father Johann Ernst Hanxleden’s manuscript Vocabolarium Malabarico Lusitanicum (ed. by S. Guptan Nair, Trichur 1988) and with the extant Indian editions of Amarakośa (particularly from South-India, where Paulinus settled from 1776 to 1789), this paper aims to shed light both on the translation practices used by missionaries and on the traditional pedagogy of Sanskrit as a sort of “miśrabhāṣā” — cross-functioning mixed language to be used in the higher education milieu.

48

Nana Metreveli, Inalco PARIS

Au XVIIe s. la Géorgie était considérée comme un pays lointain, faisant partie du continent asiatique; sa langue était rare, presque inconnue.

A Rome, la Propaganda Fide est fondée en 1622. En 1629, ses éditions impriment trois livres sur la langue géorgienne: le premier était un alphabet géorgien accompagné de prières, le second était un livre de prières destinées à la Vierge, traduit du latin en géorgien, et le troisième était un dictionnaire géorgien-italien, Il avait été rédigé par Stéfano Paolini qui avait lui-même fabriqué les caractères géorgien servant à l’imprimeur. Cet ouvrage était destiné aux missionnaires qui se rendaient en Géorgie, afin qu’ils puissent prêcher à la population locale dans leur propre langue vernaculaire.

D’autres religieux italiens se sont rendus en Géorgie dès la première moitié du XVIIe siècle, ils ont créé des écoles et y ont enseigné à des enfants, la langue géorgienne, le latin et l’italien. Ces voyageurs ont également rédigé des ouvrages sur la langue et la grammaire géorgienne. Cet enseignement et ces recherches ont continué jusqu’à la fin du XVIIe siècle, et même après. La plus grande partie de toutes ces activités, dès l’origine, a pu être réalisée avec l’appui et le soutien de la Congrégation Propaganda Fide, alors en charge des œuvres missionnaires de l’église.

Dès le début, l’apprentissage et l’étude de la langue géorgienne par les missionnaires italiens peut être décrite comme un processus complexe de perception de la langue, mais aussi de la culture puisqu’elle était intimement liée à elle.

Les travaux de ces pionniers révèlent de nombreux aspects fondateurs sur plusieurs plans: mais l’on retiendra que les difficultés du géorgien (dans la phonologie et dans l’écriture entre autres) ont constitué pour eux un grand défi, qu’ils ont réussi à relever par des stratégies de traduction issues d’une immersion longue dans le pays pour s’imprégner du mode de vie et des aspects culturels. Ils se sont aussi appuyés sur le fait que le Géorgien et le Latin sont des langues riches et complexes, notamment des points communs entre les structures des deux langues.

Après une étude d’ensemble des ouvrages géorgiens-italiens évoqués ici, nous constatons que les missionnaires ont travaillé plus d’un siècle sur la question de la langue, sa description, la problématique de sa traduction, donnant lieu à une expérience sans précédent.

D’autres chercheurs géorgiens ou étrangers se sont, depuis, inspirés de ces travaux. La littérature grammaticale géorgienne ne peut qu’apprécier cette étape, l’une des plus importantes dans la linguistique historique.

49

Rosío Molina Landeros, Universidad Autónoma de Baja California

Tratamiento de los conceptos cristianos en el vocabulario de la lengua tepeguana (1743)

Las lenguas no son meros correlatos del mundo, sino evidencias de la categorización que sus hablantes establecen de la realidad que conocen e interpretan, y de la interrelación con la cultura que estos construyen en comunidad. Por ello, entre más disímiles sean dos culturas y el conocimiento adquirido en sus respectivas realidades, más marcado será el contraste entre las taxonomías contenidas en las lenguas, lo cual se evidenciará con una falta de correspondencia entre formas y estructuras de estos sistemas lingüísticos, fenómeno conocido como anisomorfismo. En otras palabras, cualquier cosa, concepto o saber que sea único en una cultura puede ser indicio de la existencia de anisomorfismo (Yong y Peng 2007:136).

Ladislav Zgusta, primero en considerar al anisomorfismo como la principal dificultad de la lexicografía bilingüe; ya que al pretender coordinar unidades léxicas de una lengua con las de otra, como equivalentes en su significado léxico (1971: 294), tal ejercicio de coordinación se deberá resolver el problema causado por el anisomorfismo entre las lenguas. En cuanto a la traducción misionera, actividad transcultural y translingüística, Zwartjes (2014) afirma que se manifiesta especialmente en textos bilingües como descripciones etnográficas, catecismos y en las condensaciones lexicográficas de los vocabularios bilingües.

Particularmente, en la lexicografía bilingüe novomundista se intentó explicar las lenguas originarias por medio de la lengua española. Al tratarse de culturas tan diferentes, los misioneros debieron tomar decisiones en cuanto a la traducción de ciertos conceptos de ambos mundos que debían ser transmitidos a los nativos o bien comprendidos por el misionero europeo. Existió un debate sobre cómo tratar los términos religiosos en las lenguas indígenas; y en las gramáticas y los vocabularios se muestra que se prefirieron los préstamos del español en vez de palabras autóctonas; y debido a las restricciones ideológicas de índole religioso se sumaron a la disposición de seguir el marco de referencia heurístico de Nebrija para el análisis lingüístico (Zimmermann 1997:14).

El presente trabajo tiene como objetivo analizar las soluciones propuestas por Benito Rinaldini en su vocabulario de la lengua tepeguana (1743), al anisomorfismo específicamente de los conceptos cristianos; es decir, las estrategias que emplea el misionero para formular equivalencias de traducción de conceptos religiosos. Algunas de las estrategias identificadas, se encuentran, por ejemplo el uso de hispanismos - “Cruz curusi”, “Diablo Diavoro”, “Dios Diusci”, “Missa Missa”, etc-. La extensión semántica de los préstamos del español o hispanismos, por ejemplo, pali, la versión tepeguana de “padre”, la propone como equivalente de traducción de ‘clérigo’, ‘religioso’, ‘sacerdote’ y ‘monje’. Otro recurso es la composición de frases donde un préstamo léxico es la base para construir la equivalencia, como:

Papa. Gu pali asonno. [gran padre origen]

‘primer gran padre’

Arzobispo. Alzovisposi, vel gú Pali, vel Papali tadadamue. [Padres quien los hace] ‘quien los hace padres’

Frayle. Pali comagui tucamue. [Padre ceniciento vestido] ‘Padre vestido de color ceniza’

Parrocho. Pali odame jonitadamoe. [Padre gente casamiento] ‘Padre que casa”

50

Monzon Garzia, El Colegio de Michoacan

El modus dicendi en el Arte de la lengua de Mechuacán (1558) de fray Maturino Gilberti

Fray Maturino Gilberti en su Arte de la lengua de Mechuacán, tercera parte, abre la penúltima sección de la obra con el título “Siguese el modus dicendi” en donde presenta una colección de oraciones. La ausencia de una organización sistemática de los ejemplos sugiere que el autor dejó esta sección solamente esbozada pues si bien bajo 16 encabezados agrupa algunas oraciones, otras quedan sueltas. Resulta además extraño el nombre dado al último encabezado: Vel. ya que esta conjunción disyuntiva introduce la lista de un número amplio de oraciones cuyos temas son muy variados.

Gilberti, sin embargo, ha mostrado la seriedad y organización de que es capaz en la séptima parte de su Grammatica Maturini (1559) “Quaedam propueris lingae Latinę salutandi, valedicendi, percontandi exercitamenta ac formulae ex Erasmo Roterodamo aliisve doctissimis” ‘Selección de ejercicios y fórmula de salutación, despedida e interrogación para alumnos de lengua latina tomados de Erasmo de Rotterdam y otros sabios’. Surge entonces la pregunta de por qué no hizo lo mismo para la gramática tarasca.

¿Qué criterios utilizó para seleccionar las oraciones ejemplo? es la pregunta que se tratará de responder en esta presentación que busca identificar la posible existencia de un método que de coherencia a la larga lista de oraciones.

References Gilberti, Maturino, 2004 [1558], Arte de la lengua de Michuacan compilada por el muy Reverendo padre

fray Maturino Gylberti, de la orden del Seraphico padre sant Francisco, de regular observancia. Año de 1558. Transcripción edición y notas de Cristina Monzón, México: El Colegio de Michoacán.

Gilberti, Maturino, 2003 [1559], Grammatica Maturini, Tractatvs omnivm ferè quę grammatices studiosis tradi solent a fratre Matvrino Gilberto minorita ex doctissimis collectus avtoribvs, 2 vols., Introducción, edición, traducción y notas de Rosa Lucas González. México: El Colegio de Michoacán.

51

David Moore, University of Western Australia

Missionary linguistics and translations in Central Australia 1890-1920

This paper is a contribution to the history of linguistics and translation in Australia and the Pacific, focusing particularly on the contribution of German Lutheran missionaries to linguistics and translation in Aboriginal languages in Central Australia in the three decades to the end of the First World War. German missionaries were active in translation and linguistics in Australia and New Guinea. The Lutheran Reformation and Luther’s interest in using the vernacular languages in worship and the Bible exploited the achievements of humanist philology in Europe in the sixteenth century. This was the catalyst for the development of Bible translation and linguistics in the centuries which followed. With thorough training in translation and humanist philology German Lutheran missionaries recorded the languages of Central Australia. Their linguistic labours included grammars, dictionaries, translations of Aboriginal languages and studies of Aboriginal societies. Lutheran missionaries made the first two translations of the New Testament into Aboriginal languages at Kilalpannina (1897) and Hermannsburg (1928). Their work forms the foundation for linguistics and translation of the languages of Central Australia in the century that followed.

52

Pablo Robert Moreno, Department of Spanish in Shanghai Foreigns Studies University

First linguistic efforts of the Dominican friers in Fujian in the XVII century

There is a wide bibliography concerning Jesuit missionary work in China and their linguistic achievements. However, the literature on the Mendicant friers contribution to the linguistic field have been quite limited. This article deals with the question of how Dominican friers in Fujian acquired the linguistic skills necessary for preaching and managing the mission along the XVIIth century. That includes not only the learning of Chinese by Spanish friers, but also the acquisition of the Spanish language by the only Chinese priest at that moment, who became the first Chinese bishop, Frier Luo Wenzao (1617-1691). Based on new archival findings, this article shows interesting details on the process of how Dominican friers learned Chinese in Fujian, like the handwritten explanatory notes done by them on some Chinese books during their learning of the language. On the other hand, it is also discussed to which extent their Chinese companion, frier Luo Wenzao, mastered the Spanish language as well as his role in the communication between the Chinese and the Spanish world of Manila. Specifically, some of his autographic letters written in Spanish and not documented before, reveals a good competence in this language but also the influence of his mother tongue in his Spanish language. We can attest that these documents are an important and one of the earliest testimonies of Spanish written by a Chinese. This case along with the linguistic efforts of the Spanish friers showcase the important linguistic interchanges produced in the intersection of China and Spanish empire in the area of Manila-Taiwan-Fujian in the 17th century.

53

Francisco Moscoso García, Facultad de Filosofía y Letras, Universidad Autónoma de Madrid

Le père Patricio de la Torre et la réédition du Vocabulista du père Alcalá

Le père Patricio de la Torre (1760-1802) est né à Ogaz, un village appartenant à la province de Toledo (Espagne), sous le royaume de Carlos III, qui fut le déclencheur des études arabes en Espagne dans notre ère. Il entra dans le monastère d’El Escorial en 1776 et depuis il se consacra à l’étude de la langue arabe. Il arriva au Maroc en 1798, à l’époque du roi espagnol Carlos IV et du sultan marocain Muley Souleymane avec le but de rééditer le Vocabulista du père Alcalá (1505), et il y resta jusqu’à l’année 1802. Le père Cañes dans la préface de sa Grammatica (1775) conseilla sa réédition. Le livre fut imprimé jusqu’à l’entrée « ofrecimiento » (offre), mais c’était seulement les tests d’impression. La guerre de l’Independence empêcha sa finalisation. Nous s’avons récemment ressemblé les trois manuscrits plus proches à l’édition finale et ils seront bientôt publiés par l’Université de Cadix (Moscoso 2018). Le résultat fut une œuvre dans laquelle le père Patricio de la Torre incorpora trois mil nouvelles entrées de l’arabe marocain, supprima des entrées du Vocabulista du père Alcalá, et incorpora cent cinquante et un proverbes, des expressions en arabe marocain et beaucoup de contenus ethnographiques. La variante linguistique employée par le moine hiéronymite est intermédiaire entre l’arabe marocain, dans un registre tangérois, et l’arabe littéral. Les missionnaires catholiques qui écrivirent des dictionnaires pendant le XVIIème et le XVIIIème siècle, après la création par le pape Gregoire XV de la Congregation Propaganda Fide crée en 1622, le furent aussi dans une variante intermédiaire. Le père Patricio de la Torre utilisa vingt-quatre sources, parmi lesquelles le Thesaurus Linguæ Arabicæ de Giggeo (1632), le Lexicon Arabico-Latinum de Golius (1653) –ceci utilisé aussi par les franciscains espagnols Bernardino González et Francisco Cañes pour composer ses dictionnaires–, la Bibliothèque orientale de Barthélemy d’Herbelot de Molainville (réimprimée entre 1777 et 1799), L’art de vérifier les dates (1750.) et le Voabulista du père Alcalá (1505). Notre but dans cet exposé sera la présentation de cet œuvre du père Patricio de la Torre.

References ALCALÁ, Pedro de. 1505. Arte para ligera mente saber la lengua arauiga y Vocabulista arauigo en

letra castellana. Salamanca, Juan Varela. CAÑES, Fr. Francisco. 1787. Diccionario español latino-arabigo en que siguiendo el diccionario

abreviado de la Academia se ponen las correspondencias latinas y arabes, para facilitar el estudio de la lengua arábiga á los misioneros y á los que viajaren ó contratan en Africa y Levante, 3 vols. Madrid, Imprenta de don Antonio Sancha.

CAÑES, Francisco. 1775. Gramatica arabigo-española, vulgar, y literal. Con un diccionario arabigo-español, en que se ponen las voces mas usuales para una conversacion familiar, con el texto de la Doctrina Cristiana en el idioma arabigo. Por Fray Francisco Cañes, religioso Francisco Desclazo de la Provincia de San Juan Bautista, Misionero Apostólico en el Asia, Lector de lengua arabe, Guardian, y Cura que ha sido del Convento de San Juan Baptista en Judéa, y del Colegio de Padres Misioneros Españoles de Tierra Santa, en la ciudad de Damasco, con licencia del Consejo. Madrid, Imprenta de Don Antonio Perez de Soto.

CORRIENTE, Federico. 1988. El léxico árabe andalusí según P. de Alcalá (ordenado por raíces, corregido, anotado, y fonémicamente interpretado. Madrid, Dpto. de Estudios Árabes e Islámicos, Universidad Complutense de Madrid.

EL IMRANI, Abdelouahab. 1998. Lexicografía Hispano-Árabe. Aproximación al análisis de cinco diccionarios elaborados por religiosos españoles [tesis doctoral]. Madrid, Universidad Complutense de Madrid, Facultad de Filología, Departamento de Filología Española I, pp. 52-132 [http://eprints.ucm.es/3968/, consultado el 13 de septiembre de 2016].

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GIRARD, Aurélien. 2014. “Les manuels de langue arabe en usage en France à la fin de l’Ancien Régime”. En: Manuels d’arabe d’hier et aujourd’hui. France et Maghreb XIXe-XXIe siècle. Larzul, Sylvette et Messaoudi, Alain (eds.). Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale de France, pp. 12-26. Disponible en:

GONZÁLEZ, Bernardino. 2005. Intérprete arábico. Epítome de la gramática arábiga. [Obras manuscritas]. Estudio preliminar de LOURIDO DÍAZ, Ramón, 2 vols. Madrid, Real Academia de la Historia, Ministerio de Asuntos Exteriores y de Cooperación.

http://books.openedition.org/editionsbnf/259 [consulta: el 11 de diciembre de 2015]. JUSTEL CALABOZO, Braulio. 1991. El toledano Patricio de la Torre. Madrid. Ediciones

Escurialenses. MOSCOSO GARCÍA, Francisco. 2011. “Un pionero en los estudios de árabe marroquí. El P. Fr. Patricio

José de la Torre. Refranes y adagios”. En: Studia Orientalia 111 (2011), pp. 185-250. MOSCOSO GARCÍA, Francisco. 2017a. “El siglo XVIII español y el estudio del árabe. El árabe

dialectal en la Gramatica del padre Cañes”. En: Revista de Estudios Internacionales del Mediterráneo 22 (2017), 165-186.

MOSCOSO GARCÍA, Francisco. 2017b. “El árabe de Tánger en torno a finales del siglo XVIII según el Vocabulista del P. Patricio de la Torre”. En: al-Andalus-Magreb 24 (2017), 32 pp. (en prensa).

MOSCOSO GARCÍA, Francisco. 2018. Vocabulista castellano arabigo compuesto, y declarado en letra, y lengua castellana por el M. R. P. Fr. Pedro de Alcala del orden de San Geronimo. Corregido, aumentado, y puesto en caracteres arabigos por el P. Fr. Patricio de la Torre de la misma orden, Bibliotecario, y Catedratico de la lengua Arabigo-erudita en el Rl. Monasterio de Sn. Lorenzo del Escorial, y profeso en el Año de 1805. En: Libros de las Islsa. Edición a cargo de Francisco Moscoso García. Prólogo de Otto Zwartjes. Cádiz, Servicio de Publicaciones de la Universidad de Cádiz (sous presse).

ZWARTJES, Otto. 2007. “Lourido Díaz, Ramón (ed.), Fr. Bernardino González, OFM (c. 1665 - c. 1735). Intéprete arábigo, epítome de la gramática arábiga [obras manuscritas]; R. Lourido Díaz, El estudio del árabe entre los franciscanos españoles en Tierra Santa (siglos XVII-XIX)”. En: Aljamía 19, pp. 451-470.

55

Cristina Muru, University of Tuscia, Viterbo

Attempts for the description of the Tamil syntax in early Portuguese missionary Arte (17th century)

Early missionary Tamil grammars do not deal with syntax and mostly of them focus on nominal and verbal morphology, sometimes also on phonology and writing system.

Despite this, the need of explaining the Tamil complex sentences (e.g. causal, final, temporal, etc.) is a matter of fact. This need leads missionaries to extend the verbal categories of their model of reference, the Latin one, for the description of Tamil.

In this presentation I want to discuss two Arte of Tamil language: Balthasar da Costa’s (c. 1610-1673) and Gaspar de Aguilar/Baldaeus’ (17th cent.). In particular, I want to focus on the way in which they deal with the Tamil syntax through the construction of a complex verbal morphological system. This has a twofold aim: to highlight the innovations in the metalanguage used in order to evaluate their contribution to the development of linguistics; to show how they understood and identified the agglutination of Tamil.

Assuming that Da Costa and Aguilar/Baldaeus model of reference was Álvares’ ars minor (1573) one can observe how, both in Da Costa and Aguilar/Bladaeus, the ‘alvaresian’ verbal categories have been hyper-differentiated in order to suit the description of the Tamil moods (e.g. for Imperative, Subjunctive and Optative).

As well as Álvares attributes semantic characteristics to the individual moods (i.e. indicative, imperative, etc.) (Schäfer-Prieß, 2010: 131), Da Costa and Aguilar follow semantic criteria for the description of Imperative distinguishing an abosultive, or prohibitive, or permissive imperative from an imperative with plea or familiarity.

In the same way in which Álvares defines subjunctive according to syntactical principles - being the mood of the dependent sentence (Schäfer-Prieß, 2010: 137), both Da Costa and Aguilar/Baldaeus recognise respectively 6 and 14 types of Subjunctive for the Tamil language basing their classification on the Tamil subordination.

The same strategy is also applied to the description of the Optative mood in Aguilar/Baldaeus (8 different forms) and to the analysis of ‘other way of speaking’ in Da Costa’s Arte.

The result is a complex categorised verbal system which is able of giving account of some aspects of the Tamil syntax.

References Primary sources Aguilar, Gaspar De. 1659. Arte Tamul Sive Institvtio Grammatica Lingae Malabaricae svm Philippi

BAldaej vdm in Regno Jaffnapatam. ப"லிபப" வலெத() 1665. Ms Cod. Orient. 283. Staats-und Universitätsbibliothek Hamburg Carl Von Ossietzky.

Álvares, Manuel. 11573. Emmanvelis Alvari E Societate Iesv De Institvtione Grammatica Libri Tres. Olyssippone: Excudebat Ioannes Barrerius Typographus Regius.

Da Costa, Balthasar. n.d. Arte da Lingua Tamul & A. De Proença’s Tamil-Portuguese Dictionary, MS60 (previously MS-M34), State Central Library, Goa.

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Secondary Sources Schäfer- Prieß, Barbara. 2010. ‘Os modos verbais nas gramáticas latino-portuguesas de Manuel

Álvares (1572) e Bento Pereira (1672)’. In Revista de Letras, II, n. 9, 2010: 121-153. Zwartjes, Otto. 2002. ‘The description of the indigenous languages of Portuguese America by the

Jesuits during the colonial period. The impact of the Latin grammar of Manuel Álvares’. In Historiographia Linguistica XXIX: 1/2. 2002: 19-70.

57

Olivia Yumi Nakaema, University of São Paulo

“Humiliatiuas” expressions and “abatimento”: a description of humility (kenjôgo) in the Artes of João Rodrigues

In Arte da Lingoa de Iapam (Nagasaki, 1604-1608) and in Arte Breve da Lingoa Iapoa (Macao, 1620), João Rodrigues (1561-1634) presents expressions of "honra" and "humiliatiuas" expressions (or “abatimento”), respectively corresponding to respect (sonkeigo) and humility (kenjôgo) in modern Japanese Language. “Honra” expresses respect for actions, objects, thoughts, among others, of the referent. “Humiliatiuas” expressions refer to respect for actions, objects, thoughts, etc., of the speaker himself or people from the speaker’s community. Our aim is to analyze how humility (kenjôgo) is treated in the two mentioned Artes. Some researches (Doi, 1971; Maruyama, 2009) consider that Arte da Lingoa de Iapam follows a traditional Latin model, like the Latin grammars of Manuel Alvarez and Antonio Nebrija, and the Portuguese grammar of João de Barros. They also consider that the Arte Breve Lingoa Iapoa has a structure very similar to the innovative model of Castilian grammar of Nebrija and the Portuguese grammar of Fernão de Oliveira. However, it is still important to reanalyze Rodrigues’ treatment of respect (sonkeigo) and humility (kenjôgo) in both Artes. In fact, although Doi (1971: 9) considers that the descriptions of respect and humility are based on models from different Japanese works, and Suzuki (1987: 122) highlights the originality of the Jesuit in describing humility, without using the Latin model, it is still necessary to investigate how is the treatment of humility based on a historiographical method. In this sense, our objective is to investigate if the treatment of humility follows or not the mentioned grammar models using as a method of analysis the three principles (contextualization, immanence, adequation), proposed by Koerner (1995), and the “capas” (layers) proposed by Swiggers (2003). Thus, through the analysis of the theoretical "capa", we investigate: 1) what is the conception of humility in Rodrigues; 2) which parts of the grammars show the treatment of this theme; and 3) which terminology of description is used. We also analyze, through the technical "capa": 4) privileged linguistic levels (morphological, syntactic, pragmatic, etc.); and 5) forms of organization of the description’s text and its premises (for instance, disposition in paradigms, extraction of morphemes, reconstruction of hypotheses, etc.). To sum up, by comparing Rodrigues’ description and the traditional Latin, Portuguese and Castilian models, we can conclude that his treatment of humility is original since it is not based on these models. Also, by using the “capas”, we can notice that Rodrigues uses an original conception of humility, this theme is organized in different parts of the grammar and is presented in an innovative form of organizing the description’s text and its premises.

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Haruka Nakano, Sophia University, Tokyo

The annotational devices of the first Japanese-Portuguese Dictionary by the Jesuits.

The first Japanese-Portuguese Dictionary (1603, Nagasaki, Japan) by the Jesuits distinguishes id est ( i, ) and vel ( l, ) in the annotations.

(a)【115V】Gueifa. i, Toqino coye. Grita que se dà no principio da batalha. (Battle cry.)

(b)【180V】Nencǒ. Cǒuo fineru. i, Fotoqeno mayeni cǒuo taqu. Por perfumes diãte do

Fotoque. (To burn incense in front of Buddha.)

(c)【247R】Tçǔji. l, Tçǔzzu. Interprete. (Interpreter.)

(d)【278V】Voicaqe, uru, eta. Ir no alcance. (To chase.)

Vt, Fito, l, xixiuo voicaquru. Ir apos alguẽ, ou apos algum veãdo, ou porco.

(To chase a person or, a deer or a wild boar.)

In (a), one entry word is explained by two words and in (b), the entry word is paraphrased by two words and then explained by one sentence. In (c), vel leads a variant form of the entry word, in (d), vel leads an alternative form of the previous word.

This study discusses,

(1) The annotation of the first Japanese-Portuguese Dictionary is well designed using id est and vel in order to clarify annotations. This distinction can also be found in Cardoso (1569), Latin-Portuguese dictionary. The first Japanese-Portuguese Dictionary is in the same stream of the dictionaries of the Iberian Peninsula.

(2) However, this usage of id est and vel cannot be found in every dictionary. The Latin- Portuguese-Japanese Dictionary (1595) by Jesuits uses vel almost exclusively. Even same Portuguese Cardoso (1569) and Barbosa (1611) contrast in this respect. This study overviews Jesuits Japanese dictionaries by way of its annotational devices as compared with the contemporary Iberian dictionaries.

References Primary sources Vocabulário da Língua do Japão (1603, Nagasaki) Dictionarium Latino Lusitanicum, ac Iaponicum (1595, Amakusa) Jeronimo Cardoso: Dictionarium latino lusitanicum (1569, Coimbra) Augustino Barbosa: Dictionarium lusitanico latinum (1611, Braga)

59

Nguyen Thi Thu Van, Università di Roma-Sapienza

From the writing of the mandarins to the Quốc Ngữ: the process of romanization of the Vietnamese language

At the end of the 16th century, the first Europeans began to arrive in Vietnam: merchants and missionaries of the Society of Jesus. The majority of these Jesuits were Portuguese from the Jesuit province of Macao who, after being expelled from Japan, began to explore new territories in which to spread Christianity.

During this century, and more centuries to come, Vietnam had a linguistic situation among the most complex. At the Court, in administration and in literary circles, the Chinese language and writing, called Hán or Nho or Sino-Vietnamese were used, at the same time as the Nôm which was normally used both in literature and in spoken Vietnamese. The missionaries who arrived and settled in the missions were encouraged, in addition to evangelizing the peoples with whom they came into contact, to familiarize themselves with local customs and traditions, and to learn their language and writing. For this reason, the missionaries began to transcribe phonetically what they heard in order to re-pronounce and be understood by the local people. Thus were born the first romanised transcriptions of oriental languages. Also in Vietnam the process of romanized transcriptions began, which gave birth to the Quốc Ngữ2, a mixture of Portuguese, Italian, French and Vietnamese phonetics: it remained as national writing until today. The main contribution was of the Portuguese and Italian Jesuits, and not of the French as was thought until a few years ago. The prominent figure was the humble and unknown Jesuit, Francisco de Pina, and not the illustrious Alexandre de Rhodes.

Since the beginning of the seventeenth century, in the reports sent by the missionaries to their superiors, appeared the first words written in Quốc Ngữ. Slowly they were printed and fixed in time as in the “Relatione” by Cristoforo Borri, the first book published on the Vietnam of the time. Through these first documents, together with others of the same period, or of subsequent years, for example the manuscripts and documents of Gaspar do Amaral, of Alexandre de Rhodes and others, we will try to see how this romanized transcription of the Vietnamese language follows phonetic criteria belonging to their authors.

Two examples:

- the transcription of the sound gno as in the word "small", Cristoforo Borri (Italian) transcribes it as gnoo, while in the Dictionarium Annamiticum sic Lusitanum by Alexandre de Rhodes (French), inspired by the Dictionarum Annamita-Lusitanum by Gaspar d'Amaral (Portuguese), it is written as in modern Vietnamese nhỏ.

- or the word that Borri writes as onsaij (bonze), in Rhodes, we find oũ saãi and in modern Vietnamese ông sãi.

In short, my contribution wants to retrace the history of the Quốc Ngữ from the initial period with the arrival of the first missionaries until the publication of the Dictionarium of de Rhodes (1652), by following the transformations that some words underwent according to the origins of the authors but also to the cultural contexts of those years.

2 Quốc Ngữ means national language and is initially referred to the Nôm to differentiate it from the Hán or Nho, considered as the language of the foreign ruler.

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Marta Ortega Pérez, Universidad de Jaén

La doctrina cristiana a través de la obra lexicografica de fray Domingo de los Santos: Vocabulario de la lengua Tagala

Al igual que ocurrió en América, en Filipinas surge la necesidad de comunicación y enseñanza del español como lengua de identidad. Por este motivo, el vehículo principal durante la colonización fue la doctrina de la fe cristiana. De este modo, los misioneros de distintas órdenes religiosas se encargaron de crear numerosas gramáticas y vocabularios con dos objetivos: instruirse y enseñar. Por lo tanto, el diccionario sirvió como herramienta social para la política lingüística de la época.

El presente trabajo tiene como objetivo contribuir a la investigación de la lingüística misionera realizada en las provincias de Filipinas (ss. XVI-XIX). Para ello, se va a realizar un estudio lingüístico de la obra del Fray Domingo de los Santos. (¿?, Cáceres – 1695, Mahaybay), esto es, su Vocabulario de la lengua tagala: primera y segunda parte. En la primera se pone primero el castellano, y después el tagalo; y en la segunda, al contrario, que son las raíces simples con sus acentos, obra póstuma.

Este trabajo se centrará en analizar tanto la macroestructura como la microestructura con el fin de localizar aquellas voces propias de las realidades cristianas, además de indagar en los ejemplos de uso, puesto que pueden haber servido para enseñar bajo los principios de la fe cristiana.

References Fernández Rodriguez, R. (2014). Traducción de términos religiosos en los vocabularios filipinos (1565-

1800). Amsterdam Studies in the Theory and History of Linguistic Science. Series 3: Studies in the History of Linguistics, 122, 273-294.

García-Medall, J. (2007). La traducción codificada: las artes y Vocabularios hispano-filipinos (1610-1910). Hermēneus. Revista de Traducción e Interpretación, 9, pp. 117-144.

Gómez Platero, E. (1880). Catálogo biográfico de los religiosos franciscanos de la provincia de San Gregorio Magno de Filipinas desde 1577 en que llegaron los primeros a Manila hasta los de nuestros días, Imp. del Real Colegio de Santo Tomás, Manila.

Moreno Moreno, M. Á. (2005). Obras lexicográficas, instrumentos para la evangelización Franciscana (ss. XVI-XIX). En Cazorla Vivas, M.ª del Carmen; Narciso M. Contreras Izquierdo; M. ª Ángeles García Aranda y M.ª Águeda Moreno Moreno (coords.), Estudios de Historia de la Lengua e Historiografía Lingüística. Actas del III Congreso Nacional de la AJIHLE (Jaén, del 27 al 29 de marzo de 2003). Madrid: Compañía Española de Reprografía y Servicios.

Moreno Moreno, M. Á. (2016). El trabajo lexicográfico y de traducción en el Diccionario de romance en lengua subguana de Fr. Francisco Encina (1715-1760). Anuario de Letras. Lingüística y Filología, 4 (2), pp. 205-244.

Quilis, A. (1997). Datos para la historiografía lingüística filipina. En Ricardo Escavy y Zamora, José Miguel Hernández Terrés, Eulalia Hernández Sánchez y M.ª Isabel López Martínez (eds.), Homenaje al profesor A. Roldán Pérez, II, Murcia: Universidad de Murcia, pp. 471-495.

Sueiro Justel, J. (2003). Historia de la lingüística española en Filipinas (1580-1898), Lugo: Axac Zamora, P. Fr. Eladio (1901): Las corporaciones religiosas en Filipinas, Valladolid: Imprenta y Librería

Religiosa de Andrés Martín.

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Andy Peetersman, Leuven University

Glottonymy as a source of evidence for the historiography of linguistics

European missionaries’ perceptions of American linguistic landscapes in the early modern period

The study of language naming (which can be termed glottonymics or glottonomastics) has a lot to offer to the historiographer of linguistics. Glottonyms are deeply interconnected with identity, ideology and politics; in this they resemble both other types of names (e.g. toponyms) and the constructs that they are used to name, i.e. language varieties. Therefore, studying the emergence, changing popularity and disappearance of glottonyms, as well as their etymology and the synchronic and diachronic variation of both their formal and semantic sides, can provide important clues as to the history of the language varieties that are being named and the changing ways in which these varieties are perceived. In a subsequent phase, the results of these glottonymical investigations can be ‘triangulated’ – in the spirit of Blau (2011: 361) – with those of other kinds of research (such as close readings of paratexts or studies of terminology) in order to come up with a coherent narrative that takes into account as many different sources of evidence as possible. Thus, we are presented with a possibility of adding a new chapter to an old and fruitful tradition of using names of different kinds as sources for history writing (cf. Bauer 1995: 8-9; Fellows-Jensen 2016).

In order to illustrate these general observations, I will present a panoramic overview (based on my ongoing PhD research) of early modern European missionary linguists’ perceptions of (and attitudes toward) the American indigenous languages with which they engaged, as evidenced by their naming practices. Special care will be taken to give due attention to heterogeneity and variation (through time, circumstances, traditions…), and to check the validity of the conclusions suggested by this glottonymical analysis against the attitudes toward these languages apparent from comments made by the missionaries in the paratexts of their linguistic works.

References Bauer, Gerhard. 1995. ‘Namenforschung im Verhältnis zu anderen Forschungsdisziplinen’.

In Namenforschung: ein internationales Handbuch zur Onomastik, edited by Ernst Eichler, 1:8–23. Berlin & New York: de Gruyter.

Blau, Adrian. 2011. ‘Uncertainty and the history of ideas’. History and Theory 50.3: 358-372. Calhoun, Doyle. 2017. ‘Reading paratexts in missionary linguistic works: An analysis of the preface

to the Holy Ghost Fathers’ (1855) Dictionnaire français-wolof et wolof-français’. Language & History 60.1: 53-72.

Fellows-Jensen, Gillian. 2016. ‘Names and history’. In The Oxford Handbook of Names and Naming, edited by Carole Hough, 513-524. New York: Oxford University Press.

Gold, David. 1980. ‘The Spanish, Portuguese and Hebrew names for Yiddish and the Yiddish names for Hebrew’. International Journal of the Sociology of Language 24: 29-42.

Kahane, Henry & Renée Kahane. 1976. ‘Lingua Franca: The story of a term’. Romance Philology 30.1: 25-41.

Lubliner, Coby. 2006. ‘Adventures in glossonymy’.http://faculty.ce.berkeley.edu/coby/essays/gloss.htm (accessed 27 October 2017).

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Pei Mengsu, Guangdong Ocean University

The First Braille Alphabet of Chinese Language —the Phonology Basis of the Murray Numeral System

The first of Braille Alphabet of Chinese language was invented by William Murry, who was a missionary from Britain, with the help of Chinese assistants. For a long time, people call this system Kangxi Number Type, for the reason that many scholars think the system was designed on the basis of rhythm tables of Kangxi Dictionary.This paper have researched the system of William Murry systematically, and found that mistaken understanding about it has always existed. Further more, we will talk about the reasons that may lead to those mistaken understanding.

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Thi Kieu Ly PHAM, Université Sorbonne Nouvelle

La transition du modèle latin vers le modèle français dans les grammaires du vietnamien et la promotion de l’écriture romanisée en écriture nationale à l’époque coloniale

Le débarquement de l’armée française dans le port de Tourane en 1858 marque une nouvelle page de l’histoire du Vietnam. Cet événement va changer complètement la situation politique et culturelle du pays, en particulier les politiques d’éducation et les politiques linguistiques. Les dictionnaires et grammaires sont rédigés désormais en français, tandis que les grammaires vietnamiennes publiées avant 1858 (Rhodes 1651, Taberd 1838) étaient en métalangage latin. Une ère nouvelle commence qui verra le développement d’une réflexion en matière linguistique conduisant à l’adoption de l’écriture vietnamienne romanisée qui remplace les caractères chinois employés dans les documents administratifs.

Dans cette communication, nous passons en revue dans un premier temps les ouvrages grammaticaux publiés en français par les missionnaires et les administrateurs coloniaux, afin de montrer les effets de la transition du modèle latin vers le modèle français dans la description du vietnamien et l’évolution de la conception des parties du discours dans les grammaires du vietnamien pendant toute la période considérée.

Dans un deuxième temps, nous exposons les contextes historiques et linguistiques de la sortie de l’écriture vietnamienne romanisée du cercle de l’Eglise. Cette écriture, qui fut d’abord un moyen d’apprentissage des missionnaires étrangers par l’outillage des dictionnaires (1651 ; 1838), est introduite dans les écoles coloniales à partir de 1861. Elle s’est propagée rapidement avec le soutien de ses partisans français et vietnamiens. L’année 1919 marque l’abolition du système de recrutement par concours des mandarins à la Cour de Huế et donc la fin de l’obligation de maitriser l’écriture idéogrammatique dans l’administration royale, moment qui coïncide avec l’usage généralisé de l’écriture romanisée dans le royaume sous protectorat français.

References AUBARET Gabriel. 1861. Vocabulaire Français-Annamite et Annamite-Français, précédé d’un

traité des particules annamites, Bangkok, Imprimerie de la Mission Catholique. AUBARET Gabriel. 1864. Grammaire de la langue annamite, Paris, Imprimerie impériale. AUROUX, Sylvain. 1994. La révolution technologique de la grammatisation, Liège, Mardaga. BEZANCON Pascale. 2002. Une colonisation éducatrice? L’expérience indochinoise (1860-1945),

Paris, L’Harmattan. CASPAR, Louis. 1878. Notions pour servir à l'étude de la langue annamite, Tân Dinh, Imprimerie

de la Mission. COLOMBAT Bernard, FOURNIER Jean-Marie, PUECH Christian. 2010. Histoire des idées sur le

langage et les langues, Paris, Klincksieck. GRAMMONT, Maurice & LE, Quang Trinh. 1912. Études sur la langue annamite, Paris, Imprimerie

nationale. JACQUES, Roland. 2002. Pionniers portugais de la linguistique vietnamienne, Édition illustrée,

Orchid Press. LÉON Antoine. 1991. Colonisation, enseignement et éducation. Etude historique et comparative,

Paris, L’Harmattan.

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RHODES, Alexandre de. 1651. Dictionarium Annamiticum, Lusitanum et Latinum, Propaganda Fide, Rome.

TABERD, Jean-Louis. 1838. Dictionarium Anamitico-Latinum, Serampore, Ex typis J.-C. Marshman, Fredericnagori vulgo.

TRỊNH Văn Thảo. 1995. L’école française en Indochine, Paris, Karthala. TRƯƠNG, Vĩnh Ký.1867. Abrégé de Grammaire Annamite, Saigon, Imprimerie impériale. ZWARTJES, Otto. 2011. Portuguese Missionary Grammars in Asia, Africa and Brazil, 1550-1800,

Amsterdam/Philadelphia, John Benjamins Publishing.

65

Diego Poli, University of Macerata

Matteo Ricci’s writings in a multilinguistic context

How heavy is the weight of Matteo Ricci in Chinese culture or, in other words, did the Italian Renaissance scholar Ricci succeed in his attempt to be the Chinese Literatus Li Madou? The crucial question begins with the language competence Ricci and the Jesuit Fathers of his mission acquired in Mandarin and continues with the double-faced encounter on the ground of human understanding and religious persuasion. The first encounter between West and Han-China developed into a cross-cultural dialogue involving philosophical, scientific and religious matters. This encounter focus upon: - the newly experimented inculturative policy aimed at persuading the Chinese literati about the feasibility of an intercultural exchange; - the viability of a linguistic experimentation, through which the commuting of mutual knowledges could be tried; - the relationship between the apostolic message and the three religions of China.

The finest theorists on communicative aspects of evangelization were Francis Xavier and the Visitor Alexander Valignano, for the East, and José de Acosta for South America. Valignano improved the strategies of Francis Xavier’s method of inculturation or accomodation, succeeding in characterizing the whole of Jesuit’s missionary work in the Far East for its dialogical originality. Their works opened to the perspective of experiencing the encounter with the foreign and provided the rhetorical base for an intercultural communication aimed at conveying religious teaching into other people languages. If Jesuits succeeded in empowering the access to the “unknown land”, the communicative denominator allowed dialogical relationship between the two utmost ends of the world was the unitary dimension in which differences were reconciled because were perceived as if they were expressions of the same common reality.

In the frame of this policy of mutual understanding, Far East has been approached with the communicative means of Renaissance in order to appeal eastern literati and fascinate western intellectuals.

The Ratio atque institutio studiorum contained the didactic programme and the applied directives of a pedagogy for the Company. Its rhetorical setting was equipped for a speculative thinking related to historical and experimental observations and presuppositions in metaphysics, that had to be adapted to original communicative procedures for a groundbreaking cultural season.

A particular emphasis was placed on the study of Latin as well as any other language suitable to the needs of the mission. The Jesuits were expected to have a good command and competence: Latin through the immersion in a selection of books, the local languages through the device of elaborated interactive strategies. The education acquired in the exercise of rhetoric, in reasoning on language structures and in the analysis of texts allowed Jesuits to develop a set of interpretative strategies for speech-acts accorded to the pragmatics of “place, time and circumstances" (MI, Constitutiones 465 and Exercitia spiritualia 363) and the contexts of the subjects. Ricci’s writings present an interesting intercultural play between Chinese, Latin, Portuguese and Spanish; Italian has a particular role if it is considered in relation to its sociolinguistic level.

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Anna Pytlowany, University of Amsterdam

Printing Indian scripts in Europe: lead actors and supporting characters

When, in the 16th and 17th century, India became a regular trading ground for European merchants and missionaries, the Portuguese, Spanish, Dutch and French were suddenly faced with a plethora of new languages with their distinct writing systems. Although printing Indian languages in India started relatively early with Henrique Henriques’ (1520-- 1600) Doctrina Christiam, printed in Goa in 1577 using Tamil types (Blackburn 2006: 34), the ‘exotic’ Indian scripts were not introduced to the European reader until later in the 17th century. In an early overview of Indian languages and literature by Catholic and Protestant missionaries in Europe, Johann Gottfried Eichhorn (1807: 198-- 205) mentions the first printed words in Tamil by Philipus Baldaeus (1632-- 1671) from his Naauwkeurige Beschryvinge der Indische Kusten Malabar ende Choramandel (1672), and the first use of Grantham script in Hortus Malabaricus (from 1678) by Hendrik Adriaan van Reede (1636-- 1691). Eichhorn also brings up, among others, Adriaan Reland’s (1676-- 1718) description of Sinhala from Ceylon (1706), and Cassiano Beligatti’s (1708-- 1791) treatese on Devanagari, Alphabetum Brammhanicum from 1771. But were the named authors of these printed books also the source of knowledge of the scripts they presented? And if not, who stood behind these works? In my presentation, I will attempt to match some lesser known manuscripts with their famous printed siblings to uncover the forgotten connections between the ordinary field workers and the people who benefited from their work.

References PRIMARY SOURCES: BALDAEUS, Philippus. 1672. Naauwkeurige Beschryvinge der Indische Kusten Malabar

ende Choramandel. Amsterdam: by Johannes Janssonius van Waasberge and Johannes van Someren.

BELIGATTI, Cassiano. 1771. Alphabetum Brammhanicum seu Indostanum Universitatis Kasí.

Romae [Rome]: Typis Sac. Congregationis de Propag. Fide. PAULINUS a St. Bartholomaeo. 1791. Alphabeta Indica id est Granthamicum seu

Samscrdamico-- Malabaricum Indostanum ... Roma: Typis Sac. Congregationis de Propag. Fide.

REEDE, Hendrik Adriaan Van. 1686-- 1703. Hortus Malabaricus. Amsterdam: by Widow of

J. van Sommeren, J. van Dyck, H. & Widow of T. Boom. RELAND, Adriaan. 1708. Dissertationum miscellanearum pars tertia. Trajecti ad Rhenum: ex

off. G. Broedelet. SECONDARY SOURCES: BLACKBURN, Stuart H. 2006. Print, Folklore, and Nationalism in Colonial South India. Delhi:

Permanent Black/Orient Blackswan. EICHHORN, Johann Gottfried. 1807. Geschichte der neueren Sprachenkunde. Göttingen:

Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht. SHAW, Graham. 1997. ‘Printing in Devanagari’. In: B.S. Kesawan, History of Printing and

Publishing in India. A Story of Cultural Re-- awakening. Vol. 3. New Delhi: National Book Trust, 126-- 32.

67

Raini Emanuele and Zhao Hongtao, Centre for Chinese Studies, Urbaniana University

New evidence on an anonymous Chinese-Portuguese dictionary preserved in Rome

The National Library of Rome preserves a Chinese-Portuguese manuscript dictionary, anonymous and undated. A later copy of this dictionary, emended and rearranged, is also preserved in Rome, at the Roman Archive of the Society of Jesus (ARSI). Furthermore, the Chinese-French dictionary published in 1670 as an appendix to Kircher's work Chine Illustrée, shows a certain degree of connection with these two manuscript dictionaries.

The dictionary kept at the National Library has passed almost unnoticed to the eyes of the scholars. Raini (EACL 2009) illustrated the phylogenetic relationship between the two copies, which share a large part of content; it has been already shown that these dictionaries employ almost the same Romanization system used by Ricci in the work Xizi qiji (1604). Raini already attempted to approximately date the copies and made some hypotheses on the possible authors.

In this paper, after having summarized the above data, we will take into account the new evidence emerged from a deeper analysis of the lexicon, in order to attempt a more precise chronological dating and attempt to identify other clues about the authority of the work.

68

María Alejandra Regúnaga, CONICET/Universidad Nacional de La Pampa

La documentación del yagán en el marco de las misiones anglicanas y de las misiones de la SVD: relaciones y contrastes en el Diccionario Yamana-Inglés

La tradición etnológica de la Societas Verbi Divini (SVD) congregación católica fundada por Arnold Janssen en 1875 y que, particularmente a partir de los trabajos del P. Wilhelm Schmidt, se posicionó como referente respecto a la relación entre lengua y cultura encuentra un punto de articulación con la tradición misionera de los anglicanos en el extremo sur de Patagonia tradición que comienza con la Patagonian Missionary Society en 1844, más tarde denominada South American Missionary Society, entre cuyos representantes más destacados se encuentra Thomas Bridges. El nexo que vincula ambos grupos misioneros se localiza en el extremo sur de la Patagonia chileno-argentina, y remite a los pueblos originarios que allí habitaron: selknam, qawasqar y yagán. Nuestro análisis se centra en este último grupo, cuya lengua fue minuciosamente registrada por Bridges en el Yamana-English Dictionary, del cual perviven una serie de manuscritos (Add MS 46177 1865; Add MSS 46178-46179 1877-1878; Add MS 46180 1879, British Library) y que, póstumamente, fuera editado por Gusinde y Hestermann y publicado (1933) en St. Gabriel, Mödling, Austria, donde se ubicaba la SVD. En esta obra se entrelazan, pues, dos prácticas misioneras, cada una con su ideología, su uso y propósito, su vinculación con el pueblo indígena, la lengua y la cultura, así como con la ciencia, la religión y la tradición occidental, y que pueden ser rastreadas en el conjunto de esta obra lexicográfica.

69

Emilio Ridruejo, Facultad de Filosofía y Letras, Universidad de Valladolid

El tratamiento de marcadores discursivos en gramáticas filipinas del siglo XVII

Las lenguas filipinas (tagalo, pampango, ilocano, visaya, zambal, etc.) se caracterizan por poseer operadores o marcadores discursivos que son expresados unas veces como partículas enclíticas y otras como voces independientes. Con ellos se indica la posición del emisor sobre el contenido de la proposición: su relación con respecto a expectativas supuestas; el modo mediante el cual se ha conocido el contenido de la proposición formulada; la posición psicológica del emisor en relación con lo enunciado, etc.

Los primeros gramáticos filipinos pueden reconocer el sentido que resulta del empleo de algunas de las partículas enclíticas y de muchas de las voces independientes, pero carecen de los instrumentos conceptuales y técnicos para su codificación, especialmente en lo que atañe a las primeras, dado que no hay en la tradición gramatical clásica, y tampoco en la española, nociones descriptivas suficientes ni equivalentes morfológicos que puedan utilizar.

En la comunicación se examinan los recursos que utilizan los gramáticos para la descripción del contenido de los marcadores. En algunas de las obras estudiadas tales partículas se ignoran casi por completo y en otras se tratan como elementos léxicos. Sin embargo, progresivamente algunos autores como López y Benavente, en sus gramáticas del ilocano y del pampango, respectivamente, van prestando mayor atención al significado de los marcadores intentando integrarlo en la codificación de lo que denominan preposiciones.

70

Rebeca Fernández Rodríguez,University of Amsterdam

Asian-European encounters. Knowledge networks in the

Philippines (1565 – 1898)

In the wake of the colonizing impetus started in the late 15th century, Hispanic and Portuguese explorers were accompanied by missionaries. In order to achieve their final goal (evangelization), they had to acquire knowledge of the indigenous languages. For this reason, these ‘linguistic fieldworkers’ composed numerous grammars, orthographies, lexical compilations, and learning methods. The readers of these works were not only other missionaries but also merchants, travellers and European scholars interested in ‘exotic’ languages and their writing systems. Efforts towards collecting materials on ‘exotic’ languages brought about a methodological discussion in Europe due to the following factors: (a) these languages had grammatical structures divergent from the European languages; (b) the application of Latin(ate) lexicography to these languages was not sufficient; and (c) at times, a non-alphabetical order was better to describe the lexical/grammatical organization of the languages in general. The grammars and word catalogues compiled by missionaries overseas are not only linguistic records but also ethnographic and historical chronicles of old civilizations that were entirely new to European scholars of the time. Scholars in Europe were convinced that a comparison of languages and writing systems would (a) enable them to uncover the so-called Adamic language and (b) inspire them in designing a new and perfect universal language. Needless to say, these scholars were forced to entirely rely on the missionaries to gain insight into the structure of those languages. Thus, the goal of this paper is to describe and analyse the transfer of knowledge between the Philippines and Europe until the 19th century based on the language descriptions made by missionaries.

71

Eustaquio Sánchez Salor, Universidad de Extremadura (España)

Maturino Gilberti (1508-1585), misionero y gramático en México.

Ingredientes humanistas en su teoría del ornato.

Maturino Gilberti (1508-1585), misionero franciscano de origen francés que desarrolló su labor misionera en México a partir de 1542, es autor de varios tratados gramaticales y léxicos sobre la lengua tarasca o de Mechaucán; entre ellos, El arte de la lengua tarasca o Arte de la lengua de Mechuacan, 1558. Y es también autor de una Gramática latina. Hay que aceptar que las Gramáticas de lenguas aborígenes y de lengua latina compuestas por misioneros tienen como finalidad facilitar el intercambio lingüístico entre misioneros e indígenas. Pero también es cierto que muchos de estos misioneros son conocedores de los principios gramaticales y lingüísticos que corren por Europa en el momento que escriben esas Gramáticas, principios que no se olvidan de incluir en ellas, como muestra de sus conocimientos. En este trabajo lo comprobamos en Maturino en lo que se refiere concretamente a la doctrina humanista sobre la elegancia de la lengua y sobre la copia.

Maturino Gilberti (1508-1585), Franciscan missionary of French origin, who developed his missionary labor in Mexico from 1542, is the author of several grammatical and lexical works on the “Tarascan” language or of Mechaucán, as The art of the Tarascan language or Art of Mechuacan's language, 1558. Besides of that, he is also an author of a Latin Grammar. It is necessary to accept that the Grammars of aboriginal and of Latin language composed by missionaries have as their main purpose to facilitate the linguistic exchange between missionaries and aborigens. But it is also true that many of these missionaries are connoisseurs of the grammatical and linguistic aspects, that were spread off in Europe in the epoch they wrote these Grammars, knowledge that they do not forget to include in them. In this work, we verify it in the works of Maturino, in those points related to the humanist knowledge about the elegantia and the copia of language.

72

Richard VanNess Simmons, Rutgers University

Robert Morrison’s study of Chinese in south China and the Mandarin he described

Robert Morrison (1782-1834) was the first Protestant missionary to work in China and was also the first to compile a Chinese-English dictionary and grammar. He did so under extremely arduous and challenging circumstances in south China, primarily in Canton and Macau, in the early 19th century. Morrison is known to have disparaged the local Cantonese for formal use and to have based his dictionary and grammar on a form of Mandarin, a northern Chinese idiom. Though pioneering in effort and initially highly valuable contributions to the English speaking Sinological world, the results of Morrison’s work are generally discounted as inferior in many ways by later scholars. However, it is in fact quite remarkable that Robert Morrison could compile a comprehensive Mandarin dictionary and grammar working for the most part surreptitiously in China’s deep south. Clearly, Mandarin was a widely spoken idiom in Qīng China and could be encountered in many a far-away corner. At the same time, there were at least two types of Mandarin prevalent in China in the Qīng: a northern type generally identified with Beijing, and a southern type generally identified with Nanjing. Of these two types, southern Mandarin had the greater prestige, even in many parts of north China. Thus, looked at from another angle, Morrison’s work presents us with a witness to what the prestige Mandarin of the Guangdong region might have been like. It provides us with a valuable natural specimen of the Mandarin current in southern China during the Qīng dynasty.

This paper investigates the circumstances of Morrison’s language study in Macau and examines the Mandarin he recorded and how he recorded it. We compare his view and description of Mandarin with contemporary indigenous representatives of Mandarin, such as those of Lǐ Rǔzhēn (c. 1763–1830) and Gāo Jìngtíng (fl. 1800-1810), and examine its characteristic features so as to accurately place it within the spectrum of Qīng Mandarin types.* Morrison acknowledged that there were two forms of Mandarin pronunciation, a Beijing based version, or “Tartar-Chinese dialect,” and a Nanjing or Jiangnan based “Kwan hwa” (Guānhuà), and indicated that he used the Nanjing pronunciation in his dictionary. Indeed, Morrison presented a clearly southern type of Mandarin in the dictionary and grammar, one that reveals some of the defining characteristics of that idiom in south China during the early years of the 18th century—such as dental sibilants that are still unpalatalized before high front vowels and a full inventory of rù tone syllables, the fifth tone. Overall, the southern Mandarin (nányīn) presented by Morrison accords well with contemporaneous Chinese descriptions and is a rich and useful Western witness to the Qīng period Guānhuà koinē.

*Our treatment additionally provides a comparative perspective on many of the findings of W. South Coblin in his article

titled “Robert Morrison and the Phonology of Mid-Qīng Mandarin,” JRAS, Series 3, 13, 3 (2003), pp. 339–355.

73

P. Swiggers – W. Thomas – T. Van Hal, University of Leuven

On the ‘affinities of the Oriental languages’: Wilhelm von Humboldt and his British connections

Missionary and colonial linguistics fueled, from the early 19th century on, a growing body of reflections on relationships – genetic or structural – between languages. In the case of Wilhelm von Humboldt these reflections were directly relevant to the emerging discipline of historical-comparative linguistics, as they took shape in dialogue with correspondents such Franz Bopp and August-Wilhelm Schlegel.

This paper will take as its starting point a letter written by Humboldt in 1828, and sent to Sir Alexander Johnston, a founding member of the Royal Asiatic Society. On his letter – “on the best means of ascertaining the affinities of Oriental languages” – Humboldt examines the case of the languages of India and the Indian archipelago.

Humboldt’s letter merits a detailed study from at least two perspectives:

From the point of view of the history of linguistic ideas, the letter contains interesting information concerning Humboldt’s views on the limits of lexical comparison, and concerning his insistence upon the comparative study of the ‘structure’ of languages, as well as their ‘analogy in sounds’;

From the point of view of the socio-historical approach of science (and knowledge circulation), the letter, to which Henry Thomas Colebrooke added an explanatory note – offers crucial information on Humboldt’s documentation and on his network. We learn, e.g., that Sir Alexander Johnston communicated to Humboldt a memoir published by James Mackintosh, and papers on Malayalam. Also, Humboldt was familiar with Oriental manuscripts in the possession of some of his British correspondents (e.g. Baron Babington).

The paper will deal with these two (complementary) aspects.

74

Heréndira Téllez Nieto, Catedrática Conacyt-USon

Traducciones bíblicas en lenguas indoamericanas del siglo XVI:

el Evangeliario de la Biblioteca Capitular de Toledo, ms. 35-22.

Las traducciones bíblicas a lenguas indoamericanas constituyen un hito en la historia de la Lingüística misionera en el mundo. Antes de que diversas naciones occidentales contaran con traducciones en sus propias lenguas en la Nueva España ya se tenían versiones de las Epistolae et Evangelia en náhuatl, purépecha y otomí. Estas traducciones, preparadas para la liturgia diaria y dominical al modo de evangeliarios, se convirtieron en canónicas y fueron el pilar de evangelización hasta que el Concilio de Trento decretó la prohibición de traducciones bíblicas en lenguas vernáculas. Desde entonces, las primitivas traducciones cayeron prácticamente en el olvido y actualmente están siendo rescatadas en el marco del proyecto “Filología bíblica en lenguas indoamericanas”. Esta ponencia abordará la forma en que se realizaron dichas traducciones a partir del texto original de la Vulgata latina y de la primera versión en náhuatl (ca. 1545) del recién descubierto Evangeliario de Toledo, luego traducida al purépecha (1559) y al otomí (ca. 1560), y se analizarán algunos de los problemas lingüísticos que enfrentarían los misioneros al componerlas.

75

Gabriele Tola, Università degli Studi di Roma “La Sapienza”, Kansai University

Fryer and the missionary work in late Qing China:

some considerations from an almost secular perspective

The John Fryer Papers represent a fundamental but often neglected archival resource. Housed in the Bancroft Library, University of California Berkeley, they are among the most important primary sources for research on John Fryer (Fu Lanya 傅蘭雅, 1839-1928); at the same time, they are a notable archive to retrieve information on the Xixue Dongjian 西學東漸 and, in a broader sense, the circumstances of late Qing China (Dagenais 2010, Tola 2017). The great majority of documents included in the Fryer Papers is represented by handwritten material; credit for their typewritten transcription belongs to Ferdinand Dagenais.

Particularly pertaining to the history of missions and of cultural interactions between the West and China, Fryer supplies his acute insider perspective on the relevant situation in late Qing China within different folders, such as “Roman Catholicism in Shanghai and the vicinity” and “Missionary work in China”. In the speech, the author presents and analyses the contents of some of the folders of the Fryer Papers, in particular the descriptions, ideas and suggestions put forward by Fryer on the missionary work in China. John Fryer set off indeed for China in 1861 to become a missionary, but due to different reasons, he soon abandoned his purpose, to devote his life to the translation of technical and scientific texts into Chinese. Nevertheless, his tie with the missionary milieux of the Jiangnan area has been solid throughout his whole stay in China, as demonstrated by his participation to various conferences of Protestant missionaries. The aim of the speech is to provide new information and a new perspective on the history of missions in late Qing China, particularly focusing on an archival resource which has been frequently ignored, at the same time casting a brighter light on John Fryer's role in China.

76

Masayuki Toyoshima, Sophia University, Tokyo

The roots of “raiz” (root) in the Jesuit grammars

The grammars of the Jesuit mission in Japan (1549 to 1611) describe inflections of the Japanese verbs in terms of “raiz” (root). The term appears occasionally in its Japanese-Portuguese dictionary (1603), and frequently in the Japanese grammars (1604, 1620) by João Rodriguez (Tçûzu). It is well known that the term “raiz” is employed also in the Tarascan grammars (Monzón, 1999). Zwartjes (2002) traces this term back to the Semitic grammars.

Much more directly, the term appears in the Álvares’ “larger” grammar (1572), where Marcus Terentius Varro’s “radix” (root) in De lingua latina (1c. B.C.) is explicitly referred to as its origin.

The Álvares’ grammar, which soon after its publication became the Jesuit standard Latin grammar, has two streams: the larger grammar (arte grande) which contains lots of scholia (examples and arguments) for teachers, and the smaller grammar (arte pequena, first edition 1573), which is meant for students, and is devoid of any such scholion. Later adaptations of the Álvares’ grammar were developed mainly on the smaller grammar, e.g. the Spanish adaptation (1578), and the Portuguese one (1583); the Japanese adaptation (1594) is no exception (Assunção & Toyoshima, 2012).

The current study discusses the influence of the two streams of Álvares’ grammars on the Jesuit grammatical framework of Japanese, adding an evidence that the Japanese adaptation (1594) was mainly influenced by the Spanish adaptation (1578) of arte pequena.

The “raiz” (root) in Jesuit grammars is fundamentally different from the “stem” of modern linguistics. The study clarifies how the concept of “raiz”, which traces back to Álvares (and to M. Varro), enabled the Jesuit grammarians to establish its conjugation system of Japanese, which was followed throughout, in the three Japanese grammars, as well as in multi-lingual dictionaries by the Jesuits. Interestingly, the Japanese mono-lingual dictionary (1598) by the Jesuits does not adopt “raiz” as an inflectional root; the glossaries to the mono-lingual Japanese textbooks (1591, 1592, 1596) by the Jesuits neither do so. This suggests that the concept of “raiz” is inherently multi-lingual, designed to describe a target language other than the language describing.

References Assunção & Toyoshima (2012) AMAKUSA-BAN RATEN-BUNTEN [De institutione grammatica,

Amakusa, 1594, edition and study] (Yagi Shoten, Tokyo, Japan); Monzón, Christina (1999) Tradition and innovations in sixteenth century grammars of New Spain

(Nowak, Elke, ed. (1999) Languages different in all their sounds); Zwartjes, Otto (2002) The description of the indigenous languages of Portuguese America by the

Jesuits during the colonial period -- the impact of the Latin grammar of Manuel Álvares (Historiographia linguistica XXIX 1/2).

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Benjamin K. Tsou, City University of Hong Kong; The Hong Kong University of Science and Technology; The Chinese University of Hong Kong

Missionaries as Witnesses or Contributors to Consequential Changes in China? -- Dr Benjamin Hobson (1816-1873) in respect of Neologisms and Medicine

The epochal developments in China in the lead up to the Opium Wars and their aftermath in the second half of the 19th Century were witnessed by important outsiders such as missionaries, whose accounts of the times in China had enhanced the growing European interest in China and Chinoiserie. However, by comparison, little attempts have been made to assess the contributions of missionaries to the physical and intellectual well-being of the Chinese people.

Dr Robert Morrison and his work have been well-known. He had a son-in-law posthumously, Dr Benjamin Hobson (1816-1873), who was in China and Japan [1839 - 1859] as a medical missionary under the London Missionary Society. Hobson is known for his efforts to introduce western medicine to China and Japan, particularly through his publications on physiology, which set the stage in China for the introduction of invasive surgery, altogether anathema to the traditional Confucian ethos at that time. He also published bilingual glossaries of medical terms which set the stage to revolutionize medicine in China, and he can be said to be more than a rapporteur but also an important contributor to the physical well-being of the Chinese people.

Little is known of Hobson's first publication Cantonese Dialogues in 1850 which offers interesting comparison across the long time span of the traditional didactic approach in language pedagogy. It is also an unusually wholesome corpus of High register colloquial Cantonese spoken in Canton city in the 1850's; it provides an important window on some of significant phylogenetic developments in the grammar of Cantonese and so of Chinese, as well as of language generally. This paper also draws on this book to focus on some salient comparisons of lexical developments, and on social and cultural aspects of life in the Pearl River Delta, such a corruption prevention and governance, especially in the context of diplomatic finesse, all relevant to this day.

78

Cécile Van den Avenne, Université Paris 3-Sorbonne Nouvellle

Missionaries-as-linguists and their native informants

Some evidences from West-African languages descriptions

Within the field of linguistic historiography, researches on missionary linguistics provide important informations and analyses on the way European missionaries-as-linguists dealed with and described extra-european languages (creativity in descriptive techniques: lexicography, grammatical analysis, phonology, morphology, or syntax; translation practices, pragmatics...). Very little is known however about the way those missionaries acquired their linguistic knowledge and about their native informants. And this may have had great influence for instance on the variety the missionaries described and may have also spoken. For instance, among other examples, one can compare the way Jesuits and Dominicans aquired their knowledge about Chinese language (XVIth-XVIIth centeries). The Jesuits built relationship with the elite of the Chinese empire and learnt the elite variety, Mandarin. Meanwhile, the Dominican order, in the Philipine where there was no Chinese elite, learnt the vernacular spoken by the Chinese traders and fishermans, a variety of Hokkien (Klöter, 2009).

As Errington (2008) pointed it out «The work of describing languages may require close engagement with complex intimacies of talk », but, in many cases, and not only within the field of « missionary linguistics », or even « colonial linguistics », « it results in texts which stand [far] from life's hard edges » (Errington, 2008: 3). One must often read linguistic description « against the grain » in order to be able to recover the voices of native informants who made them possible.

My communication aims to give a comparative sketch of the way missionaries engaged with linguistic description of extra-european languages dealt with the difficulty to collect data and the way they used natives informants. Focusing on linguistics descriptions of a collection of West-African Languages, written at the end of the XIXth century, I will describe the figures of native informants that appears in those texts, and the kind of interactions between informants and missionaries that produced those first linguistic descriptions. My corpus is made of linguistic descriptions produced by Catholic missionaries (Congrégation du Saint Esprit, Missionnaires d'Afrique) as well as by Protestant missionaries (Church Missionary Society).

References: Errington, Joseph (2008) Linguistics in a Colonial World. A Story of Language, Meanin and Power,

Blackwell Publishing. Klöter, Henning (2009) « The earliest Hokkien dictionaries », in Otto Zwartjes, Ramón Arzápalo

Marín and Thomas C. Smith-Stark (ed.) Missionary Linguistics IV / Lingüística misionera IV: Lexicography, Amsterdam, John Benjamins Publishing Company, pp. 303–330.

79

Toon Van Hal,Center for het Historiography of Linguistics, KU Leuven

Systematizing a body of Indological sources on the verge of oblivion: Paulinus a Sancto Bartholomaeo and his unprinted Bibliotheca Indica (1803).

In 1789, Paulinus a Sancto Bartholomaeo (1746–1806) returned from Kerala, a region in the South of India, where he had been active as a missionary for several years. Back in Europe, the Carmelite began an Indological career, mainly under the patronage of Cardinal Stefano Borgia. Paulinus was extremely productive: almost every year, one of his manuscripts reached the printing press. Besides publishing grammatical, lexicographical and historical-cultural books (some of which were highly indebted to his predecessors, see Van Hal & Vielle 2013), he also compiled a number of bibliographical books, such as Examen historico-criticum codicum Indicorum Bibliothecae Sacrae Congregationis de Propaganda Fide, 1792; Musei Borgiani Velitris codices manuscripti avenses, peguani, siamici, malabarici, indostani, 1793 and India Orientalis Christiana, 1794. In some of her recent publications, I. Županov has shown why Paulinus saw the urgency of recording the Indological achievements of his Catholic predecessors: he was very well aware that the body of documents resulting from the work by ‘Catholic Orientalists’ risked to be seized by the British orientalists.

Through Paulinus’s publications, we are informed on many details of primarily South Indian grammaticographical and lexicographical work. The present paper will discuss Paulinus’s role as an organizer of knowledge related to missionary linguistic tools. More particularly, it will focus on a substantial, yet unpublished bibliographical survey written by Paulinus in 1803 (Bibliotheca Indica), that has remained unnoticed until now: the death of Paulinus’s ‘Maecenas’ Borgia prevented the manuscript from being printed. My paper will discuss to what extent this manuscript sheds new light on linguistic tools made by missionaries in Early Modern India.

References: Van Hal, Toon & Vielle, Christophe (ed.). 2013. “Grammatica Grandonica: The Sanskrit Grammar

of Johann Ernst Hanxleden s.j. (1681-1732), introduced and edited, with a photographical reproduction of the original manuscript” Available at: http://hdl.handle.net/2078.1/127831; https://publishup.uni-potsdam.de/opus4-ubp/frontdoor/deliver/index/docId/6251/file/hanxleden_grammatica.pdf.

Xavier, Ângela Barreto & Ines G. Županov. 2015. Catholic orientalism: Portuguese empire, Indian knowledge (16th - 18th Centuries). New Delhi: Oxford University Press.

Županov, Ines G. 2009. “Professional Missionary and Orientalist Curator; Paulinus a S. Bartholomaeo in India and Rome (18th-19th Century).” Saperi a confronto nell’Europa dei secoli XIII-XIX, ed. by Maria Pia Paoli, 203–219. Pisa: Edizione della Normale, Scuola Normale Superiore.

80

Zanna Van Loon, KU Leuven

Sixteenth-century colonial policies for evangelizing in the indigenous languages of the New World: setting the scene for missionary linguistics

Already in the early stages of colonization, the first Spanish missionaries travelled to the Americas in order to evangelize the indigenous populations, they would spread the word of God in the language of the indigenous people, mainly because teaching Spanish to indigenous peoples would very quickly prove to be ineffective. By learning these indigenous languages and codifying their knowledge of them, missionaries followed the ordinances of the Council of Trent (1545-1564), which explicitly stated the preference for vulgares linguae in religious teachings and the publications of catechisms in the vernacular languages. In this way, they could teach the general principles of Catholic faith to the Amerindians and indoctrinate them based on Christian literature. Around the same period, the first provincial council of Lima in 1551 and the first Mexican council in 1555 also decided to impose the use of indigenous languages. Having knowledge of the local language clearly played an important role in the Roman Catholic conversion policy.

The Spanish state quickly realized as well that the access to knowledge of the New World’s languages was an instrument of power. Consequently, the accumulation and production of this knowledge was encouraged by both institutions, but, importantly, they demanded for the regulation of these knowledge practices (e.g. The Third Lima Council of the Roman Church decided between 1582 and 1583 upon the publication of a set of official catechetical texts in a standard form of Quechua, but was influenced by the government of viceroy Toledo). Language was a useful tool for administrative purposes in order to gain access to the society of native populations and to control them.

It is essential to consider all actors who played different roles in the life of texts (indigenous peoples, bilingual interpreters, missionaries, publishers, etc.), but it is important as well to take into account the effects of structural dynamics – economic climate, socio-political entities, and cultural settings. These structural dynamics will form the central focus of my talk, as they present the contextual framework in which missionary linguistics came into being. In particular, this talk aims to present a general overview of the different sixteenth-century colonial policies implemented, stressing the relevance in how they preceded and influenced missionary language activities in the field and the creation of grammars and vocabularies. This talk will therefore concentrate on the role of the colonial administration in Spanish America that set up the context in which missionaries acquired language knowledge and produced descriptions in the New World. Special attention will be given to the interaction between the vice-royal authorities and the Spanish Crown. I will therefore consult paratexts of language descriptions, legislative texts, colonial administrative documents in archives of government councils connected with censorship activities, religious institutions such as records of the Spanish inquisition, printed decrees such as the one of the Third Lima Council, and correspondence between authorities in Spain and in the New World’s colonies.

81

Raf Van Rooy, Research Foundation – Flanders (FWO) & KU Leuven

How Greek is the ‘Greco-Latin model’? Some critical reflections on a key concept in missionary linguistic historiography

The model on which most missionary grammarians depended is that of Latin grammar. Due to the fact that Latin grammar is itself an adaptation and narrowing of Ancient Greek grammar,1 this model is often dubbed ‘Greco-Latin’ in current historiography. But how ‘Greek’ was the ‘Greco-Latin model’ in the eyes of early modern missionary grammarians?

And how tenable is the current historiographical concept of a monolithic ‘Greco-Latin model’? One should consider in this context that Latin grammar had always been available in the West since antiquity, whereas the Ancient Greek language was being ‘rediscovered’— or rather ‘re-appropriated’—from the late fourteenth century onwards. This raises the following question: was Greek grammar really seen by early modern missionary grammarians as the fundament on which Latin grammar was built and as largely identical to it? Or could Greek grammar, perhaps, be a separate model from which they could draw inspiration when its Latin counterpart was considered unsatisfactory? In my paper, I will look into this possibility by concentrating on the linguistic work of one seventeenth-century missionary active in Vietnam: the French Jesuit Alexandre de Rhodes (1591/93–1660). In the grammatical description he prefixed to his Vietnamese lexicon, entitled Dictionarium Annnamiticum [sic], Lusitanum et Latinum and printed in Rome by the Sacra congregatio de propaganda fide in 1651, de Rhodes extensively describes the accentual system of Vietnamese by relying on his knowledge of Greek rather Latin.2 In so doing, he implies that the Latin model is not entirely the same as its Greek prototype, which leaves us with the option that at least some early modern missionary grammarians did not have a monolithic ‘Greco-Latin model’ in mind when describing non-European languages. After briefly looking into parallels in linguistic descriptions by other missionary grammarians, I will explore the question as to whether the designation ‘Greco-Latin model’ can be maintained or it would be preferable to simply speak of the ‘Latin model,’ given the fact that descriptions of Greek could function as a separate source of inspiration. One could moreover ask oneself whether it is desirable to evoke every time the Greek origins of the descriptive framework missionary grammarians used by speaking of the ‘Greco-Latin model,’ when in many cases they do not refer at all to Greek grammar in their linguistic works. The central issue of the proposed paper is not limited to the historiography of missionary linguistics, in which it is, however, particularly prominent, but it is relevant to the historiography of linguistics as a whole.

1 See Vivien Law. The History of Linguistics in Europe: From Plato to 1600 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), 59. 2 On de Rhodes’ description, see, e.g., already the brief discussion in Otto Zwartjes, Portuguese Missionary Grammars in Asia, Africa and Brazil, 1550-1800, Studies in the History of the Language Sciences 117 (Amsterdam & Philadelphia: John Benjamins, 2011), 292–93.

82

Wenjie Wang, Department of Chinese Language and Literature of Tsinghua University

清末民初欧化白话文用词用语及文化研究——以《圣经·新约》官话和合本（1919）、《约翰

官话（1868）》为例

Study on Europeanized vernacular Chinese in Late Qing and Early Republic of China based on the Bible translation of the Mandarin Chinese Union Version of 1919

Protestant missionaries who came to China in the 19th century used vernacular Chinese to translate the Bible in order to achieve good communication among people. To keep the original text of the Bible without changing its content, missionaries must make a drastic transformation of the Chinese syntax and vocabulary when translating. Inevitably, the Bible's vernacular translation affected the expression of Chinese written language, making it "Europeanized". The "Europeanization" of Chinese can be described as the basic feature of modern vernacular Chinese. It refers to the change of the original form by the influence of western language on Chinese, which is reflected in pronunciation, vocabulary, grammar and expression.

The dissertation uses the first five volumes of the New Testament of the Mandarin Chinese Union Version (also called the Chinese Union Version, abbreviated CUV) published in 1919 as the basis of the text and analyzes some examples of the application of the language of CUV to study related grammatical terms, phrase structures and sentence patterns. The "John Mandarin" translated by Ding Weiliang and some classical Chinese versions of the New Testament translation from 1852 to 1905 will be used as reference and comparison to elaborate the influence of CUV on the development of modern vernacular.

The body of the dissertation contains three main sections, apart from the introduction, literature review and the illustration of the textual basis. The first part summarizes the missionaries' activities in China when translating and introducing the Bible and gives a brief introduction about the history of the Bible translations, including some related concepts, like Peking Mandarin, to provide the background information for linguistic research. The second part is related to syntactic and lexical phenomena in texts. This part focuses on the Europeanized factors used in CUV, such as the Europeanized phenomena of pronouns (like the third pronoun ta) and conjunctions (especially temporal conjunctions like zai and dang), the flexible structures of passive sentences in Beijing Mandarin, the change of word order and emerging words. In the meanwhile, we try to find some Europeanized phenomena appeared in the translation that, however, are not accepted after so did not become part of modern vernacular and to explore the reason behind. The third part attempts to probe into the value of the Bible translations in the process of developing modern vernacular Chinese.

Finally, in conclusion, it emphasizes the influence of the missionaries’ translations in Chinese: their translated works before and during the period of the Vernacular Movement are all indispensable parts to explore the history of modern Chinese. And we also hope to propos that translation texts is an important part of language strategy research, which needs further attention.

83

Xu Jiana, Università di Roma, Sapienza

Reflections on Tense and Aspect in modern Chinese

- Chinese translation of Italian Imperfetto and Passato Remoto in “The Preaching of John the Baptist”

The translation of Bible has always been a “hot potato”. The difficulty consists in the correct and appropriate way of expression in a new linguistic system, especially in those who have different socio-cultural traditions. The process of linguistic transposition is complicated and involves both resistance and negotiation. In the history of Bible translation in China, the missionaries had to face, first of all, the Chinese language which was totally different from the world where it had reached before; secondly the culture system which was dominated mainly by the philosophy and ceremonies of Confucius. So, how could those Gospel Bearers explain the truth of the only God and how would they give an exact meaning from western text to Chinese literary.

With these curiosities, I started my research on the Bible translation, particularly in studying of the Italian Franciscan Father Gabriele Allegra’s version. In the year of 1950, after his translation of the Old Testament in Chinese, Fr. Allegra noticed the necessity to continue this opera with the New Testament. Indeed, the compilation of Allegra’s Bible translation played an important role in the scenery of Evangelization History in China. This Franciscan brother not only introduced Christian Faith to the Chinese people, but also gave a great contribution to the Sino-Western cultures. As we learned also from the Second Vatican Council, the Church emphasizes the importance of dialogue and attempts of inculturation. In my paper, I select some common parts of Gospels both the Italian version of CEI and Chinese version of Father Allegra. I examine how the Italian past tenses – the imperfetto, the passato remoto – are translated into an isolating language, such as Chinese.

84

Masayuki Yoshikawa, The University of Tokyo

The literary style of Marshman’s Chinese version of Mark’s Gospel

Joshua Marshman (1768-1837) was renowned as a pioneer of Chinese studies by 19th century Westerners, and along with Robert Morrison, was one of the most important figures in the history of the translation of the Bible into Chinese. Through the introduction of Claudius Buchanan, the vice-principal of the College of Fort-William, Marshman became acquainted with an Armenian youth named Johannes Lassar, who was born and brought up in Macao, and started learning Chinese languages from him in 1806. With Lassar’s cooperation, Marshman published trial Chinese versions of the Gospel of Matthew in 1810 and the Gospel of Mark in 1811. We refer to these two versions as “Marshman’s Early Version of Chinese” (MEC).

This paper examines the literary style of the MEC Gospel of Mark. Zhao (2009:45-46) analyzes Christian terminology in these two MEC gospels and points out that they differ greatly in style from gospels Marshman published after 1815, which we refer to as “Marshman’s Later Version of Chinese” (MLC). However, no detailed and systematic study on the style of MEC has been undertaken.

The MEC was translated in the following way. First, Lassar translated each verse from English into Chinese, helped by his knowledge of the Armenian Bible, after which Marshman would amend the translated verse using the Greek Bible. There were thus three correlating languages, apart from Chinese, in their translation work. Yoshikawa (2014:451) states that Greek is believed to be most strongly correlated in terms of transliteration, followed by Armenian, based on his rudimentary consideration of four proper nouns.

This paper examines the style of the MEC Gospel of Mark mainly from the viewpoint of function words and syntax, rather than that of proper nouns and transliteration. For example, the MEC Gospel of Mark displays some distinctive features in 1:8. With regard to function words, it uses the Chinese character 然 ran for the “but” of the King James Version (KJV), and 必 bi for “shall,” while the other versions use 惟 wei and 將 jiang, respectively. As for its syntax, the MEC Gospel of Mark uses either a “V+NP+PREP+N” or “PREP+NP+CONJ+V+N” structure for “V with NP” structures in the KJV, while the other versions only use “PREP+NP+CONJ+V+N.”

The MEC Gospel of Mark shares few common features with other versions of the Chinese Bible. On the other hand, the proof that the MLC Gospel of Mark (published in 1822) was translated relying on Morrison’s gospel of Mark (published in 1813) is convincing from both the use of function words and syntax. This study categorizes the distinctive features of the MEC Gospel of Mark and identifies the reasons why Marshman chose these particular forms.

References Yoshikawa, Masayuki 吉川雅之. 2014. 馬士曼所記録之粤語音. Journal of Chinese Linguistics

42(2): 431-460. Zhao, Xiaoyang 赵晓阳. 2009. 二马圣经译本与白日升圣经译本关系考辨. 近代史研究 4: 41-59.

85

Yu Yating, Kansai University Graduate School of East Asian Cultures

A study of the Chinese version of Guxin Shengjing 古新聖経

The Jesuit Louis Antoine de Poirot (known in Chinese as He Qingtai 賀清泰, 1735–1813) translated the Old and New Testaments, collecting them in the text Guxin Shengjing 古新聖経. He adopted as source text the Vulgata, translating this Latin version of the Bible into vernacular Chinese (baihua); the text, though, has never been published. Differently from previous Jesuits' works, such as Emmanuel Diaz’s Shengjing zhijie 聖経直解 and Giulio Aleni’s Tianzhu jiangsheng yanxing jilüe 天主降生言行紀略, Poirot believed that the best way to translate the Bible was to convey it in the plain language of baihua. In the speech, I will analyse the characteristics of the Beijinghua 北京话 as expressed in Guxin Shengjing, referring to the seven indicators described by Ota Tatsuo 太田辰夫 (1995), discussing at the same time the peculiarities of the vernacular language adopted in the Chinese version.

86

Frida Villavicencio Zarza, CIESAS Ciudad de México

Variaciones sobre un mismo Credo

La primera labor evangelizadora en tierras michoacanas fue desplegada durante la segunda mitad del siglo XVI. Los textos doctrinales más antiguos que han llegado hasta nosotros fueron compuestos por el franciscano Maturino Gilberti a quien debemos el más importante conjunto de materiales de índole religiosa que han llegado hasta nosotros. Entre ellos se encuentra el Thesoro Spiritual de pobres en Lengua de Michuacan (1575). Después de esta “época de oro”, la producción de textos doctrinales fue escasa, especialmente en el siglo XVIII. Para esta época se tiene referencia segura únicamente de un manuscrito de corte religioso, el Cathecismo breve en lengua tarasca y recopilación de algunos verbos los mas comunes para el uso de la misma lengua, dispuesto por el Bachiller Joseph Zepherino Botello Movellan en 1756. En esta comunicación comparo las versiones del Credo que se documentan en el Thesoro de Gilberti y el Cathecismo de Botello. Entre ellas se observan algunas diferencias morfosintacticas interesantes, por ejemplo, en el TAM: hyndequi yamendo cezetini (Gilberti 1575), hindequi iamendo ceseca (Botello 1756) ‘aquel que es todo poderoso’. Se trata de dos versiones del Credo que distan casi dos siglos entre sí; la primera compuesta por un fraile de la orden franciscana y la segunda por un miembro del clero secular formado en colegios jesuitas. El análisis me lleva a ponderar, por una parte, los cambios lingüísticos que se observan y, por otra, las tradiciones evangelizadoras que se desarrollaron para la lengua de Michoacán también conocida como tarasco o purépecha.

87

Paolo de Troia, Sapienza, Rome; Otto Zwartjes, Paris 7, Diderot

The Pater Noster in lingua Sinica, Japonica, Annamitica

in André Palmeiro’s Epistola (Macao, 8/V, 1632).

André Palmeiro’s Epistola opens with a short introduction in which several charateristics of the three languages are described. After this section, the Oratio Dominica Pater Noster follows, displayed in five vertical columns; from left to right the Latin version, followed by Japanese (Japonicé), two columns for Chinese (Sinicé), the first with Chinese characters, and the second in romanisation, and finally Vietnamese (Annam). The Chinese and Vietnamese columns are accompanied by several observations and comments related to the pronuntiation. After the Oratio Dominica the author explains some differences in word order of the three languages in the translated text and in particular the translation of “God” is explained. At the end of the Epistola a quadrilingual vocabulary is appended, arrangede thematically, starting with the words for Heaven and Earth, the Lord, men and a list of kinship terms, followed by inanimate concepts, such as the air, fire, earth, water, some body parts, and finally some numbers (counting). The epistle has not been published yet. It is an important document, since it is written in 1632, a crucial period in the study and documentation of these Asian languages, i.e. six years after the completion of Nicolas Trigault’s Xiru Ermu Zi in which the romanisation of Chinese was established, twelve years after the publication of João Rodrigues’s grammar of Japanese, published in Macao, and in the same period, other Jesuits described Vietnames, such as Cristoforo Borri, who described tones in 1633, Francisco de Pina who mentions ‘toadas’ around 1623, and finally, the Portuguese Jesuits Gaspar do Amaral and Antonio Barbosa whose works have been lost, but survived in the printed grammar and dictionary of Alexandre de Rhodes.

REFERENCES Anonymous (attributed to Francisco de Pina). 2002[17th century]. Manuductio ad linguam

tunckinensem. In: Roland Jacques: Portuguese Pioneers of Vietnamese Linguistics Prior to 1650/L’ oeuvre de quelques pionniers portuguais dans le domaine de la linguistique vietnamienne jusque’en 1650. Bangkok: Orchid Press.

Rhodes, Alexandre. 1651. Dictionarium annamiticum, lusitanum et latinum. Roma: Typis Sacra Congregationis de Propaganda Fide.

Rodrigvez, Ioam. 1620. Arte Breve da Lingoa Iapoa tirada da Arte Grande da mesma lingoa. Amacao: no Collegio da Madre de Deos da Companhia de Iesv.

Trigault, Nicolas. 1626. Xiru ermu zi 西儒耳目资. [“Aid to the Eyes and Ears of Western Literati”]. Hangzhou.