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8/18/2019 A Prophetic Vision of Haiti’s Past - Los Angeles Review of Books
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A Prophetic Vision of Haiti’sPast lavoj Žižek
N W T O L A R ? A R C H I V C T I O N C H A N N L A O U T
I G N I N D O NA T
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APRIL 17, 2016
JRMY MATTHW GLICK’ The Black Radical
Tragic: Performance, Aesthetics, and the Unínished
Haitian Revolution i a ook we were all waiting
for without knowing it. Onl now, aឃer ᇻnding
it, do we know what we were waiting for. In
order to get an idea of it tremendou
achievement, one ha to take it title and
utitle erioul and conider the three topic
the indicate. Firt, Glick i concerned with the
immanent tragic dimenion of the radical
(revolutionar) proce. econd, he elaorate
thi tragic dimenion through a erie of
hitorical cae, om the German Peaant’ War
to Cua and Vietnam, whoe focal point i the
Haitian Revolution. Third, the matter of anali
i not hitorical realit ut it echoe in artistic
texts, pla, novel, and ᇻlm. Thee three topic
form a true Hegelian llogim where each
term mediate the two other.
o wh doe Glick focu on art performance(theater and cinema) in dealing with thi
complex political topic? A quote om Édouard
Gliant provide the ke: “Martinican realit
can onl e undertood om the perpective of
all the poiilitie, aorted or not, of thi
Relation.” That’ wh one need narrative
The BlackRadical Tragic
Jerem Glick
Pulihed 01.15.2016NYU Pre
296 Page
Jerem Glick
Pulihed 01.15.2016
NYU Pre
296 Page
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PHILOOPHY &
CRITICAL THORYCULTURAL TUDI
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ᇻction, om Gliant to O’Neill, om
ientein to Fanon. Art pla with poile
alternative and thu provide the dene
cowe againt the ackground of which the
realit of what happened acquire it true
proᇻle. We thu get, a enjamin would haveput it, “a prophetic viion of the pat,” a pat
portent of future tragic poiilitie. Although I
will focu in thi review on ome aic political
and theoretical dilemma touched on Glick,
I cannot emphaize enough the irreitile
charm of hi reading of ergei ientein’
deate with hi tudent on how to hootDealine’ ecape through a window, of Paul
Roeon’ acting and inging.
A for the tragic dimenion, Glick goe much
further than the tandard notion of
revolutionar traged. Marx and ngel locate
the traged of a revolution in the ᇻgure of ahero who come too earl, ahead of hi time,
and who i therefore detined to fail, although,
in the long view, he tand for hitorical
progre. Their exemplar ᇻgure i Thoma
Müntzer. For Glick, contrat, traged i
immanent to a revolutionar proce. It i
incried into that proce’ ver core anddeᇻned a erie of oppoition: leader(hip)
veru mae, radicalit veru compromie,
and o on. For example, the gap etween
leader(hip) and mae, their
micommunication, emerge necearil. There
i no ea wa out. Glick quote a touching
Crisis ruce Roin
The Symbol Is Dead,Long Live the Symbolic Axel Anderon
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Philosophy’s Film: OnAlain Badiou’s “Cinema” Nico aumach
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Simon Critchley's "TheFaith of the Faithless" David Winter
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paage om Édouard Gliant’ pla Monsieur
Toussaint (Act IV, cene V) where Touaint,
laughing in delirium, adl reሊect upon how
he “can arel write”: “I write the word
‘Touaint,’ Macaia pell out ‘traitor.’ I write
the word ‘dicipline’ and Moe without even aglance at the page hout ‘trann.’ I write
‘properit’; Dealine ack awa, he think in
hi heart ‘weakne.’ No, I do not know how to
write, Manuel.”
(Note the iron of how thi paage refer to
the racit cliché aout lack people who cannotwrite.)
The ackground of thi paage i the tenion
in the revolutionar proce a reሊected in
peronal relation: Touaint’ nephew Moïe
advocated the uncompromiing ᇻdelit to lack
mae and wanted to reak up large etate,while Touaint himelf wa poeed a fear
of mae and aw it a hi tak to retain
dicipline and to run the production proce
moothl, o he ordered Moïe to e executed
for edition. Dealine later triumphed and,
aឃer the etalihment of a lack tate,
proclaimed himelf emperor of Haiti,introducing a new form of domination (a well
a ordering the maacre of all remaining white
inhaitant of Haiti) in the ver triumph of the
revolution. In order to grap thee tragic twit,
it i crucial to count the crowd (which, in the
theatrical dispositif , appear a choru) a one of
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the active agent, not jut a the paive
commentator of the event. The title of chapter
two of Glick’ ook i therefore, quite
appropriatel, “ringing in the Choru.”
o wh Haiti? For Glick, the Haitian Revolutioni not jut an aritrar example ued to
articulate a general revolutionar dnamic, ut
a kind of nodal point, a ingularit that
revererate in all other later revolutionar
attempt. True, the Haitian Revolution i not
the eginning, ut alread a repetition.
However, it i a repetition in the Hegelianene, a repetition that i not jut a cop of the
original ince it elevate the contingent original
into a univeral event. The French Revolution
ecame a world-hitorical event with a
univeral igniᇻcance onl through it
repetition in Haiti where the lack lave led a
ucceful reellion with the goal to etalih aee repulic like the French one. Without thi
repetition, the French Revolution would have
remained a local, idioncratic event.
ut there i another tenion, which exploded in
an exemplar wa in the Haitian Revolution,
the one etween lack lieration and univeralemancipation whoe pole are the “univeralit”
Touaint and Dealine, the agent of the
maacre of all non-lack in Haiti. Among the
et page in Glick’ ook are thoe where he
directl addree thi iue. If I undertand
him correctl, hi line of thought reemle the
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poition exempliᇻed Malcolm X. While in
prion, the oung Malcolm joined the Nation of
Ilam, and, aឃer hi parole in 1952, he engaged
in it truggle, advocating lack upremac and
the eparation of white and lack American.
For him, “integration” wa a fake attempt of thelack to ecome like the white. However, in
1964, he rejected the Nation of Ilam and, while
continuing to emphaize lack elf-
determination and elf-defene, he ditanced
himelf om ever form of racim, advocating
emancipator univeralit. A a conequence of
thi “etraal,” he wa killed three Nation of Ilam memer in Feruar 1965. When
Malcolm adopted X a hi famil name, there
ignaling that the lave trader who rought the
enlaved Aican om their homeland rutall
deprived them of their famil and ethnic root,
of their entire cultural life-world, the point of
thi geture wa not to moilize lack people toᇻght for the return to ome primordial Aican
root, ut preciel to eize the opening
provided X, an unknown new (lack of)
identit engendered the ver proce of
laver, which made the Aican root forever
lot. The idea i that thi X, which deprive
lack people of their particular tradition, oឣera unique chance to redeᇻne (reinvent)
themelve, to eel form a new identit much
more univeral than white people’ profeed
univeralit. Although Malcolm X found thi
new identit in the univeralim of Ilam, he
wa killed Mulim fundamentalit. Therein
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reide the hard choice to e made: e, lack
people are marginalized, exploited, humiliated,
mocked, alo feared, at the level of everda
practice; e, the experience dail the
hpocri of lieral eedom and human
right, ut in the ame movement theexperience the promie of true eedom with
regard to which the exiting eedom i fale —
it i this eedom that fundamentalit ecape.
What thi mean i that, in the truggle for
lack emancipation, one hould leave ehind
the lament for the lo of authentic Aicanroot. Let’ leave thi lament to TV erie like
the one aed on Alex Hale’ Roots. To put it in
peculative Hegelian term (and one of the
great point of Glick’ ook i it continuing
reference to Hegel), the true lo i the lo of
the lo itelf: when a lack Aican i enlaved
and torn out of hi root, he doe not onl loethee root. He mut alo realize that he never
had thee root. What he, aឃer thi lo,
experience a hi root i a retroactive fanta,
a projection ᇻlling in the void. And the ame
hold for human right. Ye, univeral human
right are eឣectivel the right of white male
propert owner to exchange eel on themarket, exploit worker and women, a well a
exert political domination. However, thi i
onl half of the tor. When we experience the
gap etween the fale univeralit of human
right and the particular injutice thi
univeral form jutiᇻe, thi gap hould not
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puh u to renounce human right and
eedom a fake, ut to egin to truggle for
their content. I the entire truggle for human
right not alo the truggle for thi content?
Firt, women (eginning with Mar
Wolltonecraឃ) demanded the ame right, thenthe lave in Haiti did it in the ᇻrt ucceful
lack upriing (for which the are punihed
even toda).
Glick i here ver precie: while advocating
univeral emancipation, he doe not neglect it
mediation with the topic of lack Power. Theet tool to think thi mediation i provided
Hegel’ notion of “determinate negation.” In a
political proce, thi mean that it i not
enough to directl aert univeralit againt a
particular identit — the peciᇻc path to
univeralit matter. Which particularit i
negated in a new univeralit? If, in a conሊictetween univeralit of human right and lack
identit, the univeralit i directl the white
lieral one, then lack people are called to join
it, to acriᇻce part of themelve. The white-
lieral univeralit i therefore falel
univeral, which i wh univeralit had to
proceed a growing out of the lack Powerproce. The paradox i thu that the
overcoming of lack identit politic ha to
proceed a a doule negation. Ye, one hould
negate excluive lack particularit, ut one
hould imultaneoul negate the hegemonic
white univeralit, which ecretl privilege
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principled No to uropean lackmail wa
immediatel followed a Yes to the
“mediation.”
Glick mention here Georg Lukác, the great
advocate of “mediation” who, in 1935, wrote“Hölderlin’ Hperion,” a weird, ut crucial,
hort ea in which he “praie Hegel’
endorement of the Napoleonic Thermidor
againt Hölderlin’ intranigent ᇻdelit to the
heroic revolutionar utopia:”
Hegel come to term with the pot-Thermidorian epoch and the cloe of the
revolutionar period of ourgeoi
development, and he uild up hi
philooph preciel on an undertanding
of thi new turning-point in world hitor.
Hölderlin make no compromie with the
pot-Thermidorian realit; he remainfaithful to the old revolutionar ideal of
renovating “poli” democrac and i roken
a realit which ha no place for hi
ideal, not even on the level of poetr and
thought.
Lukác i here referring to Marx’ notion that
the heroic period of the French Revolution wa
the necear enthuiatic reakthrough
followed the unheroic phae of market
relation. The true ocial function of the
revolution wa to etalih the condition for
the proaic reign of ourgeoi econom, and the
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true heroim reide not in lindl clinging to
the earl revolutionar enthuiam, ut in
recognizing “the roe in the cro of the
preent,” a Hegel liked to paraphrae Luther,
that i, in aandoning the poition of the
eautiful oul and full accepting the preenta the onl poile domain of actual eedom.
It i thu thi “compromie” with ocial realit
which enaled Hegel’ crucial philoophical
tep forward, that of overcoming the proto-
Facit notion of “organic” communit in hi
System der Sittlichkeit manucript and engaging in
the dialectical anali of the antagonim of the ourgeoi civil ociet.
It i oviou that thi anali of Lukác i
deepl allegorical: it wa written a couple of
month aឃer Trotk (another ᇻgure that
appear in Glick’ ook) launched hi thei of
talinim a the Thermidor of the OctoerRevolution. Lukác’ text ha thu to e read a
an anwer to Trotk. He accept Trotk’
characterization of talin’ regime a
“Thermidorian,” ut give that decription a
poitive twit. Intead of emoaning the lo of
utopian energ, one hould, in a heroicall
reigned wa, accept it conequence a theonl actual pace of ocial progre. For Marx,
of coure, the oering “da aឃer” which
follow the revolutionar intoxication ignal
the original limitation of the “ourgeoi”
revolutionar project, the falit of it promie
of univeral eedom. The “truth” of the
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univeral human right are the right of
commerce and private propert. Lukác’
endorement of the talinit Thermidor implie
(argual againt hi conciou intention) an
utterl anti-Marxit peimitic perpective.
The proletarian revolution itelf can alo echaracterized the gap etween it illuor
univeral aertion of eedom and the enuing
awakening in the new relation of domination
and exploitation, which mean that the
communit project of realizing “actual
eedom” necearil failed.
I ee a third wa eond the alternative of
principled elf-detruction and compromie:
not ome kind of “proper meaure” etween
the two extreme ut focuing on what one
might call the “point of the impoile” of a
certain ᇻeld. The great art of politic i to
detect it locall, in a erie of modet demand,which are not impl impoile ut appear a
poile although the are de facto impoile.
The ituation i like the one in cience ᇻction
torie where the hero open the wrong door
(or pree the wrong utton) and all of a
udden the entire realit around him
diintegrate. In the United tate, univeralhealthcare i ovioul uch a point of the
impoile; in urope, it eem to e the
cancellation of the Greek det, and o on. It i
omething ou can (in principle) do ut de
facto ou cannot or hould not do it. You are
ee to chooe it on condition you do not actually
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choose it .
Toda’ political predicament provide a clear
example of how la verite surgit de la meprise, of
how the wrong choice ha to precede the right
choice. In principle, the choice of leឃit politici the one etween ocial-democratic
reformim and radical revolution, ut the
radical choice, although atractl correct and
true, i elf-defeating and get tuck in
eautiful oul immoilit. In Wetern
developed ocietie, call for a radical
revolution have no moilizing power. Onl amodet “wrong” choice can create ujective
condition for an actual communit propect. If
it fail or if it ucceed, it et in motion a
erie of further demand (“in order to reall
have univeral healthcare, we alo need…”),
which will lead to the right choice. There i no
hortcut here, the need for a radical univeralchange ha to emerge through uch mediation
with particular demand. To directl egin with
the right choice i therefore even wore than to
make a wrong choice. It i a verion of the
eautiful oul, amounting to a poition that
a, “I am right and the mier of the world,
which got it wrong, jut conᇻrm how right Iam.”
uch a tance relie on a wrong
(“contemplative”) notion of truth, it totall
neglect the practical dimenion of truth. In hi
(unpulihed) eminar XVIII on a “dicoure
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which would not e that of a emlance,”
Lacan provided a uccinct deᇻnition of the
truth of interpretation in pchoanali:
“Interpretation i not teted a truth that
would decide e or no, it unleahe truth a
uch. It i onl true inamuch a it i trulfollowed.” There i nothing “theological” in thi
precie formulation, onl the inight into the
properl dialectical unit of theor and practice
in (not onl) pchoanaltic interpretation: the
“tet” of the analt’ interpretation i in the
truth eឣect it unleahe in the patient. Thi i
how we hould alo (re)read Marx’ Thei XI.The “tet” of Marxit theor i the truth eឣect it
unleahe in it addreee (the proletarian), in
tranforming them into emancipator
revolutionar uject. The true art of politic
i thu not to avoid mitake and to make the
right choice, ut to commit the right mistake, to
elect the right (appropriate) wrong choice.
Would Glick accept thi concluion? He
decrie “the revolutionar leaderhip a
vanihing mediator” a “the onl reponile
vanguard model.” And he conclude that
“[p]olitical work in order to qualiថ a radical
work hould trive toward it redundanc.” Hecomine here a oer and ruthle inight into
the necear tragic twit of the revolutionar
proce with the unconditional ᇻdelit to thi
proce. He tand a far a poile om the
tandard “anti-totalitarian” claim that, ince
ever revolutionar proce i detined to
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degenerate, it’ etter to atain om it. Thi
readine to take the rik and engage in the
attle, although we know that we will proal
e acriᇻced in the coure of the truggle, i
the mot preciou inight for u who live in
new dark time.
¤
Slavoj Ž i ž ek is a Slovenian philosopher and critic. He
is a professor at the European Graduate School,
International Director of the Birkbeck Institute for the
Humanities, Birkbeck College, University of London,
and a senior researcher at the Institute of Sociology,
University of Ljubljana, Slovenia. His books include
Living in the nd Time, Firt a Traged, Then
a Farce, In Defene of Lot Caue, and others.
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