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    A Prophetic Vision of Haiti’sPast lavoj Žižek

    N W T O L A R ?   A R C H I V   C T I O N   C H A N N L   A O U T

    I G N I N   D O NA T  

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    APRIL 17, 2016

     JRMY MATTHW GLICK’ The Black Radical

    Tragic: Performance, Aesthetics, and the Unínished

    Haitian Revolution  i a ook we were all waiting

    for without knowing it. Onl now, aឃer ᇻnding

    it, do we know what we were waiting for. In

    order to get an idea of it tremendou

    achievement, one ha to take it title and

    utitle erioul and conider the three topic

    the indicate. Firt, Glick i concerned with the

    immanent tragic  dimenion of the radical

    (revolutionar) proce. econd, he elaorate

    thi tragic dimenion through a erie of 

    hitorical cae, om the German Peaant’ War

    to Cua and Vietnam, whoe focal point i the

    Haitian Revolution. Third, the matter of anali

    i not hitorical realit ut it echoe in artistic

    texts, pla, novel, and ᇻlm. Thee three topic

    form a true Hegelian llogim where each

    term mediate the two other.

    o wh doe Glick focu on art performance(theater and cinema) in dealing with thi

    complex political topic? A quote om Édouard

    Gliant provide the ke: “Martinican realit

    can onl e undertood om the perpective of 

    all the poiilitie, aorted or not, of thi

    Relation.” That’ wh one need narrative

    The BlackRadical Tragic

    Jerem Glick

    Pulihed 01.15.2016NYU Pre

    296 Page

    Jerem Glick

    Pulihed 01.15.2016

    NYU Pre

    296 Page

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    PHILOOPHY &

    CRITICAL THORYCULTURAL TUDI

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    ᇻction, om Gliant to O’Neill, om

    ientein to Fanon. Art pla with poile

    alternative and thu provide the dene

    cowe againt the ackground of which the

    realit of what happened acquire it true

    proᇻle. We thu get, a enjamin would haveput it, “a prophetic viion of the pat,” a pat

    portent of future tragic poiilitie. Although I

    will focu in thi review on ome aic political

    and theoretical dilemma touched on Glick,

    I cannot emphaize enough the irreitile

    charm of hi reading of ergei ientein’

    deate with hi tudent on how to hootDealine’ ecape through a window, of Paul

    Roeon’ acting and inging.

    A for the tragic dimenion, Glick goe much

    further than the tandard notion of 

    revolutionar traged. Marx and ngel locate

    the traged of a revolution in the ᇻgure of ahero who come too earl, ahead of hi time,

    and who i therefore detined to fail, although,

    in the long view, he tand for hitorical

    progre. Their exemplar ᇻgure i Thoma

    Müntzer. For Glick, contrat, traged i

    immanent to a revolutionar proce. It i

    incried into that proce’ ver core anddeᇻned a erie of oppoition: leader(hip)

    veru mae, radicalit veru compromie,

    and o on. For example, the gap etween

    leader(hip) and mae, their

    micommunication, emerge necearil. There

    i no ea wa out. Glick quote a touching

    Crisis ruce Roin

    The Symbol Is Dead,Long Live the Symbolic Axel Anderon

    A Practical Communismfor the 21st Century Luke Davie

    Philosophy’s Film: OnAlain Badiou’s “Cinema” Nico aumach

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    Simon Critchley's "TheFaith of the Faithless" David Winter

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    paage om Édouard Gliant’ pla Monsieur

    Toussaint   (Act IV, cene V) where Touaint,

    laughing in delirium, adl reሊect upon how

    he “can arel write”: “I write the word

    ‘Touaint,’ Macaia pell out ‘traitor.’ I write

    the word ‘dicipline’ and Moe without even aglance at the page hout ‘trann.’ I write

    ‘properit’; Dealine ack awa, he think in

    hi heart ‘weakne.’ No, I do not know how to

    write, Manuel.”

    (Note the iron of how thi paage refer to

    the racit cliché aout lack people who cannotwrite.)

    The ackground of thi paage i the tenion

    in the revolutionar proce a reሊected in

    peronal relation: Touaint’ nephew Moïe

    advocated the uncompromiing ᇻdelit to lack

    mae and wanted to reak up large etate,while Touaint himelf wa poeed a fear

    of mae and aw it a hi tak to retain

    dicipline and to run the production proce

    moothl, o he ordered Moïe to e executed

    for edition. Dealine later triumphed and,

    aឃer the etalihment of a lack tate,

    proclaimed himelf emperor of Haiti,introducing a new form of domination (a well

    a ordering the maacre of all remaining white

    inhaitant of Haiti) in the ver triumph of the

    revolution. In order to grap thee tragic twit,

    it i crucial to count the crowd (which, in the

    theatrical dispositif , appear a choru) a one of 

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    the active agent, not jut a the paive

    commentator of the event. The title of chapter

    two of Glick’ ook i therefore, quite

    appropriatel, “ringing in the Choru.”

    o wh Haiti? For Glick, the Haitian Revolutioni not jut an aritrar example ued to

    articulate a general revolutionar dnamic, ut

    a kind of nodal point, a ingularit that

    revererate in all other later revolutionar

    attempt. True, the Haitian Revolution i not

    the eginning, ut alread a repetition.

    However, it i a repetition in the Hegelianene, a repetition that i not jut a cop of the

    original ince it elevate the contingent original

    into a univeral event. The French Revolution

    ecame a world-hitorical event with a

    univeral igniᇻcance onl through it

    repetition in Haiti where the lack lave led a

    ucceful reellion with the goal to etalih aee repulic like the French one. Without thi

    repetition, the French Revolution would have

    remained a local, idioncratic event.

    ut there i another tenion, which exploded in

    an exemplar wa in the Haitian Revolution,

    the one etween lack lieration and univeralemancipation whoe pole are the “univeralit”

    Touaint and Dealine, the agent of the

    maacre of all non-lack in Haiti. Among the

    et page in Glick’ ook are thoe where he

    directl addree thi iue. If I undertand

    him correctl, hi line of thought reemle the

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    poition exempliᇻed Malcolm X. While in

    prion, the oung Malcolm joined the Nation of 

    Ilam, and, aឃer hi parole in 1952, he engaged

    in it truggle, advocating lack upremac and

    the eparation of white and lack American.

    For him, “integration” wa a fake attempt of thelack to ecome like the white. However, in

    1964, he rejected the Nation of Ilam and, while

    continuing to emphaize lack elf-

    determination and elf-defene, he ditanced

    himelf om ever form of racim, advocating

    emancipator univeralit. A a conequence of 

    thi “etraal,” he wa killed three Nation of Ilam memer in Feruar 1965. When

    Malcolm adopted X a hi famil name, there

    ignaling that the lave trader who rought the

    enlaved Aican om their homeland rutall

    deprived them of their famil and ethnic root,

    of their entire cultural life-world, the point of 

    thi geture wa not to moilize lack people toᇻght for the return to ome primordial Aican

    root, ut preciel to eize the opening

    provided X, an unknown new (lack of)

    identit engendered the ver proce of 

    laver, which made the Aican root forever

    lot. The idea i that thi X, which deprive

    lack people of their particular tradition, oឣera unique chance to redeᇻne (reinvent)

    themelve, to eel form a new identit much

    more univeral than white people’ profeed

    univeralit. Although Malcolm X found thi

    new identit in the univeralim of Ilam, he

    wa killed Mulim fundamentalit. Therein

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    reide the hard choice to e made: e, lack

    people are marginalized, exploited, humiliated,

    mocked, alo feared, at the level of everda

    practice; e, the experience dail the

    hpocri of lieral eedom and human

    right, ut in the ame movement theexperience the promie of true eedom with

    regard to which the exiting eedom i fale —

    it i this eedom that fundamentalit ecape.

    What thi mean i that, in the truggle for

    lack emancipation, one hould leave ehind

    the lament for the lo of authentic Aicanroot. Let’ leave thi lament to TV erie like

    the one aed on Alex Hale’ Roots. To put it in

    peculative Hegelian term (and one of the

    great point of Glick’ ook i it continuing

    reference to Hegel), the true lo i the lo of 

    the lo itelf: when a lack Aican i enlaved

    and torn out of hi root, he doe not onl loethee root. He mut alo realize that he never

    had thee root. What he, aឃer thi lo,

    experience a hi root i a retroactive fanta,

    a projection ᇻlling in the void. And the ame

    hold for human right. Ye, univeral human

    right are eឣectivel the right of white male

    propert owner to exchange eel on themarket, exploit worker and women, a well a

    exert political domination. However, thi i

    onl half of the tor. When we experience the

    gap etween the fale univeralit of human

    right and the particular injutice thi

    univeral form jutiᇻe, thi gap hould not

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    puh u to renounce human right and

    eedom a fake, ut to egin to truggle for

    their content. I the entire truggle for human

    right not alo the truggle for thi content?

    Firt, women (eginning with Mar

    Wolltonecraឃ) demanded the ame right, thenthe lave in Haiti did it in the ᇻrt ucceful

    lack upriing (for which the are punihed

    even toda).

    Glick i here ver precie: while advocating

    univeral emancipation, he doe not neglect it

    mediation with the topic of lack Power. Theet tool to think thi mediation i provided

    Hegel’ notion of “determinate negation.” In a

    political proce, thi mean that it i not

    enough to directl aert univeralit againt a

    particular identit — the peciᇻc path to

    univeralit matter. Which  particularit i

    negated in a new univeralit? If, in a conሊictetween univeralit of human right and lack

    identit, the univeralit i directl the white

    lieral one, then lack people are called to join

    it, to acriᇻce part of themelve. The white-

    lieral univeralit i therefore falel

    univeral, which i wh univeralit had to

    proceed a growing out of the lack Powerproce. The paradox i thu that the

    overcoming of lack identit politic ha to

    proceed a a doule negation. Ye, one hould

    negate excluive lack particularit, ut one

    hould imultaneoul negate the hegemonic

    white univeralit, which ecretl privilege

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    principled No  to uropean lackmail wa

    immediatel followed a Yes  to the

    “mediation.”

    Glick mention here Georg Lukác, the great

    advocate of “mediation” who, in 1935, wrote“Hölderlin’ Hperion,” a weird, ut crucial,

    hort ea in which he “praie Hegel’

    endorement of the Napoleonic Thermidor

    againt Hölderlin’ intranigent ᇻdelit to the

    heroic revolutionar utopia:”

    Hegel come to term with the pot-Thermidorian epoch and the cloe of the

    revolutionar period of ourgeoi

    development, and he uild up hi

    philooph preciel on an undertanding

    of thi new turning-point in world hitor.

    Hölderlin make no compromie with the

    pot-Thermidorian realit; he remainfaithful to the old revolutionar ideal of 

    renovating “poli” democrac and i roken

    a realit which ha no place for hi

    ideal, not even on the level of poetr and

    thought.

    Lukác i here referring to Marx’ notion that

    the heroic period of the French Revolution wa

    the necear enthuiatic reakthrough

    followed the unheroic phae of market

    relation. The true ocial function of the

    revolution wa to etalih the condition for

    the proaic reign of ourgeoi econom, and the

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    true heroim reide not in lindl clinging to

    the earl revolutionar enthuiam, ut in

    recognizing “the roe in the cro of the

    preent,” a Hegel liked to paraphrae Luther,

    that i, in aandoning the poition of the

    eautiful oul and full accepting the preenta the onl poile domain of actual eedom.

    It i thu thi “compromie” with ocial realit

    which enaled Hegel’ crucial philoophical

    tep forward, that of overcoming the proto-

    Facit notion of “organic” communit in hi

    System der Sittlichkeit  manucript and engaging in

    the dialectical anali of the antagonim of the ourgeoi civil ociet.

    It i oviou that thi anali of Lukác i

    deepl allegorical: it wa written a couple of 

    month aឃer Trotk (another ᇻgure that

    appear in Glick’ ook) launched hi thei of 

    talinim a the Thermidor of the OctoerRevolution. Lukác’ text ha thu to e read a

    an anwer to Trotk. He accept Trotk’

    characterization of talin’ regime a

    “Thermidorian,” ut give that decription a

    poitive twit. Intead of emoaning the lo of 

    utopian energ, one hould, in a heroicall

    reigned wa, accept it conequence a theonl actual pace of ocial progre. For Marx,

    of coure, the oering “da aឃer” which

    follow the revolutionar intoxication ignal

    the original limitation of the “ourgeoi”

    revolutionar project, the falit of it promie

    of univeral eedom. The “truth” of the

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    univeral human right are the right of 

    commerce and private propert. Lukác’

    endorement of the talinit Thermidor implie

    (argual againt hi conciou intention) an

    utterl anti-Marxit peimitic perpective.

    The proletarian revolution itelf can alo echaracterized the gap etween it illuor

    univeral aertion of eedom and the enuing

    awakening in the new relation of domination

    and exploitation, which mean that the

    communit project of realizing “actual

    eedom” necearil failed.

    I ee a third wa eond the alternative of 

    principled elf-detruction and compromie:

    not ome kind of “proper meaure” etween

    the two extreme ut focuing on what one

    might call the “point of the impoile” of a

    certain ᇻeld. The great art of politic i to

    detect it locall, in a erie of modet demand,which are not impl impoile ut appear a

    poile although the are de facto impoile.

    The ituation i like the one in cience ᇻction

    torie where the hero open the wrong door

    (or pree the wrong utton) and all of a

    udden the entire realit around him

    diintegrate. In the United tate, univeralhealthcare i ovioul uch a point of the

    impoile; in urope, it eem to e the

    cancellation of the Greek det, and o on. It i

    omething ou can (in principle) do ut de

    facto ou cannot or hould not do it. You are

    ee to chooe it on condition you do not actually

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    choose it .

    Toda’ political predicament provide a clear

    example of how la verite surgit de la meprise, of 

    how the wrong choice ha to precede the right

    choice. In principle, the choice of leឃit politici the one etween ocial-democratic

    reformim and radical revolution, ut the

    radical choice, although atractl correct and

    true, i elf-defeating and get tuck in

    eautiful oul immoilit. In Wetern

    developed ocietie, call for a radical

    revolution have no moilizing power. Onl amodet “wrong” choice can create ujective

    condition for an actual communit propect. If 

    it fail or if it ucceed, it et in motion a

    erie of further demand (“in order to reall

    have univeral healthcare, we alo need…”),

    which will lead to the right choice. There i no

    hortcut here, the need for a radical univeralchange ha to emerge through uch mediation

    with particular demand. To directl egin with

    the right choice i therefore even wore than to

    make a wrong choice. It i a verion of the

    eautiful oul, amounting to a poition that

    a, “I am right and the mier of the world,

    which got it wrong, jut conᇻrm how right Iam.”

    uch a tance relie on a wrong

    (“contemplative”) notion of truth, it totall

    neglect the practical dimenion of truth. In hi

    (unpulihed) eminar XVIII on a “dicoure

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    which would not e that of a emlance,”

    Lacan provided a uccinct deᇻnition of the

    truth of interpretation in pchoanali:

    “Interpretation i not teted a truth that

    would decide e or no, it unleahe truth a

    uch. It i onl true inamuch a it i trulfollowed.” There i nothing “theological” in thi

    precie formulation, onl the inight into the

    properl dialectical unit of theor and practice

    in (not onl) pchoanaltic interpretation: the

    “tet” of the analt’ interpretation i in the

    truth eឣect it unleahe in the patient. Thi i

    how we hould alo (re)read Marx’ Thei XI.The “tet” of Marxit theor i the truth eឣect it

    unleahe in it addreee (the proletarian), in

    tranforming them into emancipator

    revolutionar uject. The true art of politic

    i thu not to avoid mitake and to make the

    right choice, ut to commit the right mistake, to

    elect the right (appropriate) wrong choice.

    Would Glick accept thi concluion? He

    decrie “the revolutionar leaderhip a

    vanihing mediator” a “the onl reponile

    vanguard model.” And he conclude that

    “[p]olitical work in order to qualiថ a radical

    work hould trive toward it redundanc.” Hecomine here a oer and ruthle inight into

    the necear tragic twit of the revolutionar

    proce with the unconditional ᇻdelit to thi

    proce. He tand a far a poile om the

    tandard “anti-totalitarian” claim that, ince

    ever revolutionar proce i detined to

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    degenerate, it’ etter to atain om it. Thi

    readine to take the rik and engage in the

    attle, although we know that we will proal

    e acriᇻced in the coure of the truggle, i

    the mot preciou inight for u who live in

    new dark time.

    ¤

    Slavoj  Ž i ž ek is a Slovenian philosopher and critic. He

    is a professor at the European Graduate School,

    International Director of the Birkbeck Institute for the

    Humanities, Birkbeck College, University of London,

    and a senior researcher at the Institute of Sociology,

    University of Ljubljana, Slovenia. His books include

    Living in the nd Time, Firt a Traged, Then

    a Farce, In Defene of Lot Caue, and others.

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