UNIVERSITY COLLEGE CORK (UCC)

Minor Dissertation:

15-M Revolution

Name: Jorge Martín Mora

Student Number:114224438

Module Code:HS2063

Course:HDAHS

SupervisionDr. Nuala Finnegan

Date of Submission:15/05/2015

CONTENT

1. INTRODUCTION

2. 15-M AS A SOCIAL MOVENMENT

3. SOCIAL MEDIA WITHIN 15-M

3.1 Social media as a tool of political participation

4. SOCIAL AND POLITICS IMPACTS

4.1 A new Political environment in Spain

5. CONCLUSION

6. BIBLIOGRAPHY

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1. INTRODUCTION

Social movements for change have existed for a long time. The first social movements

emerged the late 18th and 19th centuries and were usually represented by social groups

such as working class, peasants, aristocrats or Protestants among others. They fought for

improve the standard of living or to get the political autonomy of the working class.

At the present time social movements are still fight for similar things but in a very

different way. In the past the only way to participate in the democratic process by the

citizens was through the polls, the rest of the time they were mere onlookers. Unlike

this, currently the citizens can take part in the democratic process through social media.

Social media has quickly increasing in importance the last few years, thus big part of the

population can access instantaneity to the news all over the world, furthermore they are

able to participate and give their own opinion. Because of this the role of the citizens in

the political process is much important than before. It allows to politicians to

communicate faster and interact with the people. Reactions, feedback, conversations

and debates are generated online as well as support and participation for offline events.

Messages posted to personal networks are multiplied when shared, which allow new

audiences to be reached. (Tenhunen and Karvelyte, 2015)

The 15-M was the first mass mobilisation organised through Internet in Spain

(Dans, 2011) Many people from different were connected each other protesting and

claiming for a new democracy, thanks to a good organization from different platforms

such as ¡Democracia Real Ya! , they quickly spread all over the country, being

Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs) crucial instruments for

coordination, communication and (political) deliberation.

The main purpose of this dissertation is to analyse the transformational changes that 15-

M movement has brought to the political Spanish system through social media. We will

examine how this social movement has generated news outside journalistic and political

circles, and their social impact.

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2. 15 M AS A SOCIAL MOVEMENT

In Order to develops my dissertation I am going to give a brief description about the 15

M movement.

15-M movement was a social movement that took place in Spain and more particularly

in the Puerta del Sol square of Madrid in May 15th, 2011. This social movement

emerged because of the digital platform ¡Democracia Real Ya!

In the beginning of 2011, it was created this digital platform as a tool to mobilize the

Spanish people and take the streets on 15th of May in more than fifty cities of Spain and

various European Capitals. This demonstration had the purpose of show the government

and the political parties their discomfort with the social and political system under the

motto “we are not goods in hands of politicians and bankers”. The called was successful

and thousands of people went out to the streets all over Spain to demand social and

political changes. According to the digital platform ¡Democracia Real Ya! 50.000

people gathered in Madrid, the march started in Plaza de Cibeles and ended in Puerta

del Sol, then, the Puerta del Sol square became a symbol during the protests. After the

demonstration, unexpectedly a group pf people headed to Puerta del Sol and started

camping in the middle of the square. Some days later, more and more people would

joined them building a small city inside the square. Thus was born the 15 M movement.

15M «Excelente. Revulsivo. Importante» v.1.6, (2013)

This movement was born with no political purpose, they were outrage people from

different countries, ages, ideologies and social classes. Thus their protest is focused on

financial capitalism and on its influence on government. They considered that the

political system was rotten and they did not represent the democracy neither themselves,

besides the movement assumed they were damaging the democracy and the social

rights, especially the two big political parties, PSOE and PP. This dominant two-party

system with similar policy outcomes undermined the beliefs in the representative

democracy and the electoral system as effective instruments for the population to get an

influence in the government. Therefore, the repeated claim of participatory and direct

democracy by the 15M became a strategic election of an inspirational frame given the

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closed access of social movements to the institutional establishment. 15M «Excelente.

Revulsivo. Importante» v.1.6, (2013)

The 15M showed a number of signs for a potential revolutionary change facing the

capitalist system in Spain. It was predominantly an anti-crisis movement (Harvey 2012)

3. SOCIAL MEDIA WITHIN 15-M

The use and popularization of the Information and communications technology (ICT)

have generated and generate changes in innumerable fields such as education, media,

economy and of course political. That new tools, as social networking, have generated

real possibilities of participation to the citizens and make easier the civic organization,

moreover globalize the messages and encourage the collective intelligent. (Reig, 2011)

Spain pioneered the presence of “online multitudes” in 2004, when the population

reacted to the electoral manipulation of the 11th March terrorist attacks. The vast

majority of those who participated had access to Internet or to a mobile phone. Digital

technology played a crucial role not only in the ability to self-organize but also in

creating collective action without (and confronted to) institutional structures. An

emerging digital and critical public sphere made its first appearance in 2004 and erupted

in 2011 with the 15-M. (Sampedro and Lobera, 2014)

It is worth noticing that in 2011 (before 15-M movement emerged), The Arab Spring

movement proved the effective use of social media to organize, communicate and

mobilize a social mass in order to challenge the powerful.

According to Dans (2011) the 15-M was the first mass mobilisation organised through

Internet in Spain, this fact has impacted on the news creation process and brought issues

into Spanish political discourse. Thus the success of the 15-M are precisely its ability to

produce news through social media and its effective impact on the mainstream media.

The platforms Democracia real, ¡ya! and Juventud sin futuro expanded through social

media, creating a snow ball effect. Their adoption of a plural position, open to all

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persuasions, meant hundreds of followers joined in and the mobilisation began to take

shape in this way, first through Internet, and later on the streets (Sampedro and Sánchez

Duarte, 2011).

3.1 Social media as a tool of political participation

Social media played a crucial role in the formation and developing the 15 M movement.

The indignados used it as a tool of mobilization, organization and communication with

the purpose of has a social and political impact and protest against the political system.

In addition this mobilization consolidated identities against apathy of the society,

pending that they take a strongest position before the public sphere, dominated by

politicians and journalists. Therefore many digital platforms such as PAH or

15MpaRato arose during 2011. These platforms are initiated by gathering a critical mass

on social networking sites and evolve, on the outside, into a Para-institution, while they

keep an emergent and decentralized network-like structure on the inside. (Balcells

Padullés, Cerrillo-i-Martínez, Peguera, Peña-López, Pifarré de Moner & Vilasau Solana

2013). This constitutes a plural space where new political action and discourse emerge

and it provides expression and collective tools for political struggle that can be used by

the majority of those affected by the crisis and of those disaffected from polarized

bipartisan politics (Calle, 2013).

Thus, the 15-M has brought transformational change in terms of the use of social media

on political participation. In Spain new actors are emerging in the new information

environment and actively participating in the news production and diffusion process.

(Casero-Ripollés and Feenstra 2012)

“The online population is most predisposed to engage in cause-oriented forms of

activism, characteristic of petitioning, demonstrating, and contacting the media over

single-issue politics and civic-oriented activities, such as belonging to voluntary

associations and community organizations”. Norris & Curtice (2006)

We have seen how the complex process of spreading information and the interactions

between users within the network is essential in order to comprehend this phenomenon.

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However, this brings up the question, Why Did the user decides to take the protest to

the streets in order to materialize it?

According to Borge & Cardenal (2012) the use of the Internet has a direct effect on

participation independently of motivation, In other words, the Internet itself is

increasing this willingness to participate online. In this sense, the Internet reinforces

online participation.

It is important to mention that even if the Internet has a positive impact on online

participation and that this online participation correlates with offline participation, this

does not necessarily mean that offline participation has to be understood as usual. In

fact, it has already been found that a higher use of the Internet is not related with being

more interested in a political campaign and not even be more prone to following official

cyberpolitics (Sampedro, Lopez Rey & Muñóz Goy, 2012). Online campaigns, thus,

would be addressed not to the whole of the online population, but to the ones that have

an influence, both online and offline.

Unlike institutions, that have a usually exclusive membership, citizen networks create

Para-institutions that share members among them. The dialogue between political

institutions and network Para-institutions is weak, but existing, and concentrates on the

left-side of the political arena. When dialogue is non-existing, mass media act as the

channel through which political institutions (normally on the right) and network Para-

institutions speak with each other. Therefore, Lack of dialogue and tension sparks participation and boosts it beyond representational participation. (Balcells

Padullés, Cerrillo-i-Martínez, Peguera, Peña-López, Pifarré de Moner & Vilasau Solana

2013).

It is worth notice the evidence of new ways of extra-representational participation, a

way of political participation that is a growing. Despite this, there seem to be

increasingly stronger liaisons between these movements and political parties (especially

minor and left-wing ones) and media, the later intermediating between social

movements and more disconnected institutions (governments, parliaments and major

and right-wing parties). (Balcells Padullés, Cerrillo-i-Martínez, Peguera, Peña-López,

Pifarré de Moner & Vilasau Solana 2013) This is the case of Spain, while the major

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parties (PP and PSOE) still use the classic strategies of political propaganda on old

media, the minor parties emerged after the 15-M movement such as Podemos and

Partido X focuses on social media in order to develop their strategy of political

propaganda.

It is important to mention that the old media has still a lot of importance within the

political landscape and we are still a long way from a situation where the new media

supplant the old, thus parties such as Podemos use both media in order to get success

and face the major parties.

To summarize the 15-M movement has changed the pattern of the citizens in terms of

political participation through social media. They have used multiple channels to create

and spread the news about their demands, as well as influencing news coverage in the

old media. Therefore it has successfully introduced news related to its demands onto the

traditional media agenda. Thus the 15-M has changed the status quo of the public

opinion questioning the system, generating the creation of a collective consciousness in

which it is possible change the world or at least part of it.

4. SOCIAL AND POLITICS IMPACTS

The above analysis shows that the capacity of the 15M to affect the institutional process

has been low, punctual and, in general, poor compared to the profound challenges that

the movement has produced along four years. However 15 M movement made aware

the people in order to protest and fight for their civil rights. (Martinez Lopez and

Domingo San Juán, 2014)

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As can be seen in (Martinez Lopez and Domingo San Juán, 2014) the importance of the

15-M has been its capacity to change the political order and to challenge the two-party

system. Up to now, during the last four years (2011-2015), the demands of a

revolutionary change has not been brought about in Spain. However, the different

reactions, reforms and protests produced by the 15M have contributed to the possible

political change in the future.

On the one side, the 15M created a social concept against the crisis and the neoliberal

policies that transcended traditional left and wing political alignments. Even more, it

was able to break the cultural hegemony that prompted people on consumerism,

preserved politics as an exclusive field for professional politicians and experts, and

censored or dismissed radical protests. The 15M brought together different social

movements and social groups to unite in a common cause. This had not been achieved

on this scale since the Transition. It gave birth to a stream of strong public deliberation

that politicised many aspects of daily lives. Politics was no longer the sole realm of

institutions and political parties. Even the labour strikes gained more social engagement

and comprehension, despite the low rate of union affiliation and the corporatist image of

the main labour organisations. Social attitudes, then, were profoundly affected.

(Martinez Lopez and Domingo San Juán, 2014)

On the other side, a day-to-day politics was embraced in terms of specific practices

where the above discourses were produced, circulated, used and fed back. The most

well-known landmark in this learning process is the practice of assemblies and

horizontality (Corsin and Estalella 2013, Moreno 2013). While assemblies as a form of

direct democracy and deliberation were very important in the Transition period, the

difference now is that the technique has been very much enhanced and the manipulation

attempted by political parties and partisan militants is not so easy. The global justice

movement and the autonomist movements also left fruitful examples of working

horizontally, without leaders and within a very diverse range of contexts, social groups

and identities. The 15-M endorsed those principles and behaved accordingly, although

the targets now were not the global summits but the local-national context of political

decay and soaring poverty. (Martinez Lopez and Domingo San Juán, 2014)

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The most evident success of the 15 M movement is its continuation over time and to

make socially visible its claims to the Spanish society. The social interest to its activities

of organisation, protest and mobilisation and the social support obtained and its

reputation are positive outcomes. The persistent challenge to social forms of domination

and inequality is one of the most immediate proofs of how some movements are able to

reach a political influence even without taking State power (Scott, 2012).

Thus the so called “spirit of the 15M” still pervades most of the mobilisations today

since 2011. For instance, the motto displayed in the Marchas por la Dignidad (Marches

for Dignity) in 21th March, 2015 such as, claiming for more jobs and decent working

conditions; demanding decent and effective rights to housing, against cuts and

privatisation of public services among others were the same. This was due to that

implicit and diverse set of claims as well as to its appealing organisational style -

horizontal assemblies, inclusiveness, autonomy from formal organisations, prevailing

pacific civil disobedience in combination with some institutional actions, etc. (Martinez

Lopez & Domingo San Juán, 2014)

Although the 15 M movement has also developed original ways of protest, for instance,

the campaign (Toque a Bankia), which consists in combine web tools, social network

and collectives and people in order to disrupt a banking institution in a massive way, the

mean purpose is block out the activity of the 2.764 bank branches of Bankia all over the

world. (#15MPEDIA)

The 15 M have also inspired to other protest outside of Spain, such as Occupy Wall

Street (OWS) is the name given to a protest movement that began on September 17,

2011, in Zuccotti Park, located in New York City's Wall Street financial district.

The main issues raised by Occupy Wall Street were social and economic inequality,

greed, corruption and the perceived undue influence of corporations on government

particularly from the financial services sector. The OWS slogan, "We are the 99%,

refers to income inequality and wealth distribution in the U.S. between the wealthiest

1% and the rest of the population. To achieve their goals, protesters acted on consensus-

based decisions made in general assemblies which emphasized direct action

over petitioning authorities for redress. (Wikipedia, Occupy Wall Street, 2015)

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It is worth notice that some organisations such as the PAH were already active before

(since 2009), but it was due to the 15M that their direct actions, demands and campaigns

gained popularity, resonance, legitimation, engaged participants and support. On the

other hand, the development of campaigns such as (15MpaRato) carries some of the

15M goals. As a consequence, neither the success nor the failure of the 15M depend on

the general goals of the 15 M movement at large but without a doubt its impact have

changed the current political landscape and its way of understanding. (Martinez Lopez

& Domingo San Juán, 2014)

To summarize, the 15 M movement has succeeded in forcing the majority of the

political parties to include some of its demands in their electoral programmes, such as

administrative transparency, the reform of the electoral system or regulation of citizen

initiated legislation among others. Nevertheless did not make a revolution. For example

precarious work, unemployment, poverty and socio-economic inequality were not

removed by the 15 M movement. Government was not overthrown by protesters. A

second transition and new constitution were demanded as well, however the movement

was more capable of producing a huge political re-constitution of the society.

4.1 A new political environment in Spain

The 15M had no political identity, however, many left wing political parties tried to

persuade the 15M activists to represent them. The support of these parties was basically

tactical, in order to weaken the power of the big ones. However in 2013 and 2014

respectively two new political parties called “Partido X” and “Podemos” were born to

give an institutional and continuity to aspirations of the 15M. (Martinez Lopez and

Domingo San Juán, 2014)

Since 1982, Spain has been governed by only two parties, conservative Partido Popular

(PP) and its leftwing opposition Partido Socialista Obrero Español (PSOE), however

this fact could change in the next elections if political parties such as Podemos can grow

further. Unlike Traditional parties, Podemos and Partido X came from the streets, social

media platforms and out of a horizontal ideology. In their internal

constitution process, these parties present a new model of horizontal internal

organization, with broad participation from its base in its debates and discussions and a

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methodology based on cooperation and transparency, furthermore they consider the

current democracy and political system must be renewed. (de Andés, 2014)

Thus a new political party concept has emerged in Spain. These new political parties

such as Podemos and Partido X do not have a specific ideology as such. They call for

anyone who wants to change the political system in favour of democracy. They are not

politicians, they are elected public employees who compile and implement the solutions

created by the expert knowledge of society in the most effective way possible. Unlike

the traditional parties, the citizens have an active role in the political process, the people

and the political party are connected each other through social media and social

network. Therefore they are an active part of the party, sharing information and giving

their opinion. Traditional political parties are open to affiliation; the way that they

organize themselves in the Network is through mutual affinity and actions. Also this

kind of parties are financed from the people of the party mostly through legal donations

but never from the banks as the traditional parties do, furthermore all of the information

is visible in the web, standing up for a methodology of transparency and freedom.

(Martinez Lopez and Domingo San Juán, 2014)

Partido X focuses on electronic devices to improve democratic participation and fight

against corruption. They have no leaders because they want to put an end to politics

based on a the egos of political leaders. They do not want to fall into the logic of work

of traditional parties. They do not believe in political parties as the only tool for

participation. For this reason they are constantly in contact with all these spaces, social

movements, independent organizations or people really doing a programmatic and

propositional work for change (Partido X). Among the newest political parties,

Podemos, lead by Pablo Iglesias, is the one which also more overtly intended to

represent the 15M’s clamour. Equally to Partido X, Podemos did not want to represent

the 15M. Both parties emphasised their commitment to respect each other’s autonomy.

Podemos has presented itself as a party of "decent ordinary people”, who understand the

needs of ordinary citizens and are open to taking their lead from them through the

participatory process (as opposed to positioning themselves as the intellectual

vanguard). They want to go “beyond acronyms”. The party in order to go forward

proposed an initial draft of a basic political programme with the purpose of a deeper

participatory democracy, a defence of public goods, human rights, equality and social

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control of economic powers as the central planks. On 25 May 2014 Podemos entered

candidates for the 2014 European parliamentary elections polled of the vote and thus

they were awarded five seats out of 54. (Flesher Fominaya, 2014)

Both initiatives, Partido X and Podemos, were singular and somehow contradictory.

They can neither substitute the 15M nor claim its direct representation. The partisan

autonomy of the 15M contributes to its credibility and legitimacy (Alabao 2014).

Thus, these two political parties want to work as ‘institutional interfaces’ in order to

expand the institutional impact of the 15 M. It is important to mention that they are

unintended outcomes of the 15M due to the lack of formal organisations within the

15M. Therefore, Partido X and Podemos were created as parallel instruments to the

15M but sharing the same origin. (Martinez Lopez and Domingo San Juán, 2014)

Podemos has grown to become one of the parties in which could take over the

government and break the bipartisanship for the first time in the Spanish Democracy.

What is certain is the 15-M movement has shaken the political landscape, showing us

that the powerful really can be challenged.

5. CONCLUSION

To conclude there have been a period of social uprising in Spain, in which the 15 M

movement with no leaders have challenged the political system. The movement have

always defended the democratic system, because is understood as the best known

system; however it tries to change democracy as a new way of understanding with a

more active participation in the political decision. Therefore they are presented as a

challenge and opportunity to renew democracy and the role of the citizens in it

Since the 15 M movement left the camp site in the Plaza del Sol square, the Spanish

society has not been the same; they have learnt democracy is not just the right of voting

each four years, furthermore it is a form of social organization in which the power is

vested in the citizens. Spanish people realized they can participate in the political

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process whenever they decide, for instance in Madrid in 2012 the number of

demonstration increased 97,97% as compared with the previous year, a total of 2.732

demonstration between January and September of 2012 (Periodico 20 Minutos). This

does not mean that 15 M movement achieved all their goals; indeed the current situation

does not differ very much, however there was one thing that the 15-M movement

achieved and it was the change of mentality from the Spanish society in terms of the

political culture, they have assumed an active role in democracy and that is the most

value achievement of the 15 M movement.

On the other hand, the ability of the 15-M to mobilized through social media showed

how technology can be used in order to participate actively in the new information

environment, and also in streets and squares through demonstration. Definitely the

virtual world is changing faster than the real world, and the 15 M movement and other

similar movements indicate us, social media and technology will change, even more, the

political sphere.

To conclude the current political system has been altered, due in part to the 15 M

movement and also all of the people who have maintain the protests over time, just time

will allow us to know if this situation will last for a long time or on the other hand it

will be temporary, nevertheless, without doubt, the 15 M movement has changed the

course of events in the political history in Spain.

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Directed by: Stéphane M. Grueso, Avalaible from: https://www.youtube.com/watch?

v=cBouuM-64Ik

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