THECHINESEBORDERWOOLTRADEOF188019371

JamesA.Millward

CONTENTS

I. INTRODUCTION 1

II. PRODUCTION 9

III. COLLECTION 20

IV. TRANSPORT 37

V. BAOTOU 45

VI. TIANJINANDTHEWORLD 55

TABLES,CHARTSANDDIAGRAMS 69

GLOSSARY 78

BIBLIOGRAPHY 80

I.INTRODUCTION

In1879,amannamedGeTuzitraveledfromTianjinthroughtheInner

MongolianOrdosonaninvestigationforBritishmerchantsofthe

commercialpossibilitiesofthenorthwest.InShizuishan,onthewestern

legoftheYellowRiver'sgreatoxbow,Genoticedasmallgroupofthe

1Iamindebtedtotheguidanceandassistanceofseveralpeopleinwritingthispaper.ForemostamongthemareProfessorsDieterKuhnandJonathanLipmanandfellowgraduatestudentFanIchun.

localinhabitantssmearingwhatlookedlikeearthintohanksofsheep's

wool.Heaskedthemwhattheyweredoing.

"Soakingitwithshittoputonthecrops,"theyreplied.Bemused,

Geaskedthemwhytheydidnotsellthewoolandmakesomemoneyfromit.

Thelocalsanswered,

"Exceptformakingfeltsthisstuffhasnootherusethere'sno

waytosellit.Allwecandoissoakitwithshit."

GeTuzisoonthoughtupawaytoturnatidyprofitoffofthis

messystateofaffairs,andheapproachedhisinnkeeper,amannamedXu

Cunrong,toactasgobetweeninalargepurchaseofwool.Promising

repaymentandaheftycommission,GepersuadedXutoguaranteehis

purchaseoncreditof400,000cattiesofsheep'swoolattwotaelsof

sliverperpicul.Togethertheycollectedthewoolinamonth,andGe2

transporteditonboatsdowntheYellowRivertoBaotouandthenoverland

toTianjin,whereheissaidtohavesoldittotheforeignersforten

timeswhathepaidforit.

Nowarichman,GereachedaformalagreementwiththeEnglish

merchantsandheadedwestagainthistimeamplysuppliedwithcashto

clearhisdebtandtomakefurtherwoolpurchases.Heencountered

troubleinPugebeiwan,wherehisprogressbroughthimtoterritoryunder

thecontrolofthebanditZhangJiayun(alsoknownasZhangSan).Again

2Onecatty(jin)equalsapproximately1.33poundsonepicul(dan)equalsonehundredcatties,thatis,133poundsor60.5kilograms.ThesearethetheoreticalequivalentsinpracticeinChina,particularlyintheborderregions,considerablevariationwaspossibledependingonlocalusageoreventhecommodityunderconsideration.

availinghimselfoftheresourcesoftheproprietorofalocalinn,Ge

contactedZhangSanandofferedhim1000taelsinreturnforpassage

throughhisterritory.ZhangwasimpressedenoughtowanttomeetGe

Tuzi,andafteraconferenceintheinnthetwoemergedfriends.Zhang

notonlygrantedpassage,butprovidedGewithanarmedescortthrough

theOrdos.

BackinShizuishan,Gepaidoffhisdebtandopenedupshopundera

signthatread"Gaolinyanghang"(CollinsandCo.,Ltd.,foreignfirm).

Thatyearhethrewhimselfintothetaskofcollectingwoolandhides,

purchasingthemdirectlythistime,withcash.Once,havingheardthat

XiningwoolwasofbetterqualitythanthelocalNingxiavariety,he

outfittedandsentZhangSanandhismentotheGansu/Qinghaiborder

region.

OnhisreturnfromTianjinthefollowingyear,Gebroughtwithhim

severalmenfromGuangdongwhoconsolidatedandexpandedthescopeofhis

operationsasabranchofaforeignfirm.Soon,however,Gaolinwas

joinedinShizuishanbyacompetitor,Renjiyanghang(ForbesandCo.,

foreignfirm),whowithgreatercapitalresourcesandemployeesfrom

TianjinsooneclipsedGe'srelativelysmallenterprise.3

***

Theabovestory,toldin1964byanoldmaotou(workerinwool

3LiuTingdong,"DiguozhuyiyanghangzaiShizuishan"(ImperialistforeignfirmsinShizuishan),NingxiaWenshiZiliao,vol.10.(n.p.:n.p.,1981),pp.182184.Note:ChinesecharactersforcitationsofChineseandJapanesematerialsappearinthebibliography.Aglossarylistscharactersfornamesandtermswhichappearinthetext.

shipping,packingorprocessing)toaresearcherfromtheHistorical

MaterialsResearchCommitteeoftheNingxiaPeople'sPolitical

ConsultativeConference,maynotbestrictlytrueitreadsmorelikea

legendtoaccountfortheoriginsoftheChinesewooltrade.Besidesthe4

implausibliityofthefinancialarrangements(notraveler,freshintoa

Chinesefrontiertown,couldborroweightytaels,letaloneeight

thousand),thereisthequestionofwhyShizuishanpeasants,who

apparentlyvaluedwoolsolittle,wouldhavequantitiesofitonhandat

all.Woolmixedwithnightsoilandcompostedmightmakegoodfertilizer

nonetheless,thedetailofpeasantsrubbingwoolwithdirtorfecesis

reminiscentofapracticecommonduringtheheightofthewooltradein

China.Asweshallseebelow,suchmethodsofadulterationwerecommonly

practicedbyproducersormiddlemeninordertoincreasetheweightof

thewoolbeforeweighingandsale.Amemoryassociatedwithdealingin

woolmayhaveemergedinthisstoryinchangedform.

Despiteitsmythiccharacter,thestoryofGeTuziisenlightening

4Thereareotherlegendaryaccountsoftheoriginsofthewooltrade.InHezhou,Gansu,astorywastoldthatamerchantfromGaoyangDistrictinHebeifirstalertedtheforeignfirmstothepresenceofwoolandhenceprofitstobegatheredinChina.DuringtheGuangxuperiod(18751908)themerchantwasinvolvedinexportingstrawbraidfromTianjinOnce,onatriptoLondon,helearnedthatBritain'stextileindustrywasshortofwool,soonhisnexttripthemerchantbroughtsamplesfromnorthwesternsheepandcamels.TheBritishimperialists"drooled"atthesightofthewoolanddispatchedpeopletoChinatoorganizetheXintaixing(WilsonandCo.)yanghangtoexploitthisresource.QinXianzhou,MaShouli,ZhangZhida,"DiguozhuyiyanghangzaiGansulueduoboxuenongminshiliaosanze"(threepiecesofhistoricalmaterialonimperialistforeignfirms'predaciousexploitationofagriculturalandnomadicpeoplesinGansu),Gansuwenshiziliaoxuanji,vol.8(Lanzhou:Gansurenminchubanshe,1980),p.175.

inthatithighlightssignificantaspects,albeitinasymbolicway,ofa

flourishingepisodeoftradeinwoolfromChina'sbordersbetweenthe

1880sandthelate1930s.

Firstofall,theattitudeattributedtothenativesofShizuishan

thatwoolisworthlessismorethananarrativedevice.TheChinesevery

earlyinventedspinningandweavingtechnologyandappliedittosilkand

avarietyofbastfibers(suchasramieandhemp)afterthethirteenth

centurycottontechnologybecameimportantandeventuallytookprideof

placefromthebastfibers.YettheChineseneverseemtohaveused

woolentextilesforgarmentstoanyextent.Peopleinthenorthwestern

andwesternregionsofChinadidmanufacturewoolentextilesasearlyas

theneolithicperiod,andwovencarpetshavebeencommoninthenorthwest

uptorecenttimesChineseusedtheskinsofsheepandgoatswiththe

attachedfleeceforgarmentswherethesewereavailable,andwoolwas

feltedtomakehatsandfootwear.Butwoolengarmentswerenever

popular,paddedouterwearofsilk,cottonothervegetablefiberbeingthe

commoncoldweatherchoice.Ananswerforwhythiswassomaybefound

inthe"DiscoursesonSaltandIron,"whichcontaintheremark,"wooland

feltgoodsdonotaddsubstancetosilk,"withinapassagedecryingthe

economicdangersofimportingsuchexoticsintoHanWudi'sempirewhen

theproductsofChina'sfarmerswoulddojustaswell.Thedifficulties

andcostofshippingheavywoolcomparedtothebroadareaofChina

suitableforagriculturalproductionofvegetablefibersdictatedthat

woolwouldnotcatchonthereasitdidinEurope.5

5HuanKuan,YanTieLun,j.1,chapter2,Wanyouwenkued.,vol82

Itwasonlyinthenineteenthcentury,andthenbyimported

technology,thatwoolbegantobewovenextensivelyinChinaforuseas

clothing.ItwasZuoZongtangwhoasgovernorgeneralofShaanxiand

Gansuestablishedin1879whatwasprobablythefirstChinesewoolen

mill.ZuoemployedGermanmachineryandadvisorstosetupthemillin

Lanzhouwhererawsheep'sandcamels'woolcouldbecheaplyobtained.

(Theoperationwasnotanimmediatenoragreatsuccessthewoolbrought

inwasfilthyandwatersuppliesatthesitewereinadequatebutwhen

SirEricTeichmanpassedthroughLanzhouin1917andwasgiventwo

camels'hairblanketsmanufacturedatthemill,heconsideredthemtobe

of"highquality.")6

Asecondilluminatingfacetofthemaotou'sstoryisthesenseit

(Shanghai:Shangwu1936),p.5.TranslationfromHuanK'uan,DiscoursesonSaltandIron,ed.,trans.EssonM.Gale(Leyden:E.J.Brill,Ltd.,1931),p.15.IamindebtedtoProfessorDieterKuhn,UniversityofHeidelberg,whosepersonalcorrespondenceprovidedmewiththisinformation.Dr.Kuhn,whoisatworkontheforthcoming"Textiles"sectionofScienceandTechnologyinChina,alsoincludedthefollowingremarks."IntheHouHanshu(j.86,pp.285758)ismentionofthe"tribe"Ranmangmakingfeltedarticlesfromthe"wool"ofhornlessyaks(maoniu).TheBookofDocumentsmentions"woollenarticles"(inthetributestoYu).Theyaredifficulttodefine,ofcourse.IntheTiangongkaiwuof1637isashortsubsection"WoollensandFelt."Althoughthereareanumberofreferencestowoolinvarioustextualworksanddictionaries(Shuowenjiezi,Yupian...)Iassumethatwoolasmaterialforgarmentswasregardedasinferior."(11November,1987).

6GideonChen(Ch'enCh'it'ien),TsoTsungt'ang,PioneerPromoteroftheModernDockyardandWoolenMillinChina(NewYork:Paragon,1938),pp.5772.(OriginallypublishedinBeiping:YenchingUniversityDepartmentofEconomics,1938.)SirEricTeichman,TravelsofaConsularOfficerinNorthwestChina(Cambridge,CambridgeUniversityPress,1921),p.116.

conveysthatthewooltradeinChinabegansuddenly,withthediscovery

byforeignfirmsoftheresourcesofwoolavailableinthemoredistant

hinterlandsofthetreatyports.Asmentionedabove,woolwasnot

consumedtoanynoticeableextentbyChina'ssedentaryHanpopulation

withlittledomesticdemand,then,itawaitedtheadventofaforeign

markettoprimetheenginesofcommercethatbroughtwooldownfromthe

pasturesofTibet,Qinghai,XinjiangandMongolia.Russiafirst

purchasedwoolfromtheAltairegionofXinjiangandfromOuterMongolia

intheearly19thcentury,butitwasnotuntilthelate1870sand1880s

thatsizeableamountsofwoolbegantopassthroughChinafromInnerAsia

totheportsfromwhichitwasexported:Tianjinprimarily,butalsothe

YangziRiverportsfromChongqingdown.Oncestartedthetradegrew

rapidly,increasingfrom4,500piculsexportedin1880to43,000in1885

toover135,000in1891.7

AnothercharacteristicoftheChinesewooltradethatemergesfrom

thetaleofGeTuzi'senterpriseisthelargenumberofintermediaries

involvedinitsoperation.Gehimselfisamiddleman,an

investigatorturnedcompradorefurtheringtheinterestsofhisforeign

employers(alongwithhisown).Despitehisambitionand

resourcefulness,hecanfunctiononthefrontieronlywiththeassistance

ofinnkeeperswhoknowthelocalpeopleandcustoms,presumablyspeakthe

localdialectorlanguageaswellasaformofChinesecomprehensibleto

outsidersandinotherwaysbridgethegapbetweenthenearbyproducers

7BasedonImperialMaritimeCustomsdata.SeetableIV.

andthemerchantarrivedfromafar.Suchcrossculturalfigureswere

cruciallinksintheChinesewooltrade,andmanywereinfact

proprietorsofinns,theseestablishmentsprovidingconvenientlocalefor

negotiations(asinGe'sliaisonwithZhangSan)andevenexchangeof

goods.Themaotou'sstorydoesnotreferspecificallytotheclassof

intermediariesinvolvedinshippingthewool,bylandcaravanorbyboat

downriverbutsomeofthedangersinherentinthattransportation

processareapparentintheappearanceandroleofthebanditleader

ZhangSanasboththreattoandprotectorofthetradeinwool.

Thefinalclueaboutthenatureofthewooltradetobedrawnfrom

thislegendisitspotentialasalucrativeenterprise,giventhe

plentifulsupplyofwoolatlowpricesintheborderlandsandthebrisk

demandinthetreatyports.Forthisreasonforeignersatfirst,and

later,Chinesemerchants,investedinwooltransactions.Butthe

potentialforprofitinthetradedependedhighlyuponinternational

demand,whichfromthepointofviewofChinesetradersornomadic

producersmusthaeseemedacapriciousmasterindeed.Theprofitability

ofthewooltradealsovariedwiththecostofgettingwooltomarket.

Initiallyattractivebecausetherawproductcouldbeshippedtotreaty

portsfreeoflocalandprovincialtaxes,woolexportbecameless

profitableasthedeclineofeffectivecentralpowerintheseconddecade

ofthetwentiethcenturyputanendtothispriviledge.

IntheremainderofthispaperIwilltraceanddetailtheChinese

borderwooltradethatblossomedbetweenthe1880sandthe1930s.Of

course,thetypesofcommercialtransactionsandagentsthroughwhich

woolwasrelayeddidnotremainstaticthroughoutthisperiod.AsI

followtheborderwoolgeographicallyandcommerciallyfromsheepto

ship,asitwere,Iwillalsoattempt(whereavailablesourcespermit

thislevelofdetail)toshowhowthepatternofthetradechanged

chronologicallyateachpointofexchangebetweenthehandsofMongols,

TibetansandothernomadstothoseofEuropeans,AmericansandJapanese

inthetreatyports.

II.PRODUCTION

ThestoryofGeTuziissilentaboutonelinkinthechainthatcomprised

theChinesewooltrade:thefirstone.Infact,theproducersofthe

wool,forthemostpartnomadicherdsmenlivingonthefringesofthe

desertsoramongthemountainrangesandplateausofChina'snorthand

west,areleftinhistoriographicshadowbyChineseandJapaneseaccounts8

moreconcernedwithChinesetradersandtheirinteractionwithforeign

firms.Anotherimportantreasonbehindthisisthatthemobilenatureof

nomadicpastoralists'livesandtheremotenessoftheareasthey

inhabitedprecludedcloseobservationoftheirsocietyandeconomy,

especiallywithregardtoquantitativeestimatesofherdsize,wool

8InmanyprovincesofChinapropersmallamountsofsheep'swoolwereproducedbysedentaryHanorHuiasasupplementtotheirincomefromcrops,orinplacesasanexclusiveeconomicactivity.Neitherinquantitynorinquality,however,didthisproductapproachthatcollectedfromnonChinesepastoralnomads.

production,andsoforth.Forthesereasons,inordertopicturethe

livesofnomadicresidentsoftheborderlandswemustrelyonthe

miscellanyofethnographicinformationcontainedinthenarrativesof

travelerswhopassedthroughtheborderregionsduringthisperiod,the

onesidedaccountsofChineseinvolvedinsomestageofthetrade,the

secondaryreportsofChineseandJapaneseinvestigators.Eventhen,it

isimposibletodomorethanspeculateonhownomadswereeffectedbythe

developmentofaninternationaldemandfortheirherds'wool.9

Nomadsraisednumerousbreedsofwoolbearinganimalsthroughout

thedesert,steppeandmountainenvironmentonChina'sborders.Chinese

sourcesidentifythreemajorclassificationsofsheep,aswellasmany

subbreedsandcrossbreedswithinthesecategories.Thelargest

category,theMongolianorfattailedsheep(sonamedbecauseitstores

fatinitstailforwinteruse)hadthewidestdistributionandlargest

populationin1950mostofthesheepinInnerMongoliaandManchuria,

northernandcentralChina,aswellasintheKhotanregionofXinjiang

werefattailedsheep.ThisbreedwasalsointroducedintotheTsaidam,

byimmigratingMongolbannersattheendofMingperiod.Hardy,fecund

andgoodeating,fattailedsheepwerepopularamongnomads.The

travelingmissionaryEvaristeHuc's"embarassmentwasextreme,"however,

whenin1844hisMongolhostsofferedhimthefattytailalone,that

beingtothemthechoicestparthecouldnotstomachthe"greatwhite

9InwritingthispaperIhavenotconsultedworksinRussianonMongolianandCentralAsianpastoralsociety.Doingsowouldhaveaddedmoreethnographicdetailtomyanalysishere.

massoffat." Thewoolofthefattailedsheepisshortandcoarseand10

provedoflesscommercialvaluethanthatofotherbreeds.

TheTibetanorsmalltailedsheep,nativetoTibetandfromthere

introducedtoQinghai,southwestGansu,Sichuan,andtheYunGuiplateau,

wastheonlyChinesesheeptorivalthemerino(aSpanishbreednow

raisedinternationally)inqualityandquantityofwoolproduced.(Most

ofthewoolexportedfromChina'snorthwestduringtheboomofthe

1880s1930swasfromthissheep,anditwaspraisedbyforeignwool

merchantsforitscurliness,flexibility,lengthofstaple,clearcolor,

andscarcityofcoarseor"dead"fibers).

Thethirdmajorbreedofsheep,theKhazaksheep,originatedin

whatisnowtheSovietrepublicofKhazakistanandwasbroughtto

Xinjiangbynomadicgroupsveryearly.Itwasdistributedthroughout

Xinjiang(thoseraisedintheAltairegionwereconsideredthefinest)

withsomealsoinGansu,QinghaiandNingxia.Asthenamesuggests,

thesesheepwereherdedprimarilybyKhazaks. 11

ItwasmainlytheMongolswhoraisedtheBactriancamelsthat

10EvaristeHucandJosephGabet,TravelsinTartary,ThibetandChinaduringtheYears184456,trans.W.Hazlitt,2ndrpt.ed.(Chicago,1900),p.65.11Theprecedingdiscussionofbreedsofsheepfollowsthesesources:XuKangzu,Zhongguodimianyangyuyangmao(China'ssheepandwool),2nded.(Shanghai:Yongxiangyinshuguan,1952),pp.1344ZhouZhenhe,Qinghai(Qinghai),rpt.ed.(Taibei:Shangwuyinshuguan,1970),p.233ZhangZhiyiet.al.,Xibeiyangmaoyuxumushiye(ThewoolandpastoralindustryoftheNorthwest)(HongKong:Zhongguoguohuoshiyebaowushe,1941),p.2.SeealsoChinChienYin,WoolIndustryandTradeinChina,mimeo.(Shanghai:Universityl'Aurore,1937).

providedthemainmeansoftransportationacrossthedesertandsteppeof

MongoliaandXinjiang.Thesebeastsarestrongeralthoughless

aggressivethantheonehumpeddromedariesofArabiaandtheSahara,and

duringthecoldmonthsproduceaheavycoatofwool.Largehooveskeep

thecamelfromsinkingintothesand,evenwhencarryingloadsof300400

cattiesLongeyelashes,doubleeyelidsandavalveinthecurvednostril

passageaffordtheanimalprotectionfromflyingsand.Uptoforty

kilogramsoffatstoredinthehumpsallowsthecameltoliveforover

twoweekswithoutwaterinthedesert.Resilientagainsthunger,thirst,

heatandcold,theBactriancamelwasthusincomparabletransportover

soft,climaticallyextremeterrain.

Ifthecamelwastheshipofthedesert(shamozhizhou),Tibetan

yaksweresurelythebargeofthehighplateau.Theywereinfactnot

fullbloodedyaksatall,butahybridofyakandoxen.Inadditionto

usingthemfortransport,Tibetanswovetheirwoolintoclothfortents. 12

Eachoftheregionsdescribedabovecouldalsosupportgoats,

particularlyinmountainousareas.Thesegoats'long,softundercoat

providedanequivalenttocashmere,butwasmarketedthroughChinaonly

insmallquantities.Theouterhairwastwistedintocord.

Despitetheenvironmentaldifferencesandvarietiesofherd

compositionadoptedbyeachgroup,nomadsinthelandsborderingonChina

sharedasimilarpatternoflife,basedonthenecessitesprovidedby

andtherequirementsoftheherds.Milkandproductsderivedfromit

12RobertB.Ekvall,CulturalRelationsontheKansuTibetanBorder(Chicago:UniversityofChicagoPress,1939),p.54.

madeupthemostimportantitemsinallInnerAsiannomads'diet.These

weresupplementedbygrain(forwhichthepastoralistsbarteredwool,

hidesandotherproducts)andsomemeat.Animaldungservedastheonly

sourceoffuelinenvironmentswherevegetationwasscarce.Theanimals

alsoprovidedclothingfornomadicTibetans,forexample,asheepskin

drapedoveroneshoulderandcinchedatthewaistservedasgarmentand

bedding. 13

WoolwasoneofthemostimportantresourcesoftheInnerAsian

nomadiceconomy.Evenbeforethepossibilitiesfortradeinwool

increasedinthenineteenthcentury,wool,intheformoffelt,was

crucialasthemateralusedintheconstructionofyurtsandotheritems.

Tomakefelts,nomadswouldfirstcollectthewoolfromthesheepin

placesthiswasaccomplishedbyshearingwithscissors(themethod

preferredbyforeignwoolmerchants)butmoreoftennomadscombed,cut

withknivesorsimplypulledthewooloffwiththeirhands.Althoughthe

irregularstaplelengthcausedbysuchmethodspresentedanobstacleto

spinningandweaving,itwasofnoconsequenceinfeltmaking.Thenomads

beattherawwoolwithsticksatgreatlength,laidthecompactedwoolon

awovenmatorscreenandsoakeditwithhotwater.Next,theyrolled

thematandlayerofwoolaroundawoodenpole,securedit,andafter

fasteningropestotheendsofthepoledraggedthisdevicebyhandor

fromhorsebackforhoursoverthesteppe.Asthewoolrolledinthemat,

13Forphotographsofnomadssoclad,seeJosephF.Rock,TheAmnyeMachhenRangeandAdjacentRegions(Rome:InstitutoItalianoperilMedioedEstremoOriento,1956),platesIX,LXVIII.

itwascompressedintoasturdysheetoffeltonetothreeinchesthick.

(Somenomadgroups,suchastheKirghiz,accomplishedthisrolling

procedurewitharopemechanismpulledfromoppositesidesbytwo

people.)Woolistheonlynaturalfibertrulysuitedtofeltinginthis

manner.Therearerowsofscalesalongeachfiberthatfacethesame

directionandstaycakedwithgreasewhileonthesheephowever,the

initialbeatingrandomlyalignsandcompressesthefibersthehotwater

removesthegrease,causingthescalestobendawayfromthetrunkofthe

woolfiber.Thefinalprocessofrollingclosesthescalesoncemore,

thistimesothattheyareallfirmlyenmeshedwithotherscalesand

fibers. 14

Theanimalsinnomads'herdsneededagoodsupplyofgrass

throughouttheyear,andthisrequirementdeterminedtheseasonal

migratorypatternoftheirherders.Duringthewarmermonths,thenomads

pasturedtheirherdsintherichergrasslandsofhigherelevationsin

thewinter,mostgroupsretreatedtocampsinvalleys,nearforests,and

otherplacesthataffordedprotectionfromtheweather.Thetimesof

yearwhennomadicgroupstradedtheirwool,hidesandotherproductsfor

itemsfromChinadependedupontheirdistancefrombordersettlements,

difficultyoflocalcommunicationandotherfactors,butwereinvariably

closelylinkedtothescheduleofthenomads'seasonalmigrations,and,

inparticularduringtheperiodweareconsidering,withthetimingof

14ErnestWatson,ThePrincipleArticlesofChineseCommerce,China,theMaritimeCustomsSpecialSeriesno.38(Shanghai:StatisticalDepartmentoftheInspectorateGeneralofCustoms,1930),p.21,25.

woolproduction.

Inmostplaces,woolwasgatheredfromthesheeponceortwicea

year:inearlyspringandperhapsagaininlatesummerorearlyautumn.

Generally,thewooltakeninthespringwaslongeranddenser,andhence

ofgreatervalueforthelongdistancetrade.(Inplaceswherenomads

"harvested"woolbiannually,suchasinInnerMongolia,theshorter

autumnfleecewasforthenomads'ownuse,orusebylocalborder

inhabitants.)Thusformanynomads,theirmajorexportproductwasready

togoonthemarketinspringorsummer,justastheywerepreparingto

leavetheirwintercampsforthehighpasturesandcouldbrooknodelay

insellingitoff.Norwasthenomad'sneedfortradeasgreatatthis

timeofyearasitwasintheautumn,whentheyhadtoputawaysupplies

forwinter.Inmanyborderareas,nomadsmadetheirpurchasesfrom

sedentarysocietyintheautumn,oncreditChinesemerchants

accomodatedthenomadseagerly,acceptingpaymentwithinterestinterms

ofthefollowingspring'swool.Tibetantradingcaravanssoldundera

similardisadvantage,despitethefactthattheybroughtwooltomarket

intheautumnthetimeofyearwhentravelinTibetwaseasiestandmen

werefreefromherdingtaskstomakethetrip.Theyaksintheir

caravansneededpastureorfodder,andtheformerwasscarceandthe

latterexpensiveontheborder.Withthecaravan'senginerunning,soto

speak,thenomadicTibetanshadtoconcludetheirsalequickly.

Inanotherwayaswell,pastoralnomadicsocietiesinInnerAsia

(orelsewhere),havebeenatadisadvantageintradingwithsedentary

peoples.Thisisbecauseingeneralherdsmentradeinordertosupply

themselveswithnecessities,whiletheproductstheyhaveofferedin

exchangearenotvitaltosedentarysocieties. Afteracareerdevoted15

toconsiderationofthehistoryoftheinteractionbetweenChineseand

InnerAsianpeoples,OwenLattimorehasgeneralizedthatthroughits

history,theChineseempire'smainreasonsfortradewiththenomadswere

politicalandstrategic,noteconomic. Andindeed,abrieflookatthe16

typesofproductsexchangedbeforetheboominwoolexplainswhythiswas

so.Pastoralistsproducedmuchwoolanddairyproductsneverhighly

desiredinChinaaswellasanimalskins.Tradeinlivestock,meatand

hideswasmoreimportantbutlimitedbythefactthatsellingtheseitems

entaileddepletionoftheherdsman's"capital",hisherds.Inaddition,

nomadscouldoffertheChineseavarietyoffurs,medicinalherbsand

otherproducts,dependingontheenvironmentinwhichtheherders

traveledintheirmigratorycycles.(Forexample,Tibetanscollected

rhubarbandwapatiantlersforsaleontheSichuanborderthenomadsof

MongoliaandXinjiang,notedfalconers,broughtthepeltsofsmall

mammalsandthoseinwesternManchuriasuppliedginseng,waxandhoneyto

northernChina.)Inreturn,thenomadsneededgrain,cloth,metaltools,

weapons,andcookingutensils.(Andsomenecessary"luxuries",suchas

15Foradiscussionofthisquestionthatdrawsuponwiderangingexamples,seeA.M.Khazanov,NomadsandtheOutsideWorld(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,1984),p.212,passim.16OwenLattimore,"Herdsmen,farmers,urbanculture,"inPastoralProductionandSociety,ProceedingsoftheInternationalMeetingonNomadicPastoralism,Paris,13December,1976(NewYork:CambridgeUniversityPress,1979),pp.481,4834.

thebrickteaconsumedinprodigiousquantitiesbyTibetansand,bythe

19thCentury,Mongolsaswell,orsilksforlamaistsacraluse).These

productsweremoreelementaltonomadiceconomiesthanwerethegoods

nomadsexportedtotheChinese.(Theonegreatexceptiontothis

imbalanceinthehistoryofChinesebordertradewasthesupplyingof

horsesfortheChinesemilitary.SinceatleastShangtimes,theChinese

neededasteadysupplyofthestrong,fasthorsesthatonlythesteppes

couldprovide.Butthislargescaletradetendedtobehandledby

specializedorelitenomadgroups,andprobablyexertedlittleinfluence

onthecommonpastoralist'sbalanceoftrade. )Thisinherent17

inequalityofnomadicChineseexchangeissummedupbyaChinesesaying

inusealongtheMongolianborderaroundtheturnofthecentury:

kouwaisandabao:heicha,chaomi,lanpi'ao. 18

17Theexchangeofhorsesfortea(chamahushi)becamearegularfeatureofTibetanChineserelationsasearlyastheTangdynasty,duringtheSongbecameanofficiallysupervisedandregulatedenterprise,andwascontinuedundertheMingasthechamasi.Interestingly,themostimportantnorthwesternsitesoftheteahorseexchangeduringtheSongandMingperiods(Xining,Taozhou,Hezhou,GanzhouandMinzhou)becamemajorcentersofthewooltradeinlateQingandRepublicantimes.InMongolia,horsefairsatwhichtheMongolnobilitytradedhorsesforsilkandotherluxurieswhilecommonersconductedasidelinetradeinstaplesbeganinthe15thcentury.MorrisRossabi,"TheTeaandHorseTradewithInnerAsiaduringtheMing,"JournalofAsianHistory(Wiesbaden),4:2(1970),pp.135167HenrySerruys,"SinoMongolTradeduringtheMing,"JournalofAsianHistory(Wiesbaden),9:1(1975),pp.4452XieMingliang,GuoJianfan,"Xikangbianchajianshi"(AbriefhistoryofXikang`bordertea'),Sichuanwenshiziliaoxuanji,vol.8(n.p.:n.p.,n.d.),pp.173174. 18JosephusvanOost,DictonsetProverbsdesChinoisHabitantlaMongolieSudouest(Shanghai:Impr.del'OrphelinatdeT'ousewe,1918),p.97.

ThethreegreattreasuresinMongoliaarebricktea,roastedmillet,andarottenleatherovercoat.

NotethattwooutofthreetreasuresareoriginallyChinese,andthe

Chinesethinklittleofthethird.

Inthelatenineteenthcentury,woolbecamethemajorproduct

exportedfromnomadicareasintoChina.Yetasanexportwooldiffers

qualitativelyfromhorses,otherlivestock,meat,milkproducts,hides,

furs,andsoforth.Foronething,becausewoolisastapleresourceof

thepastoraleconomy,thefirstsuchtoenjoyademandemanatingfrom

southandeastoftheborderzone,itwasmoreeasilyavailabletocommon

nomadsthanthoseitemsfortradewhichhadtobehuntedorgathered.

Second,woolwasmorerapidlyreplenishablethanlivestockinasenseit

wasinterestonthepastoralists'capital,andtradingwoolawaydidnot

involvesuchrisksasnomadscouldincurwhentheyreducedthesizeof

theirherdsthroughsaleofmeat,hidesoranimalsonthehoof.

Becauseoftheuniquenessofwoolasanitemofnomadicexport,

then,thequestionariseswhetherthenoveltyoflargedemandforwool

perse(asopposedtootheritemssoldtoChinesebynomads),hada

specialeffectonInnerAsiansocietywhereitinteractedwithChina.

Unfortunately,thescarcityofhistoricalandethnographicdataonthe

nomadicsocietiesofChina'sborderlandsatthisperiodprecludesallbut

speculativeanswerstothisquestion.HistoriansofMongoliahave

claimedconvincinglythattheextensiveChineseeconomicpenetrationinto

Mongoliainthenineteenthandearlytwentiethcenturieshadtheeffect

ofimpoverishingthearea,especiallythroughextensivepracticeof

usury.OwenLattimorehasevenarguedingeneraltermsthatthedemand

fromtheChinesetreatyportsforwoolandotheritemsacceleratedthis

processbyraisingthepriceinMongoliaofsuchbasicstaples. But19

thiscastsonlyindirectlightontheeffectsontheMongoliannomadic

producersthemselves,andtellsusnothingaboutotherborderareas.In

particular,theQinghaiGansuborderregionwassubjecttomuchless

ChinesemigrationandeconomicpenetrationthanMongolia,yetexportof

woolfromthe1880stothe1930swasmuchgreater.Thereareinfact

hintsthattradeinwoolandotherpastoralproductsforwhichChina's

incorporationintotheworldeconomycreatedincreaseddemandallowedthe

accumulationofasurplusinsilveronthesteppe(seepage25).

However,confidentanswerstothisquestionmustawaitdetailedstudies

ofbordereconomiesbyanthropologistsandhistoriansandwillprobably

varydependingonjustwhereinthenomadicareasonelooks. 20

19OwenLattimore,NationalismandRevolutioninMongolia(NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,1955),pp.1421,particularlypp.1617.ForanunabashedlypolemicaccountoftheeffectsofChinesepenetration,seeWilliamA.BrownandUrgungeOnon,trans.,HistoryoftheMongolPeople'sRepublic(Cambridge:EastAsianResearchCenter,HarvardUniversityPress,1976).20AcasesimilartothatoftheChineseInnerAsianwooltrademaybefoundinSomaliafromthe1830stothe1950s.Somaliannomadshadexchangedanimalandwildgoods(primarilygheeandgatheredvegetableproducts)foragriculturalandmanufacturedgoodssincebeforethethirteenthcentury.AftertheBritishoccupationofAdenin1839,however,thepresenceofBritishtroopssuddenlycreatedademandformeatwhichSomalianpastoralistsendeavoredtofulfillthroughincreasedlivestocktrade.Theultimateresultsofthetrade(whichcontinuedafterthe1950sduetoArabdemand),asinterpretedbyJeremySwift,were1)strengtheningandconsolidationofaclassofintermediariesandthecreationofawealthyurbanlivestocktradingclassand2)stratificationanddivisionofSomalipastoralsociety,aswellasthebreakdownofmanycustomsandinstitutions(weddinggifts,mutualinsurance,andsoon)rootedinfreeexchangeofanimalsnowinshorter

III.COLLECTION

Inthissection,Iwilltracethemovementofwoolseveralstepsfurther

byexaminingthetransactionsthroughwhichthewoolchangedhandsnear

thebordersinpreparationforitsjourneytoBaotouorChongqing.

Accurateassessmentsofthevolumeofwoolproductionandtradefromthe

borderregionsarevirtuallyimpossibleduetothescatteredand

arbitrarynatureofextantstatistics(seetableI). Iamable,21

however,tooutlineinsomedetailthestagesintheprocessofexchange,

whereeachtookplace,thecommercialinstitutionsandsocialgroups

involved,andthechangesthispatternunderwentduringtheperiod

18801938.

Itisusefultoviewthepurchase,concentrationandtransshipment

supply.JeremySwift,"TheDevelopmentofLivestockTradinginaNomadPastoralEconomy:theSomaliCase,"PastoralProductionandSociety,pp.448463.Thiscomparison,whileprovocative,isproblematicbecausethecommodityforwhichthesuddendemandaroseintheSomaliancasewasarelatively"nonrenewable"resource,livestock,whilewoolcouldbetradedinincreaseamountswithoutdangerouslydepletingherdsize.21Estimatesareavailableinmanysources,butdifferastoplaceandtime,sothatcomparisonisimpossible.Moreover,themeansbywhichfigureswereobtainedoftenamountedtolittlemorethanguesswork.Forexample,toestimatetheamountofwoolmarketedintheNorthwest(xibei)inanaverageyearintheearly1930s,theinvestigatorZhangZhiyitookhisestimatesofregionalsheeppopulations,multipliedthembytheestimatedaveragequantityofwoolproducedbyeachsheepinagivenyear,andsubtractedanestimateoftheamountofwoolusedlocallybynomadicandsedentarypastoralists.Tohiscredit,Zhangcitesavarietyofotherestimates,includingproductionfiguresforthevariousnorthwesternprovinceswheretheycontradicteachother,Zhangattemptstoevaluatedifferingresults.Zhang,et.al.,pp.8,10,12.OtherestimatesaresummarizedinTableI.

ofwoolfromChina'sborderregionsintermsofaroughhierarchyof

"central"places,inwhichthevolumeofwoolhandledincreasedandthe

typeofcommercialtransactiondifferedateachhigherlevel.Asmight

beexpectedwithtradeinabulkycommoditythroughroughterrain,

"centrality"ofaplaceinthishierarchywasassociatedwithlocation

alongthefewlandandwaterroutessuitableforthetransportofwool.

Thefourtypesofplaceinthehierarchyare1)producers'markettowns,

wherenomads(orsedentarywoolproducerssuchasthoseineasternGansu)

tradedtheirwoolandhides2)collectiontransshipmentcenters,where

largequantitiesofwoolwerebroughtfrom(1)bybrokersandmerchants

tobesoldtoothermerchants,bulkedandtransshipped3)themajor

collectiontransshipmentcentersofXining,ShizuishanandBaotou,which

differfrom(2)primarilyinscale,butalsooccupycrucialpositionson

themajorwesteastwaterwayand,moreover,whereconsignmentsofwool

werenotonlybulked,butalsoprocessedtosomeextentbefore

transshipmentand4),theexportcitiesofTianjinandtheless

important(intermsofwoolhandling)Chongqing,wheretheforeign

companiesthatexportedtheborderwoolwerebased,andwhereevenwool

boundforChinesewoolenmills(inthe1920sand1930s)wasfirst

accumulatedbeforefinalshipment.Therelationshipbetweenfunction

andtypeofplacewasnotasrigidasthisschematicdescription

suggests.Manylargerproducers'markettownswerealsothesiteof

exchangeofwoolbetweentheinitialbuyerandalongdistancemerchant

orevenofabrokeredexchangebetweenproducersandrepresentativesof

foreignfirms.Collectiontransshipmentandmajor

collectiontransshipmentcentersalsoservedtheirimmediatehinterlands

asproducers'markets.Iproposethishierarchicalscheme,then,onlyto

aidinexplainingingeneraltermsthecomplextransactionsgoverningthe

borderwooltrade.

InthissectionIwilldiscuss(1),(2),andthemajor

transshipmentcentersexceptforBaotou.Thatuniquetown,andtheview

fromthetreatyports,Iwilltakeupinlatersections.

Inadditiontothesegeographicaldistinctions,atemporaldivision

markedthecourseofthewooltradeinthenorthwest.Fromthe1880s

untilthe1920sforeignexportersofwool,hidesandotherborder

productsmaintainedanindirectpresenceintheGansuQinghairegion,

easternGansu,theAlashan(Ningxiaafter1912),andtheOrdos(after

1912,southernSuiyuan)throughcompradorelikeagentsengagedin

collectingwoolfortheexportmarket.Bythelate1920s,however,faced

withanonslaughtofenvironmentaldisasters,warsandcommunalviolence,

politicalinstabilityandrejuvenatedtaxcollection,theforeignfirms

withdrewtheirpurchasingagenciesfromthenorthwest.Thetasksof

collectingwoolonthebordersandshippingiteastwardforsalewere

thereaftertakenonbysmallHuicompanies.

Producersgenerallytradedtheirwoolforgrainandmanufacturesin

smallmarkettownsonornearthesteppe.(IncentralTibetandQinghai,

nomadsalsodealtfromtheircampswithtravelingHuimerchants,trading

theirwoolandothergoodsfortea,cloth,silks,cookingpots,andso

on. )Theseproducers'marketsvariedsomewhatinsizedependingonthe22

depthofthehinterlandtheyserved,theirlocationrelativetomajor

transportationroutes,andsoon.Travelershaveleftussomeaccounts

ofproducers'markettowns,suchasEricTeichman'sdescriptionofEboon

theGansuQinghaiborder.Thephysicalsituationofthissettlementis

analogoustoitseconomicrole:thesmallwalledChinesetownlay

perchedontheedgeoftheQinghaiplateau,astridearoutethat

connectedTibetwiththeGansucorridorthroughtheDubiankoupass.In

alldirectionsextendedthevastgrasslandswhereTibetansgrazedtheir

herdsandpitchedtheirtents.ThecommunityofChinesespeakingHui

whomTeichmanencounteredweresolelyinvolvedincollectionofwooland

othersteppeproductswhichtheytransportedforsaleindistanttowns

belowtheplateau. 23

TeichmanhadalreadytraveledthroughLabrang,amajorLamaist

monasticcommunityontheXiariverneartheGansuQinghaiborder,and

describedthebazaarthatservedasaproducers'marketlargerthanEbo.

Here,inthemid1930s,theChinesejournalistandtravelwriterFan

Chiangjiangnotedthegreatquantitiesofwoolbroughtintothedusty

marketbyTibetansandsoldtoHuimerchantsfromHezhou(nowLinxia).

Interestingly,FancommentedthatmanyoftheTibetansdoingtheactual

sellingwerewomenrightlyorwrongly,Faninterpretedtheunrestrained

22Ekvall,pp.5558.23Teichman,pp.161167.SeealsothestarkphotographsinRock,platesIIIandIV.

demeanoroftheseTibetanwomenassignsofa"looserelationship"with

theChinesetraders. 24

TheGuomindangagentMaHot'ienstayedintheMongoliantownof

BayanDalai("Baisingto"),asettlementconsistingofatempleandafew

yurtssetonaplainsparselyinhabitedbynomadsandtheircattle,

camelsandsheep.TenChinesemerchantsfromGansuandBeijinglivedin

thetown,theoutsidesoftheiryurtspiledhighwithstacksofwooland

theinteriorsarrayedwithsuppliessuchaswouldbefitafrontier

generalstoreincountlessAmericanwesterns.Thesetraders,

representingthefirmsofXinYuanHaoandHeYiHe,exchangedtheir

sadlery,boots,hats,rollsofcloth,woodenandironarticlesforwool

andsheepskinswhichtheyshippedbacktoChina.Therehadbeenoverone

hundredsuchtradinghousesinBayanDalai,themerchantscomplainedto

Ma,untilhightaxesfollowingthe1921Mongolianrevolutiondroveall

buttheremainingfewoutoftheMongolianwoolbusiness. 25

Thetradingsettlementsinthesethreedescriptionseachdisplay

theessentialcharacteristicsofwoolproducers'markettowns.Ineach,

nomadicproducerscameintodirectcontactwithChinesemerchants.The

usualmeansofexchangewasbarter,althoughasnomadiceconomiesinsome

areasbecamemonetizedlumpsilverandvariouscurrenciesbegantobe

24Teichman,p.144.FanChangjiang,Zhonguodixibeijiao(China'snorthwestcorner)(Tianjin:DagongBaoguan,1936),pp.8788.JosephRocktookaphotooftheLabrangmarketplacein(plateXVIII).25MaHot'ien,ChineseAgentinMongolia,trans.,ed.JohnDefrancis(Baltimore:JohnHopkinsPress,1949),pp.1718.OriginallypublishedasMaHetian,Neiwaimenggukaochariji(diaryofaninvestigationofInnerandOuterMongolia)(Nanjing:XinYaxiyaxuehui,1932).

used.And,althoughthispointisnotmentionedexplicitlybythe

travelers,inorderfortradetobepossibleoneparty,usuallythe

buyer,hadtoenjoysomeproficiencyinthelanguageofthenomadsas

wellasalocalChinesedialect.

Theexchangeofwoolcouldworktothedisadvantageofthe

producers,asanothersayingoftheMongolianborderlandsattests:

Biankeqingdazi,dazichidazi 26

EvenwhenaborderagenttreatsaMongol,

theMongolstillpaysthebill.

Bymostreports,pricesofferedtotheproducerswerelow. Moreover,27

wheneverpossibleChinesemerchantspreferredtoprovidegoodsoncredit,

takingwool,hidesorlivestockasrepaymentwithinterestwhenthese

productswerereadyforcollectionlaterintheyear,usuallyspringor

summer.Withthebuyersdeterminingthetermsofthesale,yearafter

year,nomadscouldnotgetfarahead. Ontheotherhand,somesources28

mentionthatinplacesnomadsenjoyedafavorablebalanceoftradeandat

thesetimesaccumulatedasmallsurplusinsilver. 29

26Oost,p.191.27AccordingtotheinvestigatorZhangZhiyi,beforethestartofthesecondSinoJapanesewar,intheGansuQinghaiborderareaonebrickofteafetchedanaverageoftwohundredcattiesofwool(Zhanget.al.,p.15).SinceoneQinghaisheepproducedtwotothreecattiesofwoolannually,thatpricerepresentstheyearlyproductofeightysheep.28ZhouZhenhe,p.205.OwenLattimore,MongolJourneys(London:JonathanCape,1941),pp.189190.29ZhouZhenhe,p.205.Ekvall,p.58.

Oncecollectedbythebuyer,thewoolwaspackedintowhatever

bundlesweremostconvenientforthelocalmeansoftransportation.In

Qinghaiandthenorthwestingeneral,thismeantthatthelongstapled

woolwastwistedintoropesthatfoldedthesofterinnerwithinthe

coarseroutercoat.(Fromthisenfoldingorcoveringprocessderivedone

oftheprevalentnamesforwoolfromthisregion,taomao.)Theropes

werewrappedintobundlesweighingsixtytoseventycattieswithcords

madeofgoathair,thenpackedonthebacksofanimalsto

collectiontransshipmentcenters.Bytheendofthisjourneyandafter

whatithadbeenthroughtogettomarketinthefirstplace,thewool

wasusuallyasodden,filthymess. 30

Althoughcollectiontransshipmentcentersoftenservedasprimary

woolmarketsaswell,Ihavedistinguishedthetwobecause

collectiontransshipmentcenterswerethesiteofthenexthigherlevel

transactioninthewooltrade,thatbetweenlocalprocurersofwooland

themerchantsinvolvedwithmovingwooloverthenext,longeststageof

itsjourney.Thesecenterswereintownsorcitiesofconsiderablesize

andeconomicimportancetheywerenotnecessarilylocatedontheborders

ofwoolproducingdistricts,thoughneitherweretheytoofaraway.Most

important,theylayalongmajorlandandwatertransportationroutes

leadingfromtheborderlandsintoChina.OntheTibetSichuanand

QinghaiGansubordersthecombinedbrokerageinnundersingleownership

becameanimportantinstitutionfacilitatingtheexchangeofwool.

30Chin,pp.46,70.

Themostimportantwoolcollectiontransshipmentcentersincluded

DajianluandSongpanalongtheSichuanTibetborderSuzhou(Jiuquan),

Ganzhou(Zhangye),Jingyuan,Datong,Huangyuan,Tangor,Guide,Hezhou

(Linxia),OldTaozhou,Lanzhou,Tianshui,Zhangjiachuan,Pingliang,

Yongdeng,andLiangzhou(Wuwei)inGansuQinghaiZhongning,Zhongwei,

Wuzhongbao,Ningxia(Yinchuan),Shizuishan(Shizuizi),Yingdingyuanand

DengkoualongtheYellowRiverbetweentheAlashanandOrdosKhotan

(Hezhen),Kuchar(Kuche),HamiandBarkul(Zhenxi)inXinjiangYulinand

ShenmuinShaanxiKhobdo,UliassutaiandUrga(Kulun)inOuterMongolia.

31

IntheNorthwest,twocitieshandledwoolinsuchvolumethatthey

maybeconsideredinaclassbythemselves,asmajor

collectiontranshipmentcenters.Xiningcollectedwooltransshippedfrom

northoftheYellowRiverinQinghai,includingtheregionsofthe

TsaidamandaroundtheQinghailake.ShizuishanontheYellowRiverin

InnerMongoliaconcentratedthewoolshipmentsfromsurroundingregions

insideandoutsidetheRiver'sloop.Inbothplaceswoolwasdriedand

thenprocessedsomewhat,eithersiftedtofreeitofimpuritiesor

perhapsfurtheradulteratedtoincreaseitssaleweight.Thenitwas

31Chin,p.4849Liu,passimZhou,pp.199200OgawaKunan,"Hotoniokeruhimoten,hisho"(pimaodianandpizhuanginBaotou),Mantetsuchosageppo21:11(Nov.1941),p.80.Thisisnotacompletelist.Ihaveincludedtownsonthebasisofreferencebytravelersorinvestigatorstothevolumeofwooltransshippedandtypesofcommercialfunctionsundertakenineachplace.BecauseoftheconcentrationofsourcematerialsdealingwiththeGansuQinghaiborder,thisregionisoverrepresentedonmylist,whileIhavefailedtoincludemanycollectiontransshipmentcentersfromotherregions.

packedforshipmentoverlandorbyriver(seesectionIV).InShizuishan

after1915theforeignfirmsofXintaixing(Wilson)andRenji(Forbes)

jointlyoperatedaprocessingpackingplantthatemployedover1500

workerstountwistthewoolropes,siftoutexcessdirt,washanddrythe

woolbeforepackingitfortransshipment. 32

Closeexaminationofthecommercialroleof

collectiontransshipmentcentersrevealsthecomplexworkingsof

crossculturaltradeinaction.Dajianlu,twelvedayswestofChengduby

premoderntransportalongtheoldroadtoLhasa,hadservedsincethe

midQingperiodasthemainentrepotfortheexportofChinesebricktea

toTibet.WoolwasonlyoneofmanyproductstradedbyTibetanshere,

includingmusk,deerantlers,golddustandmedicinalherbs.Butby

1896,fiveyearsafterChongqingopenedasatreatyportaBritishfirm

openedagenciesinDajianluandwarehousesinChongqingforhandling

wool. TheYangziRiveroutletforTibetanwooldevelopedfromthistime33

on,suppliedbythemuleandyakcaravansofHanChineseandTibetan

merchantsthatconveyedincreasingquantitiesofthetwistedcoilsof

taomaointoDajianlu.Whenitcameinduringmidsummerorlateautumn,

woolmetteain"ramshackleinns"knownlocallyas"kettlehouses"

(guozhuang). Theproprietoroftheseinns,oftenawoman,servedas34

32Liu,p.192193.33Chin,pp.6162.34TheTibetantermforthenomadicunitthatsharesacampfireandfood(i.e.eatsfromthesamepot)iswaka,literally"kettleat."ChinesetradersinTibetadoptedaloantranslationofthisterm(guozi)torefertotheirown,similar,unit.(Ekvall,p.62.)Theguoinguozhuang,then,maysignifythesocialratherthantheculinarykettle,

brokerandinterpretertomerchantshailingfrombotheastandwest.In

additiontotheseservicesandaccommodation,theguozhuangprovided

specialscalesforweighingwool,antlers,medicinalherbs,andsoon.

Theguozhuangprofitedfromthedealsconcludedunderitsroofthrougha

commissionoffourpercent,scalefees,aswellaschargesleviedonHan

merchantsforroomandboard.(ItissaidthatTibetansstayedfree.) 35

Afterexchange,woolwasreadiedfortransshipmenttoChongqing,perhaps

bydryingorrepacking.CleaningthewoolwasdifficultinDajianlu

becauseoftheicywatertemperature.

Thecommercialactivitiesofcollectiontransshipmentcentersin

thenorthwesternwoolproducingregionsweremorecomplexbeforethe

1920scompradoresfortheTianjinforeignfirmswerepresentinforceand

obtainedtheirwoolthroughavarietyofpossiblecommercialchannels,

dependingonthetypeandoriginofthewooltheydemanded,howsoonthey

wantedit,thetimeofyear,thelocationoftheagencyandotherfactors

(seeTableII).Theseyanghangbranchagencies,orwaizhuang,might

themselvessendoutpurchasers(called"smallbosses,"xiaolaoban)to

makeloanstotheproducersandcollectwoolinrepaymentthiswas

commonlythecaseintheareasofInnerMongoliaaroundShizuishan. Or36

theymightdealwiththepredominantlyHuiwoolmerchants(maofanzior

sothattheinnwasa"houseofbusinessfor'kettles'."35Chin,p.63ErnestHenryWilson,ANaturalistinWesternChina,withVasculum,CameraandGun(London:MethuenandCo.,Ltd.,1913),vol.1,pp.205208Xie,Guo,pp.176179.36Liu,p.186.

dafanzi)basedincollectiontransshipmentcenters.Uponreceiptofan

orderandanadvanceoftwentytosixtypercentofthepurchaseprice,

themaofanzisenttheirbuyers(xiaofanzi)totheproducers'markettowns

orsmallercollectiontransshipmentcenters.Here,thexiaofanzistayed

inbrokerageinnscalledxiejia.LiketheguozhuangontheTibetSichuan

border,xiejiafulfilledthetriplefunctionofaccommodation,brokerage

andinterpreting.Adifferencelay,however,inthatxiejiatookorders

forwoolandcashadvances.Withthemoney,theinnkeepersortheir

employeesboughtgoodstotradewiththenomadsinexchangeforwool

(whichmightnotbedeliveredtothemaofanziuntilsixmonthsorone

yearlater).Fortheirservices,xiejiatookacommissionoftwo

percent.(English,JapaneseandChineseaccountsofthexiejiaallpoint

outthattheinnkeepersthusreapedthisprofitwithlittlecapital

besidestheirbilingualability.)Maofanzilikewiserequired

compensation,sotheforeignfirmsoftensenttheirownpersoneltodo

businessthroughxiejia.

Whentheyneededwoolurgently(tofillanorderbeforethe

freezingoftheYellowRiverdelayeddeliverytoTianjin,forexample)

theyanghangbrancheshadathirdmethodforbuyingwool.Theycouldbuy

itdirectlyfromwoolmerchantsonthemarketinXining,amajor

collectiontransshipmentcenter.Thismethodhadtheadvantageof

allowingthewaizhuangtoviewthegoodsbeforepurchasingandsavedthem

theriskofadvancinglargesumsofmoneytomaofanziandxiejia.

However,merchantsbringingwoolintoXininghadnoguaranteedmarket,

andsochargedahigherpricetocoverpotentiallossontheir

speculation.Ingeneral,thewaizhuangavailedthemselvesofthisXining

spotsalemarketonlyforsmallscalepurchasesofwool(seeDiagramIa).

37

Waizhuangwerelocatedinmanynorthwesterntowns(seeTableII)

andstaffedbycompradorsorcompradors'agents(calledbyoneinformant,

"maibandimaiban").Theseemployeesoftheforeignfirmscorrespondto

the"upcountrypurchasers"relieduponextensivelybysuchconcernsas

AugustineHeardforprocurementofteaandsilk. Mostwerenativesof38

Tianjin,oreven(aswithGeTuzi'sstaff)ofplacesasfarawayas

Guangzhou.Moreover,theyappeartohavebeenprimarilyHanChinese. 39

Inthefirststageofthewooltrade,these

compradors'agentsdidwellbytheirpositions.ThosewhocametoHezhou

37Chin,pp.60,1067Liu,p.186Miyazaki,p.79Zhou,pp.204205.38SeeYenp'ingHao,TheCompradorinNineteenthCenturyChina:BridgebetweenEastandWest(Cambridge:HarvardUniversityPress,1970),pp.7582.39GuangzhouimmigrantsworkedforthelargestforeigncompaniesinTianjin,includingJardineMatheson,ButterfieldandSwire,WilliamForbes,theRussoAsiaticBank,andtheHongkongandShanghaiBankingCorporation.GailHershatter,TheMakingoftheWorkingClassinTianjin,19001949(Ph.D.dissertation,StanfordUniversity,1982),p.57.Atleastthreeoftheseyanghang(Jardine,Forbes,andtheHongkongandShanghaiBank)hadwoolcollectingoperationsintheChineseinterior.Onwaizhuang,seeLiu,passim,andQin,Ma,andZhang,pp.175181.Inparticular,seepage181whereZhangZhidaliststhenamesofseveral"laoban"inchargeofoperationsforvariousyanghanginZhongwei,ZhongningandHaiyuan,inGansu.All,hesays,arefromTianjinnoneofthesurnamesarethosecommonlyassociatedwithHuifamilies(i.e.Ma,HuorAn).

neartheendoftheGuangxureignperiod

allboughtofficialposition,woreabrassbandontheircaps,anddidn'tevennodwhentheysawtownordistrictofficials.Theyledextravagant,sumptuouslives.TheXintaixingfirmhadabossinLanzhouIthinkhisnamewasWangSandiewhoentertainedeveryrankofofficialtobefoundinthecity....Athisnightlybanquetstherewerealwaysfamouscourtesansattendingthewine,andmahjoong,andopiumsmoking....[Theagents]spentsolavishly,noofficialcouldcompete....Theforeignfirmsusedonlythebestimportedtools.[Themanagers]dressedelegantlyandchangedthreetimesaday.Allyearlongtheyretainedtailorsintheirhomestomakethemnewclothes. 40

Therewasalsobusinesstobeaccomplished.Wherethewaizhuangagents

didsodirectly,thisconsistedofcollectingwoolandreadyingitfor

shipmenttoBaotouandTianjin.Whereintermediaries,themaofanziand

xiejia,wereinvolved,the"uplandpurchasers"hadtonegotiateprices

andputintheirorders.Thelocalwoolmerchantsmetamongthemselves

tosetaskingpricesforwool,sotherepresentativesoftheforeign

firmsmetaswelltodeterminewhattheywouldoffer.(InHezhouat

least,thewaizhuangcollaboratedtopurchasewool:whenthewoolwas

delivered,itwasallocatedaccordingtohowmuchmoneyeachfirmhad

invested.Xintaixing(WilsonandCo.)wasthelargestbuyer,usually

takingaboutfiftypercentofthewool.)Whenintheautumn(the

hagglingseasonintheNorthwest)thewaizhuangandmaofanziheldprice

negotiations,thediscussions,knownaskaizhuang,wereoften

disputatious.Onceapricehadbeensettledupon,however,theforeign

firms'laobanadvancedthenecessarycash. 41

40Qin,Ma,andZhang,pp.177178.41Chin,p.105Qin,Ma,Zhang,pp.176,181.Between1911and1921,thewholesalepriceforacattyofwoolinZhongningwasabout"sixfen

Ihaveuncoveredlittleinformationonhowmonetarytransfersfrom

Tianjinwererealizedwhatisavailabledescribesonlyhowfundswere

suppliedtoforeignagenciesinShizuishan.Becausetheprocurementof

woolrequiredcashadvances,usuallyinsilver,duringthefirstyearsof

thewooltradetheforiegncompaniesundertookdeliveriesofsilverto

thismajorcollectiontransshipmentcenterthemselves,employingthe

servicesofGuihuaarmedescortcompaniesforprotectionenroute.Later

theybegantousethelarger"nativebanks"(qianzhuang)andChinese

goodsmerchants(shangdian)whohandledsomefinancialbusiness.Still

later,theyanghangemployedtheirowngangsofguardstoaccompany

silvershipments,andfinally,aftertheextensionoftelegraphservice

tothenorthwest,theywereabletoconductdirect,longdistance

financialexchangeswithBeijingandTianjinforlocalmerchantsand

governmentinnorthwesttowns.Byprovidingpublicandprivatefinancial

servicessuchascurrencyexchangeandcredit,thewaizhuangwereeven

abletoearncommissionfeesofuptotenpercent. 42

Undertheunequaltreaties,foreignfirmswereallowedtotransport

goodsboundforexportfromthetreatyportsthroughChinawithoutpaying

localtransporttaxes(lijin).TheTianjinofficesoftheyanghang

reportedtheirwoolorderstotheMaritimeCustomsandthetypeand

amountwasrecordedonaformknownasthe"triplecertificate"

ofsilver"(Qin,Ma,Zhang,p.181).InQinghaibetween1919and1926thepricerangedbetweeneightandtentaelsforonehundredcatties(Zhou,p.200).42Liu,p.187.

(sanlianbiao).Thesanlianbiaowasdeliveredtothewaizhuanginwool

collectiontransshipmentcenters,anditthenaccompaniedthewoolback

totheportasan"inlandtransitpass"whichintheoryexcusedthe

shipmentfromtaxationenroute.Inthiswaytheforeignfirmspaidonly

theone,modestMaritimeCustomsTaxonshipmentsofwool.

Troublebeganfortheforeignagenciesenjoyingthistaxsystemas

earlyas1913,whenMaQi,theHuiwarlordofQinghai,establishedan

officialwoolandhidebureau:theQinghaiPimaoGonggujuattemptedto

forbidthedirectsaleofwooltothewaizhuangandtoplaceanexport

taxonthecommodity.Thisinterferenceapparentlydidnotimpedetrade

inwoolgreatly,however,fortheyears19191926arereferredtoasthe

"goldenageofQinghaiwool." Thebureaumayevenhaveprovedusefulto43

buyersbyprovidingguaranteeingweight,qualityandultimatedeliveryof

woolorders. 44

ThedujunofGansu,ZhangGuangjian,imposedamoreseriousburden

onthetrade.In1915or1916,justafewyearsafterhisinstallation

intheprovince,Zhangcollected15,000taelsfromeachofninelocal

woolandhidemerchantstoestablishaprovincialwoolmonopoly.This

monopoly,theGansuPimaoGongmaibu,atfirstleviedataxofonetael

perpicultheraterosequicklyoverthenextfewyearsasZhang

consolidatedhisabilitytocollectit.AtaxofficeinShizuishan

between1916and1919tripledtherateoftaxationonoutboundshipments

43Zhou,p.200.44Miyazaki,p.79.

ofwoolafterZhangstationedadetachmentof30soldiersthereto

tighteninspectionprocedures.Woolshipmentsthatdidnotcorrespondin

typeorquantitytotherecordonthesanlianbiaowerefinedand/or

confiscated.LocalpowerholdersinSuiyuanandChaharbegantoemploy

similarmethodstoenhancetheirrevenuethroughtaxonthewooltradeas

thecontrolofthecentralChinesegovernmentdisintegratedinthe

warlordstrugglesofthesecondandthirddecadesofthecentury.

Withlocaltaxationandofficialcontrolofthetradecuttinginto

theprofitablityandscopeoftheirinterioragencies,andwithbanditry

andseizurebywarlordarmiesofmeansoftransportationinnorthand

northwesternChinacontributingtotherisksofthealreadyhazardous

processoftransshipingwooleastward,theforeignfirmschoseto

withdrawtothesecurityofTianjin.ThewaizhuangleftHezhouin1920

between1921and1926theyleftShizuishanthoseinZhangjiachuanwere

goneby192627. Chinesecompanies,usuallyHuiownedandoperated,45

tookoverthebusiness.Inplaces,includingtheHuangyuan,Guideand

DatongareaofQinghai,thexiejiaexpandedoperationstoincludelong

distancetradewithBaotou.Elsewherethelocalmaofanziortraveling

merchantsfromothernorthChinatownstookonthetradeinwooland

hidesfromthenorthwest:Hezhou'smaofanziprosperedafterthe

waizhuangdepartedtradersfromHenanandShaanxijoinedlocalmerchants

intransportingandmarketingwoolcollectedinZhangjiachuan,andthey

werejoinedbymerchantsfromXundeinHebeiinincreasingnumbersinto

45Qin,Ma,Zhang,p.178Liu,p.197.

the1930s. 46

IV.TRANSPORT

Aftertheconsignmentsofwoolweredeliveredandconcentratedin

collectiontransshipmentcenters,thenextstagewastoshipthem

eastwardtothecitieswheretheyweretobeexportedorusedinthe

manufactureofcarpetsor,later,woolens.Communicationsinthe

borderlandsandinnorthChinaasawholeweremoredifficultthanin

southandcentralChina,whereadensesystemofwaterwaysallowedfor

relativelyrapidandinexpensivetravelandshipping.Nevertheless,

Chinesetraderscouldaccommodatetheincreasedvolumeofeastboundwool

inaflexiblecommunicationsnetworkthatexploitedavailable

geographicalandanimalresources.Becausetransportwithinthisnetwork

requiredspecializedequipmentandexpertiseaswellasherdsofanimals,

merchantsinthewooltradecontractedouttotransporthouses(tuohuor

fashang)fortheconveyanceoftheirwoolandhidestoeasternmarkets.

WoolaccumulatedinSongbanandDajianluwastakenonyakand

mulebacktothenearestnavigablewaterways,andfromtheredownthe

tributariesoftheYangzitoChongqing,whereitwascleaned,driedand

packedforexportbyforeignfirms. Inotherareasthroughwhichthe47

borderwooltradepassedhowever,camelandraftwereitsmainmeansof

46Chin,p.60Qin,MaandZhang,p.178Zhou,p.204.47ForadescriptionoftheroutesfromSongban,seeWilson,p.143.Dajianlu(nowKangting),wasconnectedwithLhasaandChengdubyanimportantlandroute.

transportation.

MuchofthewoolproducedinXinjiangandOuterMongolia(andsome

fromtheGansucorridor)founditsultimatemarketsnotinTianjinbutto

thenorthandwest.RussianandUzbekmerchantsinXinjiang,for

example,in1926and1927exported120,000piculsofrawwooltothe

SovietUnion. Nevertheless,someXinjiangwoolwasexportedthrough48

Tianjin.British,AmericanandGermanfirmsinthenineteenteensacted

throughrepresentativesinXinjiangtopurchasewoolandotherproducts,

andthispracticecontinueduntilatleast1930. Woolfromthefarwest49

wasshippedbycameltoGuihuaorBaotoualongtheworld'scaravanroute

parexcellence,theGreatWestRoad(Daxilu).BeginninginUrumchi

(Dihua)andJitai(Guchengzi),thisrouteleadeastward,skirtingbutnot

climbingmountainrangesandpassingthroughwellwateredgrasslands

throughoutitslength.Itwasevenflatenoughforcarttraffic. 50

CaravancompaniesfromGuihuaandBaotouhadpliedtheGreatWest

Routeanditsvariousspurs(anorthernvariationpassedthroughKobdo,

UliassutaiandUrga,andthemoresoutherlySmallWestRoutewasused

duringtimesoftroublealongtheGreat)andsolinkednorthChinawith

48Chin,pp.5556.49TongBao,"WaishangzaiXinjiangdiyanghang"(ThecompaniesofforeignmerchantsinXinjiang),Xinjiangwenshiziliaoxuanji,vol.2(Urumchi:Xinjiangrenminchubanshe,1979),p.16263.50ForanextremelydetaileddescriptionoftheGreatWestRoute,theSmallWestRoute,andtheirvariations,seeShenShide,"Guihuachengdituoyun"(ThecameltransportofGuihua),Neimengguwenshiziliao,vol.12(Tuoketuo:Tuoketuoyinshuachang,1984).SeealsoOwenLattimore,TheDesertRoadtoTurkestan(Boston:Little,BrownandCo.,1929),pp.5052.

OuterMongolia,DzungariaandtheTarimsinceQianlongtimes. Afterthe51

1880s,alongwithtransportationhousesbasedinGansu,theytookonmuch

oftheoverlandshipmentofwoolfromalloverthenorthwest.In

additiontotheXinjiangroutes,theseincludedroutesfromtheGansu

corridorpassingtheAlashantoShizuishan,orfromtheXiningareato

ShizuishantownviathebanksoftheYellowRiver.FromShizuishanto

Baotou,caravanseithercutacrosstheOrdosdirectlyorfollowedthe

bankoftheriveraroundtothenorth,throughWuyuan,wherethegrazing

wasbetter.ManyofthecaravancompaniesbasedinInnerMongolia,

particularlythesmallerones,wererunbyHuituohufromLanzhouor

thoseinHuangyuanthatmadeuseoftheTsaidamtopasturetheircamels

werealmostentirelyMuslimoperated. Thisfactisreflectedinthe52

typicaldietseatenby"camelpullers"travelingineachdirection:

throughMongolia,thecaravancrewatemostlymilletfriedwithbuttera

Mongolfood.OnroutessouthofGuihua,however,muttonwasthestaple,

supplementedbynoodles,bothofwhicharetypicalHuifare. 53

Despitethesedifferences,theorganizationandroutineofChinese

51Thehistoryofthedevelopmentofthecaravancompanies(tuohu)thatpliedtheseroutesisamajortopicinitsownright.SeetheentireissueofNeiMengguwenshiziliao,vol.12,whichisdevotedto"LuMengshangDashengkui"(TheDashengkui:travelingmerchantsinMongolia).52Zhangp.22Zhou,p.227.AccordingtoZhangZhiyi,therewerefifteentuohuinLanzhouca.1936,mostofthemHui.AccordingtoaEuropeansource,therewerethirtycaravancompaniesinBaotouin1926,organizedintoaguildknownastheMawangshe.Anonymous,"Paotowchen,theGatewayoftheNorthwest,"ChineseEconomicMonthly,3:5(May1926),p.204.53Shen,p.187.

caravansplyingtherouteseastfromXinjiangornortheastfromGansuand

Qinghaiwerebroadlysimilar. "Strings"(lian)oftwelvetoeighteen54

camelswereledbyone"camelpuller"thestringswerepairedintobazi

forthepurposesofloadingandunloading,asthestrengthoftwo

camelpullerswasrequiredtoliftthetwinbundlesofupto200catties

ofwoolontotheframethatheldloadstothecamels'humps.Afang,or

"tent,"consistedofeightbazi,andwasthebasicorganizationalunitof

thecaravan.Whenincamp,thoseofthesixteenherdersnotonwatch

duty,thecaravanleader,thecook,hisassistant,andsevenoreight

dogssleptinafang. Chinesecaravanstraveledbynightandcampedand55

grazedthecamelsfrommiddaytosunseteachday.Whileontheroadthe

camelpullersoftenspunorknitcamels'hair,asurprisingskilltaught

tothem,accordingtoonesource,byfleeingWhiteRussiansoldiers. 56

Thishobbywasmadepossible,inpart,bythefactthatChinesecaravan

companies,unlikeMongols,didnottravelduringthehotseason,but

ratherpasturedthecamels(evenfeedingthemamixtureofgreenmung

beansoupandsesameoiltocooltheir"internalheat")andusedtheir

54MongolcaravansdifferedfundamentallyinmanyrespectsfromChineseones.SeeLattimore'sdiscussioninMongolJourneys,pp.13839,14760.55Thesourceofthisoralaccount,ShenShide,wasclearlyusingfangtomeanboththephysicalstructureandtheunitofmenwhosleptinitandtraveledtogether(Shen,p.186).Insimilarfashion,"tent"or"yurt"isusedamongmanyInnerAsiannomadicgroupstodesignateasocialunit.56Lattimore,1929,pp.38,5758.Asearlyas191011,however,DouglasCarruthersnoticedcamelpullersspinningwool,whichcastsdoubtonthetheoryofaWhiteRussianorigintothispastime.Carruthers,p.454.

sparetimetorepairequipmentandgathershedwool. 57

Thisseasonalityofcaravanshippinghadinterestingconsequences

fortheborderwooltrade,foritneatlycomplementedtheyearlyschedule

ofrivertransport.TheYellowRiverfreezesinitsupperreaches

betweenDecemberandMarchandisinfloodfrommidJuneuntilJuly.

Thustheriverwasnavigableforlargewoolladenboatsforonly150200

daysoutoftheyear. Camelcaravanswereslowerandmorecostly, but58 59

couldtakeconsignmentsofwooltoBaotouduringthecoldseasonof

SeptembertoAprilifnecessary.

Woolshipmentsbyriverbegansoonafterqingming,whentheice

brokeup.Workershiredbywoolcompaniestookthewool,whichhadbeen

pilingupinto"woolmountains"aroundXiningonbothbanksoftheHuang

Riversincethepreviousautumn,andloadeditontoskinrafts,the

conveyancemostcommonlyusedontheroughuplandriversofthisborder

regionsinceancienttimes.Theserafts,locallycalledhuntuo(the

Mandarinnameispifa),wereconstructedfromskinsremovedwithout

splittingfromdecapitatedcowsandsheep.Aftertheanimal'sthroathad

beencut,airwasblownintoasmallincisioninahindquarterandthe

57Shen,p.187.58Zhanget.al.,p.15.MaTinggao,"Baotoujiaotongyunshuyegenggai"(AbroadoutlineoftheBaotouCommunicationsandShippingIndustry),Baotouwenshiziliao,vol.5(n.p.:n.p.,n.d),p.102.59Inthe1920sandearly1930s,camelcaravantookfortydaysversustwentyfivebyraftundergoodconditionscaravanshippingcostfromthreetofivetaelsmorethanriverfreightchargesforabout280catties.ImanagaSeiji,Chugokukaikyoshijosetsu(AnintroductiontothehistoryofIslaminChina)(Tokyo:Kobundo,1966),p.101Chin,p.109.

carcassfloggeduntiltheskinseparatedfromandcouldbedrawnoffthe

fleshandbones.Thehideswerescrapedcleanandthenformedintobags

bysealingtheopeningsleftbythehead,frontlegsandhindquarters.

Theskinwasthenfilledwithvegetableoilandsaltandsealed,which

curedthehidefromtheinsideout.Beforeinflatingthebagsthe

boatmenorwoolhandspackedthemwithupto150cattiesofwool.(This

prevalentpracticemayhaveoriginatedasawayofsmugglingwoolnot

coveredbyaninlandtransitpassfromtheMaritimeCustoms.)Once

packed,inflatedandsealed,thecowhidebagswerelinedbellyupinto

arraysofonehundredandtwentyandlashedtogether.(Raftsconstructed

withsheepskinsemployedfewerbagsthesehideswerelighterand

sheepskinraftsthereforewereusedprimarilyforshorthauls.)Wooden

planksorlogslaidlengthwiseatopthebagsservedasamakeshiftdeck

forcrew,passengersandadditionalcargo. Likethepontoonrafts60

employedbytoday'sprofessionalriverrunners,thepifahadashallow

drafttocleartheshoalsoftheHuangandupperYellowrivers,was

flexible,couldbesimplyrepaired,andwaseasilytransportedoverdry

landafterdeflation.Unlikepontoonrafts,pifaweremadeoflocally

availableproductsrafttravelontheHuangandYellowRiversthus

representedaremarkableadaptationtoandexploitationofcombined

60Chin,p.108.OgawaKonan,"Hotoniokeruhimoten,hisho"(ThewoolandhidedealersofBaotou),MantetsuChosaGeppo,21:11(Nov.1941),p.75G.R.G.Worcester,"TheInflatedSkinRaftsoftheHuangHo,"Mariner'sMirror,43:1(Feb.1957),pp.7374.Forphotographsoftheserafts,seeW.RobertMoore,"RaftLifeontheHwangHo,"NationalGeographicMagazine,61:6(June1932),pp.74352,andRock,platesLXIXa,b.

geographicandanimalresources.

MostboatsputinatXiningandfloateddownrivertomeetthe

YellownearLanzhou.SomeraftscarryingwoolfromTaozhou,Hezhouand

XunhuabegantheirjourneyontheXiariver,joiningtheYellowat

Yongjing.GansuHuiboatmen,manyfromthetownsofGaolanandDaohe,

maneuveredtheraftsthroughrapidstoLanzhou,wherethevesselswere

linkedintolarger,500bagraftscapableofcarrying60,00070,000

cattiesofwool. 61

PastLanzhouthereweremoregorgesandrapidstobeshotonce

belowZhongwei,however,shallowsandfiercewindsfromtheOrdoswere

theproblem.(TeichmanranagroundhereandFanChangjianginhis

sheepskinraftwassobuffetedbywindsthatdespitethefluvialpromise

ofhisnamehedisembarkedandprocededbyshank'smare. )After62

Ningxia,largewoodenscows,theminchuan,joinedtheraftsontheriver,

conveying30,00040,000cattieseachofwoolfromInnerMongoliato

Baotou. AllboatsenteredShizuishan,amudtownwhose

unprepossessingappearancebelieditsroleasajunctureoflandand

waterroutesandmajorcollectiontransshipmentcenterforthewool

trade.Besideswoolcollectionandprocessing,Shizuishansubsistedon

thecustomofriverineandcaravantravelersabouttosetoffuponthe

lastlegofthetriptoBaotou.Onlytheinnkeepersandtaxcollectors,

61Zhou,p.206Ogawa,p.74.MaTinggao,p.103,estimatesthefreightcapacityoftheraftsatonly10,000catties.Raftsofvarioussizescouldcarrybetween20,000and100,000catties(Imanaga,p.101).62Teichman,p.184FanChangjiang,Zhongguodixibeijiao(China'snorthwestcorner)(Tianjin:Dagongbao,1936),p.312.

FanChangjiangremarked,weremorenumerousthantheprostituteswho

rushedoutatthefirstsoundofhorseshoovesorcamelbells. Some63

vesselscarryingwoolforforeignfirmswereabletoavoidthetax

barriers,atleast,bymeansofawhiteflagemblazonedwiththe

characters"baohu"(protect),andoftenEnglishorGermanequivalentsas

well. 64

DownstreamfromShizuishanbanditrywasaperennialhazard.

MongolsshotatEricTeichmanfromtheriverbanksin1917After1922,

whentheGelaohuistruckadealwithMaFuxiang,aHuigeneralthen

occupyingBaotou,groupsofmounted,armed"BrothersandElders"occupied

thetownsandcountrysideonbothsidesoftheYellowRiverfromDengkou

toBaotou.Onlythosemerchantswhobought"protection"inBaotoufrom

theGelaohuicouldexpecttheirshipmentsofwoolandhidestoget

throughunmolested. 65

Therewereothermethodsbywhichwoolwastransportedfrom

collectiontransshipmentcenterstoBaotouandTianjin.Woolfrom

southeasternGansu,forexample,traveledbyoxcarttoXianandfrom

therebyrailtoTianjin.WoolcollectedinShaanxi'smainwool

producingregions,YulinandShenmu,waslikewisetransportedtoits

63Fan,p.339.64Qin,MaandZhang,p.177.65Teichman,p.191LiuChonggao,ChengJinghua,andPangZizheng,"Baotoudiqudigelaohui"(TheGelaohuiintheBaotouarea),ed.YiFei,Baotouwenshiziliao,vol.5(n.p.:n.p.,n.d.),pp.4345.

destination,Baotou,byoxcart. Butbyfarthelargestportionofthe66

woolshippedtoBaotoufromQinghaiandGansuwasshippedbyriver.

AccordingtoanexpertinthedevelopmentofBaotou'scommunications

network,duringthehighpointofthewooltradewiththenorthwest,

everyyearaboutthreehundredskinrafts,mostlyshippingwool,and

betweeneightandtwelvehundredminchuan,floatedfromQinghaito

Baotou. Afterarrivalandunloadingthere,raftsweredisassembledand67

theskins,emptiedoftheirbootlegwool,packedoverlandbacktothe

borders.Thetimbersweresold,andhidebagstooworntobereused

(usuallyafterthethirdtrip)becameshoeleather.

V.BAOTOU

Theentrepotintowhichthisstreamofeastboundwoolandotherproduce

emptied,aptlynamed"Baotou"headpointofparcelswasatownof"mud

wallsandmudhousesonthesideofatreelesshill"renderedpicturesque

byitsculturaldiversityandboomingcommerce.Becauseofitssituation

betweentheYinMountainsofInnerMongoliaandtheYellowRiver,Baotou

wasthenaturalmeetingplaceforHanandMongolcultureaswellastrade

itemsbothgroupsheldfestivalswithinthetown.Therewasalsoa

sizeableHuipopulationinandaroundBaotou,mostlymigrantsfromthe

lateQingandespeciallyafterthe1923completionoftheBeisuiRailway.

Huitradersfromthenorthwestmadetemporaryhomesherewhilemarketing

66Zhanget.al.,p.16Ogawa,p.74.67MaTinggao,p.102.

theirconsignmentsofwool,hides,ormedicinesMuslimrestaurantscould

beidentifiedthroughoutthetownunderthe"QingzhenHuihui"sign,with

itsArabicequivalentpaintedalongside.Batteriesofshopsawaitedthe

customeronthecommercialstreets,eachwithitsownsignboardsand

easilyrecognizedtrademarks:sixfoothighwhite,pinkorredcandles

outsidethechandlers'shopslongbannersandheadsizedblackballsto

representpillsinfrontoftheapothecariesgiantsaddleshungfromthe

saddlers'andfortheMongolcobbler,acolossalleatherboot. 68

Baotou'simportanceasamercantilecitybeganduringtheYongzheng

andQianlongreignperiodsoftheQing,whenthearea,aMongolholding

duringtheMing,wasbroughtunderunifiedChinesecontrol.Merchants

basedinBaotouandinGuihuatotheeasthelpedprovisiontheQianlong

Emperor'scampaignsinChineseTurkestan.Accordingtoanencyclopedic

studybytheMantetsuinvestigatorOgawaKunan,thefirstwoolandhide

merchantsinBaotouweretheChenfamilyfromShanxi,whoestablishedthe

Gongyidianin1832.TheseShanximerchantsboughtwoolandother

productsinBaotouforsaleinShanghai,JiaozhouandNingbo,and

althoughmanyfirmsspecializinginhidesopenedupduringthefollowing

years,thesmallscaleGongyidiananditsoffshootsweretheonlydealers

inwooluntiltheTongzhiperiodanotherindicationoftherelative

unimportanceofwoolinChinauntillateinthenineteenthcentury.

68Wulsin,pp.5463ShinobuIwamura,"TheStructureofMoslemSocietyinInnerMongolia,"FarEasternQuarterly,8:1(Nov.1948),pp.4344.YiFei,"Baotoujiushangjiadehuangzi,zhaopaijiqita"(Baotoumerchants'emblems,shopsigns,etc.),Baotouwenshiziliao,vol.6(n.p.:n.p.,n.d.),p.159.

Tianjinwasopenedasatreatyportin1860,however,andwhenBaotou

merchantsfeltthetugofinternationaldemandforChinesewoolandhides

intheearly1880s,woolandhidebrokerscalledpimaodian,alongwith

hidemerchantsknownaspizhuang,beganopeningshopsoneafteranother

toprovidefortheneedsofforeignagenciesnewlyarrivedinthetown. 69

InlateGuangxutherewerefourteenorfifteen,intheearlyRepublican

periodthereweretwentytwoortwentythree,andbytheeveoftheFirst

WorldWarinEurope,therewerethirtywoolconcernsinBaotou. 70

BaotouhadacompetitorforthelongdistancetradefromXinjiang

andMongoliaGuihua(Guisui,modernHohot)hadtraditionallybeenthe

easternterminusofcaravantrafficalongtheGreatWestRoadandother

routes.ButasteledatingfromtheDaoguangperiod(18211850)foundin

atempleinBaotou(theGuandiMiao)containsanadmonitionthat

shipmentsofwool,hides,horsetailsandmedicinesshouldbetaxedin

GuihuabeforecomingtoBaotou.Fromthisstatement,Ogawaconcluded

thatBaotouhadbeensiphoningoffGuihua'sshareofthebordertrade

sincethisearlytime.(In1848theQinglocalauthoritiesstopped

buckingthistrend,andestablishedabranchtaxofficeinBaotou.)The

perennialgrowthintherelativeimportanceofnorthwesternwooland

Baotou'scommandinglocationontheYellowRiveronlyimprovedits

positionvisavisGuihua.Theextensionofrailcommunicationsasfar

69TheseincludedrepresentativesofWilson,Forbes,Tianjude,Tianjuren,Xintaihe,Ruijiandothers(Ogawa,p.74)FortheearlycommercialhistoryofBaotou,pimaodian,andpizhuang,seeOgawa,part1,21:7(July1941),pp.6878Imanaga,pp.8390MaTinggao,pp.99100.70Imanaga,p.86Chin,pp.111112.

asZhangjiakou(Kalgan)in1905helpedfurther,foralthoughGuihuais

closertoZhangjiakouthanisBaotou,therailroadbroughtthegoodsof

bothcities"nearer"toeasternports.Itwasin1923,however,withthe

completionofaspuroftherailwayasfarasBaotou,thatthiscity's

supremacyas"GatewayoftheNorthwest"wasfirmlyestablished.Allraft

andboattrafficstoppedhere,andatleastseventypercentofallgoods

shippedfromthewestweretranshippedhereforultimatedestinationsin

BeijingorTianjin.Thepopulationmorethandoubledto150,000,andthe

Shanximerchantsfacednewcompetition:TianjinandBeijingbased

firms. 71

Baotou'sdevelopmentwaslinkedbothtothegrowthofthenorth

Chinatransportationnetworkandthedemandforthewoolthattraveled

alongit.Bythe1930s(theperiodcoveredinOgawa'sstudy)the

pimaodianhadevolvedahighlyspecializedprocessformediatingthe

exchangeofwoolbetweenthexiluke,ormerchantsfromthewestwhocome

tosell,anddongluke,theeasternmerchantswhocametobuy.Weknow

littleaboutintermediatestagesinthisdevelopmentinparticular,

thereisnoinformationaboutthefunctionofthepimaodianduringthe

periodwhenforeignagenciescontrolledwoolcollectionandtranshippment

intheNorthwest.ThesystemIwilldescribebelow,then,isbasedon

71Ogawa,21:7(July1941),pp.73,75Imanagapp.83,86KwanManbun,"TheRegionalEconomyofTianjin"(unpublishedseminarpaper,StanfordUniversity,1982),p.54Ma,pp.101102Anonymous,"Paotowchen,theGatewayoftheNorthwest,"ChineseEconomicMonthly,3:5(May1926),p.202.ForthehistoryoftheconstructionoftheBeisuirailway,akeylinkinthenorthChinacommunicationsnetwork,seeMatsumotoTachio,"Heisuitetsuro"(TheBeisuiRailway),Mantetsuchosageppo,16:4(April1936),pp.12341(summarizedinpartinKwan,p.30.)

Ogawa'sdescriptionofwoolbrokerageinBaotouaftertheforeignfirms

hadrestrictedtheiroperationstopurchasingwoolinBaotouorin

TianjinfromChinesemerchants. 72

SellersofwoolcametoBaotoufrommanydirections,aswehave

seenintheprecedingsection.TheyincludedHuiandHanmerchantsfrom

GansuandQinghaitradersofvariousethnicities,suchasUzbekorHan,

fromXinjiangShanxiHanmerchantscartingwoolfromShenmuandYulin

andthetradersoftheMengguhang,againoriginallyfromShanxi,bringing

theirpurchasesfromOuterMongolia. Whethertheyfirstapproachedthe73

cityfromitswestornorthwestgates,orviaGuandukousouthofthe

riverorNanhaizi(Baotou'sriverport),theyweremetbythepimaodian's

runners.These"riverrunners"and"gaterunners"(paochengmenand

paohe)thenreturnedtothepimaodian'sheadquartersinBaotoutoreport

thearrivalofasellerandtheapproximatequantityandtypeofwoolfor

sale,andtofilloutrequiredpaperwork,includingapreliminarytax

statementthatwasforwardedtotheBaotoutaxoffice.Thepimaodian

sentmenbackwiththerunnertoassistinbringingthemerchantandhis

72Itseemslikelythatduringthepre1920sphaseofthewooltradepimaodianplayedarolegenerallysimilartothatIdescribebelow,servingasbrokersbetweensuppliersandbuyers.Infact,oneofthereasonsforeignfirmsopenedinlandagenciesinsuchplacesasShizuishan,HezhouandZhangjiachuaninthe1880smayhavebeentocircumventtheBaotouintermediariesandobtainthesuperiornorthwesternwooldirectly.WiththeirretrocessionandreplacementbyHuimerchantsfromthenorthwest,anotherlayerofbrokeragearoseinBaotoutoaccommodatetheneedsofHuimerchantssellingwoolinthatcity.73AccordingtoOgawa'sestimatesforbeforetheMarcoPoloBridgeIncident(July,1937)therewere300400regularxilukefromGansuandQinghaisellinginBaotouandanother100200fromplaceswithinacloserradiustothecity.Ogawa,21:11(Nov.1941),p.80.

goodsintothecity,wherehewashousedonthepremisesofthepimaodian

andhiswooltemporarilystoredinthecourtyard.Around1926anEnglish

investigatorvisitedanddescribedapimaodian:

Opentoawideandhighporchisaspaciouscourtyardwithfiveorsixparlorsonthenorthwherebusinessistransacted,andwithaboutadozenbedroomsforvisitingclientsontheothertwosides.Behindtheparlorsstandseveralrowsofhouseswherefoodsarestoredandregularcustomersmaketheirtemporaryabode. 74

Thewoolwasweighedandthentakentoawarehousewherethepimaodian

guaranteeditagainsttheft,loss,ordamage.

Thepimaodianprovidedfoodandlodgingandadvancedfundstocoverall

thesellers'costsduringhisstayinBaotou,includingtaxesonthewool

andtheoutlayrequiredtosupplyhimwithmanufacturesforsaleafter

hisreturntotheborders. Thiswasnecessary,becausemerchants75

arrivingfromthewoolproducingregionsoftenhadinvestedhighlyinthe

woolitselfandhadlittlecashuntilthebrokercompletedthesale.

AsrepresentativesoflargeChineseorforeignfirms,thedongluke

wereinabetterfinancialposition.Theygenerallydidnotrequirethe

financialservicesofpimaodian,norweretheyrestrictedtodealing

solelythroughonebroker.Nevertheless,becauseoftheconvenienceof

residinginthesameplacewheretheytransactedbusiness,manywool

buyersalsostayedinpimaodian.Fortheirpart,thepimaodiandidtheir

74Anonymous,"TheWoolTradeinPaotow,"ChineseEconomicJournalandBulletin,12:1(Jan.1933),p.37.75Foracompletebreakdownoftaxesandcostsfacedbythemerchantsellingashipmentofwoolinthelate1930s,seeOgawa,21:11(Nov.1941),pp.8991.

besttoenticewoolandhidebuyerstotheirestablishmentsbyoffering

mealsandaccomodationgratisandkeepingtheTianjinfirmsposted

throughouttheyearbyletterandtelegramregardingstocksonhandand

marketconditions.Thelargestofthepimaodian,theGuanghengxi,

stationedanemployeeinTianjinforthispurpose.Moreover,themanager

ofthepimaodian,hisassistant,andaclassofemployeesknownas

"streetrunners"(paojie)canvassedforpotentialbuyersthroughout

Baotou.

Whenithadlocatedapotentialbuyer,thepimaodianbeganatricky

processofnegotiationbetweenbuyerandseller,usuallymediatedbya

runner.Amidthebewilderingvarietyofwoolsavailable,seldomwasthe

sellerofferingwooloftheprecisequalityandquantitydesiredbythe

buyer hencethebrokershadtojugglemultiplebuyersandsellersuntil76

theyreachedafeasiblematch.Thepimaodianthenallowedthebuyerto

inspectthewoolinthewarehouse.Afterexaminingitsplaceoforigin,

type,adulterationwithmiscelaneouswoolsandpercentageofadmixed

dirt,thebuyerofferedapriceperunitatwhichthebargaining,again

relayedbackandforthbyarunner,commenced.Whentheyhadagreedupon

aprice,buyerandsellerfinallymetinthecourtyardofthepimaodian

toweighthewooltogetherontheshop'sscalesandthencalculatethe

76DistinctionsbetweenwoolsontheBaotouandTianjinmarketsweremadeonthebasisoftimeofgathering(springwool,autumnwool),gatheringmethod(combed,clipped,pulled,takenfrompelts),packingmethod(ballwool,ropewool,loosewool),producingregionsandcollectiontransshipmentcenters(Mongolwool,GanziwoolfromGanzhou,SuziwoolfromSuzhou,Xiningwool,Yulinwool,etc.).Andofcourse,therewerealsovarietiesoflambs'wool,camels'woolandgoats'wooltocontendwith.

totalsaleamount.

Thewoolwasthenentrustedtoindependentwoolpackers(gongmaotou)to

besiftedfreeofloosesandandbaggedinhempengunnysacksin

preparationforthecart,orlater,railjourneytoTianjin.

Foritsservices,thepimaodiantookatwopercentcommissionfrom

eachpartyinthetransaction.Thebuyerusuallysettledwiththe

pimaodianimmediatelytheseller,however,dependingonthemarketprice

ofwoolandthelengthoftimehehadspentenjoyingtheinterestbearing

"hospitality"ofthepimaodianmighttakeanextensionontheloan.It

wastotheadvantageofpimaodiantoextendcredittoxilukeinorderto

assuretheircontinuedbusinessinyearstocome. 77

TheJapanesescholarImanagaSeijihasaddedacomplicating

dimensiontotheaboveviewoftheworkingsofthewooltradeinBaotou

byhighlightingtheexistenceofHuioperatedpimaodianinthecity.Hui

pimaodianranalonglinessimilartopimaodianunderHancontrol,with

twoimportantdifferences.Firstofall,theHuipimaodianprovidedfood

andaccommodationonlytoHuimerchantssellingwoolandhidesinBaotou.

Indeed,therequirementofadherencetoIslamicdietarylawsandmutual

HanHuisuspicionwouldhavemadeitdifficultforHuitoresideanywhere

else,andthiswasprobablyafactorcontributingtothedevelopmentof

theseHuiversionsofBaotou'sinnbrokerageinstitution.Thesecond

differencewasthatHuipimaodianenjoyednodirectrelationswith

77Intheprecedingdiscussionofthefunctionsofthepimaodian,IhavereliedonOgawa,21:11(Nov.1941),pp.87110,andChin,pp.114115.

buyers,butfoundamarketfortheirclients'woolonlythroughHan

pimaodianandpizhuang.Bycustomaryarrangement,pimaodiandidnot

chargeabrokeragefeetoanotherpimaodianthatassistedincompletinga

deal.ThustheHuipimaodiancouldneverearnmorethanatwopercent

commissionontheirtransactionsandtherefore,accordingtoImanaga,

operatedwithaslimmerprofitmarginthantheirHancompetitors. 78

Theseconddifferencewasinpartaconsequenceofthefirst,since

thebuyerswereallHanandthuswouldnotchoosetostayinaHui

establishment.ButitmayalsohavestemmedfromthefactthatHui

pimaodiandevelopedlaterandconsequentlywereforcedtosqueezeintoan

establishedindustrybyacceptingasmallershareoftheprofits.

Informationonearlypimaodianingeneralisscanty,andmaterialonHui

concernsmoreso.Itisespeciallydifficulttoestablishanexact

chronologyoftheiroriginsanddevelopment.Nevertheless,Imanaga

arguesonthebasisofOgawa'sdatathatHuipimaodianoriginatedasinns

andwarehousesforHuimerchantsfromtheNorthwest,anddevelopedtheir

brokeragefunctionsintandemwiththegrowthofinternationaldemandfor

theborderproducts. Itseemsreasonabletosuggestfurther,therefore,79

thattheHuipimaodiancarvedouttheirnichewhenthewithdrawalof

directforeignpurchasersfromthenorthwestledtoanincreaseinthe

numbersofHuimerchantsshippingwoolfromQinghai,GansuandNingxia.

WiththegreaterinfluxofHuilongdistancetradersaccompanyingtheir

78Imanaga,pp.9495,108,114.79Imanaga,p.109.

woolandhidesintoBaotou,Huiwarehouseownersandinnkeepersexpanded

thescopeoftheiroperationstoincludethoseadditionalservices

providedbytheestablishedpimaodiantotheirclients:processingof

localpaperwork(especiallytaxforms),creditadvancesandcanvassing

forbuyers.

VI.TIANJINANDTHEWORLD

Althoughinthepost1920sphaseofthewooltradetheyhadlittle

senseofthecomplexchainofcommercialtransactionsinvolvedin

bringingwooldowntothesea, foreignmerchantsfromthe1880swere80

alreadykeenlyawareoftheimportanceofwoolasanorthChineseexport

andtheirroleinmakingitone.Westernersinthetreatyportsalsohad

tales,likethatofGeTuzi,tocreditindividualswithfirstsettingin

motiontheChinesewooltrade.

"Inthelateseventies,Mr.CollinslistenedwithkeenearstothestorieswhichcamedownfromtheplateauandKokonorabout`greatblobsofwool',andboundlessresourcesofhides,peltsandfurs.HisfirmgotintotouchwithawonderfulBelgianmanedGrassel,who,alongwithafellowcountryman,Mr.Splingaard,wasmorethananexpertintheartofdealingwithChinese`borderers'andMongolherdsmen.TheyputupasmallwoolcleaningplantandbegantodosomethingintheExporttrade.GraduallythebusinessgrewandCollinsandCo.,atfirstanoffshootofG.W.CollinsandCo.,waxedgreaterandricheruntilitbecameoneofthegreatest`hongs'inTientsin." 81

80AnonymousarticlesintheChineseEconomicJournalandBulletinandChineseEconomicMonthlydidoutlineinsketchyfashiontheprocessIhavedescribedhere.Seeoccasionalcitationsthroughoutthispaper.81O.D.Rasmussen,Tientsin:anIllustratedOutlineHistory(Tianjin:theTientsinPress,Ltd.,1925),p.83.

Actually,sporadic,smallscalewoolexportbeganinthe1860s

Likewise,thefirsttrulyexcitingstoriesheardbyBritishmerchants

probablycamenotfromQinghaibutfromnearerafieldtheGerman

consulateinTianjinandthe"blobs"concernedwerethoseofcamels'

wool.In1870theconsulateprocured"nativeproducememoranda"(the

firstofthe"inlandtransitpasses"or"triplecertificates")tocovera

Germanfirm'sshipmentofcamels'woolviaZhangjiakouandGuihua.In

thenextfewyearsGermanexportersrapidlyexpandedthispractice,

takingoutpassestoallowtaxfreetransitofcoal,camels'andsheeps'

woolaswellasotherpastoralproductsincludingyaktails(forwhicha

fadhaddevelopedinSanFrancisco).Surprisingly,Chineseprovincial

officialsforthemostpartrespectedthememoranda,althoughthis

entailedalossoflijintaxincomethatwas,accordingtoJamesHart,

thenMaritimeCustomsofficerinTianjin,"bynomeansinsignificant."

TheGermanfirm(unnamedintheCustomsreports)hadby1873already

installedanhydraulicpressinZhangjiakoutocompactandbalecamels'

woolbeforeshippingittoHongkongandthenLondon,whereitwasusedin

carpetmanufacture. 82

Thetradeincamels'woolenjoyedamodestboomasotherfirms

beganpurchasingconsignments,eitherdirectfromChinesemerchantsin

Tianjin,orunderinlandtransitpass(whichmadebulky,relatively

82ChinaImperialMaritimeCustoms,"Tientsin,"ReportsonTradeattheTreatyPortsinChinafortheYear1873(Shanghai:StatisticalDepartmentoftheInspectorateGeneralofCustoms).Ibid.,1874.ExportsfromTianjinwereseldomshippeddirectly.LaterthemajorityofwoolexportsfromTianjinwerefirstroutedtoShanghaibeforeshippingtodestinationsoverseas.

inexpensiverawmaterialsfromtheinteriorprofitabletoexport).

Sheeps'wool,however,afterasmallstartintheearly1860s,hadproved

disappointingtotheforeignmerchantsbytheendofthedecade,andin

the1870swasnotexportedinquantitieslargeenoughtomeritmentionin

annualcustomsreports.Besidesarrivingverydirty,asyettheonly

availablesheeps'woolcamefromtheshortandcoarsefleecedMongolian

breed,notthefinerTibetanvariety. 83

Dynamicgrowthintheexportofsheep'swoolbeganinthe1880s.

Collinsgambledonthefutureofthetradebyerectingamodern

presspackingplantinTianjinin1881(itwouldbeusedbyallexporters

untilotherpackingandcleaningplantsopenedinthe1900s). In1884,84

areductionintheUnitedStatestariffonlowgradewoolsprovedCollins

asoundinvestor,sincethischangefirstopenedthelargeAmerican

marketforcarpetwoolstotheexportersoftheChineseproduct.Itwas

thebeginningofalongrelationship:theUnitedStatesboughtthebulk

ofChinesesheep'swooluntilthelate1930s. TheChinesewooltrade85

83Ibid.,18661879.84Theprocessofhydraulicpackingwasemployedonsuchproductsaswools,hides,cottonandjute.Itcouldcompresswooltothedensityofwater,packingfive"nativebags"ofaboutonepiculeachintoonetenththeoriginalbulk.Theresultwasabaletencubicfeetinvolumeand650poundsinweight,heldtogetherbymetalhoops.DecennialreportsontheTrade,Industries,etc.ofthePortsOpentoForeignCommerceandontheConditionandDevelopmentoftheTreatyPortProvinces,18921901(Shanghai:StatisticalDepartmentoftheInspectorateGeneralofCustoms,1902),p.537.85In1911theUnitedStatespurchased87%ofChinesewoolexportsin1915,76%in1920,52%in1925,87%in1930,82%andin1934,90%.Chin,p.101.

wasthuscloselylinkedtoU.S.demandandtradepolicy,andchangesin

eithercouldresultingoodprofitsfortheexportersorstocksofwool

pilingupinTianjingodownsandBaotouwarehouses.Similarly,tradein

otherpastoralproductswasdictatedbyfashion.Afterabetterquality

camels'woolbegantoarriveinBritain,itsprimarymarket,itbeganto

beusedincreasinglynotincarpetsbutforclothingthereafter,the

demandforcamels'woolinTianjindependedonsalesofJaegercoats.A

greatdemandarosein18801881forgoatskinrugstofurnishafleetof

PullmancarsforAmericanrailways.Oncethecarshadbeenoutfitted,

however,Chinesemerchantswerestuckwithstocksofunsellable

goatskins. 86

Foreignexporterscontinuedtocomplainaboutthequalityofthe

Chineseproduct.WhenwoolarrivedinTianjin,mudmightcompriseupto

fiftypercentofitsweightcheapervarietiesweremixedinwithwhat

hadbeenordered.Evenlambskinswerenotimmunefromtampering,and

curlyfleecesoftenowedmoretoapplicationswithchopsticksofflour

andwaterthantonature.

Despitethesedrawbacks,however,inthe1890ssheeps'woolexports

pulledwayaheadofthoseofcamels'wool,gainingin1894theposition

ofTianjin'ssinglelargestexportbytoppingthe200,000piculmark.

TheCustomsreportforthisyearalsonotedwhatmayhavebeencommon

knowledgeamongdealersforsometime,thatwoolfrom"westKansu"was

86"Tientsin,"ReportsonTrade...,18811884GailHershatter,TheMakingoftheWorkingClassinTianjin,19001949(Ph.D.dissertation,StanfordUniversity,1982),p.41O.D.Rasmussen,p.286.

superiortothatcollectedclosertothecity.Asimilarproducthad

beentricklingdowntheYangzisincebefore1887andCustomsofficialsin

YichangandHankounoteditafter1891Britishtraders,atfirst

charteringChinesevesselsbecausetheirownsteamerscouldnotnavigate

thegorges,begantoprocurewoolandothergoodsdirectlyfrom

Chongqing.Thistreatyportcontinuedtorunapoorsecondbehind

Tianjininwoolexportsuntilthe1930sitstradeinwoolsuffered

continuallyfromerraticandexpensivesupplyfromtheTibetanborder(a

sceneofincreasingtensionthroughthesedecadesasTibet'spolitical