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PaPI2007 Universidade do Minho Worskshop on the Transcription of Intonation in Ibero-Romance. Towards a P_ToBI :. Céu Viana* & Sónia Frota** (coordinators) *CLUL, **DLGR/Onset-CEL, FLUL - PowerPoint PPT Presentation
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Towards a P_ToBITowards a P_ToBI::
Céu Viana* & Sónia Frota** (coordinators)*CLUL, **DLGR/Onset-CEL, FLUL
Participants: Isabel Falé, Flaviane Fernandes, Isabel Mascarenhas, Ana Isabel Mata, Helena Moniz & Marina Vigário
PaPI2007 Universidade do MinhoWorskshop on the Transcription of Intonation in Ibero-Romance
POCTI-SFA-17-745
0. Introduction: background
• A firstfirst attempt at a unified transcription of some aspects of Portuguese intonation
• Brings together studies conducted on lab speech and on speech technology-oriented corpora
• First joint-venture of two research groups in process of fusion
• Our proposals are grounded on the understanding of the intonational and prosodic grammar of Portuguese based on the body of research developped in the last 20 years
• Pioneering work within the AM approach: Viana (1987)
• Previous studies on P-Intonation almost inexistent
• Overview: Frota (2000)
0. Introduction: topics covered
• Pitch accents– Nuclear accents– Prenuclear accents– Post-nuclear accent
• Boundary Tones– Levels of prosodic structure
relevant to intonational phrasing
• Distribution of tonal events and phrasing– Sparse vs. rich distribution
• Sentence Types– Declaratives
• Neutral; late/early focus– Questions
• Wh-, yes-no• Yes-no: late/early focus• Queries, Checks
• Varieties– SEP ; NEP ; BP
• Speech style– Lab speech; professional
reading; non-scripted speech; spontaneous speech
0. Introduction: main goals
• In this talk:1. Basic tunes across sentence
types (Lab speech)Data from SEP, NEP and BPDiscuss the levels of phrasing in P-
intonation2. New insights from
spontaneous, non-scripted speech
New accentsDifferences in the structural position,
frequency of use and/or meaning of the same accents
Levels of phrasing revisited
• Research on P-intonation (and P-prosody) is fairly recent, and a ground for consensus is only now being achieved
• Present labelling proposals are seen as work in progress
• It is hoped that they can help formulate relevant directions for further research
• This workshop is a big push Towards a P-ToBI
2. Basic tunes in SEP: pitch accents• Description
H+L* H*+L L*+H H+!H* H* L+H*
Three main nuclear accents
2. Basic tunes in SEP: pitch accents• Description
H+L* H*+L L*+H H+!H* H* L+H*
Previous peak + fall within the accented syllable
Low target usually near the bottom of the speaker’s range
Nucleus in neutral/broad focus statements and questions
Frota 1993, 1997, 2000, 2002a; Falé 1995; Vigário1998
2. Basic tunes in SEP: pitch accents• Description
H+L* H*+L L*+H H+!H* H* L+H*
Peak within the accented syllable immediately followed by a fall; usually followed by compressed pitch range within the same IP
Nucleus in narrow/contrastive focus declaratives
Frota 1993, 1997, 2000, 2002a; Vigário1998; Fernandes 2007
2. Basic tunes in SEP: pitch accents• Description
H+L* H*+L L*+H H+!H* H* L+H*
Low target in the accented syllable followed by a rise, starting within this syllable and usually reaching its peak on the next syllable
Nucleus in initial/internal IPs within statements (continuation); nucleus in contrastive yes-no questions
Frota 2000, 2002b; Frota et al. 2007; Vigário 2003
2. Basic tunes in SEP: pitch accents• Description
H+L* H*+L L*+H H+!H* H* L+H*
Three main nuclear accents Pre-nuclear position
2. Basic tunes in SEP: pitch accents• Description
H+L* H*+L L*+H H+!H* H* L+H*
Accented syllable preceded by immediately previous peak
Accented syllable around mid range
Common prenuclear accent in statements
Frota 2002b
2. Basic tunes in SEP: pitch accents• Description
H+L* H*+L L*+H H+!H* H* L+H*
Accented syllable is high
F0 peak not after a (substantial) rise or fall
Frequent initial accent in statements and questions
Frota 2000, 2002b; 2003; Vigário1998
2. Basic tunes in SEP: pitch accents• Description
H+L* H*+L L*+H H+!H* H* L+H*
Accented syllable is high and immediately preceded by a low target leading to a rise in the accented syllable
Fairly infrequent accent in SEP
Frota, D’Imperio, Elordieta, Prieto & Vigário 2007
2. Basic tunes in SEP: boundary tones• Simple and complex intonational phrase-final boundaries
L% H% LH% HL% !H% %H
A low target on the boundary syllable
Pre-final and final IPs in statements; Wh-questions
Viana 1987; Vigário 1998; Frota 2000, 2002b
2. Basic tunes in SEP: boundary tones• Simple and complex intonational phrase-final boundaries
L% H% LH% HL% !H% %H
A high target on the boundary syllable
Initial and internal IPs in statements (continuation)
Viana 1987; Vigário 1998; Frota 2000, 2002b, Frota et al. 2007
2. Basic tunes in SEP: boundary tones• Simple and complex intonational phrase-final boundaries
L% H% LH% HL% !H% %H
Low and High targets (rise) on the boundary syllable
Neutral yes-no questions, Contrastive yes-no questions (early nucleus); ‘Polite’ wh-questions
Frota 2002b
2. Basic tunes in SEP: boundary tones• Simple and complex intonational phrase-final boundaries
L% H% LH% HL% !H% %H
High and low targets (fall) on the boundary syllable
Contrastive yes-no questions (late nucleus)
Frota 2002b
2. Basic tunes in SEP: boundary tones• Simple and complex intonational phrase-final boundaries
L% H% LH% HL% !H% %H
A downstepped high target on the boundary syllable (also responsible for sustained pitch)
Initial and internal IPs in statements
Frota, D’Imperio, Elordieta, Prieto & Vigário 2007
2. Basic tunes in SEP: boundary tones• Simple and complex intonational phrase-final boundaries
L% H% LH% HL% !H% %H
Initial high boundary (optional)
Statements and questions
Frota 2003
Unsettled issues: labelling of the initial phrasal tone I[w[
2. Basic tunes in SEP: neutral statement
the poet sang a morning angelic
2. Basic tunes in SEP: neutral statement
H+L*, as in Italian varieties (Grice et al. 2005), or American Spanish (Sosa 1991)
the blond girl recorded a song wonderful from-the olive-pressman
2. Basic tunes in SEP: neutral statement vs focus
(they got) married (they got) married
What about John and Mary? What happened to them?
John and Mary broke up ?
2. Basic tunes in SEP: narrow/contrastive focus
focus
Was it an angelic night that the poet sang ?
2. Basic tunes in SEP: narrow/contrastive focus
focus
H*+L, as in Bari or Palermo Italian (Grice 1995, Grice et al. 2005)
Who offered spices to the journalists ?
2. Basic tunes in SEP: wh-question
Same contour as in neutral declarative statements (like in e.g. Standard Italian, Avesani 1995) who painted a morning amber ?
2. Basic tunes in SEP: neutral yes-no question
the poet sang a morning angelic ?Interrogation is signalled by the tonal boundary (like in e.g. Standard Italian or French, Avesani 1995, Post 2000); unlike in Southern varieties of Italian or in Catalan, Grice 2005, Prieto 2000)
2. Basic tunes in SEP: neutral yes-no question
An accentual fall plus a boundary rise placed enterily on the final syllable; the pitch in between not controlled by L but resulting instead from interpolation (as in e.g. Bengali)
the girls Angolans-FEM read-to-us-it ?
2. Basic tunes in SEP: contrastive yes-no question
focus the hero drives a Porsche ?
I’ve seen that movie but I don’t recall who drives a Porsche.
2. Basic tunes in SEP: contrastive yes-no question
focus
L*+H HL% acounts for the higher level of the H target (as in L*+HH%, Vigário 1998, Frota 2000); the end point of the rising pitch is always the pre-final syllable (Frota 2002b)
the boys bought slides (for the microscope) ?
I would like to know if they bought slides and not something different.
2. Basic tunes in SEP: intonational phrasing
Major IP: domain for sandhi, e.g. Fricative voicing; final lengthening; wider boundary rise; nuclear accent plus a H boundary (Frota 2000)
parenthetical
2. Basic tunes in SEP: intonational phrasing
Minor IP: smaller final lengthening; smaller boundary rise; but the same sequence nuclear accent plus a H boundary; phrasing into minor IPs depends on phrase length (Frota 2000)
parenthetical
2. Basic tunes in SEP: intonational phrasing
• Compound IP (Ladd 1992, 1996, Frota 2000, Vigário 2003)
IPs: sandhi, final lengthening, nucleus plus a tonal boundary (H or L)
Relative length of IPs > CompoundInner IP boundary within a Compound
or Major IP is weaker than the outer IP boundary (degree of final lengthening and size of pitch excursion)
Proposal: Major IP > T%, level 4 Minor IP > T- , level 3
• Why not the intermediate phrase?
No evidence in terms of the distribution of categorical phonological markers, e.g. T-T% for the IP and just T- for the ip Frota 2000, 2002a,b
No evidence for an edge tone that determines the contour from the last pitch accent until the end of the phrase, as in the definition of the ip (B&P 1986, Ladd 1996, Beckman et al. 2005, Grice at al. 2005) Frota 2002a,b
2. Basic tunes in SEP: intonational phrasing
Subjects more than 8 syllables long (Elordieta, Frota & Vigário 2005)
Long subject
the boyfriend megalomaniac of-the Brazilian looked (at the) dark-haired women’
2. Basic tunes in NEP: neutral statement L*
the daughter-in-law of mother talked about the boyfriend Rich distribution of pitch accents (Vigário & Frota 2003); more IPs by utterance
the daughter-in-law of mother talked about the boyfriend
2. Basic tunes in NEP: wh-question
Same nuclear contour as in NEP neutral declarative statements: L* L% who painted a morning amber ?
2. Basic tunes in NEP: neutral yes-no question
Interrogation is signalled by the tonal boundary: H(L)%
the boys bought slides (for the microscope) ?
2. Basic tunes in BP: neutral statement
the researcher already gave-back the money Same nuclear contour as in SEP, but rich distribution of pitch accents (Frota & Vigário 2000, Tenani 2002, Fernandes 2007)
the researcher already gave-back the money
2. Basic tunes in BP: narrow (informational) focus
Two possibilities: main option is different from SEP (Fernandes 2007) the girls beautiful died in-the lake
focus
Who died in the lake ?
the girls beautiful died in-the lake
focus
Who died in the lake ?
2. Basic tunes in SEP, NEP and BP: summary
SEP NEP BPNeutral Decl H+L* L% L* L% H+L* L%Focus in Decl H*+L L*+H L- (or H*+L)Wh-question H+L* L% L* L%Neutral yes-no Q H+L* LH% L* H(L)%Contrastive yes-no L*+H LH/HL%
I-phrasing long phrases short phrasesSparse/rich accentdistribution sparse rich rich(accented I-phrase internal w27% 74% 80%
Accent on every IP PhP PW (Hellmuth 2007)
3 – Professional & Spontaneous Speech• Independent evidence for:
– Tonal inventory– Main tunes
• What’s new (for SEP)– Nuclear H*, L*, L+H* and H+!H* – Pre-nuclear and nuclear ^H*
• Problematic issues– Boundary tones
• Final HL%, !H% and L%• Initial %H and %L
– How to deal with the equivalence of L*+H and %L H* ?– How many levels of phrasing? (a supplementary level for sentence-like chunks?)
3. Pre-nuclear and nuclear L+H* in SEP
Statement – New information (professional reading)
3. Nuclear L+H*
Statement – new information - list qualities (high-school presentation, non-scripted)
3. Nuclear L* in SEP
Statement, given information, continuation (high school spontaneous presentation)
3. Nuclear L* in SEP
Given information (topicalization), new information, continuation: MapTask corpus (INSTRUCT, non-final)
3. L* vs L*+H
Yes-no question versus agree-proceed (Map Task)
3. Nuclear H*
Imperative - polite/exhortative (lab speech)
3. Nuclear H*
Question – confirmation seeking
3. Nuclear H*
Question – confirmation seeking
3. Nuclear H+L*
Question – information seeking (neutral)
3. Other contrasts: Nuclear H*
Emphatic statement - inferable information (prof. reading)
3. Nuclear ^H*
Statement- highlighted specification 2nd and final part (MapTask - EXPLAIN)
3. Nuclear ^H*+L
Statement- narrow focus, new information 1st part (MapTask - EXPLAIN)
3. L+H* and ^H*
Reactivation of given information + inferable information/ correction (high-school prepared presentation - teacher)
3. L+H* and ^H*
New information + given/ highlighted specification (high-school spontaneous presentation - teacher)
3. L+H* and ^H*
New information + given/highlighted specification (professional reading)
3. Higher level organization (professional reading)
Lg_T01_07_a
0
5
10
15
20
25
00,20,40,60,8
11,21,41,61,822,
22,42,62,8
33,23,43,63,8
44,24,44,64,855,
25,45,65,8
66,26,46,66,8
77,27,47,67,8
88,28,48,68,8
99,29,49,69,81010
,210,410,610,81111
,211,411,611,81212
,212,412,612,81313
,213,413,613,81414
,214,414,614,81515
,215,415,615,81616
,216,416,616,817
Tempo (s)
Sem
itons
3. Higher level organization (prepared & spont. speech)
U21
U23 U24
U27
U29
U18
U22 U26 U28U16
U19
U25
U30
U17 U20
0
5
10
15
20
1300 1400 1500 1600 1700 1800 1900 2000 2100 2200 2300 2400 2500 2600 2700 2800 2900 3000 3100 3200Time (Cs)
Sem
itone
s
U 33U30 U32U19 U20 U21 U22U24
U25 U29U31
U23
U27U26 U28
0
5
10
15
20
2200 2300 2400 2500 2600 2700 2800 2900 3000 3100 3200 3300 3400 3500 3600 3700 3800 3900 4000 4100Time (Cs)
Sem
itone
s
3 – Professional & Spontaneous Speech• Independent evidence for:
– Tonal inventory– Main tunes
• What’s new (for SEP)– Nuclear H*, L*, L+H* and H+!H* – Pre-nuclear and nuclear ^H*
• Problematic issues– Boundary tones
• Final HL%, !H% and L%• Initial %H and %L
– How to deal with the equivalence of L*+H and %L H* ?– How many levels of phrasing? (a supplementary level for sentence-like chunks?)
Obrigada !