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 Three faces of  civilization: ‘In the beginning all the world was Ireland’ Robert van Krieken, University  College Dublin & University  of  Sydney  Published in: Norbert  Elias and  Figurational  Sociology , edited by Norman Gabriel & Stephen Mennell, Sociological  Review Monograph,  2011,  and Sociological  Review  Monograph Series 59( s1) 2011: 24–47 This paper outlines a refinement of  the sociological usage of  the concept ‘civilization’  by distinguishing between three different ‘faces’ of  civilization   as the opposite of  barbarism, as equivalent to culture, and in Elias’s sense as capturing a particular trajectory of  sociohistorical development.  I go on to illustrate how this distinction between three different faces of  civilization can be deployed in relation to the history of  the various attempts by the English to civilize the population of  Ireland. The paper then reflects on the centrality of  the experience of  the colonization of  Ireland for the English conception of  how ‘barbarism’ should be understood and opposed to ‘civilization’ (which was then later mobilised in the colonization of  the New World), as well as on the ways in which the colonization of  Ireland constituted a binding together of  both civilizing and decivilizing processes. Among social and political theorists and researchers the concept of  civilization leads a troubled existence, and this has always been one of  the major concerns characterizing the reception of  Elias’s work and that of  those who draw on his ideas. For example, in a recent review of  Stephen Mennell’s (2007) The  American Civilizing Process, Randall Collins portrays Elias’s conception of  a process of  civilization as a ‘trend theory’ heading for a ‘dead end’, claiming, despite all the evidence to the contrary, that ‘The theory of  the civilizing process, taken in the large, is an optimistic theory of  social evolution along the lines of  the Enlightenment  liberals’ (2009: 439). Of  course, no self respecting social scientist would want to be seen marching under that flag. The idea of  ‘the civilizing mission’,  as we all know very well, is firmly rooted in the history of  colonization and imperialism,  and it is precisely the normative dimensions of  the concept of  ‘civilization’  that has also driven social scientists to putting it in quotation marks. The concept has always led an odd sort of  double life in Western social and political thought,  at one and the same time an organizing principle and  an object of  ongoing critique. As Jean Starobinski has said of  the critique of  civilization which immediately accompanied the word’s original appearance in Mirabeau’s writing, it ‘took two forms: a critique of  civilization and a critique formulated in the name of  civilization’ (1993: 8). Starobinski emphasizes how Mirabeau’s usage suggested that ‘instead of  getting rid of  the violence of  “primitive” societies these civilizations perpetuate the brutality beneath deceptive exteriors. Instead of  open barbarity, contemporary civilizations  practice a dissimulated violence’ (1993: 7). Alongside ‘civilization’  operating as a ‘black box’ concept that people use almost casually, relatively firm in the belief  that it has a rocksolid, unambiguous meaning, it is also one of  those essentiallycontested concepts,  like ‘freedom’ or ‘progress’,  carrying many different meanings with sometimes entirely contradictory implications. Most people are much happier talking about liberalism, democracy,  modernization, globalization,  rationalization,  postmodernization,  or cosmopolitanism   even ‘civility’ is preferable to ‘civilization’.  This is why there is a widespread view in social 

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  • Threefacesofcivilization:InthebeginningalltheworldwasIrelandRobertvanKrieken,UniversityCollegeDublin&UniversityofSydneyPublishedin:NorbertEliasandFigurationalSociology,editedbyNormanGabriel&Stephen

    Mennell,SociologicalReviewMonograph,2011,andSociologicalReviewMonographSeries59(s1)2011:2447

    Thispaperoutlinesarefinementofthesociologicalusageoftheconceptcivilizationbydistinguishingbetweenthreedifferentfacesofcivilizationastheoppositeofbarbarism,asequivalenttoculture,andinEliasssenseascapturingaparticulartrajectoryofsociohistoricaldevelopment.IgoontoillustratehowthisdistinctionbetweenthreedifferentfacesofcivilizationcanbedeployedinrelationtothehistoryofthevariousattemptsbytheEnglishtocivilizethepopulationofIreland.ThepaperthenreflectsonthecentralityoftheexperienceofthecolonizationofIrelandfortheEnglishconceptionofhowbarbarismshouldbeunderstoodandopposedtocivilization(whichwasthenlatermobilisedinthecolonizationoftheNewWorld),aswellasonthewaysinwhichthecolonizationofIrelandconstitutedabindingtogetherofbothcivilizinganddecivilizingprocesses.

    Amongsocialandpoliticaltheoristsandresearcherstheconceptofcivilizationleadsatroubledexistence,andthishasalwaysbeenoneofthemajorconcernscharacterizingthereceptionofEliassworkandthatofthosewhodrawonhisideas.Forexample,inarecentreviewofStephenMennells(2007)TheAmericanCivilizingProcess,RandallCollinsportraysEliassconceptionofaprocessofcivilizationasatrendtheoryheadingforadeadend,claiming,despitealltheevidencetothecontrary,thatThetheoryofthecivilizingprocess,takeninthelarge,isanoptimistictheoryofsocialevolutionalongthelinesoftheEnlightenmentliberals(2009:439).Ofcourse,noselfrespectingsocialscientistwouldwanttobeseenmarchingunderthatflag.Theideaofthecivilizingmission,asweallknowverywell,isfirmlyrootedinthehistoryofcolonizationandimperialism,anditispreciselythenormativedimensionsoftheconceptofcivilizationthathasalsodrivensocialscientiststoputtingitinquotationmarks.TheconcepthasalwaysledanoddsortofdoublelifeinWesternsocialandpoliticalthought,atoneandthesametimeanorganizingprincipleandanobjectofongoingcritique.AsJeanStarobinskihassaidofthecritiqueofcivilizationwhichimmediatelyaccompaniedthewordsoriginalappearanceinMirabeauswriting,ittooktwoforms:acritiqueofcivilizationandacritiqueformulatedinthenameofcivilization(1993:8).StarobinskiemphasizeshowMirabeaususagesuggestedthatinsteadofgettingridoftheviolenceofprimitivesocietiesthesecivilizationsperpetuatethebrutalitybeneathdeceptiveexteriors.Insteadofopenbarbarity,contemporarycivilizationspracticeadissimulatedviolence(1993:7).Alongsidecivilizationoperatingasablackboxconceptthatpeopleusealmostcasually,relativelyfirminthebeliefthatithasarocksolid,unambiguousmeaning,itisalsooneofthoseessentiallycontestedconcepts,likefreedomorprogress,carryingmanydifferentmeaningswithsometimesentirelycontradictoryimplications.Mostpeoplearemuchhappiertalkingaboutliberalism,democracy,modernization,globalization,rationalization,postmodernization,orcosmopolitanismevencivilityispreferabletocivilization.Thisiswhythereisawidespreadviewinsocial

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    andpoliticaltheorythattheconceptismuchbetteravoided(seeforexampleMazlish2004:1601;seealsoGoudsblom2006). However,atthesametimeasthereislittlehesitationinmobilisingvaryingconceptionsofbarbarisminreferencetoevents,actionsandformsofsocialorganizationweregardasimmoral,unjust,cruel,inhumaneoroppressive,yetthenormativeandrhetoricalpoweroftheoppositionbetweenbarbarismandcivilizationremainsenormous,andcivilizationcontinuestobeanimportantconceptualandrhetoricalreferencepoint,thefocusofwhateverweunderstandbyprogressor,ifthatwordoffends,thepointofanyhumanactiononthesocialandpoliticalworld.Amongsocialandpoliticalleadersandcommentators,after11September2001therewasastrikingwillingnesstoidentifycivilizationasbeingendangeredbythisparticularterroristact,inneedofvigorous,armeddefence,andtheflagunderwhicheveryoneistorally,orriskbeingmarkedasabarbarian. ThepromiscuousmultiplicityofmeaningsandeffectsthattheconceptcanhaveisapparentinexamplessuchasthediscussioninAustraliaoftheremovalofAboriginalchildrenfromtheirfamiliesthroughoutthetwentiethcentury(vanKrieken1999).Boththepracticeitselfandthesubsequentcritiqueofthatpracticerelyheavilyontheconceptofcivilizationtolegitimatethemselves.JustasitwasthedutyofEuropeanstocultivatethelandtoitsmaximumcapacity,sotoowasittheirdutytocultivateandeducateAboriginalchildrentotheirmaximumcapacitythatis,asassimilatedandEuropeanised.Civilizedsocietyis,inthisusage,exactlywhatAboriginesarenotpartof,anditwasthisexclusionwhichsupportedthedenialoftheiraccesstofullcitizenshipuntil1948.ButthecritiqueofAboriginalchildremovalwhichhasemergedoverrecentdecadesalsopresentsitselfasinformedbyanappropriatedegreeofcivility,andtheearlieradministratorsandofficialsascharacterizedbyabarbarismwhichcurrentgenerationsshouldcondemnasanexampleofculturalgenocide. Similarlyontheothersideoftheworld,inIreland,inrelationtothequestionofthetreatmentofchildrenbythoserepresentingtheCatholicChurch,eitherininstitutionalcareorineverydaypastorallife,whatgivestheissueaparticularlysharpedgeisthewolfinsheepsclothingeffect,thefactthatitispreciselytheinstitutionwhichrepresenteditselfasthebearerofcivilizedmoralitywhichhasappearedunableeithertoregulatetheharmswhichitsmembershaveinflictedontherisinggenerationortorecognizetherolethatitsownprocessesandprocedureshaveplayingintheinflictionofthoseharms(Arnold2009;Raftery&OSullivan1999.Inbothcases,thereisaneedtounderstandboththementalityofacivilizingmissionwhichmadeitpossibletoinflictvarioussortofphysical,emotionalandpsychologicalharmsonpeople,especiallychildren,andthecriteriabywhichtheyarenowunderstoodasuncivilized,generatingaprofoundsenseofinjusticeabouttheadequacyoftheinstitutionalresponsetothatexperience. InthepastIhaveaddressedthisproblemofpromiscuousmultiplicityintheconceptofcivilizationbydrawingEliassmuchmoreelaboratetheorizationofhowprocessesofcivilizationshouldbeunderstood,howtheyshouldbelinkedtootherprocessessuchasurbanization,thedevelopmentofcapitalism,andstateformationmorebroadly(vanKrieken1998).Onewouldmakeadistinctionbetweenthecommonsenseunderstandingofcivilization,andEliasstheoryofcivilizingprocesses,andlinkEliassapproachtoMaxWebersaccountofrationalization,orFoucaultsportrayalofmodernsocietyasbasedona

  • Threefacesofcivilization:InthebeginningalltheworldwasIreland3

    particularkindofdiscipliningoftheself(vanKrieken1990;2003).Inthisfarlessnormativeunderstandingofwhatcivilizationis,justasbothWeberianandFoucauldianapproachescouldincludeadiscussionofadarkside,soinrelationtocivilizingprocessesonecouldequallyexpandonesconceptualizationtoincludediscussionofprocessesofdecivilization,theoccasionalandsometimesparallelbreakdownofcivility,themonopolyofviolence,andsocialorder(Mennell1990;Fletcher1995;Zwaan1993). Oneofmyownrecentattemptstoreworkthewaythatthecomplexityoftherelationshipbetweencivilizationanddecivilizationcanbegraspedhasbeentodistinguishbetweendifferentsensesofthewordcivilization,byattachingsuperscriptnumbersandspeakingofcivilization,1civilization2andcivilization,3withthelastbeingtheunderstandingcharacterizingEliassapproach(vanKrieken2002).However,thisremainsarelativelyclumsyformulationand,inconsideringdifferentwaysofapproachingtheproblem,Iwasremindedofthewaythatasimilarquestionconcerningthemultiplicityofmeaningsoftheconceptpowerhasbeenaddressed,beginningwithPeterBachrachandMortonBaratzs(1962)attempttoaddressthedifferingwaysthatpoliticalscientistsandsociologistanalysedpower,bydistinguishingbetweentwofacesofpower.AdecadelaterStevenLukes(1974;2005)extendedthisaccountbyformulatingtheideaofthreefacesordimensionsofpower(seealsoAbell1977;Boulding1989).Canwebringsomeusefulordertothewayweusethetermcivilization,then,aswehavefortheconceptpower,bythinkingofitintermsofthreefaces,eachofwhichcapturesadifferentaspectofwhattheideaofcivilizationcanreferto?FirstfaceofcivilizationcivilizationvsbarbarismOnewidespreadsenseoftheconceptofcivilizationrevolvesaroundabinarydistinctionbetweencivilizationandbarbarism,andconcernsaparticularwayoforganizingsocialandpoliticallife,theoperationofpowerandtheconstitutionofhumansubjectivity.Inthissense,thereisalinkagebetweencivilizationandwhatcomestobeknownastheruleoflaw,operatingthroughtheembeddingoftheexerciseofpowerinimpersonalrulesandstructures,ratherthanintheunregulatedwillofdominantindividualsandgroups,agovernmentoflaws,notofmen.Theformtakenbyindividualsubjectivityplaysacentralrole,andthemechanismsbywhichthisiscultivatedisacoreelementoftheongoingproductionofgovernablecitizens. ForDavidHume,itwastheapplicationofhumanefforttopractical,productivelabourwhichwouldachievethiseffect.Canweexpect,askedHume,thatagovernmentwillbewellmodelledbyapeople,whoknownothowtomakeaspinningwheel,ortoemployaloomtoadvantage?(Hume1987:273).AcentralfocusofWesternpoliticaltheoryhasbeentoarguethathumanbeingsarenotbornreasonable,andthatsomeprocessofcultivation,refinement,educationorformationofpublicreasonisacrucialdimensionofapeacefulandproductivecivilsociety.Baumanarguesthattheprojectofcivilizationwascentrallyabouttheproductionofgovernablesubjects(Bauman1987:93). Bytheendoftheeighteenthcentury,itwasthisfaceofcivilizationwhichrepresentedtheformofhumanperfectibilitytowhichEuropeansocietiesdroveboththeirownpopulationsandasmuchoftherestoftheworldastheycouldlaytheirhandson.AsEliaswrote,civilizationhadcometobedefinedbyEuropeanssimplyasanexpressionof

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    theirownhighgifts(Elias2000:43).ThisfirstfaceofcivilizationhadbecomeacrucialpartofEuropeanssenseofsuperiorityoverallotherpeoplesintheworld:theconsciousnessoftheirownsuperiority,theconsciousnessofthiscivilization,fromnowonservesatleastthosenationswhichhavebecomecolonialconquerors,andthereforeakindofupperclasstolargesectionsofthenonEuropeanworld,asajustificationoftheirrule(seealsoFebvre1973[1930]:220). Inthesubsequenttwentiethandtwentyfirstcenturies,Americanusageofcivilizationinparticularhascometoencompassallandanytypesofprogress,materialandmoral.IntheUSitcametomeannotjustmechanizationandtechnology,freetradeandwelfare,butalsoindividualliberty,democracy,andhumanrights,allofwhichwereboundupwitheachother,inauniversalisticconceptionthatknewnoculturalornationalboundaries.AsCharlesandMaryBeardwroteinTheAmericanSpirit:

    Thisideaofcivilizationembracesaconceptionofhistoryasastruggleofhumanbeingsintheworldforindividualandsocialperfectionforthegood,thetrueandthebeautifulagainstignorance,disease,theharshnessofphysicalnature,theforcesofbarbarisminindividualsandinsociety.ItassignstohistoryintheUnitedStates,soconceived,uniquefeaturesinorigins,substanceanddevelopment.(1942:5801).

    Thisunderstandingofcivilizationhas,sincetheTiananmenSquaremassacreof1989andtheattacksonNewYorkandWashingtonin2001,cometofunctionasanoverarchingindicationoftheinviolablebasicrightsofeveryindividualregardlessofsex,skincolourorreligion,forademocraticpoliticalstructureandforanindependentlegalsystem(denBoer2001:78).Secondfaceofcivilizationcivilization=cultureHowever,thishierarchicalapproachtocivilizationasprogressandcolonialismisoftenseenasprimarilyideological(forexample,McVeighandRolston2009),andtherehasbeenaconsistentconcerninsocialsciencetodevelopalessvalueladenconstructionofit.AsLucienFebvreobserves,itcamealsotohaveanethnographicmeaning,referringsimplytoawayoflife,aparticularassemblyofcultural,moral,politicalandeconomicforms.Inthissenseitisinterchangeablewithcultureorsociety,anditallowsformultiplecivilizations.Inthissenseitisprettywellinterchangeablewithcultureorsociety,andthisishowitisbeingusedwhenpeopletalkaboutaclashofcivilizations,orcivilizationalanalysis.Huntingtonmakesitclearthatheseesnoneedtodistinguishbetweencivilizationandculture:Acivilizationisdefinedbothbycommonobjectiveelements,suchaslanguage,history,religion,customs,institutions,andbythesubjectiveselfidentificationofpeople(1993:24). AsGoudsblom(2006)notes,theconflationofcivilizationandculturehadbecomecharacteristicoftheattemptstodevelopascientificunderstandingofhumansocietyinhistory,ethnologyandanthropologyfromthelatenineteenthcenturyonwards.Manytwentiethcenturyanthropologists,suchasRuthBenedictinPatternsofCulture(1934),

  • Threefacesofcivilization:InthebeginningalltheworldwasIreland5

    werequiteunconcernedaboutanydistinction,treatingthetwowordsasinterchangeablestandardtoolsoftheirtrade(Goudsblom2006:292). Theproblemwiththesecondfaceistheconflationofcivilizationandculture,whichforcertainpurposesneedtobekeptdistinct.TheoppositionbetweenKulturandZivilisationismorethanjustarelicofnineteenthcenturynationalism,aGermanreactiontoNapoleonicimperialism:itdoescaptureanimportantdistinctionofcontinuingsalience.Therearedifferentthingstotalkabout,andifcivilizationisusedinawaywhichconflatesitwithculture,welosetheabilitytodistinguishbetweendifferentdimensionsofparticularpoliticaldevelopments,movements,andformsofthought.AsReinholdNiebuhr(1952)suggested,theoppositionbasicallyoverlapswiththatbetweenAncientGreece(culture)andtheRomanEmpire(civilization).OrasBrettBowdenputsit(2004a:38),itparallelsthedistinctionbetweenthesocialandpoliticalthoughtoftheEnlightenment(civilization)andthatoftheCounterEnlightenment(culture). Forexample,Buruma(2004)hasarguedinrelationtohowsocialandpoliticalthoughtintheMuslimworldisunderstood,thatitismistaketoseethingsentirelyintermsofcultureorideology,andtolosesightoftheunderlyingissuesrelatedtopolitical,militaryandeconomicinstitutions.ItislikelythatPakistancanbemosteffectivelyunderstoodintermsofahistoryofauthoritarianrulebyasmalllandowningclassandmilitaryjuntasthanwithanymillennialrivalrybetweentwoworldreligions.Thetwoconceptssimplyworkdifferentlyinpoliticaldiscourse,andthisrelatestothecontinuedsalienceofthefirstfaceofcivilization.OnecanconceivablydescribetheattackontheTwinTowerson11September2001asanattackoncivilizationitself,butnotasanattackoncultureitself.ThirdfaceofcivilizationprocessesofcivilizationanddecivilizationItisEliassapproachtocivilizationwhichidentifiesitsthirdface,namelyitscharacterasaprocessascivilization.ForEliastheprocessofcivilizationinthehistoryofWesternEuropeanstateformationwasnotsimplyaboutaprogressivemovementfrombarbarismtocivility,butaboutanumberofmuchmorespecificlinesofsocial,politicalandeconomictransformation.Thethirdfaceofcivilizationthusconcernsthosesocialandpoliticalconditions,practices,strategiesandfigurationswhichproducewhateverendsupbeingcalledcivilization,anditsutilizationdependsonareflexivelycriticalawarenessofthewayinwhichparticularconceptionsandexperiencesofbeingcivilgetconstructedandproducedinonewayoranother. TheaspectsofEliassconceptionofcivilizationthatIwouldliketoconcentrateonhereare,first,hisemphasisonlongtermhistoricaltrendstowardstheconcentrationandmonopolizationofthemeansofviolence,andthegradualassimilationofalargernumberofrelativelysmallpoliticalandmilitaryunitsintoadecreasingnumberoflargeones.Town,communities,lordshipsandfiefdomshaveovertimebeencaughtupinapowerfullogic1pushingtowardsanincreasingmonopolizationofpowerand,correspondingly,ofthemeansofviolencebyincreasinglycentralizedpoliticalauthorities,eventuallyintheformofthe 1Although,itshouldbenotedthatEliashimselfwouldhavedisputedtheuseofthewordlogicinthiscontext;seeElias2009a,2009b.

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    sovereignnationstatewithitsarmy,policeandlegalapparatus.Thiscentralizationprocessisinturndrivenbytwohistoricalmechanisms:themonopolymechanism,inwhichcompetitivedynamicswilltendtowardstheeliminationofweakercompetitorsandtheconsolidationofplayersintoasmallernumberoflargerunits,andtheroyalmechanism,inwhichpowertendstoconcentrateinasingleactorbecauseofthesystemicsalienceofanynodalpointfortheconflictsbetweentheothergroupsinsociety,whichcanneitherindividuallyovercomeanyoftheothers,norstopcompetingtothedegreerequiredtoformaneffectivealliancewitheachother. Second,hefocusedontheeffectsofwhathecalledlengtheningchainsofsocialinterdependence,whichcanalsobeunderstoodasasteadyincreaseinsocialdifferentiationandsocialdensity.Eliasnotedthatonecouldobserve,asaconstituentaspectoftheprocessofcivilization,everexpandingnetworksofinterdependenceandmutualinfluenceinWesternEuropeansociety.Thisinturnlengthenedthesocialconveyorbeltsrunningthroughindividualslivesandmadethemmorecomplex,whichgeneratesincreasingdemandsonindividualsubjectivityandsocialpressurestowardsaparticularkindofpsychologicaldispositionorhabitusadispositionthatWeberandFoucaultwouldrefertoasdiscipline(vanKrieken1990:2003).Whatweexperienceascivilizationisthusfoundedonaparticularhabituswhichislinkedtotheformstakenbybroadersocialandpoliticalrelationshipsandinstitutions. Overthelongertermtheseprocessestended,Eliasargued,toproduceatransformationofthewholedriveandaffecteconomyinthedirectionofamorecontinuous,stableandevenregulationofimpulsesandemotionsinallareasofconduct,inallsectorsofhislife(Elias2000:374).Centraltothisfaceofcivilizationisthequestionoftheextenttowhichsocialstructuresdoindeedgenerateastableandevenregulationofemotionsandimpulses,2notsimplywhetherthereisadominantselfperceptionofoneselfascivilized.Later,however,hewouldalsodrawattentiontothewaysinwhichshiftsinsocialstructurecanalsogenerateadestablisationoftheregulationofimpulsesandaffectswhichcouldbeunderstoodasconstitutingprocessesofdecivilization(Elias1996).Heraisedthepossibilitythatcivilizationanddecivilizationcanoccursimultaneously,withmonopoliesofforcebeingcapableofviolenceasextremeassituationswherethemeansofviolencearemorediffuselycontrolled(Mennell1990;Fletcher1995;1997;Zwaan1993). Eliasslinkageofthehistoricalformationofsubjectivitywithstateformation,aswellaswithmoregeneralprocessesofsocialdevelopment,constitutesaconceptualbasisforanalysingthecivilizingmissionitself,usingaconceptualizationofathirdfaceofcivilizationtoanalysewhatwasunderstoodasitsfirstandfaces.Thenormativeassessmentofpeoplesconstructedasuncivilizedbarbarianscanthenbeseentoberootedinthepsychic,socialandpoliticaldynamicsofcivilizingprocessesthemselves,thenegativeimageofthesavagebeingaprojectionofthecivilizedpersonsownfearedinternalbarbarism,ateithertheindividualorcollectivelevel. 2Foranargumentagainstanysignificantlinkagebetweenparticularformsofsocietyanddistinctivepersonalitytypes,seeBendix1952.

  • Threefacesofcivilization:InthebeginningalltheworldwasIreland7

    IrishstateformationandprocessesofcivilizationanddecivilizationInillustratinghowtheconceptofthethreefacesofcivilizationcanbemobilizedinhistoricalsociologicalresearch,onecouldbeginwithcomparisonthatIusedtoopenthepaper,betweentheAustralianandIrishexperiencesoftheabuseofchildrenininstitutionalcarethroughoutthetwentiethcentury.IntheAustraliansetting,animportantelementofthepoliciesunderpinningtheremovalofAboriginalchildrenfromtheirfamilieswaswhatyoucouldcallacolonialimagination,asenseofaneedtotransformthechildrenofAboriginalparentagesoastocivilizethem,tobringthemtoaEuropeanwayoflife,aEuropeanhabitus.Thereisscope,then,toexaminetheparallelsinthatarena,towhattheremightbeabouttheIrishexperiencethatcouldbeaddressedintermsoftherelationbetweencolonizerandcolonized.Butassoonasonebeginsthisanalysis,itbecomesclearthatthereareaspectsofIrishhistorythatmakeitnecessarytorethinkhowwehavegenerallythoughtaboutthepsychologyofcolonization. ThereisatendencytoframecolonialismintermsofarelationshipbetweenEuropeansandtherest,beginningwiththeinhabitantsofSouthandNorthAmerica.SoAnthonyPagden(1982)mayacknowledgetherootsoftheoppositionbetweencivilityandbarbarisminAncientGreeceandRome,buthequicklyjumpstotheSpanishconquistadores,delasCasasanddeVitoria,andthestoryunfoldsfromthatpointonwards.TotheextentthatIrishhistoriansmaketheconnectionbetweentheIrishexperiencesandthecolonizationoftheNewWorld,itisoftenseenasthelatterinfluencingtheformer(Canny1973,althoughalittlelaterCannyreversestherelationship:1976:160). However,itisimportanttogetthetimingright,andtoseethattheexperienceoftheEnglishinIrelandprecededtheirventuresintotheNewWorld,andprovidedboththeconceptual,psychologicalandpracticalfoundationsfortheirrelationshipswithnonEuropeans.SowhatitmeanstobenonEuropeanwasfirstconstructedwithinEuropealbeit,intheIrish(andWelshandScottish)case,onEuropesouterfrontiersnotbetweenEuropeansandthoselivingbeyondEurope.Thequestionofracewasinthefirstplacenotaboutskincolour,butaboutothersortsofdivisionsbetweenhumanbeingsandtheirdifferentlystructuredpsychologiesaccordingtoothersortsofcriteria. AnycursorylookatIrishhistorymakesitclearthatitiscloselyboundupwithEnglishstateandculturalformation,andthatacentralelementoftheEnglishperceptionofIrelandwasapersistentdistinctionbetweencivility/civilizationandbarbarismbeingequivalenttothedistinctionbetweentheEnglishandtheIrish.IndeedEnglishcivilitywasinmanyrespectsdefinedpreciselyinoppositiontoIrishnessitwaseverythingthattheIrishwerenot.AndtheIrishlaterreturnedthefavour,seeingthemselvesfromaroundtheeighteenthcenturyonwardslikewiseasthemorallysuperiorrepresentativesofanancientCeltic/Catholiccivilizationthathadresistedthetemptationsofmodernizationandtheirassociateddescentinmoralturpitude,decadenceanddegradation(Augusteijn2006:2747). ThereisatendencytoconstructthesocialhistoryofIrelandandEnglandinnationaltermsasdistincthistories,andintermsofthefirsttwofacesofcivilization,asbeingeitheraboutdisputedconceptionsofprogressoraboutculturaldifference.Irishnesswasdefinedintheeighteenth/nineteenthcenturyinoppositiontotheEnglish,andindeedframedasaclashofcivilizations,drawingonboththefirstandsecondfacesoftheconceptof

  • 8ROBERTVANKRIEKEN

    civilization,withIrishidentityrootedinanconceptionofanancientIrishculture,wayoflifeand,ofcourse,language.Totheextentthattheconceptofcivilizationisusedatall,itisusedintermsofitsfirsttwofaces,especiallythefirst,soproducingacritiqueofthehypocrisyandinternalcontradictionsofaconceptionofcivilizationthatrestsonsuchclearlybarbaricpractices.Frequentlyitwasframedintermsofanidealizedruralwayoflifeinoppositiontothedecadent,immorallifestyleofEnglandandEuropeinmanyrespects,cultureversuscivilization.Thiswasaspiritual,morallysuperiornationthathaddevelopedandmaintaineditselfinaEuropethatincreasinglysuccumbedtobarbarism(Augusteijn2006:281). ButitisworthgoingbeyondthinkinginhorizontaltermsofIrelandandEngland,toseethingsinverticaltermsthatcutacrossthenationaldifferencesandhelpustoseethedevelopmentofsocialandpoliticallifeinIrelandaspartandparcelofasetoftransnationalprocesses,especiallythoseofmonopolizationofthemeansofviolence(andlawandadministration),increasingorientationtowardscentralsetsofnormsandvalues(today,humanrights).Thisiswhatautilizationofthethirdfaceofcivilizationmakespossible,becauseitisnotweddedtotheconceptofprogressandimprovement. Theargumentsoftenranasmuchwithinaparticularcountryasbetweencountries.ThequestionoftheEnglishattemptstopacifyandcivilizetheIrishwasasmuchaconcernwithinEngland(seealsoEugenWeber,1979,onFrance).Forexample,inEnglandtherewerealsothosewhoyearnedforagloriouspreNormanconquestpast,whichtheyfelthadbeenruinedanddebasedbyinvaderstoobrutishandinsensitivetounderstandthetruevalueofauthenticEnglish,Saxonculture.3RatherthanseeingthecourseofIrishhistoryasrevolvingaroundtheconquestanddominationofIrelandbyaforeignpower,intermsoftheEnglishandtheIrish,itmaybemoreusefultothinkintermsofclashesbetweendifferingwaysofdoingthingsgoverningapopulation,constructingonesidentity,managingcommercialandpoliticalactivity,managingfamilylife,maintainingsocialorderandintegration,structuringpoliticalandadministrativeinstitutions,andsoonclasheswhichtookplaceasmuchwithinEnglandasbetweenEnglandandthepeoplesofitsCelticfringe. ThehistoryofIrelandanditsrolewithinEnglishstateformationalsocastsaparticularkindoflightonhowweunderstandthestatesmonopolizationofviolenceandthenatureofcourtsociety.EliassoriginalformulationinTheCivilizingProcessemphasizedthemoregenerallongtermtrendtowardsthecentralizationofmilitaryandpoliticalpower.Hewrote,forexample,ofaquitesimplesocialmechanismwhich,oncesetinmotion,proceedslikeclockwork,inwhichthedynamicsandlogicofcompetitionwillpushanylargenumberofsocialandpoliticalunitstowardsacentralisationofpowerandauthorityintoaneverdecreasingnumberofunits(2000:264). However,asReesDavieshassuggested,issuesraisedbytheprecociousnessoftheearlyEnglishstatemightwellbebroughtintosharperfocusbyconsideringthecontrastingexperiencesofthesocietiesandpolitieswhichborderedonit(1993:3).ItisimportanttoincludetherelationshipbetweenEnglandandIrelandinonesunderstandingofsuchprocesses,becauseithighlightshowrough,uneven,andoftenverytenuousandtortured 3See,forexample,Chibnalls(1999)discussionofthenotionoftheNormanyoke.

  • Threefacesofcivilization:InthebeginningalltheworldwasIreland9

    theprocessofthemonopolizationofviolencewas,howtherelationshipbetweenthecentreandtheperiphery,foughtoutonaregularbasisalongshiftingfrontiers(Ellis1995;1999;Lydon2008;Muldoon2003;2009),andthatthisgeneratedaparticularconfigurationoftherelationshipbetweencivilizationanddecivilization. LookingatIrishhistoryfromthisperspective,itmakesitpossibletoseetheextenttowhichtheEnglishconceptionofthesavageandindeedofthewholecolonialproject,wasanchoredintheperceptionoftheIrishandIrishnessdatedbacktothetwelfthcentury,aswellastheexperimentsincolonialsettlementattemptedinIrelandinthefifteenthandsixteenthcenturies.TheconceptoftheoppositionbetweenbarbarismandcivilizationdoeshaveitsrootsintheAncientWorld,butintheprocessofthoseconceptsbeingrediscoveredintheRenaissanceofthetwelfthcentury,theywerefleshedoutandgivenparticularformintheattemptsoftheEnglishstatetoincorporateitsCelticfringeintoacentralizedpolityandsocietywitharelativelyhomogenoustypeofEnglishself. TheEnglishencounterwiththepeopleofIreland,WalesandScotlandconstitutedanimportantwatershedinthedevelopmentofwhatbothcivilizationandbarbarismwere,theformerdefinedinrelationtothelatter,andformedthebasisfortheirsubsequentencounterswiththeIndigenouspopulationofNorthAmerica.TherelationshipoftheEnglishtotheirCelticfringewasalsointurnanaspectofthelargerexpansionofLatinChristendomfromtheeleventhcenturyonwardstoEnglanditselfandthenontoWales,ScotlandandIreland,totheBalticregion,theBalkans,southernItalyandSicily,SpainandPortugal,PolandandHungarywhatRobertBartlett(1993:26991)callstheEuropeanizationofEurope. TogetafeelforthethinkingbehindtheperceptionoftheIrishaswildandsavage,thereareanumberofwritersonecanturnto.OnecanbeginwiththeGreeksandtheRomans,whosawalltheregionsfurthestfromthemselves,suchasIreland,Scotland,andNorway,asbarbarous.TheGreekgeographerStrabosaidIrishmenwerecannibals,eatingtheirfatherswhentheydieandthenholdanorgywithnumerouswomenincludingtheirmothersandsisters.Solinus(300AD),theLatingrammarian,saidIrelandwas

    aninhumanplaceduetotheferociousbehaviourofitsinhabitants...thepeopleareinhospitableandwarlike.Victorsinbattle,havingfirstdrunkofthebloodofthosetheykill,thenpainttheirfaceswithit.Rightandwrongisallonetothem.Therearenobees...(citedinHaywood1996:470).

    However,theRomanperceptionofIrelandarosemorefromageographicbias,thatthefurtheranypeoplelivedawayfromRome,thelessvirtuousandmorebarbarictheymustbe.Theaccountsbasedonactualobservationandrealexperiencecomelater. MuchofthediscussionbeginsinthesixteenthcenturywithEdmundSpenser(155299),especiallyhisViewofthePresentStateofIreland(1934[1596])whichcomplainsaboutIrishhairstylesandmantles,whichheseemedtoregardasmakingtheIrishtheoriginalhoodies,functioningtodisguisetheirthevisheCountenaunce(p.70).SpensersportrayalofIrelandischaracterizedbyacombinationofloosenessandwildness,andexcessivecontrolandrepressionontheother.InSpenser,asPatriciaCoughlanobserves,theIrish,swerve,straggle,micheincorners,breakforth,walkdisorderly,areloose,

  • 10ROBERTVANKRIEKEN

    wandering,idlyroguing,loitering,theyarearebelliousroutofloosepeople...infestingthewoodsandspoilingthegoodsubject(Coughlan1989:53) ButSpenserwaslargelyextendingtheaccountofatwelfthcenturyEnglishmonk,GeralddeBarri(GiraldusCambrensisGeraldofWales)(11461223),whoseTopographicaHibernica(1185)becamethefoundationofallthelateraccounts,whichwouldonlydeviateslightlyfromhisrepresentations.Hedrewapictureofapeoplewhoregularlyhadsexwithanimals,wereconstantlykilling,maimingandtorturingeachother,knewnotabooonincest,hadnorespectformarriageandfamilylife,weredishonest,untrustworthy.Geraldformulatedatheoryofhumandevelopmentandprogress,fromthewoodstothefields,tosettlementsandcommunitiesorganizedarounddisciplinedformsofworkandthemoneymakingoftownscomposedofcitizenswithbothrightsandprivileges,andobligationstotheirciviccommunity.TheIrishpeople,thoughtGerald,appearedtoberesolutelyweddedtothelifewhichithasbeenaccustomedtoleadinthewoodsandcountryside,andthiswasaproblemthatneededtobedealtwith. RobertBartlettobservesthatGeraldwasntespeciallyunique,thathisaccountsoftheIrishandWelsharelargelyconsistentwiththeobservationsmadefromwithinLatinChristendomaboutotherpeoplesonitsmarginsandfrontiersAdamofBremenontheBalticScandinavianpeoples,HelmoldofBosauontheSlavs,OttoofFreisingontheBohemiansandMagyars,GuntherofParisonthePoles.Onthewhole,scholarsinAngloNormanandGermansocietytendedtoseetheworldbeyondtheirbordersas:

    economicallybackward,dominatedbyarough,pastoralwayoflife,;politicallyfragmented,mauledbycivilwarsandbloodytyrants;inhabitedbyfierce,lawlessraiders,whocouldnotbetrusted;givenovertosuperstitionandblackmagic;paganorsemipagan;indulginginhumansacrificeandsexualexcess.(2006:141)

    NorwasGeraldespeciallyoriginal.Agenerationbefore,theEnglishhistorianWilliamofMalmesbury(1080/951143)hadbeenveryactiveinrevivingtheclassicaldistinctionbetweencivilizationandbarbarism.Hegaveitnewlifebytakingthedefinitionofbarbarismbeyondthatofequatingitwithpaganism,andidentifyingthewaysinwhichnominallyChristianpopulationscouldstillbeuncivilized,focusingonthedegreeofurbanizationandcommercializationasindicesofcivilization(Gillingham1992;2001;1995:60) IfweconsidertheconceptualizationofwriterslikeWilliamofMalmesbury,GeralddeBarriandEdmundSpenseraswindowsontothethinkingofadministratorsandrulers,itisclearthatitwasveryfirmlyorganizedintermsofthefirstfaceofcivilization,oncivilizationasbarbarismsopposite,tobeimposedaseffectivelyaspossible,nomatterhowmuchviolencemightbeneeded.Ifyouthinkofyouromeletteinparticularkindofway,thenyoudontworrytoomuchabouttheeggsbeingbroken.Butifwethinkintermsofthethirdfaceofcivilization,therewasclearlyarangeoflongtermprocessesinmotion,regardlessofwhatparticularkings,lordsoradventurersmightbethinkinganddoingasactorswithinthoseprocesses.

  • Threefacesofcivilization:InthebeginningalltheworldwasIreland11

    Forexample,anumberofpolitical,economicandsocialdevelopments,whichwereessentiallyEuropeanprocessesofsocialchangeoriginatinginParisandRome,wereintraininlowlandEnglandthatwereyettohaverealeffectinIreland:

    ReligiouschangesinChurchdoctrineandpractice,includingfamilylifeandChurchorganisation.

    Theshiftfrompastoralismtoagriculture Urbanization Commercialization Advancesinmilitarytechnology Centralizationofstateadministrationandpoliticalpower Pacificationofthearistocracycourtizationofwarriors Pacificationofinheritanceandsuccession

    TheAngloNormansinmanyrespectsrepresentedthetriumphofavibrant,confident,aggressiveeconomicmentalitywhichhadcometodominatenorthwesternEuropefromthesecondhalfoftheeleventhcentury(Davies1990:10).AsDaviesobserves,

    theworldwouldneverbethesameagain.Aconfident,expansive,excitingandrichinternationalculturehadcometooccupycentrestageinnorthernEurope;itsdrawingpoweranditsenticingsupremacywereirresistible.Indeedthosewhodaredtowithstanditscharmscouldbedismissedasbarbarians:whenStephenofLexington,dispatchedtoinvestigateCistercianobservanceinIreland,decreedthatknowledgeofFrenchorLatinwasaprerequisiteforamonkandadded,crushingly,thatnomancanlovethecloisterandlearningifheknowsonlyIrish,hewasproclaimingthevaluesofaEuropeanculturalandreligiousworldintowhichtheCelticcountrieswerebeingdraggedwillynilly.(1990:19)

    EvenwithoutthecolonizationeffortsoftheAngloNormansandtheEnglish,suggestsDavies,itishighlylikelythatregionssuchasIrelandwouldhaveeventuallyfoundthemselvesdrawntotheshiftsincultural,political,administrativeandsocialpracticesthroughoutEurope(1990:1516). Iwillfocushereonjusttwoaspectsofthosebroaderprocessesofsocialchange(1)thetransformationsofmarriageandfamilylife;(2)themonopolizationofviolenceandcentralisationofpoliticalpower,andformationofcourtsociety.1.MarriagepracticesOneofthesorestpointsintherelationshipbetweentheGaelicIrishandtheRomanCatholicchurchwastherealmofmarriageandsex(Bartlett2006:42;Byrne1993:41).ArchbishopLanfrancofCanterbury(107089)complainedin1074thattheIrishlawofmarriagewasratheralawoffornication:anIrishmanwouldabandonhiswifeapparentlyatwillandproceedtoformacriminalalliance...withanyotherwomanhepleases,eitherarelativeof

  • 12ROBERTVANKRIEKEN

    hisownorofhisdesertedwifeorawomanwhomsomebodyelsehasabandonedinanequallydisgracefulway(citedinDuffy1997:25).Hissuccessor,ArchbishopAnselm(10931109)wrotethatmenexchangetheirwivesasfreelyandpubliclyasamanmightexchangehishorse(citedinDuffy1997:25).WhenPopeAlexanderIIIwrotetoHenryIIafterhisassumptionofcontrolovertheAngloNormaninvasionofIreland,heemphasisedhownecessarytheinterventionwasbecausehehadheardthatIrishmenopenlycohabitwiththeirstepmothersanddonotblushtobearchildrenbythem,Irishmenhadsexwiththeirbrotherswifeandlivewithtwosisters,andmanyhaveintercoursewithdaughtersofmotherstheyhavedeserted(citedinDuffy1997:25).FortheChurch,IrelandwastheJerrySpringerShowwritlarge. WhatallthiswasaboutwasprimarilythesameissuethatledtoHenryVIIIbreakingwithRome,namelythearistocraticconcernwithpoliticalallianceandcontroloverinheritance.TheChurchsrestrictionsofthosepermittedtomarryunderminedtheroleofmarriageintheformationofaristocraticpoliticalallegiances,andthebanondivorcestoodinthewayofthemaintenanceoffamilylineages.Alsoatissuewaspropertyandtheaccumulationofwealth.InwhatJohnGoldthorpe(1987)termedtheChristianrevolutioninfamilylife,theChurchhadsetaboutchanginganumberofcommonpracticesinEuropeanfamilylifemarriagebetweenclosekin,remarriagewithaffinalkin(thoseoftheirformerspouse),remarriageafterdivorce,concubinage(thepracticeofmentakingachildbearingwife,ofteninadditiontoachildlessfirstwife),adoptionandfostering. Thesignificanceofallthesechanges,arguesJackGoody(1983),wasthattheyallweakenedkinshiptiesbeyondtheimmediatenuclearfamilyandhadtheeffectofvastlyincreasingthepropertythatcameintotheChurchshands.AllthepracticesitprohibitedwerewhatGoodycalledstrategiesofheirship,waysofensuringthataccumulatedpropertyandwealthstayedwithinthekinshipnetworkinthefaceoftheusualbarrierstothetransmittalofinheritancefromonegenerationtothenextchildlessness,absenceofmaleheirs,deathofoneparent,separationofparents.Ifoneprohibitstheusualwaysofprovidingfictionalheirschildrenfromanewmarriage,amarriagetoawidowsbrotherinlaworaconcubine,afosteredoradoptedchildthenroughly40percentofthepopulationwouldbeleftwithnomaleheirs. AddaChurchideologicalstrategyofpromotingtheprovisionofbequeststotheChurchasameansofsavingonessoul,andonesawamassiveincreaseinpropertybeinginheritedbytheChurch.WhetherornotthiswastheintentionmotivatingtheChurchspoliciesonmarriageandthefamily,certainly,wroteGoody,oneofthemostprofoundchangesthataccompaniedtheintroductionofChristianitywastheenormousshiftofpropertyfromprivateownershiptothehandsoftheChurch,whichrapidlybecamethelargestlandownerinEngland(asinmostotherEuropeancountries)apositionithasretainedtothisday(1983:456).UnlikeEnglandandtheContinent,however,atthattimetheChurchdidnothaveenoughofaninstitutionalpresenceinIrelandtobeabletoprovideformsofcompensationforwhattheGaelicaristocracywouldlosebyconformingtosuchrules.

  • Threefacesofcivilization:InthebeginningalltheworldwasIreland13

    2Monopolizationofviolenceandcentralizationofadministration,power,authority,law(conflictmanagement)Adifficultywithmuchtheorizationofthedevelopmentofthemodernstateistheassumptionthatthestatesboundariesareclearlyfixedandthatproblemsofpacificationandcentralizationtakeplaceinsidethoseboundaries.However,inrealityEnglishstateformationwasdistinctiveinbeingcharacterizedbeapersistentinstabilityatitsborderswiththeCelticworld.TheIrishexperienceraisesthewholeproblemofthefrontierinstateformation,4andthedifficultiesitplacedinthepathofthemonopolizationofviolenceandthecentralizationofauthority,politics,lawandsovereignty. GaelicIrelandwasessentiallyanaristocraticwarriorsociety,withitspoliticsandsocietyorganizedaroundmilitarycompetitionamonganevershiftingarrayofchiefsandkings.Itwasafragmented,decentredpolitycharacterizedbymarriageandinheritancepracticesthatencouragedconstantcompetitionbetweenwarringclanscomposedprimarilyofpastoralists.NicholasCannyspeaksofthebalkanizednatureofGaelicpoliticallife(1989:107).WilliamofNewburgh(11361201),comparedthepoliticalconditionofIrelandtothatofEnglandbeforethecomingoftheNormans.HewrotethatIrelandwasdividedintoanumberofkingdomsandhadmanykingsliketheancientpracticeinEnglandandiscommonlytornapartbythesedivisions(citedinMuldoon2003:78).TheAngloNormanssawalotmorepotentialinasettledpoliticalorderbasedonagricultureandurbanlife,sotheysetaboutdisplacingtheindigenouspopulationintothewoodsandbogsandreplacingthemwithsettlerswhowouldfarmthelandproperly.Butthedisplacementwasalwayspartial,forcingongoingstrategiesofaccommodationandcompromise,andamixingofculturesandwaysoflife,whichcametobeunderstoodbytheEnglishastheproblemofdegeneracy. ThemodelforcourtsocietywhichunderpinnedtheformationofcentralizedEuropeanstatesdependedontheongoingtransformationofwarriorknightsintocourtierknights.5CorriganandSayerspeakinrelationtoEnglandofthedemilitarizationofthenobility,observingthatby1576onlyaquarterofthepeeragehadseenactiveservice(1985:63).Therewasashiftawayfromthewarriorparadigmsofaristocracytopoliticsandlaw;inthefirstyearofElizabethsreign,StarChamberheard67cases;inthelast,732(p.63).ThecontroloverarmedforceincreasinglycametobemonopolizedbytheCrown,andCorriganandSayerrefertothisasacivilizingprocessofconsiderableimportance(p.63).ThecontrolthattheEnglishstatetriedtoexerciseoveritsCelticneighbourswasinmanyrespectsanattemptedextensionofitsgrowingcontrolinternallyofitsownpopulation(Davies1993:7). However,IrelandandtheCelticfringeposedaparticularproblemforEnglishstateformation,inthattheEnglishcrownwasfacedwithadualtaskhowtopacifytheGaeliclords,butalsotheEnglishlordstheyneededtouseforthatpurpose.TheEnglishCrownwasfacedwithwhatMachiavellicalledtheproblemofgoverningamixedprincipality, 4SeealsoMennells(2007:193209)discussionofthefrontierinAmericanstateformation.5Eliasreferstothisprocessasthetamingofwarriors(Elias,2006:1601,2302)andasthecourtisationofwarriors(2000:38797).

  • 14ROBERTVANKRIEKEN

    particularlythatevenifonehasaverystrongarmy,[anewruler]willalwaysneedthegoodwilloftheinhabitants(Machiavelli1961:18).ThemechanismsandprocessesbywhichcourtsocietywasformedanddevelopedinlowlandEnglandworkedmuchlesseffectivelyatagreaterdistancefromWestminster,alongratherlongbordersinterrain(highlands,woods,bogs)thatwasdifficulti.e.,moreexpensivetopacify.Theshiftinthenatureofaristocraticconductdependedontheirincorporationintocourtsociety,andthisrequiredtheirphysicalpresence,somethinghardertoachievethefurtherawayfromcourtonewaslocated(Canny1976:28).Thesuccessfulpacificationoftheborderlandsdependedpreciselyonlocalrulerswhowerebothmilitarilystrongintheirownright,andpossessedofthecapacitytoforgelocalallegiancesandcompromiseswiththenativepopulationtosecuretheircooperation(Cosgrove2001:132).Bothoftheseconstitutedcentrifugalforcesthatcontradictedthecentripetalrequirementsoftheformationofcourtsociety.AsMachiavelli(1961)observed,aPrincegoverningacountrydifferinginlanguage,customs,orlaws,ifhedoesnotresidetherehimself,hastorelyonlocalallies,butinsodoing,

    Hehastoseetoitthattheydonotgaintoomuchstrengthandauthority.Withhisownforcesandtheirsupport,hecanveryearlyreducethestrongerpowersandthenbecomearbiteroftheentireprovince.Anyrulerwhodoesnotsucceedindoingthiswillsoonlosewhathehaswon,orsolongashedoesmanagetoholdit,willhaveahostofdifficultiesandannoyances.(p.21)

    ThroughoutthehistoryofIrelandsrelationshipwiththeEnglishcrown,oneseesaconstanttoandandfroingbetweenthesetwoforcesinvestmentinimprovedmilitarydefenceoftheborderadministeredbyablelords,producingincreasedthreatstothecrownintheformofovermightysubjects(Ellis1999:168)alternatingwithconstraintsplacedonthestatusandpowerofthelocallords,reducingtheireffectivenessorencouragingthemtorelyonbruteforce,inturnincreasingthethreatstotheEnglishcrownseconomicandsecurityinterests.WalterRaleigh,forexample,couldonlyremainagoodcourtierbyrestrictinghisinvolvementtotheoccasionalmilitarycampaignandslaughterofcapturedcombatants,andmovingquicklyontotheNewWorld. Lawwasacrucialaspectofthisconfrontationbetweenthetwodifferentwaysofstructuringsocial,politicalandeconomiclife,andfromthethirteenthcenturyonwards,theextensionofthecommonlawtotheIrishhadbeenseenasanimportantaspectofpacifyingandcivilizingIreland(OtwayRuthven1950;Pawlisch1985:Muldoon2003:8191;).TheIrishwholivedamongtheEnglishorwhowishedtobecomeassimilatedemployedtheCommonlaw.TheBrehonlawmaintainedandsupportedthetribalwayoflifethattheEnglishwantedtodisplace(Pawlisch1985;Patterson1991).OneofthemoreimportantlegalconcernswasownershipandinheritanceoflandtheGaelicsystemofpartibleinheritanceandcommunalownershipwasinsharpconflictwithEnglishconceptionsofprivatepropertyandallthatthatmeantfortheircapacityinengageinstableandproductiveeconomicactivity.TheyalsosawtheGaelicpracticesoflandholdingasunderminingthedevelopmentofstableandproductiveeconomicactivity,theformationoftownsbasedonexpandingcommercialincorporationinbroadermarkets,andsoon.

  • Threefacesofcivilization:InthebeginningalltheworldwasIreland15

    TheGaeliclegalsystemwasinherentlyresistanttoaHobbesiancentralisationofsovereigntyBrehonsweremoreakintowhatwewouldtodaycallarbitratorsasopposedtomagistratesorjudges,andpracticesandprincipleswouldoftenvarysignificantlyfromoneregiontoanother.Wheretherewereconsistentpractices,theEnglishalsofoundthemillsuitedtowhattheyregardedasgoodorderandcivilityasystemoffinesforcapitalcrimestheyfoundaninadequatedeterrent,andtheeaseofmarriageanddivorcearecipeforongoingfeudingoverinheritanceandpoliticalcontrol(Gillingham1992:404).TheseandotherfeaturesofthelackoffitbetweenEnglishandGaelicwaysoflifeseriouslyunderminedtheEnglishstatescapacitytoallyitselfwiththeindigenoussocietyandculture,acentralelementofitsowndevelopmentandexpansion(Davies1993:12). InprincipledemilitarisationinvolvedboththeexerciseofviolenceandattemptstotransformthepsychologyoftheIrishpopulation,animportantpartofwhichwastheplacementofallconflictwithintheframeworkofEnglishlaw.Thediscipliningandpacificationofapopulationgenerallydrewontwodifferentstrategiesthewordandthesword,persuasionandcoercion(Bradshaw1978).InEnglandaparticularcombinationofthetwoworkedmoreorlesssuccessfully,butinIrelandtheswordbecametheEnglishstrategyofchoice.Geraldsrecommendationin1189wasFirsttamethem,thengovernthem;theIrishweretobeeitherdisabledordestroyed(citedinGillingham1995:27).DespitehavingsomereservationsaboutthebrutalityoftheAngloNormans,heendsupagreeingthatIrishrebelsshouldbekilledinordertoinspirefear,sothatasaresultoftheexamplewemakeofthemthislawlessandrebelliouspeoplemayshrinkfromengagingourforcesinfuture(inGillingham1995:27).PerhapsGeraldandtheEnglishgovernorswerepersuadedofMachiavellisobservationthatmenmustbeeitherpamperedorannihilated.Theyavengelightoffenses;theycannotavengesevereones;hence,theharmonedoestoamanoughttobesuchastoobviateanyfearofrevenge(p.20).ThesecondoptioncertainlybecamethedominantlogicoftheEnglishforcesoccupyingIrelanduptotheendoftheseventeenthcentury. ThepacificationoftheIrisharistocracywaspursuedinahighlymilitarisedandexceptionallyviolentway,reachingnewdepthsfromtheassertionofHenryVIIIskingshipofIrelandin1534.EnglishLordsDeputymadeliberalusageofmassacres,treacheryandatrocitiestosubduethenativepopulation,turningthewholeEnglishcivilizingmissionintoexactlythesortofenterprisethatsuggesttheneedtoputthewordcivilizationininvertedcommas(Carey1999:Edwards2007).Ratherthancapturingprisonerstoclaimaransom,theEnglish,beginningwithSirWilliamSkeffington(14651535),LordDeputy(15345),startedputtingthemalltodeath,evenlongafterhostilitieshadceased,notjustintheheatofbattle.ThephrasesthepardonofMaynoothandGreyspardoncametorepresenttreachery,theslaughterorexecutionofprisonerswhohadgiventhemselvesupinexchangeforthepromiseofpardon.ThisisparticularlystrikingbecausetheoverallhistoricaltrendintheconductofwarfareinEuropehadbeenintheoppositedirection,towardchivalryinthetreatmentofprisoners(Gillingham1993;1999),andGeraldscomplaintinthelatetwelfthcenturyabouttheIrishandtheWelshwaspreciselythatthey,incontrasttotheFrenchhabitofcapturingandransomingsoldiers,butcheranddecapitatethem.

  • 16ROBERTVANKRIEKEN

    OneofthewidelycitedexamplesoftheviolenceofEnglishstateterrorismisThomasChurchyardsaccountofthehabitofSirHumphreyGilbert(153783)tolinetheapproachtohistentwiththeheadsofrecentlykilledIrishrebels:

    Sothatnonecouldcomeintohistentforanycausebutcommonlyhemustpassthroughalaneofheadswhichheusedadterrorem,thedeadfeelingnothingthemorepainsthereby:andyetitdidbringgreatterrortothepeoplewhentheysawtheheadsoftheirdeadfathers,brothers,children,kinsfolkandfriends,lieonthegroundbeforetheirfaces,astheycametospeakwiththesaidcolonel.(citedinCanny1973:582)

    RobertWilliamssuggeststhatonewaytocaptureGilbertsstyleistoimagineGenghisKhansupplementedbythelessonsofMachiavellisPrince(1990:152). SirHenrySidney(152986)wasthefirsttoattemptasystematicrestructuringofpoliticalpowerinIreland(156571,15758),identifyingthenobilityandtheirdynastiesastheprincipalsourceofpoliticalinstability,andsetaboutdisarmingthemandreshapingIrishpoliticalstructures.TheIrisharistocracysplit,some(suchasLordOrmond)compromisedandbecamegood,pacifiedcourtiers,whileothersmaintainedtheirwarriorresistance,partlybecausethesavagerywithwhichEnglishsoldiersettlerspursuedtheirdispossessionofthenativeIrishasavagerywhichwastoalargeextentaresultofthedeeplyrootedconstructionoftheIrishasbarbaric,subhuman,andinneedofbreakingwhichappearedtolegitimiseintheEnglishcolonistsmindstheirextremeviolence.Itappearsthatthecourtisationofwarriors(Elias2000:46575),orthedemilitarizationofthenobilitytowhichCorriganandSayer(1985)refer,withinEnglishsocietywasaccompanied,perhapsevenenabled,bytheexistenceofIrelandasafieldfortheprojectionoftheviolencethatwasbeingrestrainedwithgreaterorlesserdegreesofsuccessinrelationtotheEnglishmonarchontoarecalcitrantIrishcolonialpopulation.Englishpacificationandcivilityweretoalargeextentinterdependentwiththecontinuationofwarriorviolence,atrocitiesandmassacresuntilatleasttheendoftheseventeenthcentury,alongsidetheruthlesseconomicexploitationwhichwastocontinuetotheendofthenineteenthcentury.ConclusionIrelandaslaboratoryofEmpireIshallconcludebyreturningtomysubtitle,InthebeginningalltheworldwasIreland.Asyouwillknow,thisisareferencetoJohnLockesobservationontheabsenceofmoneyintheNewWorld(1960:319),andisanattempttoconveyasenseofthenatureoftheprimalsocialorderfromwhichallcivilizedsocietyhadadvanced,andwhichallsocietiesshare,nomatterwhattheirsubsequenthistoricaltrajectory.Americaishowwealloncewere.JustasEuropeansadvancedbeyondthatbarbaricconditiontotheircurrentcivilizedstate,itisclearthattheNewWorldmustundergothesametransformationthisisoftenseenaslyingattheheartofthecolonialimagination. However,IrelandsexperiencesinthecontextofEnglishstateformationshowthatthehistoryofthecolonialimaginationdoesnotbeginin1492withColumbussarrivalinAmerica.Themodesofthinkingaboutcivilizationandbarbarismthatunderpinnedthe

  • Threefacesofcivilization:InthebeginningalltheworldwasIreland17

    colonizationoftheworldbeyondWesternEuropedidnotcommencewiththecontactwiththeAmerindiansintheNewWorld,butwiththeinitialperiodofselfconfidentexpansionofEuropeansocietiesintotheirfrontierregionsduringthetwelfthcenturyrenaissance(Quinn1947).TheconceptsusedtolegitimizethecolonialenterpriseinRoyalCharterstocolonizersfirsttookshapeinthepapalbullencouragingHenryIItotakepossessionofIreland.Before1641,observesJanetOhlmeyer,100,000peoplehadmigratedtoIrelandfromBritain(30,000Scots,therestWelshorEnglish);thecorrespondingnumbersofmigrantscrossingtheAtlanticwere:c.6,000settlersinMassachusettsby1636andc.8,000inVirginiaby1640(Ohlmeyer1998:139).ColonialadventurerslikeWalterRaleigh(15541618)andHumphreyGilbert(c.153983)cuttheirteethinIreland,experimentingtherewithsubduinganindigenouspopulationwithanaliencultureandthemechanicsofdisplacingthenativesbyestablishingplantationsofimported,alreadycivilizedanddisciplined,settlersbeforetheysetsailforthemorelucrativeNewWorld(Muldoon1993:912). Thepsychologyandpracticalitiesofcolonizationandtheresorttoviolenceasthemechanismbywhichcivilization,initsfirstface,istobeachievedwerealessonthatEnglishadministratorsthoughttheyhadlearnedinIreland(andWales&Scotland)from1169onwards,andwhichtheythenappliedintheNewWorldinthesixteenthcentury(Gillingham1992;Muldoon1993:152;Harding2005).AsMichaelHechterobserved,ThecaseofIrelandisanalmostidealtypicalexampleofacolonialsituation,anditprovidedEnglandwithpracticalexperiencebywhichtoevaluatelatercolonialpolicies(1975:73). Intheend,though,theovertattemptsatcivilizingoffensivesonEnglandsfrontiersprovedonlypartiallyeffectiveinbringingaboutthekindsoftransformationsthatwerealreadyinmotion,andtotheextentthattheydrewondecivilizingtechniquesofescalatingratherthanreducingviolence,theyactuallyslowedthosechangesdown(see,forexample,Tait,Edwards&Lenihan2007).Infact,thelocalaristocracywasrelativelyquicktoadapttothethirdfaceofcivilization,suchastherequirementsofurban,commercial,Europeanizedsociety,anddidnotinprinciplehaveverymanyobjectionstobecomingsubjectsoftheEnglishcrown.Whattheyobjectedtowasthewholesaleexpropriationoftheirlands(Davies1990:60),drivenontheEnglishsidebothbysheergreedandasensethattheGaelicIrishfailedtoextractnearlyenoughvaluefromtheirlandholdingsthetwoconcernsthatwouldalsolaterdrivethecolonizationoftheNewWorldandAustralasia. WhenoneexaminesthethreemajorelementsofwhatEliasunderstoodasthecivilizingprocess(1)ashiftinthebalancebetweenexternalandinternalconstrainttowardsthelatter,(2)atendencytowardsamorestableanddifferentiatedpatternofselfrestraint,and(3)increasingmutualidentificationacrossgroupboundariesitisclearthatthepeculiaritiesoftheEnglishstatesCelticfrontierproducedamuchmorecomplex,inmanyrespectsperverse,unfoldingofallthreetendenciesthanweareusedtoconsideringwhenwelookatEnglishstateformationinisolation.Totheextentthatmutualidentificationacrossracialorethnicboundaries,orbetweensettlercolonistsandindigenouspopulations,iseitherabsentorweak,theIrishexperienceisacomplexexampleofwhatAbramdeSwaan(2001)callsdyscivilizationapartialunfoldingofsomebutnotallpossibleaspectsofprocessesofthethirdfaceofcivilization,withtheIrishpeoplehavingbeensubjectedtoaprocessofpsychologicalandculturalcompartmentalizationpreciselywithintheprocessofforcingtheirpoliticalintegrationwithEnglandandEurope.

  • 18ROBERTVANKRIEKEN

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