8/14/2019 Thesis Updated 10-15-2002

1/112

Social, Economic and Symbolic Ties:An Analysis of Transnationalism In Mexican Communities

ByStephen J. Sills

A Thesis Presented in Partial Fulfillmentof the Requirements for the Degree

Master of Arts

8/14/2019 Thesis Updated 10-15-2002

2/112

ABSTRACT:

Mass migration flows result from structural causes such as international wagedifferentials, relative stability of employment in destination countries, relativedeprivation in sending countries and historical linkages between sending and receivingnations. Migration is equally a social phenomenon that affects individuals, families andwhole communities who build and maintain social webs or networks across greatphysical and political boundaries, and even generations. Regardless of the kind ofmigration flow, migrant communities in the destination country maintain real andsymbolic connections to their home countries, while simultaneously developing tiesthat bind them to the receiving country.This study proposes a twofold approach for analyzing these ties. First, by means ofsecondary data analysis, this study looks at reported social and economic ties ofMexican migrants to both sending and receiving contexts. The analyses establishpatterns of settlement, circulation and return in Mexican migration flows and

identifies several of the key variables that influence decisions of migrants in followingone of these migration strategies. After establishing these patterns and influences, andconfirming the existence of a dynamic community with constant trans-bordermovement, the study turns to an analysis of transnational social fields observed in thePhoenix area. Through a series of interviews with Mexican migrants in the Phoenixarea, there emerges an image of transnational kinship groups, transnational laborcircuits, and formation of a transnational community in which migrants have similar

social and economic ties, as well as shared symbolic ties to the homeland and hostcommunities.

8/14/2019 Thesis Updated 10-15-2002

3/112

TABLE OF CONTENTS

ABSTRACT............................................................................................................................................ 2

PART ONE INTRODUCTION........................................................................................................6

THEORETICAL VIEWPOINT FOR THE STUDY ..................................................................................... 6

TRANSNATIONALISM AND TRANSNATIONAL SOCIAL FIELDS.............................................................. 7

RECENT STUDIES OF TRANSNATIONAL FIELDS............................................................................... 10

IMPACT OF TRANSNATIONAL TIES ................................................................................................ . 20

OVERVIEW OF THE CURRENT STUDY ................................................................ ............................. 22

RESEARCH HYPOTHESES................................................................ ............................................... 23

PART TWO SETTLEMENT, CIRCULATION AND RETURN: AN ANALYSIS OF SOCIALAND ECONOMIC TIES .................................................................................................................... 25

INTRODUCTION AND APPROACH................................................................ ................................... 25

DATA AND METHODS...................................................................................................................26

DESCRIPTIVE ANALYSIS BACKGROUND CHARACTERISTICS ................................ ........................... 30

DESCRIPTIVE ANALYSIS SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC TIES ................................................................ . 34

REGRESSION ANALYSIS DURATION OF STAY................................ ................................ ................ 40

REGRESSION ANALYSIS CIRCULATION ................................................................ ......................... 46

REGRESSION ANALYSIS ACQUISITION OF LONG-TERM LEGAL STATUS................................ ........... 50

CONCLUSIONS ............................................................................................................................. 52

8/14/2019 Thesis Updated 10-15-2002

4/112

4Transnational Kinship Groups .....................................................................................................................................87

Transnational Circuits .................................................................................................................................................88Transnational Comm unities .........................................................................................................................................89Conclusions ..................................................................................................................................................................91

PART FOUR - SUMMARY AND IMPLICATIONS.......................................................................... 95

REFERENCES.................................................................................................................................... 98

APPENDIX A - TEXT OF FLYER .................................................................................................. 103

APPENDIX B - VERBAL CONSENT SCRIPT .............................................................................. 104

APPENDIX C - QUESTIONNAIRE ............................................................................................... 105

APPENDIX D - US AND MEXICO NETWORK TIES ................................................................... 11 0

8/14/2019 Thesis Updated 10-15-2002

5/112

8/14/2019 Thesis Updated 10-15-2002

6/112

PART ONE INTRODUCTION

Theoretical Viewpoint for the Study

Studies show that mass migration flows are set off as a result of structural causes such as

international wage differentials, relative stability of employment in destination countries, relative

deprivation in sending countries and historical linkages between sending and receiving nations

(respectively Todaro and Maruszko 1987; Stark and Bloom 1985; Stark et al. 1986, 1988; Portes and

Walton 1981, Petras 1981, Sassen 1988, and Morawska 1990, as cited in Massey et al. 1998). Yet,

structural explanations are not sufficient alone to explain the continued and growing global

population movements of today. Contemporary theories hold that migration is equally a social

phenomenon that affects individuals, families and whole communities who build and maintain social

webs or networks across great physical, political boundaries, and even generations (Massey 1987;

Massey et al.1993). Moreover, migration is not a fixed and immutable phenomenon, but one that

eventually goes through transformations resulting in entirely different forms and processes of

population movement (Massey et al.1993; Robert et al.1999). For instance, individuals who initially

8/14/2019 Thesis Updated 10-15-2002

7/112

7expansion of modern capitalistic markets into peripheral nations and continued migration to core

nations such as the United States.

Transnationalism and Transnational Social Fields

Much theoretical debate has occurred around the nature of transnationalism. While some

choose to discuss transnationalism as a unique and new social space, distinct from both sending and

receiving cultures, this study chooses to treat it as a midpoint between the culture of the homeland

and complete acculturation to the majority social group. In this social space created between the two

extremes we find both a mixing of cultural activities and the potential for a truly new social space.

Whether or not the genesis of this new social field occurs may depend upon the level of continued

migration, circulation between homeland and immigration countries, the nature of exit and

reception, and the preservation of culture in the future generations. Thus, cultural outcomes in the

context of reception have been treated as a continuum with transnationalism occurring somewhere

between the extremes of cultural isolation1 and complete assimilation and acculturation.

8/14/2019 Thesis Updated 10-15-2002

8/112

8For all their significance, early transnational economic and political enterprises were not

normative or even common among the vast majority of immigrants, nor were they undergirded by the thick web of regular instantaneous communication and easy personal travelthat we encounter today (Portes et al.1999).

The question then is - how has the migration process changed in recent years such that todays

migrants are no longer simply assimilated into the mainstream, or alternatively isolated from the

majority in small enclaves, but rather have options such as cultural pluralism (Gordon 1964, as

discussed in Alba and Nee 1997) and the development of hybrid transnational identities? This trend

has been explained as a result of the growing effects of globalization, including improved

accessibility to communication and transportation, as well as the increased scope and complexity of

networks of legal and illegal migration.

The concept of transnationalism combines historical concepts of cultural blends and hybrids

and includes elements such as biculturalism, bilingualism, reinforcement of national identity in the

exterior (i.e. trans-local solidarity), as well as social, political, and economic practices that are

transacted by migrants across national boundaries (Bamyeh 1993; Glick-Schiller et al.1995).

However, debate does exist within the community studying transnationalism as to its exact

8/14/2019 Thesis Updated 10-15-2002

9/112

9This definition implies the existence of a transnational field or milieu in which transnational

identities are shaped. Consistent with this characterization of transnationalism, Bryan R. Roberts et

al. operationalize the concept of border-spanning relationships in their study of Mexican migrants

communities in Austin, Texas (Roberts et al. 1999). They choose to define transnational

communities as groupings of immigrants who participate on a routine basis in a field of

relationships, practices, and norms that include both places of origin and places of destination

(Roberts et al. 1999). By defining a transnational community in terms of its activities, such as the

economic activities Portes describes, and interpersonal connections, Roberts et al. are able to apply

the concept of transnationalism to the study of migrant communities

Thomas Faist further differentiates between forms of transnationalism in his article

Transnationalization in international migration: implications for the study of citizenship and culture, by creating a

typology of transnational social spaces (Faist 2000b). Faist identifies three categories of social spaces

that transcend national boundaries: transnational kinship groups, transnational circuits and

transnational communities. Transnational kingship groups, he explains, rely on reciprocity and

familial responsibility to maintain ties to the home community. He includes among the activities for

8/14/2019 Thesis Updated 10-15-2002

10/112

10Transnational communities, on the other hand, are characterized by a collective solidarity in

which shared ideas, beliefs, evaluations and symbols are demonstrated in a common collective

identity. In the US context, this solidarity may take the form of what has alternately been called

resilient ethnicity, reactive formation and reactive ethnicity (Portes and Rumbaut 1990; Popkin

1999) as well as a mobilization of resources and individuals around abstract symbolic ties to the

home country such as nationalism, religion, and culture (Faist 2000b).

Thus, transnationalism and transnational social fields are one of the possible outcomes of

mass migration in which some form of social, economic or symbolic ties are maintained with the

homeland and where some kind of international circulation is present (either by individuals

themselves, stand-ins of some kind such as couriers, or virtual return through communication

technologies). As indicated, these transnational activities and identities may take the form of either

hybrids of home and destination practices (Glick-Schiller et al.1995) or the creation of an entirely

new practices and identities as a response to the receiving community (Popkin 1999; Nagengast and

Kearney 1990; Guarnizo 1997). Furthermore, the form, degree, strength, and frequency of contact

with the homeland may influence the manifestation of the individual migrant's transnational identity,

8/14/2019 Thesis Updated 10-15-2002

11/112

11political involvement (Guarnizo and Diaz 1999), transnational economic enterprises of

Salvadoran refugee groups in Los Angeles and Washington D.C. (Landolt et al. 1999), emergence of

transnational social spaces among Turks living in Germany (Faist 2000), social networks among

Salvadoran migrants in San Francisco (Menjivar 2000), Guatemalan Mayan church groups in Los

Angeles and connection to home villages via clergy (Popkin 1999) and transnational Mexican labor

migrants of rural and urban origin in Austin, Texas (Roberts et al. 1999). These studies endeavor to

define the theoretical concepts of transnationalism and transnational social spaces, detail the current

practices and activities of transnationals, and understand the macro-structural and micro-level

characteristics of migration flows that determine the reality of transnational fields.

In their study Transnational migration: a view from Colombia , Guarnizo and Diaz define

transnationalism as "a web of patterned and sustained migration-driven relations and activities that

transcend national borders and connect Colombians residing abroad with their localities of origin"

(Guarnizo and Diaz 1999). Their study is a general accounting of economic, political and socio-

cultural ties that bind Colombians with their country of origin. Data for their study came from sixty

structured and unstructured interviews with informants including: returned, visiting and prospective

8/14/2019 Thesis Updated 10-15-2002

12/112

12migrants that we call successful, experience a stronger cultural and l e g a l sense of

transnational identity and less successful migrants. In fact, during our fieldwork, weperceived that the former seemed more likely to be dual US-Colombian citizens and be less 'localized' than their less fortunate counterparts... Conversely, we perceived that those ofhumbler origins, the fluidity of their identity oscillated between the local (caleno, paisa), thenational (Columbian), and transnational (dual US Colombian citizen at most). Apparently,the better-off migrants tend to acquire, as it were, a global, less localized sense of identity,whereas the majority seemed to have a more localized, translocal sense of identity(Guarnizo and Diaz 1999).

Guarnizo and Diaz also note that migrants transnational activities depend not only on social capital,

but also on the context of reception. They observe differences in the degree and intensity of

transnational activities in New York and Los Angeles.

Guarnizo and Diaz detailed transnational practices that illustrate economic, political and

socio-cultural ties. They listed among economic transnational practices the high level of monetary

remittances from migrants in the United States, the lucrative network of the transnational drug

trade, and the practices of transnational entrepreneurs. They note that the most successful

transnational entrepreneurs were university educated, spoke English well, were lights skinned, and

from upper-middle and middle-class families, illustrating the importance of social and human capital.

8/14/2019 Thesis Updated 10-15-2002

13/112

13visiting relatives and friends during Columbia holidays, the small local radio and TV stations in

the United States owned by Columbia networks and the distribution of Colombian newspapers and

magazines in the United States.

In the article From H ermano Lejano to Hermano M ayor: the d ialectics of Salvadoran transnationalism,

Landolt, Autler and Baires maintain that the nature of exit and the unsympathetic reception in the

United States of Salvadoran refugees helped to determine the propensity, complexity and stability

of Salvadoran transnationalism (Landolt et al. 1999). In the case of El Salvador, they explain, circular

labor migration to neighboring countries has existed for more than a century. But, it is the

circumstances of the departure of almost twenty percent of the population during the civil war of

the 1980s and early 1990s that has given migrants "a deep sense of social obligation towards their

places of origin" (Landolt et al. 1999, see also Menjivar 2000). These refugees came to the United

States with the mentality of one day returning to their home country. Additionally, the xenophobic

social climate of the United States and ensuing legal and political battle with the government created

a sense of solidarity among Salvadoran migrants:

8/14/2019 Thesis Updated 10-15-2002

14/112

14migrant micro-enterprises, and transnational expansion enterprises.2 Circuit enterprises are

defined as both formal and informal couriers who circulate between the United States and El

Salvador carrying letters, cash, goods, and information. The informal v ia je ros rely on social networks

and informal agreements with their customers, while more formal organizations such as Gigante

Express are primarily known as remittance agencies and shipping services.3 Cultural enterprises on

the other hand promote national identity among Salvadorans by providing content and information

from the home country. "Cultural enterprises include both ventures the producer distributes

Salvadoran mass media such as newspapers, radio and TV programming, and businesses that

producer distributes Salvadoran beverages and comestibles" (Landolt et al. 1999). While providing

cultural content, many of the mass media venues also provide a stage for political factions with

interests in migrants abroad. Ethnic enterprises include primarily small businesses that act as

middlemen in ethnic neighborhoods within the United States. This classification includes

convenience stores, restaurants, small retail shops, mechanics and street vendors. These businesses

rely on a supply of imports from El Salvador to remain economically viable. Returned migrant

micro-enterprises on the other hand are businesses located in El Salvador that offer goods in

8/14/2019 Thesis Updated 10-15-2002

15/112

15able to take advantage of immigrant settlements in the United States because of their strong

cultural and social bonds El Salvador. The practice of what the authors call "targeted globalization"

(Landolt et al. 1999).

In the case of Salvadorans transnationalism, however, the authors discuss not only an

erosion of social boundaries brought about by increase contact between two cultures, such as with

other transnational fields, but also a dialectical process between displaced migrants and social elite.

Landolt et al. examine how the economic enterprises lead to subsequent political undertakings of

transnational entrepreneurs who challenge the established lites and create a discourse that further

shapes the nature of a transnational Salvadoran identity:

Salvadoran migrants' transnational practices quickly extended beyond the bounds of thehousehold. As transnational economic enterprises and political projects blossomed, theyelicited more focused and strategic responses from institutions and power holders in ElSalvador. In effect, the case of Salvadoran transnationalism suggests that transnationalengagements of grassroots and lites has cumulative transformatory effects because eachexchange and interaction appears to sharpen the transnational acumen for dialogue,

competition, collaboration, and co-optation of all the players (Landolt et al. 1999).

In his article, Guatemalan Mayan migration to Los Angeles: constructing transnational linkages in the

8/14/2019 Thesis Updated 10-15-2002

16/112

16In the case of Kanjobal Mayan migrants in Los Angeles, linkages are maintained through

the Mayan Catholic Church4, traditional Guatemalan musical groups, an all-Mayan soccer league, as

well as transnational governmental organizations such as the Guatemalan Unity Information Agency

(Popkin 1999). Popkin's study implies that there is little need, once the migrant community has

reached a critical mass, for physical movement of migrants between home community and host

community. Consequently, the importance of continued physical movement of migrants between

countries as well as the impact of circular migrants on the development of a transnational identity in

future generations of the settled community need to be further explored. He explains:

As the Kanjobal migrants increasingly settle in Los Angeles, they cope with extensivediscrimination by linking with the growing Pan-Mayan movement and by maintainingconnections with their familial households and among. This process generates a response byactors affiliated with the Guatemalan state and church and outcome consistent withSalvadoran case examined by Landolt and associates [1999]. Engaging in dialogue with theconsult and AFG [Guatemalan Unity Information Agency] to an interesting extensively withthe church in Santa Eulalia [Guatemala], though Kanjobal migrant organizations have moreaccess to Guatemalan state and home country institutions in individual members enjoyed

prior to migration. This finding suggests that limits to physical mobility of migrants due tothe receiving state immigration policies do not necessarily preclude the establishment ofmigrant linkages with home country (Popkin 1999).

8/14/2019 Thesis Updated 10-15-2002

17/112

171999). In reaction to these pressures members of the community have organized to promote the

culture, language, and social causes of Kanjobal Mayans and to strengthen ties to the home

community.

In another study, Transnational migrant communities and Mexican migration to the US, Roberts,

Frank and Lozano-Ascencio explain that macro-structural changes in patterns of migration systems,

as well as the individual characteristics of today's migrants, have created a new dynamic in

transnational fields. After giving a historic account of Mexican - US migration sense the early 1900s,

the authors determine that there are three general patterns of migration flows to the United States: a

temporary migratory system, permanent settlement patterns, and a growing transnational system.5

They do, however, explain that these three systems are interconnected:

The three systems and migration operate simultaneously to shape Mexico-US migration andare by no means mutually exclusive. They are likely to be associated with differences inmigrant characteristics... The differences in human and social capital result in disparate ratesof access to opportunities in the sending and receiving labor markets, which is reflected in

different patterns of migration, such as those embodied in temporary, permanent, ortransnational migration systems (Roberts et al. 1999).

The temporary migration system, also known as circular labor migration, is based on the

8/14/2019 Thesis Updated 10-15-2002

18/112

18Permanent migration systems also rely on the lack of opportunities in the home country

and are a cumulative result (see "cumulative causation" in Massey 1987) of previous migration flows.

Roberts et al. explain, "scarcity of jobs and declines in real income for the rural population and for

the poorest 40 percent of the urban population make it increasingly difficult to find a stable

subsistence base in either countryside or city" (Roberts et al. 1999). Additionally, they make clear

that recent increases in border enforcement have also resulted in less circulation, and more

permanent settlement as undocumented migrants find the relative risks and costs associated with

border crossing are too high to justify frequent return trips.

Transnational migratory systems are explained as the result of the "return pull of sending

communities and retaining power of receiving communities" (Roberts et al. 1999). Theauthors explain that this system is dependent on social and economic ties betweenindividuals in the place of origin and destination. Differences exist in the form and degree oftransnational activities based on characteristics of the individual migrants such as social andhuman capital, gender, and the nature of sending receiving communities. Yet, they attributethe growth of these activities to "the ease of communication between Mexico in the US, witha large and relatively permeable land border, good road, rail and air connections, andrelatively inexpensive and extensive telecommunication links" (Roberts et al. 1999).

After demonstrating the existence of these three systems, which operate simultaneously in

8/14/2019 Thesis Updated 10-15-2002

19/112

19communities, their activities and identities are based on a single community, that of the

border (Roberts et al. 1999).

Consistent with the other studies listed here, they find both small and large-scale

transnational entrepreneurial activities, community-based transnational linkages (especially among

rule migrants and centered on church activities), and growing transnational political involvement.

They find among rural migrants a stronger sense of identity and community:

San Gregorians travel back to Mexico frequently, particularly at the end of the year toparticipate in the Feria Anual. This persistent contact with their town of origin is based onfactors such as family commitments, continuing interest in property there, and the possibilityof eventual return. There economic and social marginality in Austin reinforces the groupidentity... The strong linkages among people in San Gregorio's community contrast with the

week ties among Mexico City migrants. People from San Gregorio are a homogeneousgroup in terms of their levels education and types of jobs in Mexico and in the United States.In contrast, migration for Mexico City is heterogeneous in terms of social class, educationand labor skills, and internal and international migration experience (Roberts et al. 1999).

A further aspect of migration that must be understood in the discussion of transnationalism

is the migrant's orientation toward the homeland and propensity for eventual return. In a 1997

report for the California Public Policy Institute, Belinda Reyes analyzed data provided by the

8/14/2019 Thesis Updated 10-15-2002

20/112

20departure and eventual (intended) return, immigrants to the United States are faced with the

complex social negotiations of determining what it is to be the newcomer in an already multicultural

and multiethnic country.7

Impact of Transnational Ties

Transnational ties have a significant impact on the home community and the receiving

locale. The economic ties to the homeland through remittances and savings of labor migrants in the

United States have provided capital to bolster the economies of farming villages, allowed migrant

families to invest in land or businesses, and afforded relatives the opportunity to join family

members in the United States (Massey 1987; Massey et al. 1994; Guarnizo and Diaz 1999; Landolt et

al. 1999; Portes 1999). The economic and political power of the transnational populations in the

United States has had significant influence on the homeland at the state level as well (Guarnizo and

Diaz 1999). In an effort to maintain the strength of ties to the homeland, on March 20, 1998 Mexico

granted dual citizenship to its expatriate community, thus allowing them the rights of owning

property, traveling back and forth between Mexico and the United States, and voting in national

8/14/2019 Thesis Updated 10-15-2002

21/112

21international professional organizations (Swinbanks 1995). These examples illustrate the

legitimated status of the expatriate in the homeland.

Similarly, transnational communities have provided migrants and their children born in the

United States a sense of identity, collective solidarity, and socio-economic mobility while promoting

integration into the society of the United States (Landolt et al.1999; Portes 1999). As Roberts et al.

explain:

Minimally, a transnational field provides immigrants with opportunities and perspectives thatare alternatives to committing themselves exclusively either to the new society or to the old.Even those relatively settled in United States retain active ties with their communities andmargin to sending remittances back, returning for celebrations, and helping fellow-terms

people to migrate (Roberts et al. 1999).

As this review of recent studies of transnational fields makes clear, several issues must be

considered in future studies of transnationalism. Various categories of transnational economic, social

and political activities and practices have been established as well as the growing influences of

transnational communities abroad on political and social institutions in the homeland. In the study

by Landolt et al., as well as in the piece by Eric Popkin, the progression of a dialogue between

8/14/2019 Thesis Updated 10-15-2002

22/112

22the sending community may be influential in determining the strength of ties among migrants and

to their homeland. Roberts et al. also establish the distinctive nature of the border area as a

geographic region of strong economic and social transborder ties. Finally, transnationalism has been

shown to have implications and influences in both the emigration and immigration countries as it

forces governments to deal with the concept of legal and de facto dual-citizenship, political and

economic influence of transnationals and the two-way traffic of human talent and economic capital.

Overview of the Current Study

Inherent in transnational social fields is a detachment from the spatially bound ties of

nationalism and an increased importance of the maintenance of social, economic and symbolic ties

across national boundaries. This study proposes a twofold approach for analyzing these ties. First,

by means of secondary data analysis using conventional statistical regression techniques, this study

looks at reported social and economic ties of Mexican migrants to both sending and receiving

contexts. The analyses establish patterns of settlement, circulation and return in Mexican migration

8/14/2019 Thesis Updated 10-15-2002

23/112

23the perception of a common identity, bind migrants to communities on both sides of the border

and to each other as the form a hybrid culture with elements from the United States and Mexico.

Research Hypotheses

Table 1 demonstrates the principal hypotheses that are used in forming the models explored

in the analyses of settlement, circulation and return in part two. First, migrants with weak social and

economic ties to Mexico and strong social and economic ties in the United States are expected to

have longer duration of stay and highest probability of acquiring long-term legal status (H1).

According to the second proposition, migrants with both strong or medium social and economic

ties to Mexico and strong or medium social and economic ties to the United States will have greater

rates of circulation between countries (H2). Finally, return is gauged as the inverse of hypothesis 1:

Migrants with strong social and economic ties to Mexico and weak social and economic ties to the

Table 1- Social And Economic Ties

Mexico US Outcome

Low High SettlementHigh/Mid. High/Mid. Circulation

8/14/2019 Thesis Updated 10-15-2002

24/112

24observed in interviews with individual cases of migrants who demonstrate varying degrees of

social, economic and, most importantly, symbolic ties with Mexico and the United States. Table 2

demonstrates the hypothesis that migrants with relatively weak symbolic ties to Mexico and strong

symbolic ties in the United States will have higher propensity for acculturation and social integration

(H4), while migrants with strong symbolic ties to Mexico and weak symbolic ties to the United States

will have more formulated plans of return and least integration into majority culture (H5).

Correspondingly, migrants with both strong/medium symbolic ties to Mexico and strong/

Table 2- Symbolic Ties in Context of Destination

Mexico US Outcome

Low High AcculturationHigh Low IsolationHigh/Mid. High/Mid. Transnationalism

medium symbolic ties to the United States will have dual modes of social interaction (dependent on

setting), higher rates of bilingualism, social integration into both dominant culture and enc lave (or

homeland) culture (H6).

8/14/2019 Thesis Updated 10-15-2002

25/112

25PART TWO SETTLEMENT, CIRCULATION AND RETURN: AN ANALYSIS OF

SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC TIES

Introduction and Approach

Transnational ties have a significant impact on the home community and the receiving

locale. Economic ties such as remittances and entrepreneurial activities influence the dialectical

process between transnationals abroad and the emigration country. Moreover, as the economic and

political power of the transnational populations in the United States has increased in recent years, a

significant influence on the homeland and the on debate about the nature of citizenship, nationality

and collective identity has resulted.

Contemporary studies hold that migrants are individual actors embedded within social

networks and the macro-structural context of international migration flows (Faist 2000a; Massey et

al 1998; Portes 1997). Their decisions to permanently or semi-permanently migrate (settle), circulate

between countries, and the potentiality for return migration are influenced by the strength of their

8/14/2019 Thesis Updated 10-15-2002

26/112

26For these reason, this analysis has made use of recent data on Mexican migration that

looks at individual migrants within the context of the family and social network. By observing the

strength ofreal social and economic transnational ties that bind individual Mexican migrants to their

homeland and to the United States, it may be determined which migrants have a higher propensity

for settlement, circulation, or return. The varying degrees of socia l and economic commitment to

Mexico and the definite pragmatic links to the United States, such as relatively higher paying jobs,

better living conditions and the presence of family and friends, are found to be impacted by

intervening variables such as English ability, educational attainment, and documentation status.

Thus, these variables are considered also as this study attempts to better understand the factors that

influence the transnational migrant networks and the choice to either settle, circulate or return.

As one of the overall goals of this study is to establish the relative importance of various

social ties as factors which influence the development of transnational social spaces as they occur

somewhere between settlement and potential return, it is vital to establish their importance first in

the broader migration flows between Mexico and the United States. By determining which ties are of

most relative importance in determining the migration outcomes, analysis of subsequent qualitative

8/14/2019 Thesis Updated 10-15-2002

27/112

27western Mexico [Figure 1] and key receiving locations in United States. During its 18-year history,

the MMP has randomly surveyed over 7,000 households in Mexico and an additional 500

households in the United States in non-random "snowball" samples of 10 to 20 out-migrants from

each sending community. Surveys in Mexico are conducted in the December and January to

capitalize on migrants returning for the holidays. US surveys are completed the following summer

in the months of July and August (Mexican Migration Project 1999). Semi -structured interviews are

carried out to gather demographic information on family members in a given household and to

record migration experiences for each of the family members. Aggregate data on household

characteristics including properties, businesses, livestock, and land owned by the families are

collected in a database of household information (HOUSFILE). Life histories for all household

heads are collected during these interviews. Information on border crossing, social ties in US, and

other characteristics of the individual' s migration experience are used to compile a data file of

individuals with

8/14/2019 Thesis Updated 10-15-2002

28/112

28Figure 1- Sending Communities in Western Mexico

migration experience (MIGFILE). Interviews with local informants are used as a means of validating

information provided in surveys and additional files on community, regional and national

characteristics for use in community level analyses are assembled in supplemental files (Mexican

Migration Project 1999).

8/14/2019 Thesis Updated 10-15-2002

29/112

29As Belinda Reyes points out in her secondary analysis using this dataset, "the snowball sampling

techniques used to gather information about immigrants in the United States may systematically

under sample people with little connection to the origin location or people living in nontraditional

locations in the United States" (Reyes 1997).

Initially, bivariate and descriptive statistics were generated to analyze the nature of the

sample and examine the correlations between independent and dependent variables. Subsequent

analysis, using multivariate linear and logistic regression techniques to control for the effects of age,

education, and documentation status, were performed on variables that define the economic

commitment of the migrants to family in Mexico as well as economic and social ties to the receiving

context. Dependent variables used as indicators of possible outcomes included number of trips as a

means of determining circulation and acquisition of legal status and duration of stay to determine

settlement.

As previously detailed in part one [Table 1] the principal hypotheses used in forming the

regression models for this analysis were:

8/14/2019 Thesis Updated 10-15-2002

30/112

30H3: Migrants with strong social and economic ties to Mexico and weak social and

economic ties to the United States will have shorter duration of stay and lowest probability

of acquiring long-term legal status.

Descriptive Analysis Background Characteristics

Variables for this analysis were selected after careful consideration of the various theories of

international migration and a descriptive analysis of variables available in the MMP data files. Central

to the selection were the Network Theory of Migration (Massey et al 1987, 1993, 1994, 1998) and

The New Economics of Migration (Stark and Bloom 1985; Stark 1988, 1989). Both of these theories

recognize the micro and macro influences on the individual migrants decision to move and situate

the individual within a broader web of family, community and even national ties. Both theories also

recognize (to varying degrees) the agency of the individual in the decision making process, but

emphasize the influence of meso-level factors that direct the individual actor to migrate

permanently, circulate, return or even not to migrate.

Characteristics of individual migrants that have been identified as having influence on

8/14/2019 Thesis Updated 10-15-2002

31/112

31Figure 3 - Age at Time of First Trip to the U.S.

within the family, relative socio-economic status and access to social and real capital that facilitate

the move. As previously mentioned, this dataset is comprised mostly of male head of households.

For this reason, the sex of the migrant and role in the household were omitted as control variables.

Age of the migrant also becomes problematic as many migrants have returned to settle in Mexico

8/14/2019 Thesis Updated 10-15-2002

32/112

32(one through six years); junior high (seven through nine years); high school (ten through twelve

years); and some college (any above thirteen years of education). The majority (62.2%) of

respondents in this data file had between one and six years of education (overall mean = 4.6 years).

Education was also seen to be negatively correlated with age (Pearson's R of-.406 p

8/14/2019 Thesis Updated 10-15-2002

33/112

33dynamic process of learning a language occurs over time spent in the destination country.

For this reason, English ability is included in the full model, but omitted in a parallel

regression (Model 2 in the multivariate analyses to follow) so that the effects of this variable may be

observed. Additionally, English was found to be highly correlated with years of education (Pearsons

R of .416 p

8/14/2019 Thesis Updated 10-15-2002

34/112

34However, as SAW granted legal status to previously undocumented workers in 1986, the

relationship between these legal categories and the outcome variables are found to be quite distinct.

In fact, whereas Bracero is negatively correlated with the duration of stay (Pearsons R of -.199

p

8/14/2019 Thesis Updated 10-15-2002

35/112

35Mexico; migrant had US bank account; US monthly wage; monthly Rent in US; spouse of migrant

on trip to US; kids on trip; total of all relatives in US; number of friends from Mexico in US; migrant

membership in formal social groups; diversity of non-familial social ties in US.

Strong family ties in Mexico may indicate forces that pull the migrant home and also press

the migrant to go abroad so as to maximize excepted [family] income, but also to minimize risks

and to loosen constraints associated with various kinds of market failures (Stark 1991, as

paraphrased by Massey et al. 1998). Measurement of the strength of these family ties becomes

difficult with the dataset at hand.9 Thus, family owned property, vehicles and businesses along with

remittances from the United States must act as proxies for these attachments. The rationale is that

migrants with economic and social obligations in Mexico will remit more money and be more likely

to return migrate or circulate if they, or their family, own real property in the home community.10 At

the same time, the maintenance of this property, as well as the acquisition of new properties

relative to other households, may increase the total duration of stay in the country of destination

(Stark 1991, in Massey et al. 1998). Descriptive statistics for each of these variables are provided in

Table 5. In addition, the following bar chart [Figure 4] also provides some understanding of the

8/14/2019 Thesis Updated 10-15-2002

36/112

36Table 5 - Descriptive Statistics for Control Variables

Variable Mean Std.Deviation

Sum of all family owned land, lots, buildings in Mexico 1.13 .99Sum of family owned vehicles in Mexico .69 .95Sum of family owned businesses in Mexico .45 .75Monthly Remittance to Mexico in dollars 169 275Migrant had US bank account .15 .35Average monthly income in US in dollars 995 985Monthly Rent in US in dollars 146 254

Spouse of migrant on trip to US .18 .39Kids on trip .27 .41Number of all family members in US 3.78 4.23Number of friends (from Mex.) in US 6.74 13.77Migrant mem bership in formal social groups in US .16 .42Diversity of (non-familial) social ties in US 1.55 1.45

Economic ties to the host community were measured by the establishment of a bank

account in the United States, average monthly wage in the United States, and the monthly rent while

living in the United States. Only 15.3% of the sample reported having established a US based bank

account. However, as the above crosstabulation [Table 6] shows, long-term legal migrants had

higher frequencies of establishing a bank account than short-term and undocumented migrants.

Monthly wages (computed from reported hourly wage on last/current trip times reported number of

8/14/2019 Thesis Updated 10-15-2002

37/112

37Figure 4 - Remittance as a Percentage of Income

28

36

17

712

0

510

15

20

25

30

35

40

No Remit Less than 25% 25 to 50% 50 to 75% More than 75%

Finally, US based social ties and the diversity of those ties were measured using variables

8/14/2019 Thesis Updated 10-15-2002

38/112

38

20.4% of migrants were accompanied by their spouses

27.5% had one or more children in the United States

24.4% had no family members while 65.6% had one to ten family members in the

United States

51.5% did not have friends from Mexico, 42.2% had one to twenty friends.

11.3% belonged to formal social groups, clubs, or organizations.

13.8% had Chicano, Black, Anglo and other (non-Mexican) Latino friends.

Table 6 - Crosstabulation of U.S. Bank Account by Documentation

US Account Perm.

ResidentUndoc. B rac ero Tourist US

Citizen Amnesty SAW Total

Yes 41.2% 8.6% .2% 13.6% 50.0% 40.0% 19.2% 15.3%No 58.8% 91.4% 99.8% 86.4% 50.0% 60.0% 80.8% 84.7%% of Total 14.2% 56.8% 10.8% 5.5% .9% 5.1% 6.7% 100.0%

8/14/2019 Thesis Updated 10-15-2002

39/112

39Table 7 - OLS Regression Predicting Duration of Stay

Model 1 Model 2 Model 3

Constant 27.632 *** 11.613 *** 11.155 ** *

Background Measures:Interview takes place in US (N= 677) 61.447 *** 35.911 *** 29.042 ** *

Age at time of interview centered on the mean 2.548 *** 2.432 *** 2.499 ** *

Age of first trip to US centered on the mean -2.365 *** -2.430 *** -2.270 ** *

Understand some English 29.679 *** --- 22.615 ** *

Understand English Well 44.935 *** --- 32.207 ** *

Speaks some English 45.568 *** --- 29.247 ** *

Speaks English Well 87.733 *** --- 49.131 ** *

Elementary education 10.068 ** 10.922 ** 8.042 *

Junior High education -1.815 3.140 -4.133

High School education -11.762 * -6.519 -16.117 **

Above high school education -19.702 ** -14.629 * -23.450 ** *

Tourist -1.597 -1.641 -4.673

Contract/Bracero -61.906 *** -52.164 *** -50.175 ** *

SAW Agricultural workers program 25.653 *** 22.286 *** 18.208 ** *

Amnesty 52.113 *** 48.967 *** 43.218 ** *

Permanent resident 74.181 *** 64.093 *** 58.799 ** *

Citizen 109.210 *** 112.142 *** 104.544 ** *

Mexico Ties:

Sum of all family owned land, lots, buildings in Mexico --- 2.216 1.938

Sum of family owned vehicles in Mexico --- -.171 -.806

Sum of family owned businesses in Mexico --- -2.974 * -3.389 **

8/14/2019 Thesis Updated 10-15-2002

40/112

40Regression Analysis Duration of Stay

Table 7 shows ordinary least squares regression explaining the variance in the population for

the variable - duration of stay (USEXP), the total number of months of all trips combined. Age at

time of interview and age of first trip have been centered on the mean to allow for a more

interpretable constant. As previously indicated categorical variables have been recoded into dummy

variables to clarify the effects of each level of English ability, education, and documentation status as

well as having bank account, spouse on trip, or children on trip. The reference group, is

undocumented migrants, with no education, and no English ability, had no bank account in the

United States, who were interviewed in Mexico and either have no spouse or children or whose

spouse and children stayed in Mexico. In other words, those with the fewest ties to the United States

and the lowest socio-economic indicators.

Model 1 establishes a baseline by including only the control variables for place of interview,

age at time of interview, age at first trip to the United States, English ability, educational attainment,

and documentation status. This model alone is quite strong in explaining the variance in the

population (R2=.596 p

8/14/2019 Thesis Updated 10-15-2002

41/112

41Migrants who came later than 25.5 years (mean age of first trip), stayed for shorte r total durations,

thus canceling the effect of an elevated age at time of interview.

English ability has a significant and powerful effect (second only to documentation status)

on the total number of months the migrant stays in the United States. As the literature suggests, one

of the first steps to economic assimilation and successful transnational entrepreneurial activity is the

ability to speak English. However, as previously mentioned causal order is difficult to establish in

this relationship. Thus, for purposes of comparison, English ability has been omitted in Model 2.

Documentation status is the most important variable in determining length of stay.

Tightening restrictions on employers and hostile social environment toward undocumented workers,

including some legal migrants toward their undocumented co-nationals, has provided greater

rewards for those with legal status and thus longer stays in the United States. It must be noted that

those migrants who, on their last trip to the United States were on the Bracero program were found

to stay far less total time in United States. Though documented, the legal restriction of their visa

limited the amount of time spent here. Also of importance is the fact that many Bracero workers

later returned to the United States under other documentation status or as undocumented migrants

8/14/2019 Thesis Updated 10-15-2002

42/112

42Model 2 is also very robust (R2=.635 p

8/14/2019 Thesis Updated 10-15-2002

43/112

43importance too is the effect of monthly wage on the duration of stay. All else being equal, it is

predicted that the migrant stay an additional month for every one hundred dollars earned monthly.

While Mexican economic ties were found to have only a marginal overall effect in Model 2 (R2

change for block =.014, p

8/14/2019 Thesis Updated 10-15-2002

44/112

44regardless of language ability the reward for educational attainment is not present in the United

States for the Mexican migrant, as human capital is not easily transferred.

The influence of US economic and social ties were also somewhat mitigated by the addition

of English ability. Of particular interest is the slight shift (-4.5 months) in the effect that having a US

bank account has on duration of stay, indicating that English ability accounts for some of the power

of this variable. Similarly, diversity of non-familial ties, as measured by associations with other non-

Mexican ethnic groups, is diminished by inclusion of English ability. Thus, strength of social and

economic ties become slightly less important, though still significant, in determining length of stay as

English ability explains some of the variation in length of stay.

The results show that while economic ties to the homeland lengthen the period of time

abroad, these effects are overshadowed by economic and social ties to the receiving context. Most

important is the symbolic commitment toward settlement by having opened a bank account and

having been accompanied by spouse or children to the United States. These results tend to support

the hypothesis that strong ties to the United States lengthen the time spent abroad and, perhaps,

indicate a propensity to settle. On the other hand, variables that demonstrate social ties to Mexico

8/14/2019 Thesis Updated 10-15-2002

45/112

45Table 8 - OLS Regression Predicting Number of Trips

Model 1 Model 2 Model 3

Constant 3.241 *** 2.608 *** 2.415 ** *

Background Measures:Interview takes place in US -2.812 *** -2.884 *** -3.111 ** *

Age at time of interview centered on the mean .119 *** .113 *** .118 ** *

Age of first trip to US centered on the mean -.153 *** -.153 *** -.149 ** *

Understand some English 1.319 *** --- 1.195 ** *

Understand English Well 1.394 *** --- 1.178 **

Speaks some English 1.637 *** --- 1.453 ** *

Speaks English Well .274 --- .116

Elementary education .462 .467 .341

Junior High education -.432 -.246 -.458

High School education -1.180 * -1.136 * -1.170 **

Above high school education -1.451 ** -1.221 ** -1.334 **

Tourist .697 .478 .366

Contract/Bracero -2.569 *** -2.310 *** -2.174 ** *

SAW Agricultural workers program 5.697 *** 5.475 *** 5.203 ** *

Amnesty 5.312 *** 5.132 *** 4.912 ** *

Permanent resident 5.444 *** 4.989 *** 4.844 ** *

Citizen 1.289 .927 1.066

Mexico Ties:

Sum of all family owned land, lots, buildings in Mexico --- .181 .195 *

Sum of family owned vehicles in Mexico --- .197 .179

Sum of family owned businesses in Mexico --- -.105 -.096

8/14/2019 Thesis Updated 10-15-2002

46/112

46Regression Analysis Circulation

Analysis of circulation between Mexico and US [Table 8] utilizes the same ordinary least

squares regression models described above. The full model, though explaining 35.9% of the variance

in the population (p

8/14/2019 Thesis Updated 10-15-2002

47/112

47Interestingly, English ability (models 1 and 3) has a relatively constant effect on the

number of circulations except for those who are highly proficient in English. This indicates that

those with average English ability, relative to other migrants in the dataset, are more likely to

circulate than those with no English ability. Likewise, those with higher relative proficiencies are

better able to find permanent employment and are more likely to be citizens in the United States.

However, it can only be surmised that it is a very small group or that the number of circulations is so

close to that of the omitted group so as not to be significantly different.

There is a negative relationship between education and total number of trips. In all three

models, increased education results in fewer trips. Those with more than a high school education are

estimated to circulate once less than those with no education, all else being the equal. An

explanation may be the same as that with duration of stay: migrants with a higher than average

education will stay for shorter periods and then return migrate to Mexico where their education will

have a greater relative recompense than in the United States.

Documentation status, again, is the strongest variable in the regression. Unlike duration of

stay, those with special agricultural worker status, amnesty and permanent residence as having the

8/14/2019 Thesis Updated 10-15-2002

48/112

48It appears that, in the current environment and with this particular dataset, social and

economic ties to Mexico and the United States have far less of an influence on circulation than the

control variables (overall R2 change from model 1 to model 3 = .023, p

8/14/2019 Thesis Updated 10-15-2002

49/112

49Table 9 - Logistic Regression of Acquisition of Long-term Legal Status

Model 1 Model 2

Constant -2.906 *** -3.030 ** *

Background Measures:

Interview takes place in US .498 *** .259

Age at time of interview centered on the mean .014 *** .019 ** *

Age of first trip to US centered on the mean -.046 *** -.041 ** *

Understand some English --- .901 ** *

Understand English Well --- .711 ** *

Speaks some English --- 1.372 ** *

Speaks English Well --- 1.319 ***

Elementary education .392 * .268

Junior High education .009 -.224

High School education .403 .190

Above high school education .234 -.044

Mexico Ties:Sum of all family owned land, lots, buildings in Mexico .097 .089

Sum of family owned vehicles in Mexico .180 ** .153 *

Sum of family owned businesses in Mexico -.210 ** -.223 ** *

Monthly remit reported in $100 .084 *** .073 ** *

US Ties:Migrant had US bank account .478 *** .349 *

US Monthly wage reported in $100 .056 *** .049 ***

Monthly Rent in US reported in $100 -.033 -.035

8/14/2019 Thesis Updated 10-15-2002

50/112

50Regression Analysis Acquisition of Long-term Legal Status

Acquisition of long-term legal status (LLS) signifies an intention to settle permanently or

semi-permanently in the United States and supports hypothesis one (high US ties result in

circulation or settlement) as well as hypothesis three (high Mexican ties result in circulation or

return). This outcome variable was produced by collapsing citizen, permanent resident, amnesty and

special agricultural worker status (another designation of amnesty) into long-term legal status. At the

same time, undocumented, Bracero and tourist were consolidated into non long-term legal status.

Analysis was then made using binary logistic regression to estimate the probabilities of acquiring

long-term legal status [Table 9].

Model 1 shows the effects of age, education, Mexican economic ties, US economic ties and

US social ties on the probability of acquiring LLS. This model predicts 78.7% of cases, representing

an improvement of 5.3% over the dependent variable marginal (an overall increase of 20% of the

maximum possible improvement). Model 2 adds the control of English ability, affecting the power

and influence of economic and social ties to the United States and Mexico. Model 2 is able to predict

79.4% of cases and represents a gain of 6.0% over the dependent variable marginal, or an additional

8/14/2019 Thesis Updated 10-15-2002

51/112

51variable is found to be statistically insignificant (model 2). As these variables are highly correlated,

establishing causal order is problematic.

Age follows the same pattern established in the previous ordinary least squares regressions.

Respondents who were older at the time of interview were more likely to have acquired LLS: an

increase of 1.9% for each year above the mean. Similarly, being older on the first trip decreases the

odds of attaining long-term legal status. For every year above the mean age at first migration, the

respondent is estimated to have a decrease in the probability of having established LLS by 4.1%.

English ability has the greatest correspondence to predicting the attainment of long-term

legal documentation. Simply understanding some English increases odds of LLS acquisition by

almost 146%. Likewise, being highly proficient in English increases those odds by 274%

demonstrating the importance of English ability in being able to negotiate the legal and social

barriers to gaining legal status.

Of the measures indicating social and economic ties, the most significant are having family

owned business in Mexico, having a US bank account, and being accompanied by children in the

United States A family owned business has the consequence of drawing the migrant back to the

8/14/2019 Thesis Updated 10-15-2002

52/112

52Conclusions

The results of descriptive, ordinary least squares and logistic regression analyses of this

dataset have supported the primary hypotheses that strong social and economic ties to the United

States will result in longer duration of stay and increased circulation. Findings are ambiguous as to

the effect of ties to the homeland as only proxies for economic ties were represented in the dataset.

Most significant were the variables that could be interpreted as representing the greatest symbolic

ties to home or destination: having established a US bank account (strong economic commitment to

the destination) and bringing children to the United States (strong social/familial commitment),

versus having a family owned business in Mexico (strong social/economic tie to homeland).

Identification of these variables and the concepts that they represent help to define the context in

which Mexican transnational communities exist. They also help to establish that there are multiple

trajectories that a migrant may take in the migration process. These trajectories are neither exclusive

nor entirely linear as they provide migrants different opportunities throughout their migration life

history. Further exploration of the strength of these ties and, more importantly, an analysis of

symbolic ties to the homeland among permanent and semi-permanent settlers will allow for an

8/14/2019 Thesis Updated 10-15-2002

53/112

53PART THREE TRANSNATIONAL FIELDS: A STUDY OF SYMBOLIC TIES

Introduction

While the results of the Mexican Migration Project analyses suggest some support for the

importance of economic and social ties on Mexican migration patterns, in depth interviews

conducted for this study establish the direct role of these ties to Mexico on the development of a

transnational identity that encompasses cultural elements of both home country and the receiving

context. This study, then, focuses on the symbolic ties of documented and undocumented Mexican

migrants to the home community in Mexico and on the influence of these ties in the membership

and participation in transnational fields in the Phoenix area. This analysis utilizes the typology of

transnational social spaces of Thomas Faist as it investigates the respondents membership in

transnational kinship groups, transnational circuits, and transnational communities (Faist 2000b).

The individuals interviewed in this study act as members of several of these categories at once and

often to divide their loyalties between pragmatic economic concerns in the United States and a

8/14/2019 Thesis Updated 10-15-2002

54/112

54As with the analysis in part two, real social and economic ties were explored. The survey

instrument covered questions on earnings and expenses, savings, and both familial and social ties to

Mexico. In addition to the strength of ties to the home community, as indicated by frequency of

contact (telephone calls, letters, visits) and remittances, this study observed symbolic cultural ties

such as:

Language use at home, work, and with peers.

Preference in music, food, and entertainment.

Usage of cultural icons such as the Guadalupana telephone card.

Membership in formal and informal social groups.

Ethnic diversity of social ties as a measure of social distance between groups.

Family ties in the United States; intended plans for settlement or return.

The definition of abstract concepts such as national identity, patriotism, emotional

connection to the homeland.

8/14/2019 Thesis Updated 10-15-2002

55/112

55culture (H5). Finally, migrants with both strong/medium symbolic ties to Mexico and

strong/medium symbolic ties to the United States will exhibit evidence of occupying transnational

social spaces by having dual modes of social interaction (dependent on setting), higher rates of

bilingualism, and social integration into both dominant culture and enclave (or homeland) cultures

(H6).

Source of Data

Comprehensive, semi-structured interviews with documented and undocumented migrants

from Mexico now living in the Greater Phoenix area were conducted during the summer of 2000.

The twenty-eight respondents for this analysis were found using non-random, snowball sampling

techniques (Biernacki and Waldorf 1981; Granovetter 1976; Massey 1987). Initially, approximately

20 flyers were posted in various community gathering places in an area of high concentrations of

Mexican migrants [Appendix A]. Shopping centers, laundry facilities, restaurants and apartment

complexes known to be used frequently by migrants were targeted for postings. From these flyers, a

8/14/2019 Thesis Updated 10-15-2002

56/112

56Each interview, conducted entirely in Spanish, lasted for about one hour and explored

social, economic, and cultural ties to the home country. In addition, these interviews detailed the

migrants individual migration experiences from their home communities to the United States,

documented information regarding their human and social capital and observed the role of support

networks in the immigration process. A laptop computer utilizing SurveyGold software was used to

record responses to preliminary structured interview questions and to record notes during more

open-ended, subjective responses. Additionally, interviews were taped so that responses to probing

question on the nature of symbolic ties could later be transcribed and analyzed. To protect the

identity of the migrants, respondents were instructed to select a pseudonym to be used on the tapes,

databases, and in reports.16 Following the research proposal agreement with the Institutional Review

Board of Arizona State University [Appendix B], all notes with real names and any other materials

that could be used to identify the subjects were destroyed following interviews.

It must be noted that although snowball sampling techniques are quite useful for providing

respondents in highly sensitive social research, the results cannot be said to be representative, in this

case, of the population of all Mexican migrants. Furthermore, as the initial informants were a self-

8/14/2019 Thesis Updated 10-15-2002

57/112

57

The Receiving Context

Hispanics in the United States

The most recent figures of the Current Population Survey (CPS) indicate that Hispanics of

Mexican origin (both native and foreign-born combined) account for 65.2% of the 31.7 million

Hispanics in the United States (Ramirez 2000). This figure represents almost 12% of the entire US

population and, as the Population Projections Program at the US Census Bureau estimates, the

Hispanic population is projected to grow to more than 43.6 million by 2010 assuming midlevels of

immigration (Population Projections Program 2000). According to the same 1999 CPS data, 56.1%

of Hispanics have a high school education or more (as compared to 87.7% of non-Hispanic Whites

and 84.7% of Asians)17, they are three times more likely to live below the poverty level than Whites,

and Hispanics participate in the labor force in equal proportions as non-Hispanic Whites.18 These

figures are indicative of the social context within the United States where economic and educational

assimilation is not occurring as rapidly for Hispanics as perhaps for other immigrant groups (Alba

and Nee 1997; Clark 1998). In fact, in the CPS report Educational Attainment in the United States, the

8/14/2019 Thesis Updated 10-15-2002

58/112

58immigrants on the one hand and the destinations of domestic migrants on the other (Frey 1999).

Figures produced from the 1999 CPS show that the foreign-born are twice as likely to live in urban

areas, and are concentrated in the West (39.3% of all foreign-born) and South (26.5%). The top two

intended destinations for legal migrants in 1996, as reported by the immigration and Naturalization

Service, were: California, with 201,529 legal migrants of whom more than 25% settled in Los

Angeles; and New York, with 154,095 legal migrant, almost all of whom were within New York City

(INS 1997). More telling perhaps is that 40% of the estimated 5 million undocumented migrants in

the United States are concentrated in California (INS 1999) Frey has called the urban-rural, regional,

and racial/ethnic divisions the demographic Balkanization of America fueled by immigration from

Latin-American and Asia.

Arizona historically has been a state with high numbers of Hispanics. While Arizona is only

the seventeenth most common destination of all legal migrants, it is the seventh most frequent

destination among undocumented migrants (INS 1997 and 1999). Approximately 22.1% of the

estimated 4,778,332 Arizona residents are Hispanic, compared to 11.2% nationally (US Census

Bureau 2000) and 1998 estimates place the Hispanic population of Maricopa County at

8/14/2019 Thesis Updated 10-15-2002

59/112

59Figure 5 Percent Hispanic in the Phoenix Area

8/14/2019 Thesis Updated 10-15-2002

60/112

60this respondent was born in Ciudad Juarez). The mean was 4.1 trips, however when the one

border resident was omitted the mean number of circulations dropped to 2.4 trips. 82.1% (23

respondents) were undocumented, 14.3% (4) had permanent residence and only one had acquired

US citizenship. Respondents were identified as being members of the core network, the church

group network, or non-network individuals for purposes of analysis of social ties in the United

States.

Although similar in some demographic respects to the migrants interviewed by the Mexican

Migration Project, this survey interviewed both males and females in almost equal proportions. This

was due in part to the sampling technique (rather than using head-of-households, all Mexican

migrants were included) and to the desire to understand the nature of symbolic ties as they differed

by gender. This works, however, to the exclusion of single male labor migrants as they are less likely

to be integrated into the networks captured in the sample, more likely to circulate and less likely to

permanently settle in the United States.

8/14/2019 Thesis Updated 10-15-2002

61/112

61The Migration Experience

Motivation for Migration and Plans for Settlement, Circulation and Return

The respondents expressed various reasons for coming to the United States, yet the

predominate trends fit into two general classifications: labor migration and family unity. These

categories are not mutually exclusive as many respondents expressed economic and familial

motivations for migrating. These classifications are, though, reflective of the gender of the

respondents. A majority of male migrants stressed economic factors when discussing reasons for

migrating, while most of the females came either as the spouse of the male labor migrant or in

attempt to improve the living conditions of their children.

Miguel, for example, has only been in the United States for eleven months. He is single,

twenty-two and from a small town in Guerrero State in Southern Mexico. Miguel has a high school

education and a certificate from a vocational school in heating and air -conditioning repair. Miguel

has perhaps among the clearest plans, which fit into Landolts classification of a return migrant

micro-enterprise (Landolt et al. 1999). He is saving approximately $400 a month, of his $950 income

at a junkyard where he works with his cousin disassembling automobiles, to complete his plans:

8/14/2019 Thesis Updated 10-15-2002

62/112

62ago to find work. His mother, four brothers and sisters, as well as the rest of his extended family,

still live in various cities in Mexico.

Hector, on the other hand, is a thirty-one year old father of two who brought his wife and

children with him to the United States. He is from Mexico City, has a high school education, and has

been in Phoenix working at a car wash for the past two years. He came here following his brother

who migrated to the area in 1994. As he explains, he had to sever many symbolic and social ties in

making his primarily economic decision to move:

I come from Mexico. Right? I had to leave my homeland, my city, and my parents. Right? Ihad to leave them, because my economic situation there in Mexico was a little difficult and Ihad to leave that place so that I could come here...Right. To leave all these things, in my caseto better my living condition and to be here with my wife and children.

Raquel is a good example of a migrant who came only to be with her family. She is a fifty -

two year old homemaker who has never worked in the United States. Though she now has

permanent residence status, she initially came without documentation. As she explains, the decision

to come here had only to do with reuniting with her oldest son and husband who were working in

8/14/2019 Thesis Updated 10-15-2002

63/112

63thats it. Through the window is all you will see out. Do you still want to go? Even so, Istill want to go. I want to go to you. Only the simple thing of seeing my son. Only this.

Guille, on the other hand, is a thirty-two year old housecleaner who completed college in

Mexico by periodically working in the United States to save funds. She also exemplifies this love of a

mother for her child. However, her motivation was to make it easier for her daughter to work in the

United States in some distant future and to provide some capital for a more comfortable life in

Mexico. Guille had no plan to stay in the United States, though she has now been here for almost

three years, and still plans to return to Mexico within the next year.

Well, Ive always wanted the best for my family and in this case I said to myself if onedoesnt have too many problems here [US]if there is enough desire, one can rise veryquickly. Earning what one wants. I noticed [in her previous trip], that without papers it isvery difficult. Very difficult, but equally as possible. So, I said to my self, I want for mychildren to be born here, so that they wont have the same problems that I had, because ifone day they want to come here I want for them to be raised in Mexico, educated inMexico , because I think the education there is a little better. So I said to myself, well, I wantmy child to be born here, and I said to my husband, you know here [Mexico], we dont havea house we have to live with his parents and family members, I want my house, my owncar, everything. And, I want for my baby to be born there [US]. And he said, well, go and assoon as she is born well come back. But, no, I came much before him. He came almostwhen the baby was born.

8/14/2019 Thesis Updated 10-15-2002

64/112

64provide her child with the legal privileges of American citizenship, is motivated by the wage

differential to work in the United States for a time before returning to Mexico.

Plans for return varied greatly throughout the sample. Reflecting the findings of the previous

analysis of the Mexican Migration Project, respondents were found to be a different points along

their migration trajectories of settlement, continual circulation, or eventual return migration and

permanent re-settlement in Mexico. Their individual plans varied by gender, age, documentation

status and motivation and were found to be as unspecified as Andres, a 17 years old hotel custodian,

who said, I would like to return in three or four years to my country... or as specific as Maribel, a

34 dishwasher, who explains, I have always planned to return I will go home in December [six

months hence] Ill go back by land, using the same system. We cant go any other way.

Juan is single, twenty-five, and has been working as an inspector in a factory that fabricates

parts for aircraft for one and a half years. He came to the United States five years ago from

Acapulco, Mexico. Before coming to the United States he had completed his first year of law school,

owned a car, and had a job in his fathers company. While in school one of his friend invited him to

come to the United States. He contacted his older brother, who was then living in Texas, and

8/14/2019 Thesis Updated 10-15-2002

65/112

65what I have seen and what I have been assimilating and thinking about in my future, Ithink I would be doing the same thing [work]. Do you understand? How long is it going to

be before I have papers. Am I going to keep on being illegal for ten more years? Its going tobe the same. Still at the same factory. And there I could be the boss because my father is theowner of the business. I can be the boss, I could order, I could pay, it would be different

Interviewer: And without papers here?

Juan: And without papers, exactly. [There] I would be speaking my own language. Do youunderstand? Id have a better life there because my mother is there and my brothers

[siblings]. But, I also have to consider that here I can have my own life. Do you understand?But, I dont know. The truth is that I think it will be ok here. I think it will be ok because thesituation in Mexico now is very difficult. The economic crisis is very difficult. The truth isthere are a lot of very poor people. Many people here in the North, on the border dont haveenough to even buy a gallon of milk. You know it. There are children who dont haveenough even to bathe, they dont have clothes. It makes you think, to reflect, how can youreturn to that country? Here Ive had opportunity.

Juan is perhaps unlike most migrants. He comes from a relatively upper middle-class family,

has had some college education, speaks English well and has found his way into a well-paying job.

This economic success can be seen as the effect of his high degree of social and human capital, as

well as his ambition. As he makes clear, I am a very secure person. I see something I want and I

get because I believe I can. Yet, like others, he feels the pull of familial obligation and the push of

8/14/2019 Thesis Updated 10-15-2002

66/112

66are thing that everyone has to buy. But they are expenses that I have here in the US. Andit would be better if I could have the same quality in Mexico. I miss the family [relatives] and

I care for them a lot because they are my family. But I am a big person and here I have mywife and I have to look out for my children. I have to watch out for them now.

Hectors brother, Raul, is a married thirty-four year old with some vocational training. He

too is here with his wife and children. In his narrative, he discusses the nature of the transnational

labor circuit and how he and his family have made the symbolic transformation of orientation from

a mentality of return to one of settlement:

Raul: A Mexican who comes here to US many, many times, many times he comes here, ofcourse, to work. To save up money, and thats it. Right? But, I think there is somethingmore, there is something more. Because, simply if we take notice that many times if a

Mexican comes here to work, he works, he saves money and returns to our country until themoney runs out then anew he returns here to earn more money and return again. It is likesomething in our thinking is not right we have to decide if we want to stay here or there,right? For me it is like saying were going to go there, and then make a change and continueon. And for me, when I came here for the first time and became familiar with this place, Isaid this is good for my family and me and we can try to open a store.

Interviewer: So you do not plan to return?

Raul: No, no I dont think of returning. I plan to stay here.

8/14/2019 Thesis Updated 10-15-2002

67/112

8/14/2019 Thesis Updated 10-15-2002

68/112

68to in two months. Yet, as Belinda Reyes indicates in her report on return migration to Mexico,

factors such as labor market participation, documentation status, transferable human and social

capital, and characteristics of the receiving location have great influence in determining the

probability of return (Reyes 1997). These structural influences are perhaps stronger ultimately than

the migrants intent to settle or return. Nonetheless, these plans for settlement or return do indicate

a general orientation of symbolic ties and a personal commitment to the United States, Mexico, or

both countries.

Experiences in the Receiving Context

The respondents have had varied experiences in the receiving context from little or no

difference in the quality of their lives to many hardships including lack of hospitality by the majority

culture, lack of financial or social support, and outright racism. Leticia, for example, sees little

change in the quality of her life. As a homemaker, she is not directly confronted with cultural

differences. She says, If I am here, I am here. If I go there, I am there. There is no difference

8/14/2019 Thesis Updated 10-15-2002

69/112

69Alan - Well, it is very difficult [being Mexican in the US] because you must break with allof your social group. You really feel different. One can't feel as if you are truly North

American because you just aren't. And, he really can't feel Mexican either because you arenot within your circle. It's very difficult for me. I try to act like what I see. Do youunderstand ? But, it takes a lot of effort.... For me, well, here people don't like to chat a lot,people don't like to live together. For this reason, I try not to bother them too much whenit isn't necessary. In Mexico you can go up to any house and they will receive you, and talkwith you, and embrace you... here no.

Rosa - It is hard. Very hard. For a Mexican, there is discrimination In El Paso there wasnt

as much as here. I have traveled a little in the US, and the discrimination that I saw was mostin Nashville and Dallas and here. It is very strong hereIt has caused me a lot of troublehere at work. Even after a few months here It is difficult, very difficult.

Gregorio adds that some of the lack of hospitality is the result of legislation and a political

environment on both sides of the border that has to date lacked support for peasants and working-

class Mexicans:

For me personally it is a little sad because, it's to say, that the people here, la migra [INS], theydon't want the Mexicans and don't even give the opportunity for amnesty, for example in thecase of the amnesty before [1986]... I don't know why, maybe because of how we are, ourdemeanor Possibly if the United States would help, and also if Mexicans would unite, it ispossible that it would get better, that there would be more force for Fox [recently electedpresident of Mexico]. But he alone as president can't do it. But we don't know, we hopethat he'll work...

8/14/2019 Thesis Updated 10-15-2002

70/112

70

Social and Family Ties

Ties to Mexico

As previously expressed by several of the respondents, migration involves a departure from

the home community and a separation from ones social and family ties. All respondents had

extended family in Mexico and three respondents, all involved in transnational labor circulation,

have a spouse and children still in the home country [See Appendix C]. Moreover, only two

respondents, of the twenty-eight, have no close social ties (as measured by immediate family or

closest friends) in Mexico.

When social ties were explored in the interviews, the theme of longing to be with the family

and friends, coupled with an inability to return due to economic circumstances, emerged. Gregorio

(33, married, prep-cook in a restaurant), Andres (17, single, hotel custodian), and Maribel (34,

married, dishwasher) all expressed similar views:

8/14/2019 Thesis Updated 10-15-2002

71/112

71

Jorge, a single twenty year old working as a carpenter, adds that it is not only an economic issue, but

also one of the increased difficulties in border crossing: It is a little difficult, being here and the

family there. Of course, one feels sad. And I am here for some time without seeing them, and cant

go there you know the problem of not going there without the problem of coming back.

With improvements and reduced costs in international communications technologies, many

of the respondents continue to maintain ties while abroad, even if they cannot visit. Table 10 shows

the frequency and method of contact with relatives and friends in Mexico. Twenty-three (82%)

interviewees in the sample are in touch on a monthly basis, with relatives or friends, by either

telephone or letters (note that only two respondents used the internet to contact friends in Mexico).

Telephone was the preferred means of contact, and the growing availability of inexpensive prepaid

telephone cards was evident as twenty-two respondents used them to pay for calls.

8/14/2019 Thesis Updated 10-15-2002

72/112

72

Table 10 Frequency and Method of Social Ties with Homeland

Name Gender Frequency Call Whom Call FrequencyWrite

Whom Write

Alan Male Monthly Relatives Monthly FriendsAndres Male 2-3 times week Friends/

Relatives< Once year Relatives

David Male 2-4 times year Relatives Never N/ADiego Male Monthly Relatives < Once year Friends/ RelativesFatima Female Monthly Relatives < Once year Relatives

F ranci sco Male Never N/A < Once year RelativesGraciela Female Weekly Relatives 8-10 time year Friends/ RelativesG regor io Male 2-3 time month Relatives < Once year RelativesGuicho Male 2-3 time month Relatives < Once year RelativesGuille Female 2-3 time month Relatives 2-4 times year Friends/ Relatives

Hector Male 2-4 times year Relatives 5-7 times year Relatives Jav i er Male < Once year Relatives Never N/A

Joel Male Monthly Relatives Monthly Friends/ RelativesJorge Male Monthly Relatives 5-7 times year RelativesJuan Male Weekly Relatives Never N/A

Leticia Female Monthly Relatives 2-3 timemonth

Relatives

Lucia Female Weekly Relatives 2-4 times year FriendsMaria Female 2-