The Structure of São Paulo Street Markets: Evolving Patterns of Retail Institutions

SUMMER 1999 VOLUME 33, NUMBER 1 3

PAPERS

GEORGE M. ZINKHAN, SUZANA de M. FONTENELLE, AND ANNE L. BALAZS

The Structure of Siio Paulo Street Markets: Evolving Patterns of Retail Institutions

Development in emerging economies leads to a cohabitation of traditional and modern forms of retailing. This diversity allows for centuries’ old consumer behavior patterns to continue along with new options. The street markets or Feira Livresl of SHo Paulo, Brazil demonstrate how consumption patterns are culturally determined. Participant observa*:-m, both in supermarkets and atfeirus, and interviews with consunxs and vendors are used to investigate consumer shopping patterns, along with evolving patterns of retail structure. We find that informal markets, such as thefeiru, are able to coexist with modern, Western-style retail institutions, partly because of ingrained food preparation habits and deep-seated consumer impressions about superior qualities offered byfeirus (e.g., the perceived freshness of the produce). Our findings support the Natural Selection Theory of retail development in that we find evidence of adaptation. Specifically, the supermarkets in Brazil have evolved to include departments that imi- tate some of the popular characteristics of thefeirus.

While cultural and socio-economic differences exist geographically, consumers participate in a global economy daily. A wide array of retail options fulfill consumers’ basic needs for food, clothing, and housewares while simultaneously providing an environment for social exchange and entertainment. The development of Western retail institutions parallels the evolution of post-industrial society and the rising economic importance of the services sector. Exchange patterns have evolved into rela-

lFeiru Livre’ literally translates into “free fair,’’ but a more descriptive translation would be “street market.” This is the translation adopted in the text.

George M. Zinkhan is Professor, Department of Marketing and Distribution, University of Geor- gia, Athens. Suzana de M. Fontenelle is Ph.D. candidate, Department of Marketing, University of Houston, TX. Anne L. Balazs is Associate Professor, Mississippi University for Women, Columbus.

We wish to thank the anonymous referee whose input and critical evaluation greatly improved the paper.

The Journal of Consumer Affairs, Vol. 33, No. 1, 1999

Copyright 1999 by The American Council on Consumer Interests 0022-O078/oOO2- 1 1.5013

4 THE JOURNAL OF CONSUMER AFFAIRS

tionships between targeted consumers and all forms of intermediaries (e.g., specialty retailers, direct sellers, and catalog companies). With the emerging importance of electronic commerce and satellite communication, the development of an international retail market seems to be a pos- sibility. The rise of a consumption culture supported by the proliferation of retail outlets and formats has come to represent not only increased spending but also the transformation of the consumption activity itself (Gardner and Sheppard 1989). It is possible that a convergence in worldwide consumption patterns will take place.

Convenience stores, shopping centers, and supermarkets stand as symbols of modem consumption, and the diffusion of their associated Western consumer values has transformed both consumer behavior and traditional retail environments in developing countries. However, consumption patterns do not evolve in a uniform manner around the globe. The adoption of Western-style retail institutions is integrated with pre- existing patterns of retailing and consumer behavior. The result is a hybrid form of traditional and postmodern retailing. That is, retail environments in developing countries are characterized by a variety of retail institutions rather than one single representation of Western-style stores (Paddison, Findlay, and Dawson 1990).

Other recent studies have examined cultural characteristics of food shopping in First World nations (e.g., Brookes 1995; Brunso and Grunert 1998). Here, we study thefeiru (or street market) as an enculturated form of retailing specific to Brazil. Brazil is one of the largest countries in the world, in area and by population, with an inflationary and unstable economy that has led to uneven development efforts. The retail environment in this developing nation has accommodated this growth. In turn, Brazil- ians have coped with spiraling inflation by adjusting their shopping and spending patterns.

RESEARCH OBJECTIVES

This paper investigates the feiru and explores culture-specific aspects of consumption. Related research questions include the following: Why do people continue to shop at thefeiru when they have newer options? What is the culturaYsociaVeconomic appeal of the feiru? What characteristics of thefeiru make it preferable to other retail establishments, such as supermarkets?

Finally, food preparation and the gender division of consumption roles as cultural characteristics are examined. These characteristics may deter-


mine the customers’ choice of buying at thefeiru versus purchasing at competing retail establishments. This research examines whether food preparation habits and the gender division of consumption roles influence the choice of buying at thefeira and, if so, how?

CONVERGENCE AND DIVERGENCE IN THE MARKETPLACE

The relationship among cultures, retail environments, and consumer behavior has been examined through two basic perspectives: “those who view ‘culture’ as a filter causing deviations from a universal model of consumer behavior and those who seek to interpret consumer behavior within a specific cultural setting as one manifestation of the way in which ‘human nature’ is pluralistic” (Paddison, Findlay, and Dawson 1990, 197). The first perspective assumes an underlying common denominator across all types of consumer behaviors and a deterministic model of retail development which, sooner or later, would promote the emergence of similar patterns of consumption and formats across cultures. The characteriza- tion of the Euro-consumer after EC92 legislation is one example of this.

Competing Retail Models

Two retail evolutionary theories support the universal model argument that retail formats should become standardized across cultures: Natural Selection Theory and the Wheel of Retailing. The former theory describes two important processes: evolution and extinction (Maronick and Walker 1974). Following the path of evolution, retailers respond to competitive pressures and other forces in the environment to adapt and create hybrid forms that can survive in the marketplace. That is, retail institutions evolve and develop. One path to development is to create hybrid institutions that combine the strengths of two or more existing competitors. In this way, traditional retailing forms adapt to face the challenge of new competitors by copying the new competitors and inheriting their strengths. One example of this kind of adaptive behavior is the development of the discount department store in the U.S. This form of retailing emerged as a successful union between the traditional department store (which was dominant since the early 1900s) and the discount store (which emerged as a strong competitor in the 1950s). The discount department store, then, provides an interesting example of the process of evolution that can create new forms of retailing, as predicted by Natural Selection Theory.


Extinction is the second kind of process described by Natural Selec- tion Theory. Over the long run, some forms of retailing are not able to survive, no matter how they adapt to environmental changes. That is, specific retail formats are only able to sustain themselves until a superior form develops and drives less effective formats into extinction. This process plays out over time, with different retail formats dominating during different eras. Under environmental pressure, certain formats eventually weaken and give way to stronger competitors and retail innovations.

As mentioned above, The Wheel of Retailing is another relevant theory for thinking about the process of competition and retail development. This theory suggests that new formats cycle through a series of developmental stages. That is, retailers begin as low margin, low status, low price operators and gradually add services which raise their costs, margins and prices, making them vulnerable to newer forms (Dunne and Lusch 1999). The newer forms ultimately experience the same type of competitive challenge. Therefore, every type of retail format is destined to face a rise and fall in popularity and profitability.

In contrast to these theories of convergence is an alternative perspective which allows for the existence of interdependent, plural forms of consumer behavior and retail response. In the past 25 years, consumers worldwide have become more educated, discriminating, and gained more purchasing power. Simultaneously retail forms have proliferated rather than diminished, and a complex set of consumption options are available (Beny 1995). General stores, electronic catalogs, vending machines, and department stores engage in inter-type competition. In the United States, an underground economy of flea markets and garage sales vies for week- end shoppers with the popular outlet malls and big box formats that have mushroomed in the last two decades. Goldman (1974) notes that traditional food retailers, along with more modem forms, are prevalent in developing countries. Since the 1960s, the tiendus and mercudos of Guatemala have competed with convenience stores and mini-markets (Ortiz-Buonafina 1992). These latter new forms of retailing were introduced to upper income consumers initially, but since have appealed to all income classes. The traditional “wet markets” and night bazaars of Malaysia, which coexist with “modern” supermarket chains, are other examples of persistent retail forms (Zain and Rejab 1989). Reflective of the socio-economic and historical development of Brazil, the feirus or street markets are part of another such pluralistic retail environment.

Are the “primitive” forms of retailing discussed above true competitors in the global marketplace? Perhaps they thrive because the underly-


ing cultures do not support more “modern” forms of retailing. Hodges (1988, 148) suggests that these older forms of retailing may be “marginal actors on the rim of the great wheel of capitalism,” and he goes on to argue that such forms may be anachronistic. However, Dialectical Retail Evolutionary Theory provides a compelling and realistic explanation for the viability of street markets (and simple exchange environments). This theory specifies a compromise between different retail formats over time (Maronick and Walker 1974). That is, the older retail form does not cease to exist. Rather, it adopts features of the newer retail form. Notice that the process of adaptation (as described by Natural Selection Theory) is quite similar to the process of compromise (as described by Dialectical Theory). Thus, the centuries old, open air market is not necessarily sup- planted by the supermarket. Instead, the outdated format adopts successful features (e.g., refrigeration, advertising, etc.) of the modem, innova- tive competitor. This process leads to an updated, more aggressive format that may compete on a new level.

Goldman (1975/ 1976) makes a related prediction when he describes the process whereby food retailers move into “a developing country” (63). Specifically, Goldman argues that such retailers would be wise to return to “antecedent forms of the supermarket rather than to the fully developed forms” (63). That is, the newly introduced supermarket might appear as a hybrid, with some characteristics of the Western food retailer and some characteristics adapted from stores in the local region.

FIELD SETTING AND METHOD

Qualitative research was conducted to explore the research objectives. Cultural milieu, norms, and behavior are usually studied by anthropolog- ical researchers through naturalistic inquiry. To capture the meaning of the marketplace to the consumers of Siio Paulo, one of the co-authors spent more than 100 hours in situ, gathering qualitative data in several stages. This method is in keeping with other ethnographic studies of informal marketplaces, such as those of Sherry (1990) and Belk, Sherry, and Wallendorf (1988). First,feirus and supermarkets in different parts of the city were visited at different times of the year. Informal interviews were conducted with buyers, vendors, and supermarket managers. Again, the major guiding research questions were: Why do people buy at the feiru versus other choices? What is the appeal of thefeiru? What features does thefeiru have, relative to its competition, that makes it attractive? In this initial stage, conversations, photographs and sketches were recorded.


Interviews were transcribed into approximately 50 single-spaced pages. A protocol analysis of the transcriptions conducted by the authors, identify- ing thematic responses, revealed motivations for shopping at thefeiru and the meaningfulness of the experience. These interviews served as a base- line for creating a questionnaire which was administered to a wider group of informants. Secondary data were collected to reveal the size, competition, and performance of the food retailing industry in Siio Paulo.

In the final phase, surveys were distributed to those involved in shopping for fresh produce. Fifty surveys were distributed using a snowballing sampling technique (Zinkhan, Burton, and Wallendorf 1983). Snowball sampling is a method where respondents at the first stage of sampling nominate additional respondents (who meet specified criteria). Then, the nominated respondents are contacted and interviewed; these second-stage respondents proceed to nominate other qualified informants for contact at a third stage (and so on).

Respondents who met the following criteria were conveniently selected in the first of three stages of the snowball sample: (a) they were the main shoppers for fresh produce for the household, or (b) they accompanied the main shopper on at least 50 percent of the shopping trips. The English version of the questionnaire is shown in the Appendix."

The Context of Brazil

Brazil is approximately the same size (in area) as the United States. Other similarities include a predominantly urban population and a low unemployment rate. However, major differences exist socially and eco- nomically. Brazil has a relatively young population profile and two of the ten largest cities in the world (Siio Paulo and Rio de Janiero). The gross domestic product per capita is one-fifth that of the U.S., and the annual inflation rate in Brazil has been reduced from 4000 percent (pre-1994) to 10.03 percent in 1996 (Spatuzza 1997).

After World War 11, economic development in Brazil was fueled by the establishment of multinational corporations in the country and the rapid increase of industrialization. With industrialization came urbaniza- tion and the adoption of life-styles associated with the fast pace of life in the city. In a comparative study of advertising in the U.S. and Brazil, Tansey, Hyman, and Zinkhan (1990) found that urban themes were used

'The questionnaire was elaborated both in Portuguese and in English to ensure the desired meaning of the questions.


more frequently in Brazilian ads than in U.S. ads. This finding indicates that Brazilians may be more enamored with urban life (including cultural advantages and urban markets) than their counterparts in the U.S. Also work themes appeared as frequently in Brazilian ads as in U.S. ads. Thus, in Brazilian cities, traditional rural values seem to have yielded to a new work ethic and a love of urban culture (Kahl 1968).

An early study of S b Paulo markets and consumer behavior by Cun- ningham, Moore, and Cunningham (1 974) cited the dramatic changes that had taken place in that city since the 1950s. Economic growth had led to a distinct social classification which was manifested in shopping patterns. For example, the lower classes were more likely to purchase household items at street fairs, while the upper classes patronized department stores and supermarkets. As modernization continues to occur and foreign retailers enter the market, it is expected that shopping patterns and desti- nations will continue to change as well (Samli, Still, and Hill 1993). Given that the Brazilian economy has changed so much since the 1970s, the Cunningham et al. (1 974) observations have to be re-examined in the 1990s. Consider that McDonald’s recently reported difficulty in attracting a mass market to its franchises for breakfast products (traditionally eaten at home in Brazil) and its trademark Big Mac. The latter was more popular with the upper and middle classes (Gibson and Moffett 1997).

With the increasing participation of women in the work force: Brazil- ian households have relatively high incomes in Silo Paulo and face similar challenges as their American counterparts on how to manage family life and work. Although the challenges may be similar, the strategies for handling them are quite different. Maid services are widely available at reasonable costs, and home appliances have gained popularity with the newer generations of dual-income families.

Given high inflation rates, Brazilians tend to do their grocery shopping as soon as they receive their monthly paycheck. Grocery shopping involves monthly expeditions to supermarkets where non-perishable items are bought in bulk for future use. Items on sale tend to be stock- piled as a way to minimize the effects of the inflationary prices. Thefeiru is where perishables are purchased. Shopping at the feiru constitutes a way to supplement the monthly grocery shopping with fresh produce

’In 1994, women made up 28 percent of the Brazilian work force. Typical of other South Amer- ican countries, the women are most actively engaged in services (71% of working women; 42% men). Nineteen percent of working women are in industry (37% of Brazilian men) and 10 percent of the women work in agricultural jobs, while 21 percent of the men do (Women’s Indicators and Sta- tistics Database, United Nations 1994).


every week. Despite the increasing labor force participation of Brazilian women,

they are expected also to manage the household. In particular, women have traditionally been responsible for the planning and the preparation of meals. This includes shopping for the ingredients and choosing the best place to buy the specific products needed. It is also the role of the wornadmother to care for the other family members. This includes planning nutritious meals and balancing the different tastes among family members so as to offer varied menus (Thompson and Walker 1989). Thus, the feiru offers an alternative source of ingredients for those who desire fresh produce and a wide variety of products.

The Location of the Marketplace

Throughout world history, the marketplace has been the center of commercial and social exchange. The plaza or mall is often the center of community events, just as the Greek agora and stoa or Middle Eastern bazaars have been. Similarly, the markets of Medieval Europe offered social and religious festivals as well as commercial trade (Sawyer 1986). The gathering of people from all social classes provided a forum for public announcements, religious celebrations, and athletic entertainment.

Historically, markets are centrally located by either design or as the result of natural stopping places that emerge along well-traveled routes (Morris 1979). Following this pattern, modern shopping centers are strategically developed in suburban communities or in downtown areas. The placement of centers in suburban areas began as an outgrowth of urban flight and post-war economic development (Ghosh and McLafferty 1991). Thefeirus, like other open air markets worldwide, are located in urban centers. They are primitive retail forms which persist because they serve needs that their competition cannot satisfy. Their strength is derived in part from their location. By offering a meeting place for shoppers (and one where speed and convenience are not promoted especially), social needs may be fulfilled.

Cultural Aspects of Consumption at the ‘Feira’

In Brazil, and Latin America in general, everyday economic shopping activity is embedded within the social fabric of life (Douglas 1979). When consumption is recognized as part of a broader social system, the acquisition of goods can be examined not exclusively as the movement of


goods and pecuniary exchange of ‘utilities,’ but as a system of cultural meanings (Sahlins 1976). Street markets exemplify cultural values and meanings that can be uncovered through the examination of social exchange relationships that occur daily within those markets. In contrast to supermarkets or department stores or shopping centers, street markets constitute a place for meetings, bargaining, and pitching. Nonetheless, many street markets maintain the original characteristics of medieval markets and fairs (e.g., Braudel 1967). While the consumption environment at department stores and supermarkets stimulates the relationship between buyers and the commodities for sale (Williams 1982, Huws 1988), street markets foster social relationships. Consumption patterns have been identified as an important dimension of cultural traditions and social relationships (Firat and Dholakia 1982).

The social character of street markets is common to other types of informal markets, such as flea markets, farmer’s markets and swap meets (Belk, Sherry, and Wallendorf 1988, Sherry 1990). Informal markets retain consumption characteristics that have disappeared from more formal retail institutions; markets such as thefeiru represent foci of cultural resistance to the homogeneity of consumption patterns.

A Feira

In the Siio Paulo metropolitan region, there are 960 feiras scattered around different parts of the city. They are licensed by the city government to operate from Tuesday to Sunday, from 7:OO a.m. to 1:00 p.m. For each day of the week between Tuesday and Sunday several different feirus occur in different locations. They are responsible for 70 percent of the overall supply of fresh food for the city, while supermarkets and public retail facilities are responsible for the remainder.5

The items sold at thefeira are, for the most part, fresh produce, beef, fish, and poultry. However, the product assortment found at thefeiru also includes housewares, a limited number of grocery items (e.g., cookies, spaghetti, detergents), clothing, and shoes.

The feira takes place in pre-determined streets, closed for traffic, and where portable stalls are set up or modified vehicles are parked. The spa- tial allocation of the stalls is organized according to product category

‘A Feira translates into The Street Market. T h e sources for these figures are A b a d e c r e t a r i a Municipal de Abasrecimento de Sao Paulo,

CEAGESP--Compunhiu de Entrepostos e Armazens Geruis de Sao Paulo, which are both agencies of the city government.


(i.e., stalls selling similar types of products are located side by side). The relative location of the different product categories also follow a similar pattern in virtually all feiras. There is no specific place to enter or to exit thefeiru, and customers enter and exit from both ends. Once a customer has passed along the stalls that sell vegetables and fruit, she or he already knows that the main section of thefeiru has already been visited. The stalls that sell items such as potatoes, beans and rice are at the ends of the feiru.

Public distribution companies, such as the CEAGESP or the Mercado Municipal,’ are responsible for most of the supply of produce to the feiras. Farmers from around the country sell their products at CEAGESP, which in turn sells them to thefeiruntes.8 Feiruntes go to CEAGESP or to Mercado Municipal in the early hours of the morning, load their trucks with fresh produce, and drive to the location of thefeiru they are assigned that day. The stalls are set up between 5:OO and 6:30 in the morning. Feiruntes can be career professionals or part-time workers. It is not unusual to have families working together in the management of the stalls. Feiruntes may own or rent stalls. Ownership of a stall at thefeiru is typically regarded as an initial step toward ownership of more formal retail food stores. Family ties are found not only at the daily management of the stalls at thefeiru but also as a whole network surrounding the production and distribution of the products. Vertically integrated channels are common. While one family member may sell the products at thefeiru, others may own vegetable or fruit distribution centers or own the farms where the crops are grown:

“My bananas come from my brother’s deposit. Most of the bumneiros9 own a deposit.”

“I work here and my father is the producer. My products come from my father’s farm.”

Da. Conceiqiio and her husband own and work at a stall that sells fruit and vegetables. Their daily routine mirrors those of the other vendors:

“We get up at 1:35 in the morning, and then go to the market to do thefeira. We get here at around 4:30 a.m. and stay until, maybe, 3:OO p.m. . . .”

TEAGESP-Companhia de Entrepostos e Armazens Gerais de S6o Paulo which translates into

“Mercado Municipal’ translates into Municipal Market. 8Feiranres’ are those who work at thefeira, the sellers. They can be the owners of the business

91n this context, bananeiros are those who work selling bananas at thefeira.

Company of Distribution and General Supply of S6o Paulo.

or salespeople.


The public starts to arrive a little after 7:OO a.m., but customer movement peaks around 1000 and 11:OO a.m. By 1:00 p.m., most of the crowd is gone, and it is time to take down the stalls. At the early hours of the feiru, prices tend to be higher, and no discounts are offered. As the morning wears on, prices are reduced and discounts are offered as a way to stimulate sales of perishable merchandise. Customers are aware of this price cycle and may choose to come to thefeira earlier in the morning to get the best quality products or later on when prices are discounted. One consumer offers this observation about reasons for arriving early:

“It is not worth it to come at the end of the feira when everything has already been ‘mixed’ . . . Everyone starts buying the best products first . . . so I’d rather come earlier in the morning.”

Patronage: Why and How People Shop at Feiras

Consumers at the feira are looking for fresh products of higher quality. The quality of the products makes up for the extra work of ‘doing the feira.’ Shopping at supermarkets tends to be regarded as more “practical,” given the longer store hours and the wider range of services offered at the supermarkets for packing and carrying the groceries. The preference for thefeira is justified by the quality of the products and the wide assortment:

“It is better to come to the feira because things are ‘fresher.’ It is worth it because of the variety.”

Eighty-eight percent of the survey respondents cited the quality and freshness of the products as the most important reason why they buy fruits and vegetables at thefeiru. The variety of products available was also cited as one important reason to shop at thefeira.

Feira shopping is typically done once a week. The quantity purchased is supposed to last only over the current week so the quantity bought reflects a given family’s weekly consumption of fruit and vegetables. During the week, customers are predominantly females, who do not work outside the home and retired males. It is common to see teenage girls accompanying their mothers to thefeiru. On the weekends, whole families can be seen shopping together. The socio-economic profile of the consumers varies according to what part of the city thefeira takes place. The transactions are made either in cash or by check.


Buyer-Seller Interactions

Similar to supermarkets, street markets can be characterized as “self- service.” Customers help themselves to the products; buyers are welcome to touch and taste the products prior to making a purchase decision, and they do their own selection of the products to be purchased. However, the proximity between buyer and seller at the street market and the negotiation of price provides the means for interaction between the two. Self- service in department stores and supermarkets, by contrast, does not provide such interaction between buyers and vendors, and between the buyer and the product. Many times, verbal interactions between buyers and sellers are kept to a minimum and experimentation of the product only occurs after the purchase is made.

Social interactions between buyers and vendors observed at the feiru take place in the process of pitching, verbal invocation, and bargaining. Consumers become loyal to particular vendors. They come to know each other by name, and often engage in social conversation (e.g., about their families). Personal relationships develop between buyers and vendors. For example, after the interview one of the vendors showed pictures of his daughter who lives in California. This sets the stage for a relationship on several levels. Vendors provide certain services for the customers they know well:

“I always keep my shopping cart here at this stall while I shop around. She’s very nice, she doesn’t mind. . . .” “Sometimes I even cash a check with Da. Concei@o. . . . When I don’t have any money and don’t have any time to go to the bank, she cashes it for me. . . . Every- thing [is] based on friendship. . . .”

Consumers become loyal to certain vendors from whom they expect good quality products and a good price:

“The stall owned by Serafim is the best stall at the feira. He is already famous ... and his products seem to be always the most beautiful. . . . He has, I think, the best merchandise of the feira.”

Also, vendors may have negative reputations. These vendors are “ostra- cized” by some consumers:

“The guy from this stall is not nice at all. . . . Very unfriendly. . . . I never buy anything from him . . . his prices are outrageous. I don’t buy anything there.”


TABLE 1 Number of Mentions for Reasons for Buying at the FeiralSupermarketISacoliTo (n=50)*

Supermarket Feira Sacolfio

Good price Products are fresh Products with good quality Variety of products Within walking distance Easy public transportation Easy to drive to Easy parking Convenient hours Day of the week Location Method of payment Credit cardinstallments I’m used to ithabit Enjoy settingipeople Enjoy talking to vendors Trust in vendors Courteous vendors Clean and organized

6 4 9 1

10 6

17 19 18 16 15 14 8

12 9 2 4 4

22

19 40 39 38 27 5

13 10 15 21 26 12 2

20 16 18 24 23 12

19 11 1 6 7 7

11 8 8

14 12 16 2 8 4 5 2 3 8

*The numbers in the tables are derived from the responses of 50 informants. The column totals are greater than 50 because each informant was allowed to give multiple reasons for shopping at each type of vendor.

Apart from the quality of the products and central location of the marketplace, the courtesy and trustworthiness of vendors received the great- est number of mentions when respondents were asked about their reasons for buying at thefeiru (see Table 1).

Vendors and shoppers have their own communication networks. Ven- dors communicate with each other during the market hours, requesting change and making jokes with one another. They also maintain a support network for transportation to the site of the market and for job opportunities. Buyers interact with each other through the exchange of informa- tion about the quality of the products, which stalls offer the best bargains and so forth. The market is also a place where neighbors meet and acquaintances are renewed. The overall social environment at the feiru evokes the leisure component of shopping and helps to strengthen community ties.

Food Preparation and the Gender Division of Consumption Roles

Food preparation is closely linked to consumption patterns, given the cultural aspects of what and how people eat (Farb and Armelagos 1980;


Rook 1985). The desired meal is a result of a series of consumption roles, such as deciding what products and brands to buy, where to buy them, and who will make the purchase. These roles are played according to a myriad of cultural factors, such as family and religious traditions, personal values and education, and these factors influence a wide variety of purchase behaviors (e.g., the evaluative criteria used, the level of service sought, and the method of payment preferred).

Cultural aspects of the procedures involved in food preparation and of the gender division of labor also emerge from the consumption patterns observed at street markets. The permanence of the feira among more sophisticated retail outlets epitomizes Brazilian cultural traits in which women control the consumption process, and fresh products are viewed as essential elements in food preparation.

The fact that unemployed women make up the majority of customers at the feiru remains an inheritance of cultural characteristics in Brazilian society, in which women adopt the traditional female roles of homemaker and child caretaker. Women who work outside the home can only make it to the feira on the weekends. The time of day of thefeira (morning hours) is convenient for females who do not have full-time jobs outside the home, retired females and males, and maids.

Female shoppers maintain consumer sovereignty in the feira. Women have the authority to bargain with vendors, and they are the ones who decide what quality of merchandise to buy at what price. Males who accompany their female partners to the feiru tend to have limited roles in the consumption process itself. The men may drive the car to the feiru, carry the shopping bags or maneuver the shopping cart, but the women pick and choose what products to buy.

The acquisition of fresh produce at thefeiru and the attention devoted to the quality/freshness of the products are part of the female roles of planning and cooking. The degree of attention devoted to meal preparation can be evaluated through the observation of the purchase process. The preparation of a healthy, home-made meal starts from fresh products, free from preservatives and other chemicals. The careful selection of products at the feirus reveals the zealous care exercised in the choice of ingredients that will be used in food preparation.

Every aspect of meal preparation, starting with the purchase of the “right” ingredients, has been associated with the traditional role of caretaker and nurturer that females hold. These traditional roles have been maintained in the face of industrialization and “modernization.” In the U.S., Jackson, McDaniel, and Rao ( 1985) found traditional homemakers


were more concerned than working wives with serving nutritious meals. Working wives did not enjoy the food shopping experience, were quicker to prepare the meal and clean up after the meal than non-working wives. Other research has suggested that planning nutritious meals and varied menus is synonymous with love and caring toward one's family (Thomp- son and Walker 1989). Accordingly, thefeiru offers a variety of products that can be used to prepare not only healthful meals but also to meet the demand of dissimilar tastes.

Shopping at thefeiru is part of a bigger scenario in Brazilian life in which sex-role behavior delegates to women the administration of how food is prepared at home. It also constitutes an attempt to control all the steps involved in food preparation. As a starting point, the products offered at the feiru are perceived to be fresh and of good quality. The selection of products is accomplished by the consumer smelling, touch- ing, and even tasting samples. One reason traditional Brazilian women shop at the feiru is because they are committed to preparing their meals from scratch with the freshest ingredients.

The survey respondents reported that the freshness and quality of the products are important elements in the preparation of meals; if products are not fresh, meals are perceived as neither tasty nor healthy. It is assumed that fresh products keep their natural flavor, nutrients, and sub- stance longer. Most Brazilian family members believe that to maintain good health and enjoy the taste of food, it should be purchased fresh. For those with small children at home, fresh products are considered key factors in the preparation of daily meals. Fresh products are considered critical to build children's health and increase their resistance against illnesses.

The use of fresh products means that products were selected and purchased with care and that the meal was carefully prepared from scratch, taking into consideration the taste of the products and the well-being of the family/friends. For the respondents, a nice meal is made with fresh ingredients, a balanced combination between raw/cooked vegetables, beef/fish/poultry, and fruit.'' Products need to be varied and fresh. The feira presents itself as a place where the requirements of freshness and variety can be met.

"Fruit plays a role in daily meals in the form of dessert (melons, watermelons, pineapples, etc.) or in the form of juice (lemon, orange, and a variety of tropical fruits).


Competition: The Sacoliio

Thefeiru faces competition not only from supermarkets but also from other retailers that sell fresh produce at discount prices. These facilities, called sucoZ6es,” have a couple of unique characteristics that enable them to compete with thefeiru. One distinctive characteristic of sucoZ6es is that products are priced by the kilo and only one price per kilo is charged for all products. For example, customers pay the same amount for one kilo of lettuce or for one kilo of pineapples.

SucoZ6es do not offer a wide variety of products when compared to the feira. SucoZ6es only sell a limited amount of fresh produce, and product assortment is limited to the fruit and vegetables du kpocu (k, products ‘of that season of the year’). By concentrating on products du kpocu, sucoZ6es are able to charge competitive prices.

Initially, sucoZ6es were limited to public facilities designed to provide fresh produce at lower prices in highly populated areas or transportation centers, such as outside the main subway stations. Later on, privately- owned sucoZ6es started to coexist with public ones all around the city. The privately owned sucoZ6es assimilated the main characteristics of public sacolies and developed characteristics of their own. Similar to their public counterparts, they keep the name sucoZiTo (the name designates a specific type of facility that sells fresh produce by the kilo and charges one same price per kilo for all products); they also concentrate their product lines on seasonal products. Privately owned sucoZ6es are open several days of the week, usually from 7:OO a.m. to 1:00 p.m. (thefeiru is available only on one specific day of the week); they are indoors, and offer parking as well as shopping carts.

Customers go around the sucoZiTo with shopping carts and fill plastic bags with the products they choose from the different stands. When they are done shopping, customers go to the cash register where a clerk weighs the products and the whole shopping cart on a scale located on the floor of the store; the weight of the shopping cart is subtracted from the total weight to arrive at the final bill. This procedure saves the time and effort of taking the products off the cart as the shopper goes through the cash register. Once the bill is paid, the customer takes the shopping cart to the parking lot and only then, unloads the products from the cart. As a way to offer a wider range of products, privately owned sucoZ6es set up an additional set of stands where non-seasonal fresh produce is available at reg-

“SucoGes is the plural form of sucofrio, which translates into ‘big bag,’ ‘big shopping bag.’


ular prices and where a complementary line of products is available, such as beeflfishlpoultry and eggs.

Respondents mentioned better prices, “practicality” (“to be able to pay for everything at the end,” “shopping at sucoZr?o is fast”), parking, covered facilities, and the sucoZr?o being open several days of the week as reasons for shopping at the sucoEo. Good prices and the method of pay- ments received the highest number of mentions for reasons for buying at the sucoZr?o (See Table 1).

Supermarkets

There are Westem-style supermarkets in Brazil providing extensive services such as Internet ordering and home delivery. In this regard, the feiru will never engage in head-to-head competition with a supermarket chain. However, supermarkets directly compete with the feira, establish- ing their own sucoZ6es inside the store. One area of the store is set up sim- ulating the stalls with produce offered without any packaging. The customers choose their products and then proceed to a clerk, who weighs the products. Supermarkets advertise the day of the week that they will be offering a sucoZ~!Zo in the store.

One supermarket manager reported that the sucoZ6es compete with the feira in price and quality.” The products are monitored and purchased by specialized agents who visit the farms accompanied by agronomists. Pur- chases occur twice a week with the produce being chosen on site by the agents and transported to a storage place owned by the chain and then distributed to the stores. The sucolces were created to increase store traffic and to boost sales for ready-to-go food and other services offered at the store such as snack-bars.

SucoZ6es are perceived as a place to shop at low prices, and the supermarkets are able to appropriate the name itself and use it as a way to establish a competitive advantage toward the feiru. The competitive edge of the feiru resides in its ability to offer high quality products, a wide assortment of fresh fruit and vegetables at reasonable and negotiable prices. It is the feature of negotiation that creates more communication and interaction and ultimately satisfaction (along with quality). Shoppers made these inter-type comparisons:

“An informal interview was conducted with Zila Martins Portella Alarcon who manages a store from the supermarket chain PEo de Agucar (Sugar Loaf), one of the biggest chains in the country with stores in Europe, Africa, and Latin America.


“In the supermarket you can’t find this type of banana . . . it is already ‘beaten up.’ It is more sloppy at the supermarket. . . .”

“At the feira the products are ‘fresher’. . . sometimes I go to the supermarket and the fruit is already a little spoiled . . . so, I come to the feira.”

Vendors at the feiru realize the competition from supermarkets and sucol0”es. Vendors realize that the traffic at the feiru has been decreasing as a result of the competition, and they stress the role of the feiru as provider of good quality products that are personally selected by the vendors for their customers:

We are the ones who make the selection of the products . . . by the quality, variety, and also by the price. It doesn’t work if we pay a high price and come to thefeira and try to force the price to the customer. . . .

There is a lot of competition . . . movement has decreased, it is not like the old times. At thefeira, the quality is “good”; at supermarkets, sacol&s, the price is low but there aren’t nice quality products. Everything here is selected, everything good quality, there is a lot to choose from. . . .

According to the respondents, the reasons for shopping at supermarkets are convenient store hours, one-stop shopping, and security parking. Also, supermarkets offer a shopping environment free from the threats of rain or summer sun. Cleanliness, organization, and parking received the highest number of mentions for shopping at supermarkets (see Table 1).

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS

Traditional perspectives on the study of retail institutions, such as the extinction concept from Natural Selection Theory, predict that informal markets, such as street markets, would necessarily evolve into more sophisticated types of retail institutions. In Brazil, as a result of the increased competition from Western-style supermarkets and the sucoZ&os, traffic at the feirus is declining. In this way, thefeirus face competitive pressures from modem supermarkets. Nonetheless, the structure of the feiru has remained virtually unchanged as more and more shoppers are switching their purchases to other types of food retailers.

The success of the sucoltios provides an example of “adaptation,” as predicted by Natural Selection Theory. The sucoltio is a hybrid which combines the advantages of traditional markets (e.g., fresh produce in bulk) with the advantages of modem retailing (e.g., shopping carts, cash registers, sophisticated weighing devices).


The results presented here indicate that additional research is needed to definitively establish the relationship between culturally determined socialization needs and retailing theory. The feiru represented an example of informal markets coexisting with modern, Western-style retail institutions in developing countries. Thefeiru illustrates Brazilian cultural characteristics immersed in consumption patterns.

Patterns of buyer behavior at thefeira illustrate the pervasive role of social interactions in consumption. Participation in thefeira includes personal relationships as a component of the exchange relationship. It is through these relationships that consumers come to know and trust vendors to offer them the best quality products. The relationship between buyers and vendors becomes an important element to the continuity of the business itself; supermarkets do not foster such interactions to the same extent.

Consumers go to thefeiru looking for quality products and expect reasonable prices. The feedback as to whether the quality is good and the price acceptable is immediate and personal. Vendors are able to adjust their prices and negotiation takes place until both parties are satisfied with the exchange.

Formal retail institutions, such as supermarkets, do not possess the flexibility that vendors have at thefeiru. If the price is too high, or if the product does not look as good, consumers do not make the purchase and just keep going down the aisle. There are no channels for immediate feedback at the supermarket.

The sacoEo appears to be a cheaper alternative to thefeiru. Personal relationships between buyers and vendors at the sucoZ&o is minimal. Supermarkets are superior with regard to convenience and practicality. In the future, competition from supermarkets may constitute a greater threat tofeirus if there is ever a change in the cultural values which currently sustain the demand for fresh produce.

In some sense, the successful coexistence of the three retailing forms (i.e., feirus, SQCOZ&OS, and modem supermarkets) benefits Brazilian consumers. On the one hand, consumers benefit by having many choices. They are free to choose the market that best fits their lifestyle. On the other hand, age-old community ties and interpersonal relationships are fostered by the continuing existence of the feiras. This second advantage may underlie the resilience of thefeiru. The traditional markets create an environment where interpersonal relationships thrive. In turn, these close community ties support the continuing success of traditional markets.


The choice of buying at thefeiru represents the importance of the attributes of “freshness” and “variety” in the purchase of produce. Fresh products are perceived to be healthier, and the availability of a wide assortment of fresh products is crucial to the elaboration of balanced, nutritious meals; industrialized and processed food, on the contrary, does not possess these desired characteristics. Freshness, quality, and social interaction are a consummation of traditional Brazilian values, and they are realized in thefeiru but not in imported retail formats.

The realm of thefeiru is, basically, female. Women are the ones who control the consumption process for food. They are the ones who decide which are the best products and at what stalls they are available and from which vendors. Women also take control of meal preparation. The devo- tion dedicated to meal preparation is presented in the utilization of fresh products as basic ingredients. The purchase and use of a varied selection of fresh products represents that the meal was cooked with care and that attention was paid to one’s health and well-being.

The existence of thefeiru can only be understood within a cultural milieu where there is someone dedicated to the shopping of fresh food in order to prepare the family meals. With the increasing participation of women in the work force and the increasing costs of hired help, food preparation habits and consumption roles are likely to change in Brazil. Retail institutions will then reflect such shifts. It remains to be seen whether or not cultural factors override convenience.

The investigation of non-Western retail institutions, such as the feiru, can contribute to a better understanding of why people keep buying at such places, given the availability of other choices that offer cleaner, more convenient facilities and a wider variety of products and services. In some respects, the feira represents the kind of traditional marketplace that Plato describes as “ideal” in his Republic. The study of thefeiru, thus, allows researchers to understand the kind of retailing institutions that have existed for more than 2,500 years. Thefeiru is currently competing, head-to-head, with modem, 20th century institutions. Will the feiru survive into the 21st century? To date, it has proved to be an adaptable and resilient institution.

An interesting finding of our study supports an element of the dialectic theory of retail evolution. Ironically, we find that it is the supermarket that adapts to the existence and continuing popularity of thefeiru. Specif- ically, the supermarkets compete by imitating the fresh produce assortment of thefeira and the one-price element of the sucoZZo. On the sur- face, one would assume that the traditional retailing form would adopt


features of “modern” retailing, but here we find that is the reverse. Thus, there may be an important lesson for modem retailers. When opening stores in new geographic regions or countries, it may be beneficial to determine what popular qualities the indigenous retail forms possess and then adopt some of these for the service mix of the store.

Our findings also support Goldman’s (197Y1976) work on the stages in the development of the supermarket. For instance, he predicted that supermarket formats would evolve when modem retailers entered “developing countries” (63). The Theory of Natural Selection is supported in that we see evidence of adaptation in Brazil (e.g., the sucol~u). To date, we do not see evidence of extinction, but that may come in the future.

Some economists have expressed concern that primitive markets will eventually become extinct, thus undermining progressive efforts of the underclass (Hodges 1988). As the Brazilian economy has suffered economic crises, the feira offers a more logical, less capital-intensive retail operation for adapting to supply and demand pressures (Olsen and Granzin 1990). According to Jain (1 996),

the traditional labor-intensive food retailer is more suitable for marketing staples to the bulk of the world’s population-that is, neither so primitive as to offer no escape from low production and low income, nor so highly sophisticated as to be out of reach of poor people (537).

Street markets offer employment opportunities to people in developing countries in part because of the low costs, absence of external controls, and knowledge of customers (Arellano 1994). Also, they offer unique opportunities for female entrepreneurs. Modem forms of retailing have different labor needs that are not necessarily compatible with the labor skills of developing economies (Samiee 1993).

In the U.S., farmers’ markets and cooperatives exist in large cities and in small towns. For their customers, these markets may have some of the same attractions as those perceived by Brazilian shoppers. To date, much of what we know about retailing is based upon a study of the empirical regularities that exist in post World War I1 America. At this point, it may be quite enlightening to explore the twin issues of retail institutions and buyer behavior in non- American or non-Western economies.

APPENDIX

I’m finishing my Ph.D. in Marketing at the University of Houston, Texas, and one of my interests is to investigate cultural differences with respect to consumption patterns.


The enclosed questionnaire is part of a research project in which I intend to investigate consumption patterns of the Brazilian culture with respect to fresh products, such as fruits and vegetables.

This questionnaire attempts to understand why people buy fruits and vegetables at the feira, sacolrYo or supermarket.

Please take some of your time to answer the following questions.

1. (a) Are you the person responsible for the purchase of fruits and vegetables for your family/home?

-Yes, I am the person responsible for the purchase of fruits and vegetables for my family/home (if you answered “yes” go to question 2)

- No, I am not the person responsible

1 (if you answered “no” go to item b)

(b) If not, do you accompany the person in charge in more than half of the shopping trips?

- Yes, I accompany the person in charge in more than half of the shopping trips

2. Last month, approximately how many times did you buy fruits and vegetables at the feira?

- times

3. Last month, approximately how many times did you buy fruits and vegetables at the sacolrYo?

- times

4. Last month, approximately how many times did you buy fruits and vegetables at the sacolrYo?

- times

5. Please, mark with an (X) all the alternatives that correspond to the reasons why you purchase fruits and vegetables at thefeira, sacolrYo or at the supermarket.

a. good price b. freshness c. good quality of the products d. product variety e. I can walk to f. Public transportation (bus, subway) g. Easily accessible by car h. Parking space I. Convenient hours j. Convenient weekday k. Convenient location 1. Convenient method of payment


m. Ability to defer paymentkharge n. I’m used to/habit o. I enjoy the ambience/people/action p. Enjoy talking to vendordother customers q. Trudbelieve that I’m being offered the best r. Employeeshice vendors/help customers s. Well organized and clean

6. (If you don’t purchase fruits and vegetables at the feiru go to question 7). List the most important reasons why you buy fruits and vegetables at thefeira. Explain.

7. (If you don’t purchase fruits and vegetables at the feira go to question 8). List the most important reasons why you buy fruits and vegetables at the sacolr?o. Explain.

8. (If you don’t purchase fruits and vegetables at the feiru go to question 9). List the most important reasons why you buy fruits and vegetables at the supermarket. Explain.

9. Are fresh products important ingredients in the way food is prepared at your home? Why? Why not?

10. Please explain the role of fruits and vegetables in the way food is preparedkerved at your home.

1 1 . In general, what makes a nice/good meal?

12. If you go to thefeira, in what part of the city is it located? (If more than one, list all.)

13. Sex

14. Age

Thanks a lot for your cooperation in answering this questionnaire.

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Documents

The Structure of São Paulo Street Markets: Evolving Patterns of Retail Institutions