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The Maya, Wadela,Vale (Cameroon/Nigeria)

Name:

The Maya, Wadela and Vale are three very small ethnic units treated here together on one page. No etymology of the name Maya is known. Anania (1582) mentions the name „Maio‟, which Lange and Berthoud (1972:350) interpret as Maya (Forkl 1983:181). The Maya (see page Mandara/Wandala) feature significantly in the traditions of origin of the Wandala dynasty, and Vossart (1952:29) is of the opinion that the Maya are of Sao origin. Duisburg (1927:194) claims that the „Maja(Maia)‟ were partially destroyed and partially absorbed by the Wandala. Mouchet (1947:113) tells us that Maya can be found among the Hurza and Mboku. Forkl (1983:463) informs us that Abbo, Lebeuf and Robinson (1949:483f) had the opportunity to interview, in 1937, some Maya in Doulo (ibid). In the second half of the 16th century the Maya formed a small kingdom in Doulo (next to Mora), which was incorporated into the Wandala state around 1675 (Forkl 1983:179-184). R. Lukas (1972:163) informs us that the Muyang believe that the Maya come originally from Waza, an inselberg about 50 km northeast of Dulo and Mora.

No etymology of the names „Wadela‟ and Vale or Wele is known to us. Forkl (1983:463) informs us of the Wadela of the inselberg of Doulo. Boutrais (1973:45) mentions the „Wadela‟ as an example for certain Wandala clans the Wandala themselves refer to as „Wandala paiens‟. Duisburg (1927:194) mentions the „Welle (Walle)‟ and says that they occupy the inselberg of Kerawa. He (ibid) says that the „Welle‟ were originally part of the Wandala, but that they later become an independent ethnic group. Also Mathews (1934:7) refers to the „Velle‟, and says that they once left Chikide together with the Chinene, following a dispute over land the Chinene had with the Chikide.

Location:

The historical „Maya-Wandala‟ are from Doulo, which is a former Wandala capital next to Mora Town. Doulo was once the capital of the Maya. Clans who claim Maya origin can be found among the Muyang, Hurza and Mboko (see pages Muyang, Hurza and Mboko). It is is unclear whether the Wadela still occupy the inselberg of Doulo. We also don‟t know yet whether the Vale still occupy the Kerawa mountain, or whether they have all settled at the foot of the mountain.

Population: No exact demographic data are available at this moment in time. Muller-Kosack (1999) assumes that there are only a couple of hundred or less Wadela and Vale.

Language: Muller-Kosack (1999) is of the opinion that the Wadela and Vale speak wandala. The SIL website Ethnologue mentions „Vale‟ under „Glavda‟.

It seems that the the Vale or Wele are the only independent ethnic group, and that the Wadela are actually Wandala and the Maya are today either Muyang, Hurza or Mboko.

Ethnicity: terature:

Literature on the Maya is very much linked to literature on the Wandala (see page Wandala) and the Sao (see Duisburg, Bradley, Lange, Lebeuf and Migeod). There is hardly any literature dealing with the Wadela and Vale. Especially regarding the Vale/Wele further ethnographic research is necessary.

http://www.mandaras.info/MayaWadelaVale.html

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Masa and The Mayan!

The Mandara Empire (1350 –to-date)

Beginning of the empire is assumed to be the thirteenth or fourteenth century. A Masa

immigrant (a hunter named Gaya) is said to have married Queen Sukda, who belonged to the

Maya (Mandara), and thus having founded the dynasty. Barkindo (1984:30) regards the

foundation as result of coming together of various Chadic-speaking groups who gradually moved

their settlements southwards to avoid pressures from the then recently established Saifawa state

of Borno.

For the period before 1723 (the year of "official" Islamisation), historians refer to a list of 13

generations of the ruling dynasty, which can be traced back to the beginning of the empire. Idris

Alooma's expeditions, around 1587, against the peoples of Borno and also the Mandara/Malgwa

had been an attempt to weaken the Mandara/Malgwa as the numerically dominant group in the

region.

The Mandara convinced the Malgwa to resist in order strengthening their borders with Borno.

Idris Alooma fought the Malgwa because they were not Muslims and represented an export

factor as a potential source for slaves. Generally speaking, the sixteenth century was a period of

vivid migration and movement of the population as well as of intense state formations of the

Chadic-speaking peoples of the south and southwest of Borno from Mandara through Babur

country to the Bolewa. Strengthening of the autochthonous population was politically dangerous

for the Borno Caliphate, which exhausted itself in wars against the Songhai and Bulala. During

Idris Alooma's reign (1969 – 1600) "pockets of resistance as represented by the original

inhabitants of Borno" (Barkindo 1989:196) had survived, which could threaten the internal

structure. The rebellion continued to simmer in the south.

Dissident groups such as the “Gamaghu” (= Malgwa) were contained by a series of ribats or

frontier fortresses on the Borno side of the frontier and by alliances with the rulers of the nascent

states of the Mandara and Pabir on the other. In the course of the seventeenth century, Borno

consolidated her dominant position among the Islamic states of the region. The smaller states

fought no open wars against Borno. After Idris Alooma's death, however, the state of Mandara

gained strength and expanded.

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Islamisation took place under King Bukar Aaji (1719 – 1743) in 1723/24. The so far sacred and

aristocratic aspects showing kingdom changed gradually into a centralised state. In 1844,

Mandara lost its influence because it relinquished its old succession rights. At the end of the 19th

century, Rabih's invasion and plundering of the region, which lasted seven years (1893 – 1900),

extended up to Mandara. Rabih attacked the capital Doulo and enslaved the sultan and those

parts of the population that could not flee in time into the mountains or to Mora (today

Cameroon). 1902 the kingdom fell under German colonial rule. In 1916, the region was

partitioned into two; initially coming under French and British rule and since 1960 it belongs to

the independent states of Nigeria and Cameroon. Two thirds of the Wandala live in Cameroon

where they are still governed by a king, living in Mora, in co-operation with the central

administration. Successive capitals of the Mandara Empire have been Kerawa, Doulo, and Mora.

Origin and settlement history

Historical sources on Mandara have always to be regarded in the context of oral traditions and

migrations mentioned therein. But it is not possible to form a synthesis from these sometimes

contradictory traditions. With regard to the direction of migrations, traditions vary according to

the different groups. Some insist on origin "from the east", which either means the Mandara

Mountains or Yemen. Other traditions suggest Mandara origin in the Chad Basin or the Malgwa

area around Yedzeram respectively. Manner of split or separation of Mandara from Malgwa is

unclear. Likewise unclear is identification and classification of Masa and also Sao – as purported

in traditions – as semi-mythical ancestors of Malgwa/Mandara and many other peoples of the

region. However, all traditions include hunter myths. In the following, a few oral traditions are

presented.

Migration from the north

According to oral traditions, from the ninth century onwards the Malgwa settlement area was

located further north than it is today, cf. Mohammadou (1975:82) who locates the “Moulgwa”,

the ancestors of the Wandala between the river Yo (Komadugu Yobe) and the shores of lake

Chad. The expanding Kanem-Borno Empire forced them to migrate into a southerly direction.

The banks of River Yobe, where Birni Gazargamo had been founded, are deemed being urheimat

of the Malgwa and Wandala. Descendants of two princes and brothers founded the Malgwa and

the Wandala clans respectively. Nagarda founded Kamburwa, an important place in Wandala

traditions; a second person, whose name we do not know, founded Ukava-Yale, located between

Dikwa and Maiduguri. One of his descendants moved to Izga Kyewe, married there, refused to

rule, and disappeared in a Kigelia aethiopica tree, which was subsequently declared sacred.

Vossart (1953:28) reported that the "Gamergu" were almost extinct but that formerly they had

occupied a large area along the Yedzeram from where they had been pushed south.

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Mohammadou (1975:210 – 211, 227), who had consulted Arabic manuscripts for his study,

agreed with the (Islamised) Wandala view according to which their society originated from a

fusion of immigrants, the autochthonous Sao, and Maya who settled in the plains. The Sao

population from south of Lake Chad had survived as "Gamergu", forming the nucleus of the

Mandara population.

Hickey (1985:223) reports of the "So" who settled along Komadugu Yobe and fought the

incoming Kanuri. Only Idris Alooma, after long wars, more or less subdued them in the sixteenth

century. According to Hickey (1985:224), the following three groups descended from the Sao:

Ngizim-Bade, Buduma-Kotoko, and Gamergu-Mandara. Latter were numerically and in their

spread the strongest group that the Kanembu met.

Barth (1857-58, II:316) based on linguistic findings established connections between Wandala

and Hausa thus deducing that formerly the Wandala have to be placed further north where they

had been connected with the Hausa. In his opinion (ibid.:614) the Wandala are "a tribe,

subdivided into several families living north of the Komadugu Yobe".

Another (yet doubtful) tradition purports Malgwa migration from the northern Tubu region.

Nachtigal (1879) assumes that Wandala and Muniyo are descendants of the Tomegera, a Tubu

branch. Tubu are believed to have been the first who moved south from Tibesti and who founded

the state of Kanem. Nachtigal's argument is the Tubu translation of Kanem (prefix k- + ánEm

'south') as "land of the south". The Tomegera have been the first settlers of Kanem who moved

further south to Borno. During his travels to the periphery of Borno in 1870, Nachtigal met

Mandara in the south, Muniyo in the north and some in “Manga Province” among the Ngizim

and Ngazir. According to Palmer, Mandara country had been governed by a Berber aristocracy

called "Wann-dala" (dala = hill country in Mandara lands) or "Tumagari" respectively (=

Tomegera) whose language was said to have been related to Kanuri. The Tomegera had come as

Daju invasion from the Fitri and Dar Sila region to Mandara in the tenth century. Their ancestors

have been Kin-din kel-Buram, Zaghawa, as well as Daju from Wadai and Darfur. However,

Barkindo (1989) does not consider the Tomegera being Berber.

Migration from the east

This includes the unlikely hypothesis of a Coptic origin of the Mandara (with reference to the

Mandara Chronicle). Ancestors of the Mandara kings are said to have been Himyarite Christians

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from Yemen (cf. Palmer 1967, II:96). This tradition is wide-spread in the Sudan (cf. Barkindo

1989:35).

A second tradition about a nearer eastern origin stems from the Malgwa of Gawa and Gwoza as

well. They are speaking of three brothers who had come from the east (like the Wandala). The

ancestors of the Gamergu/Malgwa are said to have come closer from the peak of Zaladiva in the

western Mandara Mountains (cf. Barkindo 1989:35). According to oral traditions, the Malgwa

moved southwest due to pressure from other groups. Earlier they lived in the area around Muna

(north of Maiduguri); later, when Birni Gazargamo still existed (16th – 19th cent.), some moved

into the Mandara region. However, few people moved north from the Mandara Mountains

because the soil there is less fertile, thus making settlement conditions more difficult. Neither can

River Yedzeram, a seasonal river, be regarded as acceptable reason for a migration to the north.

The struggle for dominance between Mandara and Malgwa forced the Mandara to retreat into the

Mandara Mountains. The state of Mandara was founded there, which became a centre for iron

and metal processing. Officer Clapperton visited the Mandara region in 1826, however, his notes

are not very rich. He mentions stoneless "Bornow" into which grinding stones were brought from

"Mandra & Soudan" (Lockhart 1996:119) as well as the fact that El-Kanemi had married a

daughter of Mandara king Bukar Jama (abt. 1773 – 1829). For a long time Borno kept Mandara

as a vassal state balanced with royal marriages.

According to Harford (1927) the Malgwa claim their origin from "Dalla, Dabba a high peak of

the Mandara range". First groups settled at a certain place (urdan) on the northern and southern

banks of Yedzeram. MacEachern (cf. 1991:179) too postulates Mandara origin from a mountain

area and not from the plains.

Migration from the Masa area

Masa are living south-east of the Wandala. Nachtigal as well a Barth (1857-58, II:356), using

linguistic evidence, declare the "Wandala, Gamergu, and the people of the Logone" as belonging

to the Great nation of the “Massa”, which comprises the Kotoko or Makari, the people of Logon

or Logone, the Mandara or UrWandala, with the Gamergu, and the large tribe of this Batta an

probably even that of the Mbana.

Masa hunters came from the east under the leadership of Gaya (who had married the Wandala

queen Sukda and founded a dynasty in Kerawa) whose brothers had remained in Kamburwa and

Gawa. Coming from the east, Masa crossed the area of rivers Shari and Logone and separated

afterwards. Some moved north. Oral traditions report about marriages between Masa and the Sao

who were living in the north – the Kotoko are regarded their descendants. A second group

founded the Masa and Musgu in the region between the rivers. The third group is also said to

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have entered into marriage relationship with the Sao but their ancestors are, according to oral

traditions, the Mandara. Madziga (cf. 1976:64) believes that the Wandala kingdom consists

partially of Masa. A small number of Masa immigrated into the Mandara area and married there.

However, we have no proof for larger Masa migrations into the Mandara region between the

thirteenth and sixteenth century.

Migration from the west

Von Duisburg (1927:193) assumes Mandara immigration from the west several centuries ago.

According to oral traditions, the Wandala originate from the area around "Gúdjiba" (Gujba) and

from there, before they moved to their present settlement area, spread out across the area where

the Margi are living today. Only with time they reached the slopes of the Mandara Mountains.

Wandala and, together with them, "the Gamerghú, who are related to them and speak the same

language – only with a few dialectal differences" (cf. von Duisburg 1927:193) were pushed out

of their old settlement places. This theory is highly disputed. According to yet other traditions by

the same author, the Wandala met the Maja (= Maya) in the Mandara Mountains. "This group

was partially destroyed and partially absorbed by the Wándala" (von Duisburg 1927:194). The

ethnic groups "Walle" and "Disa" are speaking Wandala today, they are also said to belong to the

Wandala.

Origin in Borno and subsequent partially movement into the Mandara mountains

According to Nachtigal (cf. 1889:417), the Kotoko are related to the Masa, "Gamergu/Wandala"

and Buduma. He dates the beginning of the population's emigration from the Borno plains into

the thirteenth century. Almost all ethnic groups are said to have reached their present areas in the

fourteenth century. Also Barkindo (1989:66) assumes a Mandara emigration from the Borno

region into the mountains:

[they] occupied the area surrounding Mandara ranges after breaking away from the main tribal

group at Ishaga-Kewe (Izga Kyewe), first known truly Malgwa settlement as recorded by oral

tradition. They originally inhabited large districts near the River Yedzeram whence they have

been driven. They are a branch of the almost extinct Ma-Sa family and lived by raiding. They are

a pagan, or semi-pagan people.”

Malgwa of the Bama district, from Meirambi and Yohomtake, regard Izga Kyewe their religious

centre and the birth place of the state of Mandara. Annually after the harvest, the lazawa festival

with wrestling and beer drinking is celebrated there.

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The language of the Malgwa

The Malgwa speak a Central Chadic language that is located in the contact zone of three large

language phylae: besides Afro-Asiatic with its many Chadic languages, Nilo-Saharan

represented by Kanuri (a Saharan language), and the Niger-Congo language phylum into which

falls Fulfulde (Atlantic). Shuwa Arabic also spoken in Borno belongs to the Semitic languages

within the Afro-Asiatic phylum. The language has been in the centre of various studies by the

author since 1995.

http://www.kanuri.net/kanuri_and_their_neighbours2.php?aID=29

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Northern Montagnards

This page aims to introduce the life, environment and material culture of the peoples of the northern Mandara mountains of N Cameroon and NE Nigeria

The peoples of the Mandara mountains are often referred to as kirdi, a rather derogatory term often translated as pagan. The epistomology of the word is instrinsically linked to the history of slavery to which montagnards were exposed for hundreds of years. In the past the mountains provided a safe haven against slave raids but they also had other environmental advantages such as higher rainfalls. The latter is still of great importance for the mountain farmers who cultivate their land under the harsh conditions of the Sudano-Sahelian zone.

The Northern Mandaras are, with between 100 and 250 inhabitants per sq/km, very densely populated. The intensive agricultural system is very labour intensive and farmers keep stall feeding domestic stock in order to fertilise the terrace fields.

The meaning of the word kirdi

The ethnic groups of the Northern Mandaras are often generally referred to as Kirdi. Kirdi is a word of Kanuri origin and is translated by Cyffer (1994:130) as pagan (kerdi/krdi=pagan).The ethnonym Kirdi has a derogatory connotation, but is also used by montagnards to refer to their ethnic pride. Ela (1994:8-14) e.g. speaks of „Kirditude‟ meaning the attitude of a Kirdi.

The historical meaning of the word is possibly best translated as „all those who were non-Muslims and who could therefore be subjected to enslavement (Muller-Kosack (1999), which was in accordance with the Qur‟anic law against the enslavement of free persons, after which Muslims could only be enslaved under clearly defined circumstances (Rihill 1996:106).

In this context the word Kirdi can also be interpreted as a social ideology of resistance against Islamization and the holding on to a traditional local religious system.The first mentioning of Kirdi is by Denham 1826 (1985:145) who translates the word „Kerdies‟ as „Negroes who have never embraced the Mohammedan faith‟.

Denham used the word Kirdi not only for montagnards, but for all pagan groups of the mountains and of the plains. The fact that the ethnonym Kirdi was later only applied to montagnards must be seen in the context of the integration of the ethnic groups of the plains into the Muslim community since the late nineteenth century.

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Regional History of Slavery

The history of slavery is linked with the history of Islam in the region, which goes back about a thousand years. Beginning with Kanem and Borno and since the 16th century, the Sultanate of Mandara, it reached its historical peak in the 19th century with the Fulbe conquering the central plateau south of Mokolo.

There is still a vivid memory of the times of slavery among many older people of the Northern Mandaras. Being sold into slavery was a matter of local involvment and it was not uncommon that somebody of the same family was given away into slavery by other members of his family (Kosack 1992).

The Mandara

The Sultate Manara was the historically most important slave raiding society of the Northern Mandaras. There is good evidence that the Mandara had created a tribute system (Forkl 1983:292ff) which forced many montagnard groups to raid among themselves in order to “pay” their human dues. When they failed to do so the Mandara resumed raiding. Their influence covered, for several hundred years, the whole of Northern Mandaras (Mohammadou 1982).

The Fulbe

The Fulbe system of enslavement was driven not so much by a trbute system but more by religious motives which doesn‟t mean that they were not in need of slaves. In 1810 Modibbo Adama encouraged the regional Fulbe chiefs to launch the jihad agains all pagan populations (Mohammadou 1988:257-64). Defense system built as stone walls by the montagnards against the attacking Fulbe cavalary stem from this time, as reported by Vincent (1991:94ff) on the Mofu-Diamare.

Hamman Yaji

Hamman Yaji, a Fulbe, was the last slave raider of the Northern Mandaras. He was arrested by the British in 1927 and montagnards from Sukur to Dughwede give explicite accounts on his relentless raiding. His diary was published in 1995 (Vaughan et al). It is historically unclear whether it was the suspicion of Mahdism or the complains from montagnards which led to his arrest (Muller-Kosack 1999).

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MANDARA MOUNTAINS

In 1999 UNESCO inscribed Sukur, located in the Mandara Mountains of northeast Nigeria, on

the World Heritage List. The citation calls it an exceptional landscape illustrating a form of land-

use that marks a critical stage in human settlement and its relationship with its environment. The

cultural landscape of Sukur is also eloquent testimony to a strong and continuing spiritual and

cultural tradition that has endured for many centuries.

Sukur is an anomaly among World Heritage sites in that it is virtually unknown beyond its

immediate area. This site is being developed to introduce Sukur to the wider world by

assembling as much information on its unique society and rich, self-reliant culture as is available

in archives, publications, and the data collected by Nic David and Judy Sterner in the context of

the Mandara Archaeological Project. Other materials, some hopefully contributed by the Sukur

themselves, will be added as they become available.

View from the Sukur plateau across to Mt Meldeng and down to the plains. The northern paved

way climbs the ridge in the middle distance to a point below and to the right of the summit. Its

unpaved portion can be seen as a line sloping down to the left edge of the picture.

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Striga, a beautiful plant growing in the fields, is also called witchweed. It is one of the few

flowering plants that parasitises others, here robbing sorghum, millet, and maize of water and

nutrients.

Through the west entrance (gateway 14) onto the Patla The thatched roof is placed directly over

the Mcakili (Gudur) shrine that celebrates the relationship between Sukur and the Gudur

chiefdom in Cameroon

http://thetouristmag.com/mandara.html

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15

Selected Literature concerning the Malgwa

Löhr. D. 2004. (with D. Ibriszimow) Types, patterns and kinds of lexical distribution and their

correlations. – In: Ibriszimow, D. & E. Rothmaler (eds.) Tesserae of Borno. In memoriam

William Seidensticker. Frankfurter Afrikanistische Blätter 16: 26-50.

Löhr. D. 2004. (with Jungraithmayr, H. & R. Leger) „Westwärts zieht der Wind“. Migrationen

im südlichen Tschadseegebiet. – In: Albert, K.D., D. Löhr & K. Neumann (eds.) Mensch und

Natur in Westafrika. - Ergebnisse aus dem Sonderforschungsbereich "Kulturentwicklung und

Sprachgeschichte im Naturraum Westafrikanische Savanne". 169-195. Weinheim: Wiley-VCH.

Löhr. D. 2003. The Malgwa - a historical overview and some ethnographic notes, Borno

Museum Society Newsletter 56 & 57: 23-43.

Löhr, D. 2003. Locative-directional verbal extensions and prepositions in Malgwa. – In: K. K.

Lébikaza (ed.) Actes du 3e Congrès Mondial de Linguistique Africaine Lomé 2000. (World

Congress of African Linguistics vol. 3). Köln: Köppe. 189-206.

Löhr, D. 2002a. Die Sprache der Malgwa - Nárá Málgwa. Grammatische Erstbeschreibung einer

zentraltschadischen Sprache Nordost-Nigerias. Research in African Studies, 6 Frankfurt: Peter

Lang Verlag. 336 S.

Löhr, D. 2002b. Zur Genese des Perfekt II im Malgwa. – In: Schumann, Th., M. Reh, R.

Kießling & L. Gerhardt (eds.) Aktuelle Forschungen zu afrikanischen Sprachen.

Sprachwissenschaftliche Beiträge zum 14. Afrikanistentag in Hamburg, 11.-14. Oktober 2000.

Köln: Köppe. 243-258.

Löhr, D. 2002c. The Malgwa in Maiduguri. – In: R. Kawka (ed.) From Bulamari to Yerwa to

Metropolitan Maiduguri - Interdisciplinary Studies on the Capital of Borno. Köln: Köppe. 127-

143.

Löhr, D. 2001. Masakwa from a linguistic point of view. – In: Kahlheber, S. & K. Neumann.

(eds.) Man and environment in the West African Sahel - an interdisciplinary approach. - Berichte

des Sonderforschungsbereichs 268, 17. Frankfurt. 85-103.

Löhr. D. 2001. (with Ibriszimow, D., R. Kawka, C. Mtaku, R. Vogels & I.M. Waziri). Historical

implications of a linguistic environment – towards a systemic approach. – In: Proceedings of the

International Symposium 1999. Berichte des Sonderforschungsbereichs 268, 14. Frankfurt. 179-

190.

Löhr, D. 1999. Traces of a lost gender distinction? A Study of Malgwa (Central Chadic)

zoonymes. Frankfurter Afrikanistische Blätter 11: 145-155.

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Löhr, D. 1999. Die Sprache der Malgwa – Nárá Málgwa. Grammatische Erstbeschreibung einer

zentraltschadischen Sprache Nordost-Nigerias. Inauguraldissertation im Fachbereich Ost- und

Außereuropäische Sprach- und Kulturwissenschaften an der Johann Wolfgang Goethe-

Universität Frankfurt. 320 S.

Löhr, D. 1998. Sprachkontakte bei den Malgwa (Gamergu) in Nordostnigeria. – In: Fiedler, I., C.

Griefenow-Mewis & B. Reineke (eds.) Afrikanische Sprachen im Brennpunkt der Forschung.

Linguistische Beiträge zum 12. Afrikanistentag Berlin, 3.-6. 10. 1996, Köln: Köppe. 251-269.

Löhr, D. 1996. (with Zach, B., Kirscht H. et al.) Masakwa dry season cropping in the Chad basin.

In: SFB 268 (Hg.) Berichte des Sonderforschungsbereiches 268, Vorträge Internationales

Symposium, Frankfurt/Main 13.12. - 16.12. 1995. S. 349-356. Frankfurt.

Löhr, D. 1996. (with Cyffer, N.; Platte, E.; Tijani, A.I.) Adaptation and delimitation. Some

thoughts about the Kanurization of the Gamergu, in: Berichte des Sonderforschungsbereiches

268, Vorträge Internationales Symposium, Frankfurt/Main 13.12. - 16.12. 1995. Hg. SFB 268, S.

49-66. Frankfurt.

Löhr, D. 1995. Kanuri-Lehnwörter im geographischen Vokabular des Gamergu. In: Brunk, K.

und U. Greinert-Byer (Hg.), Mensch und Natur in Westafrika. Eine interdisziplinäre Festschrift

für Günter Nagel. Berichte des Sonderforschungsbereichs 268, Bd. 5, Frankfurt am Main. S.

243-250.

http://www.kanuri.net/kanuri_and_their_neighbours2.php?aID=29

www.mandaras.info/MayaWadelaVale.html

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Publications for downloading

Cattini-Muller, S., Responding to a need: developing literacy in a remote area of the Gwoza Hills in NE

Nigeria. Mandaras Publishing (www.mandaras.info). London, 2000 (13p).

Cooper, M., The Northern Cameroons Plebiscite 1960/61: A Memoir with Photo Archive. Electronic ISBN

Publication, Mandaras Publishing, 2010 (67 pages, including 99 photos).

Damis, F., Auf dem Moraberge: Erinnerungen an die Kämpfe der 3. Kompanie der ehemaligen

Kaiserlichen Schutztruppe für Kamerun. Verein ehemaliger Angehöriger der kaiserlichen Schutztruppe für

Kamerun, Berlin 1929. ISBN Online Publication of electronic reproduction by Mandaras Publishing,

London 2010.

Lees, A., The Cameroon Diary of Arthur Lees 1914-915: An account of the beginning of the Mora

campaign from the British side. Transcribed with additional notes by Dan Robinson. Electronic ISBN

Publication, Mandaras Publishing, London 2010 (48 pages).

MacEachern, S., Du Kunde: Processes of Montagnard Ethnogenesis in the Northern Mandara Mountains

of Cameroon. PhD thesis, Department of Archaeology, University of Calgary, 1990. Electronic ISBN

Publication, Mandaras Publishing, London, 2003 (433 pages).

Melchisedek, C., Pierre, argile et bois dans l‟habitat des Podokwo (Monts Mandara) : étude de l‟influence

des variables environnementales sur le choix des matériaux de construction. Electronic ISBN Publication,

Mandaras Publishing, London, 2011 (15p).

Moritz, M., Commoditization and the Pursuit of Piety: The Transformation of an African Pastoral System.

PhD dissertation, University of California, Los Angeles, 2003. Electronic ISBN Publication, Mandaras

Publishing, London, 2011 (491 pages)

Muller-Kosack, G., No Cry for Death. Mandaras Publishing (www.mandaras.info). London, 1999 (4p). Muller-Kosack, G., A selected bibliography on the Mafa of the Mandara Mountains (North Cameroon).

Mandaras Publishing (www.mandaras.info). London, 2000 (6p).

Muller-Kosack, G., The Way of the Beer: Ritual re-enactment of history among the Mafa - Terrace

farmers of the Mandara mountains (North Cameroon). With colour photos and maps. Mandaras

Publishing, London 2003, (409p.)

Muller-Kosack, G., Summary and ethnographic evaluation of Rauchenberger‟s (1999) Johannes Leo

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