The Joan B. Kroc Institute for International Peace Studies ...Peacebuilding practitioners working on the ground around the world, including many of our students and alumni, bring another

p e a c e c o l l o q u y

The Joan B. Kroc Institute for International Peace StudiesUniversity of Notre Dame

Issue No. 1, Spring 2002

Peacekeeping:Defining SuccessA N T H O N Y L A K E

The Fundamentalist FactorS C O T T A P P L E B Y

Economic Causes of Civil WarsP A U L C O L L I E R

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s anyone who has visited the Kroc Institute can attest, the place is abuzz with discussions of peace.

This dialogue emerges in part from the diverse array of people who cross paths at the KrocInstitute. At the heart of the conversation are scholars in a variety of fields, both at NotreDame and other institutions. Through analyses of cultural, political, religious, and ethical

dimensions of current international conflicts, they provoke new insights into the meaning and prospects forpeace.

Peacebuilding practitioners working on the ground around the world, including many of our students and alumni, bring another set of questions to the discussion. These voices challenge us to think concretely abouthow peace can be fostered through conflict resolution, human rights, human development, refugee assistance,and other peacebuilding programs.

The Institute also has contacts with international policymakers at the UN, State Department, World Bank, andother institutions, who direct our attention to the need for more equitable and effective global strategies forpeace.

By bringing together these and many other voices, the Kroc Institute has become the focal point for an engag-ing colloquy — or “serious discussion” — on peace. As its name suggests, each issue of peace col loquyseeks to highlight important contributions to this ongoing dialogue through feature articles by faculty, visitinglecturers, and alumni. Like its predecessor, the Kroc Institute Report, peace col loquy will also include arti-cles on recent events and programs at the Institute; news about Institute faculty, students and alumni; anddescriptions of recent publications by the Institute and its faculty fellows.

We hope the new content and updated format will provoke reflection on diverse aspects of peace while alsoinforming alumni and friends of the Institute about our current activities.

I invite your comments and suggestions.

H A L C U L B E R T S O N

A S S O C I A T E D I R E C T O R ,K R O C I N S T I T U T E

AFrom the Editor

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Who’s New?

4 2001-02 Rockefeller Visiting Fellows Explore Islam and Peacebuilding

5 Kroc Institute Visiting Fellows Examine Ethnic Conflict and Globalization

6 Philpott Brings Interest in Religion and Politics to Core Faculty

7 2001-02 M.A. Students Bring Diverse Experiences in Peacebuilding

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Recent Highlights

14 After September 11Kroc Responds to the Global Crisis

16 A First SIP for CRSSummer Institute in Peacebuildingbuilds Kroc-CRS relationship

Research

18 Kroc Institute Launches RIRECNew research initiative explores post-accord peacebuilding

19 Lessons from South Africa’s Truthand Reconciliation CommissionRIREC workshop features lecture byCharles Villa-Vicencio, former TRCResearch Director

20 Globalization and Local ViolenceProject examines impact ofglobalization in urban and ruralcontexts

21 Can Violent Conflict be Preventedthrough Development Aid?Peter Wallensteen discusses findings ofan OECD research team

22 The Waning of Major WarConference explores historical trends ininternational warfare

24 Do Good Things Always GoTogether?Kroc-USIP workshop examines tensionsbetween human rights and peace

25 John Howard Yoder and theCatholic TraditionStanley Hauerwas presents 3rd AnnualYoder Dialogue

Student and Alumni Activities

26 Peacebuilding in the Midst ofChangeKroc alumni support peacebuildingefforts in volatile East Timor

28 The Missing PeaceStudent conference reveals growinginterest in children and violence

Features

Peacekeeping: Defining SuccessAnthony Lake argues that reunitingfractured societies should not always bethe goal

The Fundamentalist FactorScott Appleby examines the roots ofIslamic extremism

Economic Causes of Civil WarsPaul Collier discusses some surprisingfindings

29 News Briefs

30 Occasional Papers

31 Policy Briefs

31 Other Policy Publications

31 Faculty Publications

36 Upcoming Highlights

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The Kroc Institute’s Program in Religion, Conflict andPeacebuilding (PRCP) is proud to welcome its first group ofRockefeller Foundation Visiting Fellows. Through a grantfrom the Rockefeller Foundation Humanities Fellowships pro-gram, the PRCP is hosting visiting fellows from a variety ofcultural and political contexts to explore the diverse rolesplayed by religious actors in contemporary conflicts. Thegrant provides funding for Visiting Fellowships over a 3-yearperiod beginning in the Fall of 2001. Further informationabout this program is available on our website<www.nd.edu/~krocinst>.

MOHAMMED ABU-NIMER (Springsemester 2002), a conflict resolution specialist in the School of InternationalService, American University, received hisBachelor’s and Master’s degree fromHebrew University, Jerusalem and thePh.D. from George Mason University,where he wrote a dissertation entitled

“Conflict Resolution Between Arabs and Jews in Israel: AStudy of Six Intervention Models.” As a Rockefeller visitingfellow at the Kroc Institute, Abu-Nimer will complete a bookon Islamic resources for nonviolent conflict resolution.

THOMAS SCHEFFLER, a political sci-entist at the Freie Universität Berlin, isconducting a case study of Lebanon, enti-tled “Dynamics of Violence-Dynamics ofPeace? Religious Hierarchies and theDomestication of Violence in Lebanon.”Based on extensive research in the region,Scheffler will compare the contributions of

high-ranking Muslim and Christian religious leaders to legiti-mating or restraining violent conflict in 20th centuryLebanon.

TAMARA SIVERTSEVA, an ethnogra-pher at the Russian Academy of Sciences,Institute of Oriental Studies, is an experton Islam’s role in shaping civil societythroughout the North Caucasus. She hasdone extensive field work in Dagestan, aregion which has received little attentionin the West. Dagestan has demonstrated a

surprising ability to stave off violent conflict, in sharp contrastwith neighboring Chechnya. While in residence at NotreDame, Sivertseva will be completing a book project exploringthe cultural and religious factors behind Dagestan’s stability.

HAKAN YAVUZ, a political scientist atthe Middle East Center, University ofUtah, and a frequent commentator in theTurkish media, studies Islamic conceptionsof human rights, the politics of identity,and the impact of globalization on devel-oping countries. While at the KrocInstitute, Yavuz will be completing a book

on the Nur movement of Turkey (which has branches inCentral Asia, Bosnia, Albania, and Germany), a rapidly grow-ing Islamist movement notable for its openness towardsdemocracy and international standards of human rights. Yavuzis particularly interested in its implications for the evolutionof modernist thinking in the Islamic world as a whole and forfuture relations between Islam and the West.

2001-02 Rockefeller VisitingFellows Explore Islam and

Peacebuilding

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In addition to the Rockefeller Foundation Visiting Fellows,the Institute is hosting three Kroc Institute Visiting Fellowsduring 2001-02, who will be contributing to Kroc researchinitiatives on ethnic conflict and globalization.

TRISTAN BORER is Associate Professor of Government at Connecticut College and the author of the award-winningstudy of resistance to apartheid, Challenging the State:Churches as Political Actors in South Africa, 1980-1994(University of Notre Dame Press, 1998). Borer specializes inAfrican politics, human rights, transitional justice and theroles of religious, ethnic and cultural actors in these realms. A co-director of the Kroc Institute’s Research Initiative on the Resolution of Ethnic Conflict (RIREC), her forthcomingbook will evaluate the success of South Africa’s Truth andReconciliation Commission.

ELISE GIULIANO earned her doctorate in ComparativePolitics at the University of Chicago in 2000 with a disserta-tion entitled “Paths to the Decline of Nationalism: EthnicPolitics in the Republics of Russia.” Her post-doctoral fellow-ship at Columbia University’s Harriman Institute last year wasone of several fellowships and research grants Elise has wonrecently. During her visiting fellowship at the Kroc Institute,Giuliano will extend her research on the rise and decline ofethnic conflict in Russia to other republics in the post-Sovietregion.

ELAINE THOMAS earned the Ph.D. in Political Science atthe University of California, Berkeley in 1998 with a disserta-tion entitled “Nation After Empire: The Political Logic andIntellectual Limits of Citizenship and ImmigrationControversies in France and Britain, 1981-1989.” After grad-uation, Thomas accepted the position of Collegiate AssistantProfessor at the University of Chicago. The recipient of aSSRC-MacArthur fellowship, she was also a research fellow atthe Institut d’Études Politiques in Paris. During her fellowshipat the Kroc Institute, Thomas is revising the dissertation intoa book showing how globalization is transforming existingconceptions and practices of political membership and howthose transformations are affecting social justice and relationsamong ethnic groups as well as the prospects for lasting peacein Europe.

Kroc Institute Visiting FellowsExamine Ethnic Conflict and

Globalization

Kroc Director Scott Appleby with (left to right) Tristan Borer,

Elise Giuliano, and Elaine Thomas

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Daniel Philpott, the newest member of Kroc Institute’s CoreFaculty, will bring fresh insights into the relationship betweenreligion and politics to the Institute. Philpott holds a jointappointment as Assistant Professor in Government andInternational Studies.

Philpott is not a newcomer at Notre Dame. In 1998-99,he spent a year on campus as a visiting fellow at the ErasmusInstitute. He also held a visiting appointment at Princeton in1995-96 after completing his doctorate at Harvard in 1995.

Philpott’s first book focuses on the role of ideas in the historical development of sovereignty. Revolutions inSovereignty: How Ideas Shaped ModernInternational Relations was released byPrinceton University Press in March 2001.

“The topic was essentially answering thequestion: How did the world ever get to beorganized into sovereign states,” he explains.“The book focuses on two historicalepisodes: first, the formation of the sover-eign state system in early modern Europethat culminated in the Peace of Westphaliain 1648, and second, the decline of thecolonial empires during the 20th centurythat culminated around 1960. The latterdevelopment resulted in the expansion of the sovereign statesystem around the globe.”

“One of the things that made me want to look at this wasthe fact that sovereignty is (now) becoming compromised andcircumscribed.” Two major influences, he says, are behind thecurrent challenges to sovereign states. “One is the ongoingextension of the European Union. The other is the increasingincidence of humanitarian intervention in the internal affairsof various nations.”

Philpott Brings Interest in Religion and Politics to

Core Faculty

What has intrigued many about Philpott’s point of view isthe bold case he makes for the central role of ideas — particu-larly religious ideas — in the evolution of sovereign states.While military and economic power cannot be overlooked,only the power of ideas can adequately explain the creation ofa world of sovereign states, he argues.

That interplay of religious ideas in politics has particularlypreoccupied Philpott. He is a member of a scholarly working group promoting the study of religion and politics.Directed by Harvard’s Samuel Huntington, it includes scholars from across the United States.

Recently, Philpott’s scholarship hasturned to issues of reconciliation. “The sub-ject of reconciliation in politics is one that Inow want to address in an academic way,”Philpott comments. “Reconciliation has manylayers, and it must involve justice, accounta-bility and truth-telling. I am interested inexploring the larger question of how societiesdeal with past injustices or evils.”

A recent convert to Catholicism, Philpotthas been deeply impressed by Pope John PaulII. The pope’s contributions in bringing thelanguage of reconciliation and forgiveness into

the broader social context have not yet been fully appreciatedor explored, he says.

In 1996, a five-day visit to war-torn Sarajevo deepenedPhilpott’s commitment to exploring issues of political recon-ciliation. Traveling as part of an international team, heobserved the devastating impact of war and was impressed bydiscussions of reconciliation by diplomats, religious leadersand relief workers from Islamic, Catholic and SerbianOrthodox traditions. Philpott plans to continue field researchon reconciliation in other conflict settings.

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The Institute welcomes 20 new students to its M.A. program:

Catalina Acevedo (Colombia) served as an advisor to theColombian High Commissioner for Peace and as a researcherat the Universidad de los Andes.

Hassab Elrasoul Y. Ali (Sudan) worked for several years asa peacebuilding officer for a local NGO, the Badya Center forIntegrated Development Services and for UNESCO.

Marta Balint (Romania) worked as a translator at aBucharest-based child protection NGO.

Abolghasem Bayyenat (Iran) worked on arms control andinternational trade issues for the Iranian Ministry of ForeignAffairs.

Jean-Paul Bigirindavyi (Burundi) worked for World Reliefand is developing a youth center in Nairobi, Kenya to fosterpeacebuilding.

Agnes Campell (The Gambia) is a nurse and midwife andhas worked for many years in rural development.

Karmela Devcic (Croatia) was a reporter for a highly-ratedpolitical news TV show in Croatia.

Marco Garrido (USA) a native of the Philippines, researchedagrarian reform at a development think-tank in Manila.

Peter Gichure (Kenya) a Catholic priest, teaches SystematicTheology and serves as theological advisor for the CatholicJustice and Peace Commission in Nairobi.

Alisher Khamidov (Kyrgyzstan) directed a non-profit mediaassociation in Kyrgyzstan and wrote a series of articles on reli-gious and ethnic conflict in the Ferghana Valley.

Asma Khan (Pakistan) taught and conducted research at theUniversity of Karachi related to her interests in conflict resolu-tion, foreign policy, and religious extremism.

John Kleiderer (USA) taught journalism in Tanzania andworked with Jesuit Refugee Service in camps for Burundianrefugees.

2001-02 M.A. Students BringDiverse Experiences in

Peacebuilding

The Kroc Institute’s 2001-02 M.A. Students

Anastasiya Leukhina (Ukraine) was an interpreter at theSchool of Social Work at Kiev-Mohyla Academy and studied communications and conflict resolution in Canada.

Tetty Naiborhu (Indonesia) conducted research on protestand reform in Indonesia at the Center for Security and Peaceat Gadjah Mada University.

Dieu Huong Nguyen (Vietnam) conducted research for 3years at the Institute for International Relations, which advisesthe Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Vietnam.

Stanley “Karana” Olivier (USA) served 12 years as aFrench-English interpreter with the U.S. Department of Stateand the UN International Criminal Tribunals for Rwanda andthe former Yugoslavia.

Kim Overdyck (South Africa) was a member of the SouthAfrican Police Service from 1983-96, where she investigatedcrimes committed against children. She was recently admittedas an advocate of the High Court of South Africa.

Serhat Tutuncuoglu (Turkey) worked as a research assistanton counter-intelligence actions in the U.S. against racialhatred groups.

Her Vang (USA), whose family fled Laos after the commu-nist takeover, recently completed an M.A. thesis at Iliff Schoolof Theology on nonviolence and Hmong history.

Willow Wetherall (USA) worked at the Mitchell Center forEnvironmental and Watershed Research, where she acted as aliaison to Cyprus.

Biographies of these students are available on the KrocInstitute’s website <www.nd.edu/~krocinst>.

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What are the political purposes of peacekeeping? The conventional wisdom is that the purpose of

peacekeeping in contexts of civil war, ethnic conflict, or fractured states is to heal the fractures, and,

as was attempted in Bosnia, to reconstitute the state.

in turn led to increased reliance on U.S. intervention, creatinga vicious circle that we were never able to break.

Similarly, in Kosovo today, because of the strong feelingsof our European allies and the Russians and the Chinese, wehave implied that Kosovo will remain under Yugoslav sover-eignty in some undefined status, and we have left that statusvery fuzzy indeed. However, it is extremely unlikely that themajority in Kosovo will ever accept living under Yugoslav sov-ereignty, especially if Montenegro becomes independent. As aresult, at some point the troops that came in to rescue theKosovars will be seen not as a liberating force, but as an occu-pying force. They will then become increasingly at risk fromthe very people they were sent to protect.

In short, we need exit strategies which are not defined bydefeat, but by success. The common definition of success inall of these recent operations — except in East Timor, whichwas on a somewhat different legal footing — is the reunifica-tion of the state. While this is a worthy goal and one that weshould as a general principle pursue, the goal may not beachievable in a reasonable span of time; it could be the workof generations. In addition, the international communityneeds to be clear about who is primarily responsible forachieving that goal. If the international community takes theprimary responsibility on itself for healing the wounds andbringing a fractured society together, this can create dangerousdependencies within the country and can fuel resentments ofthe international community’s role.

Therefore, the international community should limit itsmilitary missions to giving such societies a breathing space —a period of calm — combined with economic and politicalassistance until they can again manage their own affairs. If we

Peacekeeping: Defining SuccessA N T H O N Y L A K E

I think we need to begin to contemplate exceptions to theconventional approach. From a military point of view, beforeany operation is begun, there is a moral obligation and a prac-tical obligation to define success in a political sense. Onlythen will we know that the job has been completed and it istime to come home.

It is not enough to say that we cannot tolerate the humananguish in a situation and therefore we are going to intervene,even if the purpose of the intervention is unclear. But, ineffect, that is what we have done in Kosovo. I believe weshould have intervened sooner in Kosovo and should not havetaken ground troops off the table in the initial stages as wedid. At the same time, we should have forced ourselves andour allies to define the political solution to the problem better.In effect, we responded to events rather than adopting a polit-ical and diplomatic strategy that would shape them.

This is exactly what happened in Vietnam. Contrary towhat many believe, the U.S. military never was defeated inVietnam. Had there been the political will in the UnitedStates, we could have stayed in Vietnam in perpetuity andprevented South Vietnam from falling to the North. But ourpurpose was not to colonize Vietnam. Our political goal —the only way we could succeed and leave — was to leavebehind a government in Saigon that could defend itself on itsown. Vietnam was and is a strongly nationalistic society,which it had to be in order to avoid being taken over by theChinese for 2000 years. However, the more the United Statesdid for the government in Saigon, the more its nationalistscredentials became tattered. The weaker its domestic supportbecame, the less effective it was in the military struggle. This

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reach further, and set asour goal reuniting a shat-tered nation, we condemnourselves either to defeator to the near-perpetualoccupation of deeplydivided societies.

Of course, I am notsuggesting that we set veryshort deadlines. If there isa reasonable case for oper-ations to last for a decadeor more, as I believe to bethe case in Bosnia, so be it. And if there is a reasonable case toextend a deadline, as we did in Bosnia, so be it.

However, after a reasonable amount of time the breathingspace created by the military peacekeepers should end. If thesecurity situation remains relatively stable, then the civiliandimension of the operation — the aid program, the politicalassistance, etc. — certainly can continue. But if the militarysituation starts to deteriorate, or if the cumulative bloodshedis so large and the ethnic hatred so deep that the two partiessimply cannot live together, then we should think theunthinkable, and work to oversee a peaceful separation. Ithink this is clearly going to be the case for Kosovo.

Moreover, if it is obvious from the start that the societywill never reunite, as I think was the case in Kosovo, then weshould set separation as the goal from the beginning. Such asuggestion is often met with strong disagreement and evenanger. And certainly abroad, our European allies, theRussians, Chinese and most African states are vehementlyopposed to division. The Europeans do not like the precedentin Kosovo or the separation between Kosovo and Yugoslavia,because of what it implies for other actors in the Balkans. ButI would note that it is about to happen in Macedonia, andperhaps one reason why Albanians are making such trouble inMacedonia is out of frustration over the undefined status ofKosovo. The Russians and Chinese oppose separation becauseof what it implies for Chechnya, Tibet and Taiwan. And theAfricans oppose it because African borders were set by colo-nial powers with no regard for realities of African life andefforts to open this issue could provoke further civil wars.

But given the realities of the world, we need to thinkabout the exceptions to the rule. There are many critical ques-tions which must be asked in this context: What is the scopeof the humanitarian crisis? How are our interests or other’sinterests affected? Is reconciliation still possible in the practicalsense? Have all diplomatic means to hold the country togetherbeen attempted, or at least considered? Has a state’s behaviorin the face of separatist movements become so reprehensible

and so repressive that ithas lost its right to sover-eignty over its componentparts, as I would argue hasoccurred in Yugoslavia?Would allowing a state tobreak up produce furtherethnic bloodshed in thebreakaway state because ofthe creation of a newmajority and minority?Would the new entity bedemocratic? Would it be

viable economically and militarily? What effect would allow-ing separation have on neighboring countries and on theregion? What role would the international community play inguaranteeing the independence of a new state against aggres-sive attacks by the states that have lost a piece of themselves?

The current course is unsustainable and could be disastrous. It will produce a growing number of peacekeepinggarrisons scattered around the world with no end in sight,turning the United Nations and the members involved in thisinto the greatest colonial power in history, which is neither itsmandate nor sustainable. Certainly if this becomes the case inthe United States our military and our public will raise seriousobjections, reinforcing those who are already skeptical ofAmerican leadership in UN efforts. We should not allow thatto happen.

For the sake of our interests and for the sake of peacekeep-ing and all the human beings whose lives are at stake, we mustscale our ambitions to our resources and to our real responsi-bilities. If we do not, our support for and leadership of UNpeacekeeping efforts will be badly damaged. That would be a tragedy. For if we dismiss efforts to redress such wrongs asthose in Kosovo as mere social work abroad, we will havediminished ourselves. In the words of Franklin DelanoRoosevelt: “Governments can err. Presidents do make mis-takes. But the immortal Dante tells us that divine justiceweighs the sins of the cold-blooded and the sins of the warm-hearted on different scales. Better the occasional faults of agovernment that lives in charity than the constant omissionsof a government frozen in the ice of its own indifference.”

Anthony Lake is Distinguished Professor in the Practice ofDiplomacy at the Edmund A. Walsh School of Foreign Service atGeorgetown University. From 1993-97 he served as Assistant tothe President for National Security Affairs. This article is basedon the Seventh Annual Theodore M. Hesburgh C.S.C. Lectures onEthics and Public Policy, which Lake delivered at the KrocInstitute in April 2001.

Anthony Lake talks with Fr. Theodore M. Hesburgh, C.S.C.

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The people of the book have a gripe with secular modernity. Vocal and well-organized minorities

within Christianity, Judaism, and Islam are disgusted with their “mainline” and merely orthodox

co-religionists. Nurtured within the Abrahamic faiths, they have established their own alternative

institutions, transnational networks, and fluid movements or cells. Whether lodged in Jewish settle-

ments on the West Bank, schooled in madrasahs along Pakistan’s border with Afghanistan, or tuned

in to the 700 Club studios in Virginia, these self-proclaimed “true believers” tend to demonize their

enemies, manufacture or exploit moments of crisis, and challenge or compel their somnolent

co-religionists to take a decisive stand “for God.”

The Fundamentalist FactorS C O T T A P P L E B Y

By any reckoning, Islam has produced more contempo-rary fundamentalist movements than any other great religioustradition. Of course, it is inaccurate and wrongheaded to con-clude that Islam is therefore inherently intolerant. Muslimshave produced a variety of social practices and political cul-tures; both the Muslims of South Asia and the Muslims ofTurkey, for example, have political cultures that differ fromthose of Arab Muslims. Any totalizing or essentialist descrip-tion of Islam (Islam is always opposed to free markets, Islam isessentially socialist in nature) is bound to be misleading.

But it is also worth noting that it is the so-called Islamistor Islamic fundamentalist movements, in fact, that seek toessentialize Islam. They envision Islam as a comprehensiveand stable set of beliefs and practices that determines social,economic, and political attitudes and behavior. Moreover,they interpret and would apply Islamic law in accord with thenarrowest and most militant readings of Qur’anic conceptslike tawhid (the unity of God), umma (the worldwide Muslimcommunity), and jihad.

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American journalists and officials have appeared foolish intheir stunned reactions to “new” evidence — such asMohamed Atta’s letter of instruction to his fellow hijackers —that these terrorists actually believe in God and would invokeHis assistance before piloting planes into buildings. Longbefore September 11, Muslim extremists made no secret oftheir terror-legitimating interpretations of Islamic law. In themid-1980s, Islamist shaykhs (formally trained religious schol-ars, whose Qur’anic learning has attracted disciples) werealready giving their blessings to suicide missions, strictly for-bidden by Islamic law. They reinterpreted self-martyrdom as alegitimate act of self-defense against “an enemy whom it isimpossible to fight by conventional means,” as Shaykh SayyedMuhammed Hussein Fadlallah, the spiritual guide ofLebanon’s Hezbollah movement, told an interviewer in 1985.Such rulings are based in convictions that are widely sharedby both Sunni and Shiite extremist cadres.

Why, then, does Islam produce so many viable fundamen-talist movements?

First, the mass media have increased popular awareness ofinequalities and injustices, as well as of the corruption andmismanagement that bedevil governments and state-run insti-tutions. A growing sense among Muslims of “relative depriva-tion” compared with other societies has coincided withexhaustion and disgust at a string of failed secular “solutions,”from the Pan-Arabism espoused in the 1950s and 1960s byEgypt’s Gamal Abdel Nasser to the Marxist leanings of thePalestine Liberation Organization. Islamists blame these fail-ures (as well as their vulnerability to Western powers and,especially, military defeat at the hands of the Israelis) on theabandonment of Islam as the basis for the ordering of society.Their “solution” is fundamentalist rather than nationalistbecause the glorious Islamic empires and civilizations thatserve as precedents antedated or resisted the rise of the mod-ern secular nation-state. Indeed, Islam’s own religious vocabu-lary and conceptual repertoire conceive of a transnational,transregional spiritual community of believing Muslims as thebasic political entity.

Second, Islam has been remarkably resistant to the differ-entiation and privatization of religion that often accompaniessecularization. (In this Islam resembles Roman Catholicism,which officially retained a largely medieval worldview untilapproximately the mid-1960s.) It is often pointed out thatIslam has not undergone a reformation like the one experi-enced by Christianity, which led to a pronounced separationof sacred and secular, religious and political spheres.

Finally, Islamist preachers and leaders have competed suc-cessfully with mainstream Islamic leaders for resources andrespect. They have done so by avoiding personal corruptionand demonstrating integrity in providing services to theneedy. Their recruitment, training, and retention of coreactivists is exemplary. Their exploitation of Islamic theologicaland religio-legal resources has been by turns crude and sophis-ticated but always effective.

Ultimately, extremist Islam will fail. Its hope for conform-ity is doomed by the internal pluralism of the Islamic tradi-tion and by the inability of extremists who reject cooperationwith outsiders to meliorate the economic and social inequali-ties that haunt most Muslims. As a result of the extremists’failure, however, they will continue to be a disruptive anddestabilizing force in Islamic societies.

Under such circumstances, preachers and jurists whoreject extremism and seek to strengthen Islamic political cul-ture and civil society stand the best chance of underminingfundamentalism in its violent incarnations. Chandra Muzaffarof Malaysia and Abdolkarim Soroush of Iran, among other“progressive” Muslim thinkers who have developed popularfollowings, argue that political Islam is not destined tobequeath the mantle of the Prophet to the spiritual sons ofbin Laden. While influential among youth, these progressiveintellectuals are not currently positioned to bring about atransformation in their societies. One of the unintended con-sequences of September 11, however, may be that they ortheir disciples will find a wider audience.

Scott Appleby is the John M. Regan, Jr. Director of the KrocInstitute. This article was first published in Lingua Franca 11, no.8 (November 2001). Further Kroc Institute responses to theevents of September 11 and their aftermath are discussed onpage 14.

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As an economist who works on civil wars, I am in a smallminority in two senses: very few economists work on civilwars and most of the people who do work on civil wars arenot economists. I do not want to imply that economics hasmore to offer than other disciplines. But to date, the contri-bution of economics has scarcely even been heard, and itdeserves more attention.

I lead a research project at the World Bank which hasexamined some 160 countries and 78 civil wars between 1960and 1999. The project seeks to develop a statistical modelwhich will explain the incidence of civil war within a country.The model examines the impact of several explanatory vari-ables and predicts the risk of civil war over a 5-year period.

The Economic Causes of Civil WarsOur statistical analysis indicates that the level, growth, andincome structure of a country are significant and quite power-ful explanations for the likelihood of civil wars.

First, conflict is overwhelmingly a phenomenon of lowincome countries. Obviously, conflict reduces income, but ourresearch controls for this by examining income before theconflict at the beginning of a 5-year period and predicts therisk of civil war during the subsequent period.

Second, and more controversially, our research indicatesthat the faster the rate of growth in a country, the lower therisk of conflict. This result runs counter to the common pre-sumption that rapid economic change in a country causesconflict. In fact, rapid economic growth reduces conflict. Toprovide some order of magnitude, the average developingcountry faces about an 11% risk of having civil war in any 5year period. Each time a percentage point is added to the rateof growth, this reduces the risk of civil war by a percentagepoint, which is a significant impact.

Third, dependence on primary commodities substantiallyincreases the risk of conflict, unless the primary commodity isextremely plentiful, as in the case of oil in Saudi Arabia. Thedifference in the risks is absolutely enormous. In a countrywith no primary commodity exports at all, the risk is about1% in a 5-year period. In a country with high dependence onprimary commodities, which means about 30% of its nationalincome comes from primary commodities, the risk is around23%.

The particular primary commodities upon which a coun-try is dependent does not matter as much as one might think.The big difference is between oil and non-oil, but the impactis not that marked. At low levels of dependence on oil, theeffect is not significantly different from dependence on otherprimary commodities. However, if a country has 40% or 50%in oil income, the likelihood of civil war is quite high.

Besides these economic factors, two aspects of a country’ssocial composition are also closely correlated with the likeli-hood of civil war. One is “ethnic dominance.” By dominance,I mean that the largest ethnic group in the country is more orless a majority but not overwhelming. Our research suggeststhat when the largest ethnic group is between 45 and 90% ofthe population, this constitutes conditions of ethnic domi-nance. If the country is characterized by ethnic dominance,the risk of conflict approximately doubles. This might firstappear to be a large effect, but it is small when compared withthe economic effect.

We have also investigated both ethnic diversity and reli-gious diversity and the combination which we call social frac-tionalization. Controlling for ethnic dominance, the more thesociety is fractionalized into different ethnic and religiousgroups, the safer it is.

Factors Not Correlated with Civil WarsSome very surprising things are not correlated with the likeli-hood of civil war. One is military expenditure. We cannotfind any deterrence effect to military expenditure before aconflict. Of course, it is quite complicated to examine theeffect of military expenditures, because governments may see abig risk of conflict and increase military spending in anticipa-tion of the conflict. In such a case, the increase in spendingmight appear to be causing the conflict, when it in fact maybe a result of an impending conflict. Our research has con-trolled for that and we still cannot find any deterrent effectfor military expenditures.

I also cannot find any effect from economic inequality onthe risk of conflict. I have looked at both income inequalityand land inequality, and neither are correlated with anincreased risk of civil conflict. In particular countries, theremight be a correlation, but globally, we find no relationship.

Economic Agendas of Civil WarsP A U L C O L L I E R

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The other factor which does not appear to be correlatedwith conflict risk is political rights. Democracy, dictatorship,and political repression seem to have no effect on the risk ofconflict. This often disappoints those who promote democra-tization as a means for avoiding violent conflict, but the statis-tical evidence does not support a strong correlation.

The Case of AfricaThe case of Africa over the last 30 years illustrates the statisti-cal model I have outlined. Africa has a lower level of incomethan other regions, drastically lower growth than other regionsand a chronically weaker structure of income. Africa alone ofthe continents has not diversified away from primary com-modity dependence. It is more dependent on primary com-modities now than it was 30 years ago.

Africa has had a very unfortunate deteriorating trend.Thirty years ago, it was safer than other regions. Now, it ismore dangerous than other regions in terms of the risk of vio-lent conflict, and that is fully accounted for by the economicdeterioration in Africa.

On the other hand, there are relatively few societies inAfrica that are characterized by ethnic dominance. Whilethere are exceptions, Africa on the whole is just too fractional-ized for even the biggest groups to be over 45%. This in turnreduces the risk of conflict.

Thus, on our analysis, Africa’s high incidence of civil waris not due to its social structure. Its social structure is a factormaking it relatively safe. Its problems are economic, andhence contingent. This conclusion is deeply against the grainof most thinking.

Policy ImplicationsSeveral policy implications follow from this understanding of civil conflict. First, if we actually want to try to preventconflict, we might get more mileage out of reducing the eco-nomic viability of violent movements than addressing objec-tive grievances.

To avoid any misunderstanding, I think that there are verygood reasons in all societies for addressing issues of inequalityand political rights based on our research. Unfortunately,based on our research I think that it is a false bill of goods tobelieve that focusing on these issues is going to deliver peacein conflicted societies. Our agenda for conflict reduction hasto be substantially focused on reducing the economic viabilityof violence.

Furthermore, it is clear that some of the variables thatmatter most in reducing the likelihood of conflict are eco-nomic variables — particularly the level of income, thegrowth of income, and the structure of income. Regardless ofone’s interpretation of the data, that suggests that economicinterventions can build a more peaceful world.

What are those economic interventions going to be? Oneis to increase growth through a mixture of policies and aid. Ihave investigated whether aid has any direct effect on conflictrisk, and I cannot find any. There are indirect effects throughgrowth, but not direct effects.

Economic development is an effective strategy for reduc-ing conflict. Based on a simulation, policy improvements andlarger aid budgets could bring down the risk of conflict in atypical aid recipient country by about one third over a 5-yearperiod, which would be a significant accomplishment.

Another policy implication is that primary commoditydependence is quite dangerous. Ten years ago, the WorldBank did not know this, but now we recognize the enormousimportance of diversifying the economy. The developingworld has diversified massively over the last 20 years, butAfrica has not followed the rest of the developing world inthis regard. To my mind, the primary economic task now forAfrica is to achieve that diversification.

Finally, this analysis has at least one implication for thewar against terrorism. International terrorists are using failedstates — states where there are civil wars — for safe havens.Failed states are the one type of territory which is absolutelyout of reach. Consequently, I believe that one part of the longterm strategy to fight terrorism must be to reduce the numberof safe havens.

Of course, that is easier said than done. It is not achievedby bombing them. By bombing, you can destroy a govern-ment, but failed states have already achieved that. That is nota remark on what American policy should be, but rather astatement that over the next 10 years, to solve the problem of failed states, we must make development interventions toprevent states from falling into failure, and — what is evenharder — to rebuild states which are in conflict and comingout of it.

Compared with the sums of money that will be spent onmilitary and intelligence activities, the amount of money thatis spent on a development agenda is absolutely tiny. And yet,our research shows that money spent on a development agen-da will substantially reduce conflict risk. I can only hope thatthis fact will be taken into consideration.

Paul Collier is Director of the Development Economics ResearchGroup at the World Bank and a senior World Bank spokespersonon development economics research. He is currently on leavefrom Oxford University where he is one of six full time professorsof economics and director of the Center for the Study of AfricanEconomies. Recently, Collier published Economic Causes of CivilConflict and Their Implications for Policy, a study of 47 civil warsfrom 1960 to 1999. This article is excerpted from a keynoteaddress he gave at the Kroc Institute on October 3, 2001, for ameeting of the Institute’s working group on Globalization andLocal Violence (see page 20.)

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| r e c e n t h i g h l i g h t s |

The tragic events of September 11and the war on terrorism raise issuesat the heart of the Kroc Institute’smission. Immediately following theterrorist attacks, the Institutelaunched a multi-phased response to

the crisis on campus and in the media. Many of the Institute’s activities throughout therest of the fall semester focused on the developing global situation.

The on-campus response included a series of panel discussions together with the Kellogg Institute on various dimensions of the situation. Over 500 students, faculty, and members of the local community packed the Auditorium of DeBartoloHall for each of these panels. Videos of the first two panels are available at<www.nd.edu/~krocinst/sept11.html>.

The Institute also helped coordinate a creative endeavor to promote wider discus-sion of the global crisis among students through the “Week of Education on Peace andWar,” which was held the week of November 11. In addition to guest lectures andfilms, over 50 Notre Dame faculty participated in panel discussions held in the dormsover four evenings.

Faculty fellows also have written editorials and commentaries in widely-circulatednewspapers and magazines, including Newsweek, the Chicago Tribune, Foreign Policyand the Chronicle of Higher Education. In addition to numerous interviews on local tel-evision, faculty fellows offered interviews and commentary broadcast on PBS, BBCInternational, MSNBC and WGN Radio.

Links to many publications and events are provided on the Kroc Institute’s newweb page “After September 11: Initial Responses from the Kroc Institute.” The pagealso contains links to background material and related information. The page hasattracted wide attention and was selected for inclusion in the Yahoo web directory on September 11 materials.

Kroc Responds

Commentaries

Scott Appleby, “Building Peace to Combat Religious Terror,”Chronicle of Higher Education,September 28, 2001.

Brian Cox and Daniel Philpott, “A Time for Reconciliation,” San Diego Union Tribune,January 11, 2002.

Rev. Patrick Gaffney, C.S.C.,“Understanding the Gulf betweenIslam and the West,” September20, 2001.

John Paul Lederach, “TheChallenge of Terror: A TravelingEssay,” September 16, 2001.

John Paul Lederach, “Quo Vadis?Reframing Terror from thePerspective of ConflictResolution,” presented at theUniversity of California, Irvine,Townhall Meeting, October 24,2001.

Daniel Lindley, “Don’t DoubtAmerica’s Will to Win a War,”Chicago Sun Times, October 26,2001.

George Lopez, “After Sept. 11:How Ethics Can Help,” America,October 8, 2001.

Cynthia Mahmood, “Kashmir andthe War on Terrorism,” KrocInstitute Policy Brief #8 (October2001).

A. Rashied Omar, A Muslim’sAnguish in the Midst of the Attackon America, November 30, 2001.

After September 11

Kroc Institute Responds tothe Global Crisis

A panel presentation on September 13 considered terrorism, war, and security after

September 11. (Left to right) Scott Appleby, Baroness Shirley Williams (M.P.), Dan

Lindley, Layna Mosely, and George Lopez.

15


Events

September 13 After September 11: Rethinking Terrorism, War andSecurityCo-sponsored by the Kellogg Institute (This panel is available for viewing online atwww.nd.edu/~krocinst/sept11.html)

September 20After September 11: Christian and Muslim Holy WarsCo-sponsored by the Kellogg Institute(This panel is available for viewing online atwww.nd.edu/~krocinst/sept11.html)

October 3After September 11: Civil Liberties, Human Rights, and Legal RemediesCo-sponsored by the Kellogg Institute for InternationalStudies and the Center for Civil and Human Rights

November 1The Economic Causes and Consequences of the September 11 Attacksco-sponsored by the Department of Economics, theDepartment of Finance and Business Economics, and theHiggins Labor Research Center

November 11-16A Week of Education on Peace and War — a series of paneldiscussions in the dorms, lectures, films and other eventsfocusing on the September 11 attacks and subsequent events

November 5Rebellion and Violence in Islamic Law: Avenues for ConflictResolutionKhaled Abou El Fadl, Acting Professor of Law, the Omar andAzmerald Alfi Distinguished Fellow in Islamic Law, UCLA

November 12War, Peace and Imperatives of Justice: An IslamicPerspectiveJohn Kelsay, Richard L. Rubenstein Professor in theDepartment of Religion, Florida State UniversityCo-sponsored by the Department of Theology

November 19Israel’s Quest for Peace and the War Against TerrorismMoshe Ram, Consul General of Israel to the Midwest,Chicago, IL

Summaries and video files of many of these events are available online http://www.nd.edu/~krocinst/sept11.html

Faculty met with students in their dorms during the

“Week of Education on Peace and War,” November 11-16.

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A F i r s t S I P f o r C R SSummer Institute in Peacebuilding builds Kroc-CRS relationship

From Sunday July 22 through Wednesday August 1, 2001 theKroc Institute, in conjunction with the peacebuilding team ofCatholic Relief Services (CRS), hosted and co-directed aSummer Institute in Peacebuilding (SIP). The Institute wasdesigned to provide participants with both a focused environ-ment for increasing their skills and perspectives in peacebuild-ing, and an opportunity for critical engagement of newthinking in three related areas: Conflict Resolution andPeacebuilding, Catholic Social Teaching, and New Issues inEconomic Development.

The SIP had several specific goals:

— to increase the peacebuilding capacity of CRS as an institution by training staff and partners, in conflict transformation and peacebuilding methods and skills;

— to provide a setting for CRS staff and partners in whichthey could share information, make connections across theirprograms and regions, and establish a long-term network;

— to provide a forum for interaction of CRS staff and part-ners with Kroc faculty experts in Catholic Social Thinkingand other topics such as Youth and Peacebuilding, andGender Issues in Conflict;

— to provide the Kroc Institute with an opportunity to listento the needs and agenda of peacebuilders in the field in orderto serve CRS better in the future.

Each of the three major themes was developed in longersessions under the direction of a single expert facilitator. Inthe first, John Paul Lederach, Professor of InternationalPeacebuilding at the Kroc Institute, conducted two days ofsmall and large group exercises in progressive peacebuilding.Lederach challenged the participants to apply the generalprinciples that were being demonstrated to their local conditions.

Following Lederach, independent development specialistKim Maynard, who had worked extensively with MercyCorpsInternational,led a one daysession. Maynardprovided a num-ber of situationalexercises whichincorporatedboth economicand managerialconcerns withthe Lederachframework.

Kroc Fellowand Associate Professor of Theology Todd Whitmore led thethird thematic session on Catholic Social Teaching. Whitmoreexamined the concepts and themes which have formed thecornerstone of Catholic Social Teaching since Pope Leo XIII.Among these were the preferential option for the poor and theprinciples of subsidiarity and solidarity.

Interspersed throughout the ten days were sessions con-ducted by various Kroc facultywith expertise in themes partic-ularly relevant to the SIP.Among those sessions wereGeorge Lopez on mediation,Cynthia Mahmood on genderissues in conflict and develop-ment, Hal Culbertson on pro-gramming implications ofgender and peacemaking inBangladesh and SiobhanMcEvoy-Levy on youth assources of violence and/orpeacemaking. Particularly pop-

Martha Ines Romero

(CRS, Colombia)

Orson Sargado (CRS, Philippines) talks with

Nombana Razafinisoa (CRS, Madagascar)

John Paul Lederach explains peacebuilding.

17


ular throughout the Institute were the sessions offered byScott Appleby, the Regan Director of the Kroc Institute, onreligion as a source of violence and a source of peacebuilding.

Jaco Cilliers, Senior Advisor for Conflict Resolution forCatholic Relief Services, convened discussions of regionalissues and coordinated the development of both a statementof purpose and concrete application of the meanings of peace-building. Through his leadership, the participants were able todefine peacebuilding as:

— a process of changing unjust structures into right-relationships

— which transforms the way people, communities and soci-eties live, heal and structure their relationships to promotejustice and peace

— and creates a space in which mutual trust, respect andinterdependence is fostered.

The groups then undertook the difficult task of identify-ing the kind of changes that need to take place in each oftheir sites to operationalize this definition in their daily work.These were expressed as indicators of peacebuilding and have

both a transforma-tive dimension anda monitoring func-tion. The resultingeleven indicatorswill serve as thebasis of futureCRS peacebuildingprograms in vari-ous sites but willalso serve as thebasis for departurethematically fornext year's SIP.

In the midst of their hard work, the participants also tooktime to enjoy one another’s company by participating in vari-ous recreational activities in and around campus. They joggedthe lakes of Notre Dame or enjoyed beach volleyball. A num-ber of the CRS staff from sub-Saharan Africa and South Asiawitnessed their first live baseball game as the group took anexcursion to Chicago to see the Cubs major league baseballteam play, followed by free time at Chicago’s Navy Pier. Someparticipants were able to take advantage of the Shakespearesummer theatre performance on Notre Dame campus as well.

Assessments fromparticipants and theSIP faculty and staffindicate that the SIPgenerally met itsgoals. But there alsowas substantial learn-ing in unexpectedways. Participantsnoted that their diffi-culties in developing

effective peacebuilding programs differed depending onwhether the program aimed to meet short-term needs or long-term challenges. This will be a focal point of future SIP work, as will continued refinement of CRS working principles of peacebuilding which were forged by this year’sCRS participants.

Both CRS and Kroc participants appreciated the mixtureof sessions and co-curricular activities which permitted timefor CRSers and those from Kroc to build relationships.

The second SIP is scheduled for late June of 2002.

Mike Pozniak (CRS Headquarters) with

Jamileh Sahlieh (CRS, Palestine)

Jaco Cilliers (left) leads a breaktime activity.

Kim Maynard discusses

development and peace.

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K r o c I n s t i t u t eL a u n c h e s R I R E CNew research initiative explores post-accord peacebuilding

The Kroc Institute’sResearch Initiative onthe Resolution ofEthnic Conflict(RIREC) was officiallylaunched at a workshopheld on September 24-25, 2001 at NotreDame. This newresearch project focuseson post-accord peace-

building and the difficult but pressing questions of how tocreate a sustainable, just peace after a period of protractedconflict.

The launching seminar was attended by a multidiscipli-nary team of 15 scholars and practitioners working aroundthree research themes: violence, youth/the next generation,and transitional justice. At the heart of the project is an effort to develop new theoretical lenses for comprehendingthe nuances of post-accord peacebuilding, which will integrate

conflict managementand conflict transforma-tion concerns, techniques and method-ologies. The project will test these lensesagainst cases and devel-op relevant policy recommendations.

During the two daysof discussions, RIRECparticipants laid thefoundations for thenext two years of

research. The seminar participants worked in three relatedresearch clusters, each representing a key dimension of thepost-accord landscape, as well as in full plenary sessions. Inaddition to identifying research areas they will each examineduring the next two years, participants also considered thecritical relationship between the three thematic areas.

The participants concluded that each cluster will beresponsible for producing a volume and the three clusterdirectors will edit a synthetic volume. Post-accord peacebuild-ing has yet not been conceptualized in this fashion, much lesssystematically studied as a dynamic process generating its ownoutcomes and patterns of behavior.

RIREC Research ClustersViolence Led by John Darby, Professor of Comparative EthnicStudies at the Kroc Institute, this research clusterexamines the perpetuation of violence after the accordis signed, either as a vestigial (but nonetheless power-fully destructive) force, or as a tactic used by hard-liners and rejectionists to derail the implementationphase of the peace process.

Cluster participants:Marie-Joelle Zahar, Department of Political Science,University of Montreal; Virginia Gamba, South Africa;Dominic Murray, Director Center for Peace andDevelopment Studies, University of Limerick

The Next Generation Led by Siobhan McEvoy-Levy, Visiting AssistantProfessor of Political Science at Butler University, theproject’s second dimension explores the relationshipsof this violence to the availability of recruits fromamong the marginalized youth on all sides of the conflict, and, more broadly and programmatically, theconditions under which youth might resist recruitmentinto gangs and militia, contributing instead in construc-tive ways to the peace process.

Cluster participants:Edward Cairns, Department of Psychology, Universityof Ulster at Coleraine; Jaco Cilliers, Catholic ReliefServices; Michael Wessels, Department ofPsychology, Randolph-Macon College; Victoria Sanford,Department of Anthropology, University of Notre Dame

Transitional Justice Under the direction of Tristan Borer, AssociateProfessor of Government, Connecticut College, and aVisiting Fellow at the Kroc Institute during 2001-02,the third dimension of the project explores the rela-tionship, in turn, between civil society, youth, and pat-terns of violence, on the one hand, and public effortsat reconciliation and other forms of transitional justiceon the other.

Cluster participants: Charles Villa-Vicencio, ExecutiveDirector, Institute for Justice and Reconciliation, CapeTown, South Africa; Brandon Hamber, ResearchAssociate Democratic Dialogue, Belfast; Juan E.Mendez, Director, Center for Civil and Human Rights,Notre Dame Law School; Pablo De Greiff, InternationalCenter for Transitional Justice

John Darby (right) discusses post-accord

violence with Dominic Murray.

Michael Wessels (right) makes a point

about youth and violence in discussions

with Siobhan McEvoy-Levy and Edward

Cairns.

| r e s e a r c h |

19


There is a simple yet profound lesson to be learned from thesuccessful transitional from racial conflict to a non-racialdemocracy in South Africa, said Charles Villa-Vicencio,Executive Director of the Institute for Justice andReconciliation and former Research Director for the SouthAfrican Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC). “Talksare important; even talks about talks are important. Militarypower can achieve only so much. Peace and legitimate powerare ultimately negotiated.”

Villa-Vicencio, a participant in the Kroc Institute’sResearch Initiative on the Resolution of Ethnic Conflict(RIREC), presented a thought-provoking lecture focusing onthe lessons learned from South Africa’s TRC as part of theproject’s inaugural workshop on September 24-25. An inter-nationally-recognized scholar on the TRC, Villa-Vicencio willlend his expertise to RIREC’s “transitional justice” researchcluster.

L e s s o n s f r o m S o u t h A f r i c a ’ s Tr u t h a n dR e c o n c i l i a t i o n C o m m i s s i o nRIREC workshop features lecture by Charles Villa-Vicencio, former TRC Research Director

After presenting a brief history of South Africa in relationto apartheid, Villa-Vicencio turned to the relatively nonvio-lent end to apartheid, which Archbishop Desmond Tutu proclaimed, “a miracle.” He observed that, after the Sowetoprotests in 1976, “both sides realized that neither was strongenough to defeat the other.” Thus, any resolution of the conflict would have to be built on some kind of political compromise.

The TRC emerged as a bridge between the old and thenew. The only other options appeared to be a blanket amnestyor Nuremberg-type trials, neither of which would have beenlikely to work, noted Villa-Vicencio. A blanket amnestywould have left victims without any recompense or even public acknowledgment of the wrongs done to them, whichcould have led to further eruptions of violence.

On the other hand, seeking to prosecute perpetratorswould have likely led to only a few successful convictions,given the difficulties inherent in prosecuting political crimesand the strain this would place on the justice system during adifficult transition. Moreover, prominent criminal trials caneasily become show-trials, undermining the quest for a historical account of the past.

Of course, not everyone was convinced that the TRC wasthe mechanism for transitional justice. “The TRC was alwaysmore popular outside than within South Africa,” he said.Many South Africans remain ambivalent about the TRC,given how the past remains present in the form of poverty,oppression, and crime. However, most think the TRC didhelp South Africa move through a difficult time.

According to Villa-Vicencio, one of the major achieve-ments of the TRC is that it has led to the beginning of arights-based culture in which people are aware of the existenceof certain basic rights that cannot be taken away. He cau-tioned however that the two unresolved issues — poverty andracism — could bring the new South Africa to its knees. Charles Villa-Vicencio

20


How is globalization changing patterns of violence around theworld? To address this question, the Kroc Institute has initiat-ed a global, inter-disciplinary study of the links between glob-alization and violence.

The two-year project was launched October 3, 2001, witha day-long brainstorming conference at the Kroc Institute.Participants included Paul Collier (World Bank), William

Reno (Northwestern University), JeanComaroff (University of Chicago),and several Kroc Institute faculty fel-lows. The project, which is also beingsupported by the United NationsUniversity, will draw on the work offield researchers and scholars fromthe regions under study.

“Instead of resulting fromlarge-scale clashes between competingstates, contemporary violence isincreasingly sub-national and is man-

ifested in local struggles for resources, power and protection,”notes Senior Fellow Raimo Väyrynen, director of the projectand Professor of Government and International Studies.Accordingly, researchers will look closely “at the local contextof this violence” and at the ethnic, religious, economic andpolitical factors in various regions.

“We have always defined the world as divided by nationalboundaries,” said Väyrynen. “States are real and they (still)matter,” he continued. But international corporations, NGOsand technological developments — especially the Internet —have made virtually all nations and cultures more accessible toone another.

Political boundaries or borders have receded in impor-tance in the face of a new, global reality. “Whether you are apoor person somewhere or a university professor, you realizethat you are part of a larger whole,” Väyrynen said. “We can’thave isolated lives any more.”

The project will consist of two research tracks. One trackwill analyze the impact of globalization on urban violence inseveral major metropolitan areas, including Karachi, Bombay,

G l o b a l i z a t i o n a n d L o c a l V i o l e n c eKroc research project examines impact of globalization in urban and rural contexts

Johannesburg, Sao Paulo, St. Petersburg and Baku. A secondtrack will examine its impact on rural violence in four, or pos-sibly five, African nations, said Kroc Fellow Patrick Gaffney,C.S.C., Associate Professor of Anthropology.

“Africa is perennially under-represented in internationaldiscussions,” reported Gaffney, explaining the rationale for theAfrica focus. He will be overseeing the work of on-site schol-ars in Kenya, Uganda, the Congo, Nigeria and perhapsBotswana.

“Anthropology comes to this from a different perspective,”he added. “The unit of study is the local community, thetown, village or a series of clans.” The dynamics of violenceseen on that lower level of cultural complexity will be vitalinput for the books the study hopes to produce.

Still, analyzing study findings will be a challenging job,contends Väyrynen. “It’s a complicated chain of influences,”he maintains. “Changes in world economy do create pocketsof discontent, andthat creates a pos-sibility of reactingagainst grievancesthat people havebeen feeling.”

“But griev-ances aren’tenough to createviolence. You musthave people or agroup of peoplebenefiting fromthe situation. For instance, there’s a social and economic back-ground behind the local violence of Sao Paulo, which is themost violent city in the world.”

The project ultimately hopes to contribute to national andinternational economic policy decisions. Through its compar-ative approach, the project will identify how particular policychoices regarding integration in the global economy interactwith local factors to either foment or mitigate violent conflict.

William Reno

Raimo Väyrynen with Paul Collier

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During the 1990s, the analysis of conflict was framed by theexperiences of humanitarian NGOs, which highlighted thesignificant human suffering caused by political violence. Thisapproach contrasted sharply with the strategic approach pre-dominant during the Cold War, which emphasized the role of superpowers.

This shift has spawned several trends in the “developmentand war” discourse. In addition to concerns about the nega-tive impact of war on development and how developmentmay be feeding wars, a growing area of discussion focuses on how development aid can be used to prevent wars.

To address this issue, the Organization for EconomicCooperation and Development (OECD) task force onConflict, Peace, and Development Cooperation asked aninternational team of scholars and practitioners, to make aninventory of research on the causes of internal war, with aview of suggesting ideas for preventive measures.

The international team, led by Peter Wallensteen, Dag Hammarskjöld Professor of Peace and Conflict Research

at Uppsala University, workedindependently. Thus its viewswere those of the team, not ofthe organization. Wallensteenwas a Visiting Fellow at theKroc Institute during spring2001 through an award fromthe American-ScandinavianFoundation (ASF), whichnamed him the first ASFVisiting Lecturer fromSweden. He reported on theresults of the study in a lecturepresented on February 6

entitled “Can Violent Conflict Be Prevented throughDevelopment Aid?”

“Before a new conflict emerges, development aid shouldbe directed at undoing the effects of previous wars,” he said.“This will often involve addressing refugee issues and ensuringthat refugee camps do not become military training grounds.”

Aid can also be used to support democratization.Transitions to democracy often need to be quick in order toavoid resistance from vested interests, and often occur when a country’s economy is failing, as the case of Indonesia illus-trates. Efficient provision of development aid can thus play a critical role in this process. However, Wallensteen under-lined the importance of building democratic institutions,rather than rushing to elections.

Wallensteen drew attention to the important role of universities in integration efforts. He noted how Indian universities have reached a high level of respectability and playan important role in democratic development in India, but the same cannot be said of African universities, which havereceived little financial support from the West.

After a war, development aid should be used to supportreasonable peace agreements and to rebuild society, not justinfrastructure. However, rebuilding efforts can easily bederailed by corrupt elements in society, which often controlthe construction industry. Accordingly, Wallensteen suggested that rebuilding aid should be directed primarily at health and education services, which are generally less corrupt.

In conclusion, Wallensteen recommended that aid be usedin ways which encourage the equitable sharing of resources insociety and which promote gender equity, both of which willpromote peace in the long term.

C a n V i o l e n t C o n f l i c t b e P r e v e n t e d t h r o u g hD e v e l o p m e n t A i d ?Peter Wallensteen discusses findings of an OECD research team

Peter Wallensteen

“Before a new conflictemerges, development aid

should be directed at undoingthe effects of previous wars.”

22


Is the likelihood of major interstate war declining? Somerecent scholarship suggests that several profound historicalchanges in the 20th century have made wars between greatpowers a relic of the past, even as domestic armed conflictsand civil wars continue unabated. Other scholars argue thatthe decline in major-power war is only a temporary phenome-non and does not indicate a trend.

To critically assess these questions, the Kroc Instituteorganized a conference on April 6-8 which took a comprehen-sive look at the future potential for interstate wars. The con-ference was co-sponsored by the Nanovic Institute forEuropean Studies and the Henkels Visiting Scholars Series.

Martin van Creveld, author of The Rise and Decline of theState (1999) among many other seminal works, presented the

keynote address, contendingthat major wars betweengreat powers are waning. Inhis view, this was largely dueto the strengthening ofinternational law and thedevelopment of nuclearweapons, which have madeit impossible for the victorsto survive a major con-frontation. However, otherforms of war, such as terror-ism, guerrilla wars, andintra-state conflicts, are

replacing interstate war, and are in fact more destructive. The decline of interstate war, and its complement, the

growth of durable peace, appears to be part of a larger histori-cal trend stretching back to 1500, asserted Paul Schroeder,professor emeritus of history at the University of Illinois atUrbana-Champaign. Focusing on the long peace from 1763-1914, Schroeder noted how several wars which could havehappened did not, but that the peace ended when the greatpowers ceased to see their own fate as bound up with others.

Turning to the 20th Century, John Mueller contendedthat several kinds of war are in marked decline, or even obso-lete, including major war between developed countries, con-ventional civil war, colonial war, and ideological civil war.Unlike van Creveld, however, Mueller traced the decline inwarfare to a profound change in public attitudes about war-fare and violence in general, rather than to technologicaldevelopments. He concluded that the wars which remain,

such as that in Yugoslavia, are best understood as residualwars, and that many of these, particularly in Africa, have acharacter more like crime than war.

Kalevi Holsti agreed with Mueller’s emphasis on the roleof ideas and norms — particularly norms relating to territory,borders, and conquest — in explaining the declining inci-dence of major war. However, he argued that some versions ofbalance of power theory raise questions about Mueller’s thesis.For example, the conflicts between great powers take a longtime to develop and thus a half-century of great power peaceis insufficiently long to establish a trend. Hosti also ques-tioned whether the trend noted by Mueller is really towardobsolescence, since it is possible for human advances made inthe 20th century to be forgotten or reversed.

Like other forms of war, the probability of the outbreak ofan advertent or pre-meditated nuclear war among the majorpowers has declined in the short and medium terms, contend-ed T.V. Paul. However, the danger of an inadvertent nuclearwar still exists, and war-generating situations are likely toemerge both at the regional and global levels as the interna-tional system evolves from semi-unipolarity to multipolarity.

One factor associated with the decline of major war is theestablishment of multilateral institutions. Patrick Morganargued that multilateral institutions are more effective at pre-venting serious problems from arising or provoking conflictbetween powerful states than at containing ongoing conflictsor active movements toward war by great powers. He alsoobserved that, while the West tends to see multilateral institu-tions as a prerequisitefor peace, SoutheastAsia has experienced asimilar reduction inmajor war over thelast 30 years withoutthe development of multilateral institutions.

Other significantfactors to consider arethe global extension of juridical sovereignty and economic lib-eralism, according to Hendrik Spruyt, who submitted a paperwhich was presented and discussed at the conference. Theincreased respect for the norm of state sovereignty has playeda role in decreasing the prevalence of territorial wars or impe-rialistic expansion. Economic liberalization, a norm which is

T h e W a n i n g o f M a j o r W a rConference explores historical trends in international warfare

Martin Van Creveld

Patrick Morgan talks with Paul Schroeder

23


more contested than sovereignty, also decreases the risk ofconfrontation.

William Thompson linked the discussion of the waning ofwar with current theory about democratization and its role increating more peaceful international relations. Many haveargued that democratization tends to make countries lessprone to international war. However, democratization occurswithin states, while the transformations underlying the waning of war occur at the level of international relations.Thompson concluded that democratization could play amajor role in reducing war, but only if the social transforma-tions take place in the institutions and political cultures of allof the major powers, which seems unlikely.

In addition to preparing a background paper for the conference, Raimo Väyrynen reflected on the role of war indifferent historical phases ranging from feudalism and abso-

lutism to modernforms of capital-ism. He discussedseveral theoristswho have arguedthat capitalism isessentially peacefuland wars arecaused primarilyby the legacies ofabsolutism andgreat-power rival-ries. Väyrynennoted that theseviews are difficultto substantiate as

capitalism and the state have historically developed in tandem.However, he cautiously supported the view that the globaliza-tion of capitalism may reduce the likelihood of major inter-state wars, though not other types of violence.

Väyrynen will edit papers from the conference for publi-cation as a book.

Conference PresentationsKeynote Address: The Future of Major WarMartin van Creveld, Hebrew University

Life and Death of a Long Peace, 1763-1914Paul W. Schroeder, University of Illinois at Urbana-ChampaignDiscussant: John Vasquez, Vanderbilt University

Does War Still Exist?John Mueller, Ohio State UniversityDiscussant: Randall Forsberg, Institute for Defense andDisarmament Studies, Boston

The Changing International System and theDecline of Major WarKalevi Holsti, University of British ColumbiaDiscussant: Peter Wallensteen, Uppsala University

Does the Risk of Nuclear War Belong toHistory?T.V. Paul, McGill UniversityDiscussant: Alan Dowty, University of Notre Dame

Multilateral Institutions as Restraints onMajor WarPatrick M. Morgan, University of California at IrvineDiscussant: Daniel Lindley, University of Notre Dame

Normative Transformations in InternationalRelations and the Waning of Major WarHendrik Spruyt, Arizona State University Discussant: Dale Copeland, University of Virginia

Capitalism, Peace and WarRaimo Väyrynen, University of Notre DameDiscussant: John Mueller, Ohio State University

The Democratic Peace and Civil Society asConstraints on Major Power WarfareWilliam Thompson, Indiana UniversityDiscussant: Spencer R. Weart, American Institute ofPhysics

M.A. students participated in the confer-

ence as part of their program of study.

(Pictured here — Patrick Morgan with

Kroc M.A. students Daniel Moriarty and

Hossein Alizadeh.)

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The tension between pursuing truth and justice, on the onehand, and guarding a fragile peace generated by settlements ornegotiated regime transitions, on the other, frequently placeshuman rights and peacemaking practitioners at odds. Toexplore the implications of this tension for the research and

teaching of peace andhuman rights, the KrocInstitute and the UnitedStates Institute of Peace(USIP) organized a 2-dayworkshop for college anduniversity faculty.Participants at the work-shop included over 50 faculty from colleges anduniversities throughout theMidwest.

In setting the termsof reference for the work-shop, Pamela Aall, directorof education at USIP, dis-

tinguished several dimensions of the tension between humanrights and peace: the moral issues of whether the need to stopfurther killing justifies amnesty for or negotiations with warcriminals; the tactical questions of whether exposing humanrights atrocities will further efforts for peace; and operationalquestions concerning the appropriate sequencing of events ina peace process. In the policymaking context, ChesterCrocker, professor ofstrategic studies atGeorgetown Universityand chair of USIP’s Boardof Directors, argued thathuman rights and peace-making are not incompat-ible. “Rather, it is the issueof sequencing whichdetermines the lesser ofevils in many situations,”Crocker said.

Participants consid-ered the policy dimensionsof this tension both at the diplomatic level and on theground. Drawing on his experiences in Chile and India,

former U.S. Ambassador Harry Barnes commented that look-ing at situations from both a human rights and peace perspec-tive often produces a better understanding than either viewcould on its own. Urs Boegli of the International Committeefor the Red Cross (ICRC) observed how denunciation, media-tion, and even ‘calls for peace’ can be dangerous for providersof humanitarian assistance on the ground, such as the ICRC.Participants explored these tensions in several difficult casesfor rights and peace issues,including Bosnia, Kosovo,Guatemala, Colombia, and South Africa.

The workshop also consideredthe challenges of reconciliation, aterm which carries religious, cul-tural, and political connotationsthat restrict its general applica-tion. The public legitimation ofcultures of peace within society isnonetheless a critical element ofpeacebuilding, argued ScottAppleby, director of the KrocInstitute. Moreover, psychologicalstudies indicate that reconciliationprocesses can break the cycle of violence by increasing socialtolerance among victims of violence, reported Ervin Staub,professor of psychology at the University of Massachusetts.

Participants also considered pedagogical approaches forboth human rights and peace. Dinah Shelton,professor of law at the Notre Dame’s Centerfor Civil and Human Rights, and Julie Mertus,assistant professor of international relations atAmerican University, argued that the legalmodel of addressing social issues had severalweaknesses, and human rights activists needthe analytical tools from peace studies in orderto understand how to make human rightsactivities more effective. Roy Licklider, profes-sor at Rutgers University, and Mary Mulvihill,a doctoral student at Notre Dame, identifiedseveral resources which peace studies facultycould use to teach effectively about the tension

between peace and human rights.

D o G o o d T h i n g s A l w a y s G o T o g e t h e r ? Joint Kroc-USIP workshop examines the tension between human rights and peace

Chester Crocker, Chair of USIP’s

Board of Directors

Ervin Staub, University of

Massachusetts

Urs Boegli (ICRC) and Siobhan McEvoy-Levy

25


“John Howard Yoder sought to do nothing less than helpCatholic Christianity rediscover itself in water that flows fromthe left wing of the Reformation,” said theologian StanleyHauerwas. Hauerwas’ presentation, the 3rd annual JohnHoward Yoder Dialogues on Nonviolence, Religion andPeace, emphasized how Yoder’s Christology, though rooted inMennonite tradition, has much broader implications for theCatholic tradition and Christian theology.

As a touchstone for understanding Yoder’s Christology,Hauerwas discussed a series of lectures Yoder delivered toyoung seminarians at Goshen Biblical Seminary during the1960s and 1970s. When Hauerwas first became interested inthe lectures in the 1980s, they were only available as mimeo-graphed sheets sold at the seminary. Those collected lectureshave now become Yoder’s Preface to Theology: Christology andTheological Method, which is being published by the AmericanAcademy of Religion with an Introduction by Hauerwas.

Like his teacher Karl Barth, Yoder always had aChristological focus, and he refused to separate Christologyfrom discipleship. As Hauerwas observed, “Preface to Theologygrew out of Yoder’s fundamental opinion that Christian disci-pleship was an open and respectful awareness of particular his-torical identity.” Yoder consistently taught that the Gospelmust have implications for social ethics and modern life, atheme revived for modern Catholics by the Second VaticanCouncil, especially in its document, “Pastoral Constitution onthe Church in the Modern World.”

In his book, The Politics of Jesus (1972), Yoder contendedthat the political implications of the Gospel could not beignored and that we should understood Christ as “the radicalrabbi Jesus.” “The emphasis on nonviolence is not nearly soprominent in Preface to Theology as it is in The Politics ofJesus,” Hauerwas noted, “yet I think of the two books as beingof a piece with each other. Reading them together addsstrength to both books.”

“Yoder was convinced that one of the reasons thatChristians had lost the ability to read the Scriptures was dueto the attempt to make Christianity intelligible without theJews,” Hauerwas continued. “That (Christian) creeds do notmention the promise to Israel may be one of the reasons thatChristians have developed a forgetfulness toward not only theJews but also toward a major part of our own Scripture — theOld Testament.”

Hauerwas’ remarks to a capacity crowd attending the thirdYoder dialogues had all the hall-marks of a homecoming address.The Gilbert T. Rowe Professor ofTheological Ethics at the DivinitySchool at Duke University was amember of the theology faculty atNotre Dame from 1970 to 1984.Yoder, a Mennonite theologian andproponent of Christian nonvio-lence, was also a member of NotreDame’s theology faculty from thelate 1970s until his death inDecember, 1997. Yoder was afounding fellow of the KrocInstitute where he initiated courses on war, law and ethics and a Kroc-ROTC discussion group which continues to thepresent day.

J o h n H o w a r d Y o d e r a n d t h e C a t h o l i c Tr a d i t i o nStanley Hauerwas presents Third Annual Yoder Dialogue

Stanley Hauerwas

John Howard Yoder sought to do nothing less than

help Catholic Christianityrediscover itself in water thatflows from the left wing of

the Reformation.

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In settings of conflict, dramatic changes occur quite rapidly.As a result, NGOs working in these settings must continuallyreassess their programs and adapt quickly to the changingneeds on the ground.

Kroc alumni Winnie Romeril (’93) and Jill Sternberg(’90) have experienced this first-hand through their work withlocal NGOs in East Timor. Romeril has been working withPeace Brigades International (PBI) since 1988 and served onits Guatemala team in 1990-91. She is now TrainingCoordinator for PBI-Indonesia.

Sternberg and Charlie Scheiner, have been involved inEast Timor advocacy in the United States for many years.Scheiner is the coordinator of the East Timor ActionNetwork-USA (ETAN) and the national office is in theirhome. The couple recently moved to East Timor for a two-year project. Sternberg is assisting Nobel Laureate JoseRamos-Horta in establishing a peace center focused on conflict transformation and preventive diplomacy. Scheiner is working to narrow the cultural and economic gap betweenthe international and East Timorese communities.

Until recently, such a move would have been impossible.From the Indonesian invasion in 1975 to the mid 1990s, East Timor was virtually closed to the outside world. Duringthis time, over 200,000 East Timorese, one third of the population, were killed by the Indonesian military and pro-Indonesian militias.

However, as the pro-democracy movement gainedstrength in the 1990s, local human rights groups saw a win-dow of opportunity: With the fall of President Suharto after32 years of authoritarian rule, Indonesia itself was undergoinga major transition. Furthermore, East Timor was now moreopen to outsiders than it had been in the past.

In 1998, representatives of local East Timorese humanrights organizations met with PBI’s National CoordinatingCouncil to ask for accompaniment. PBI supports local humanrights workers threatened with political violence by providinginternational escorts who can quickly relay first-hand informa-tion about persecution or harassment to an internationalresponse network.

“I appreciate PBI’s philosophy of combining creative non-violent action with nonpartisanship,” says Romeril. “It is avery respectful way to support local efforts for peaceful changeand justice, without acting imperialist or imposing outsideideas.”

Romeril and Sternberg were both members of the Councilat the time and led PBI’s exploration of a presence in EastTimor, which would have been the organization’s first projectin Southeast Asia. The project was approved by PBI in 8months, which was record time for PBI’s consensual decisionmaking process, says Romeril. But before any volunteersarrived, the situation suddenly changed.

In a surprise move, Indonesian President Habibieannounced he would allow a UN-sponsored referendum inEast Timor. PBI quickly redirected its efforts toward support-ing an election monitoring operation, in which Sternbergtook part.

“We had about 130 observers from 21 countries partici-pate,” notes Sternberg. “We witnessed the exhilarating

courage of the East Timorese people as they cast their ballotsunder death threat from the Indonesian military and militias.We also witnessed the near total destruction of the countryafter the results of the ballot were announced on September 4and the Indonesian government and military realized they hadnot succeeded in getting the population to accept their auton-omy package.”

As the flow of refugees increased, attention soon shifted toWest Timor. “In the militia-controlled refugee camps, foreignworkers were under threat, but Indonesian (West Timorese)human rights workers could move more freely,” explainsRomeril. “PBI received and accepted requests to protect theselocal human rights defenders, as no other international groupwas giving them the coverage they felt they needed to contin-ue operating safely.”

P e a c e b u i l d i n g i n t h e M i d s t o f C h a n g eKroc alumni support local NGOs in volatile East Timor

Jill Sternberg (’90) is assisting Nobel laureate Jose Ramos-

Horta in establishing a peace center.

| s t u d e n t a n d

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“Once the situation in East Timor changed and then sta-bilized through the presence of international forces, thegroups in East Timor originally requesting PBI services feltsafe and no longer in need of protection,” says Romeril. Atthe request of local organizations, PBI continues to providetraining in nonviolent conflict resolution methods in theregion. However, PBI’s focus has turned to Aceh, where recentflareups have generated requests for protective accompani-ment, which PBI is providing.

As the situation has stabilized in East Timor, a new set ofpeacebuilding issues has emerged. How should the countrydeal with atrocities committed while it was under Indonesiancontrol? How will former militants be reintegrated into socie-ty? And how will returning refugees be compensated for loss-es? Sternberg will be grappling with such questions as these asshe assists Jose Ramos-Horta.

“The initial focus will be to develop a team of EastTimorese to examine different approaches to conflict resolu-tion and adapt them to the local circumstances and culture,”says Sternberg. “We will both practice and assist with skillsdevelopment. Our aim is to complement and collaborate withlocal NGOs. We envision three centers around the country;they will also function as internet cafes and provide a link tooutside resources.”

Sternberg’s approach to conflict transformation has rootsin her experiences at the Kroc Institute. “Debates we hadabout intervention inspired me to work harder to understandand later assist in the development of nonviolent mechanismsof intervention that do not undermine or disempower thelocal population,” she notes.

While much has changed in East Timor, one thingremains the same: the need for committed peacebuilders.

More information about the Peace Brigades projects inIndonesia and elsewhere can be found at <www.peacebri-gades.org>.

News From Other Kroc Alumni S.P. Udayakumar (Kumar) (’90), from India, and hisfamily have returned to Tamil Nadu, India, where he is pursing longstanding plans to bring Indian andPakistani youth together for peacebuilding workshops.Kumar has been a researcher at the Institute on Race and Poverty at the University of Minnesota, andrecently published Handcuffed to History: Narratives,Pathologies, and Violence in South Asia (Praeger:2001).

Noah Salameh (Ghnaim) (’93), from Palestine, wasrecently appointed director of the Bandar Ben SultanCenter for Peace and Regional Studies at HebronUniversity.

Anna Busa (’98), from Latvia, has been appointed aDuty Officer at the Conflict Prevention Centre of theOrganization for Security and Cooperation in Europe.

Valerie Hickey (’00), from Ireland, recently began workwith the Wildlife Conservation Society in WashingtonDC, where she will focus on conservation finance,including the policies promulgated by bi- and multi-lateral donors, as well as oversight of projects such asthe Mamiraua ecological reserve in Brazil. She previ-ously worked for the World Wildlife Fund on a programthat supported both bio- and cultural diversity aroundthe world by increasing capacity-building among indige-nous peoples.

Martin Ewi (’01), from Cameroon, received Kroc fund-ing for a six-month internship with the Organization ofAfrican Unity (OAU) Mission to the United Nations inNew York City. As political affairs coordinator dealingwith matters of African conflicts and regional integra-tion, he attended meetings of the UN Security Counciland served as the OAU representative to the SixthCommittee of Legal Experts of the General Assembly,where terrorism was the primary focus.

Regina Saffa (’01), from Sierra Leone, served a four-month internship with the United Nations InternationalCriminal Tribunal for Rwanda in Arusha, Tanzania underKroc Institute funding. In November 2001 she returnedto Sierra Leone to begin work with the HumanitarianAccountability Project.

More Alumni News is available on our webpage at<www.nd.edu/~krocinst>.

a l u m n i a c t i v i t i e s |

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What peace issues are on the minds of the next generation?Judging by the 2001 student conference, the role of childrenand violent conflict is high on the emerging peace agenda,and is motivating increasing numbers of students to getinvolved in peace research and action.

The 2001 student conference, titled “The Missing Peace,”attracted a record attendance of over 120 participants. Over40 students made presentations at the conference, and organ-izers had to add additional panels to accommodate the highlevel of interest.

Students came from colleges and universities from acrossthe U.S. and abroad, including Notre Dame, Colgate,Monterey Institute of International Studies (California),Central European University (Hungary), College of St.Benedict and St. John’s University (Minnesota), PurdueUniversity, University of Alberta, Indiana University

(Bloomington), and Grand ValleyState University (Michigan).

Priscilla Hayner, ProgramDirector of the newly establishedInternational Center for TransitionalJustice and author of UnspeakableTruths: Confronting State Terror andAtrocities, gave a challenging keynoteaddress, “Stepping Out of the Box:Paving One’s Own Path as anIndependent Writer on HumanRights.” Hayner’s address, whichidentified several lessons she had

learned in her career as an independent writer on peace issues,provoked an engaging discussion of the advantages and disad-vantages of working for peace independently. Kroc VisitingFellow Peter Wallensteen and George Lopez also led discus-sions relating to the practice of peacemaking.

One common theme running through several student pre-sentations was a concern with how to teach peace and conflictresolution skills to children and youth, particularly thosegrowing up in contexts of violence or war. One panel exploredissues surrounding the recruitment and training of child soldiers and the complex dynamics resulting from the involvement of children in warfare in contexts such asIsrael/Palestine, Colombia, Uganda, Cambodia, and Sri Lanka.

Panelists noted that children are lured into violent conflictthrough a variety of factors, including not only active recruit-ment by militant groups, but also peer pressure and culturalapproval of violence. The participation of children in the con-flict creates difficult dilemmas for security forces, who mustdecide whether to treat the children as militants or bystanders.Problems are complicated when militant groups take advan-tage of the children’s presence by using them as shields.

The conference also featured presentations by several mid-dle school students. Students who had participated in theactivities of the Peace Learning Center in Indianapolis gavepresentations on peace and demonstrated peer mediation.Students from South Bend discussed the “Take Ten” programin several local schools.

Many participants in the conference presented researchemerging from experiences while studying abroad or workingin community organizations, where first-hand observation ofinjustice or exploitation sparked their interest in broader glob-al issues. A Notre Damestudent who hadvisited Nepal pre-sented research onchild labor prac-tices in the carpetand sex traffickingindustries inNepal after seeinghow a youngNepali apprenticewas mistreated;others presented research resulting from experiences workingwith the homeless and refugees. Complementing these under-graduate presentations, several M.A. students from the KrocInstitute gave presentations related to their home countries.

Lauren Simmons, a senior in government and internation-al studies, served as this year’s conference chairperson, and hadexcellent support from the conference planning committee.Siobhan McEvoy-Levy, Director of Undergraduate Studies atthe Kroc Institute, was the faculty advisor.

T h e M i s s i n g P e a c eAnnual student conference reveals growing interest in children and violence

Priscilla Hayner

Conference Planning Committee

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Expansion Underway

Construction on a new wing of the Hesburgh Center for

International Studies began in May 2001. The new wing will

house 24 offices and meeting rooms, and will be shared by

the faculty and staff of the Kroc and Kellogg Institutes.

Construction is expected to be completed in the summer

of 2002.

AwardsRaimo Väyrynen, senior fellow at the Kroc Institute, wasawarded the Cross of Freedom, First Class, by the President ofFinland for his work for Finland’s independence and security.

Scott Appleby, director of the Kroc Institute, was elected aFellow of the American Academy of Political and SocialSciences.

In addition, several Kroc faculty and students received university awards:

Scott Appleby — Reinhold Niebuhr AwardA. James McAdams — Thomas J. Madden Teaching AwardScott Mainwaring — Presidential AwardDinah Shelton — Reinhold Niebuhr AwardPatrick Gaffney — Kaneb Teaching AwardLauren Simmons — Peter Yarrow Award (outstanding under-graduate peace student)

Staff NotesCatherine Odell has joined the Institute as Coordinator ofAcademic Events, a new position at the Institute. Odell, whohas a background as a free-lance writer, will coordinate lec-tures, conferences, and curricular events and will contributearticles to the Institute newsletter.

Rashied Omar (M.A. 2001) will provide administrative support to the Institute’s Program in Religion, Conflict andPeacebuilding (PRCP) and the Research Initiative on theResolution of Ethnic Conflict (RIREC).

| n e w s b r i e f s |

The Kroc Institute’s new Advisory Board: (back row, from left) Richard G.

Starmann, Robert P. McNeill, Phillip D. Brady, Patrick A. Salvi, Joseph A.

Cari, Joyce Neu, Thomas D. McCloskey, John R. Mullen, Robert E.

O’Grady; (front row) Michael Heisler, Scott Appleby.

Hal Culbertson (M.A. 1996) has been promoted toAssociate Director of the Kroc Institute. In his new position,Culbertson has taken on responsibility for budget oversightand staff coordination.

New Advisory Board HoldsInaugural MeetingThe Kroc Institute’s new Advisory Board held its first meetingon October 18-19. The board is chaired by Joseph A. Cari,Jr., a senior partner in the Chicago law firm of Ungaretti &Harris, and Chairman of the Board of Trustees of theWoodrow Wilson Center for International Scholars. The board discussed current research initiatives at the KrocInstitute and met with faculty and students in the Institute’sM.A. and undergraduate programs. The meeting concludedwith a discussion of future directions for the Institute andfund-raising priorities.

The new Advisory Board will focus on strategic planningand help establish fund-raising priorities for the Institute. Itwill also consult regularly with the International AdvisoryBoard, established in 1986, whose members (drawn primarilyfrom academic and diplomatic circles) continue to provideadvice to the Institute on developments in international rela-tions, peace and justice.

“The first meeting of the new Advisory Board was a greatsuccess,” said Kroc Institute director Scott Appleby. “I amdelighted and encouraged by the commitment of the newboard members, their enthusiasm for our work, and theirremarkable range of expertise and experience. Already we havebenefitted from their wise counsel, and I look forward to afruitful collaboration in the months and years ahead.”

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“Conflict, Conflict Resolution andthe Children of Northern Ireland:Towards Understanding theImpact on Children and Families”

Erin L. Lovell and E. Mark Cummings(Kroc Institute Occasional Paper,21:OP:1).

Lovell and Cummings employ a multi-disciplinary approach to consider theeffects of conflict and conflict processeson children in Northern Ireland. Basedon a review of theory and research ondynamic processes known to underliechildren’s functioning in families andgroups, they argue that child develop-ment and psychological processes in fam-ilies are likely to be highly affected by thecommunal conflict setting in NorthernIreland, particularly in zones of highintensity conflict. They show that chil-dren do not merely react to the presenceof conflict, but interpret the conflict andwhat it means to them personally, and totheir families (or in a communal sce-nario, to their respective community).They conclude that it is critical to initi-ate and conduct research relative to thedynamic relationship between bothfamilial and communal conflict to lay thegroundwork for potential interventionsfor children and families in NorthernIreland.

Erin Lovell received her B.A. in Governmentand International Relations from theUniversity of Notre Dame in 2001 and com-pleted a concentration in peace studies.Mark Cummings is Professor of Psychologyat the University of Notre Dame.

“Youth as Social and PoliticalAgents: Issues in Post-Settlement Peace Building”

Siobhan McEvoy-Levy (Kroc InstituteOccasional Paper #21:OP:2)

McEvoy-Levy examines the role of youthin the post-agreement phase of conflicttransformation. She makes the case for afocus on youth both as dependent andindependent variable in peace processesand particularly in the post-agreementphase. She argues that youth frequentlyturn to socio-political violence when apeace process does not sufficiently inte-grate their interests and does not usetheir skills and experience. But this doesnot mean such youth are “lost” to societyor irredeemably disaffected, as is oftenpresumed. McEvoy-Levy develops schol-arly findings on resilience and politicalengagement as crucial pointers in thesearch for ways to constructively engageyouth in peacebuilding.

Siobhan McEvoy-Levy is co-director of theKroc Institute’s Research Initiative on theResolution of Ethnic Conflict (RIREC) andVisiting Assistant Professor of PoliticalScience at Butler University, Indianapolis,Indiana.

“The Guatemalan Peace Process:The Accords and TheirAccomplishments”

Luis Pásara (Kroc Institute OccasionalPaper #21:OP:3)

Guatemala, one of the poorest countriesin Latin America, suffered an internalarmed conflict for 36 years. A long anddifficult peace negotiation process ended

| p u b l i c a t i o n s |

in 1996 by the signing of comprehensiveand ambitious peace accords. Five yearslater, the accomplishments of the accordsare limited. In this article, Pásara exam-ines the social context in which theaccords were negotiated and implement-ed, some of their accomplishments andshortcomings, and suggests lessons whichcan be learned from them.

Luis Pásara is a sociologist of law andpolitical analyst. He served as legal advisorto the United Nations Mission in Guatemalafrom 1996-2000. He was a visiting fellowat the Kroc Institute during the Springsemester of 2001.

“The Growing Peace ResearchAgenda”

Peter Wallensteen (Kroc InstituteOccasional Paper #21:OP:4)

How has the agenda of peace researchchanged over time? What issues shouldpeace research focus on today? PeterWallensteen, who has played a prominentrole in the development of the field,examines how the peace research agendaemerged out of both the traumatic andthe hopeful experiences of the 20th cen-tury. He then considers the evolution ofmethodological approaches in the fieldand delineates the diverse means bywhich peace research has an impact onsociety.

Peter Wallensteen was a Visiting Fellow atthe Kroc Institute during spring semester2001, through a grant from the American-Scandinavian Foundation, which named himthe first ASF Visiting Lecturer from Sweden.He is Dag Hammarskjöld Professor ofPeace and Conflict Research at UppsalaUniversity.

Institute Publications

Occasional Papers

[All Kroc Institute Occasional Papers are available in full-text at <www.nd.edu/~krocinst/ocpapers/>.]

31


Policy Briefs(All Kroc Institute Policy Briefs are avail-able on the web at<www.nd.edu/~krocinst/polbriefs/>.)

Kashmir and the War onTerrorism, Policy Brief #8(November 2001), by CynthiaMahmood

U.S. Opposition to theInternational Criminal Court:Unfounded Fears, Policy Brief #7(June 2001), by Robert C. Johansen

Israel under Sharon: The Tunnel atthe End of the Light, Policy Brief #6(June 2001), by Alan Dowty

Toward Smart Sanctions on Iraq,Policy Brief #5 (April 2001), by GeorgeA. Lopez

Other PolicyPublications

South Asia at the NuclearCrossroads, U.S. Policy OptionsToward South Asian Nuclear

Proliferation: TheRole of Sanctionsand Incentives

David Cortright withSamina Ahmed (jointlypublished by TheFourth Freedom Forum,the Joan B. KrocInstitute forInternational PeaceStudies, and the

Managing of the Atom Project atHarvard University, April 2001).

[Available on the web at <www.nd.edu/~krocinst/research/crossroad.pdf>. Hard copies available on request.]

Smart Sanctions: RestructuringUN Policy in Iraq

David Cortright,George A. Lopez,Alistair Millar, withLinda Gerber, con-tributing editor (ajoint policy reportpublished by theFourth FreedomForum and the Joan

B. Kroc Institute for International PeaceStudies, April 2001).

[Available on the web at <www.nd.edu/~krocinst/research/econsanc.html>. Hard copies available on request.]

A Hard Look at Iraq Sanctions,David Cortright, The Nation, December3, 2001

Proposed: A More Effective andJust Response to Terrorism, DavidCortright, USA Today Magazine, January2002

The Winter Soldiers Movement:GI’s and Veterans Against theVietnam War, David Cortright, Peaceand Change 27, no. 1 (January 2002):118-124

FacultyPublications

Books

The Effects of Violence on PeaceProcesses

John Darby (Washington, D.C.: UnitedStates Institute of Peace, 2001)

Violence, especially ethnic violence, isexceptionally hard to extinguish. As JohnDarby argues in this original, holistic,and comparative treatment of the sub-ject, “even when political violence isended by a cease-fire, it reappears inother forms to threaten the evolvingpeace process.”Unlike many othertreatments of thetopic, Darby focuseson peace processesthat have involvedactors other thanthe United Nations.He analyzes thenature and impactof four interrelatedkinds of violence: violence by the state,violence by militants, violence in thecommunity, and the emergence of newviolence-related issues during negotia-tions. In-depth profiles of the five fea-tured cases (Northern Ireland, SouthAfrica, Sri Lanka, Israel-Palestine, andthe Basque country) provide ample back-ground and enrich understanding.

Judging the Past in UnifiedGermany

A. James McAdams (Cambridge:Cambridge University Press, 2001)

In recent years, no modern democracyhas taken more aggressive steps to cometo terms with a legacy of dictatorshipthan has the Federal Republic ofGermany with the crimes and injusticesof Communist East Germany. In thisbook, A. James McAdams provides acomprehensive and engaging examina-

32


tion of the four most prominentinstances of this policy: criminal trials forthe killings at the Berlin Wall; the dis-qualification of administrative personnelfor secret-police ties; parliamentarytruth-telling commissions; and privateproperty restitution. On the basis ofextensive interviews in Bonn and Berlinover the 1990s, McAdams gives newinsight into the difficulties Germanpoliticians, judges, bureaucrats, and pub-lic officials faced sitting in judgment onthe affairs of another state. He arguesprovocatively that the success of theirpolicies must be measured in terms ofthe way they used East German historyto justify their actions.

American Exceptionalism andU.S. Foreign Policy: PublicDiplomacy at the End of the ColdWar

Siobhan McEvoy-Levy (New York:Palgrave, 2001)

McEvoy-Levy examines a critical timeand place in recent world history-the endof the Cold War-and the strategies andvalues employed in the public diplomacyof the Bush and Clinton Administrationsto build domestic and international con-sensus. This book provides insight intothe uses of presidential power and pro-vides a model and an illustration for howrhetoric may be used in the study ofUnited States foreign policy.

Toward a Global Civilization? TheContribution of Religions

ed. Patricia M. Mische and MelissaMerkling (New York: Peter Lang, 2001)

Creating a peaceful and sustainable glob-al future is as much an ethical and spiri-tual matter as an economic, social, andlegal one. To respond to the challengesresulting from today’s global economicand ecological interdependence, twenty-one distinguished scholars from theworld’s major religions describe their tradition’s contributions to the

development ofa shared globalethic.Contributorsfrom Hindu,Jain, Buddhist,

Confucian, Jewish, Christian, Islamic,Baha’i, and traditional African perspec-tives consider their tradition’s respect fornational, cultural, and religious diversity,and its applications in humane and effec-tive global governance structures and sys-tems. They show how each traditionframes comprehensive values for humansociety, contains seeds of world systemsthinking, and approaches multireligiousinitiatives. Patricia Mische completedwork on this volume during a visitingfellowship at the Kroc Institute in 1998-99.

Revolutions in Sovereignty: HowIdeas Shaped ModernInternational Relations

Daniel Philpott (Princeton: PrincetonUniversity Press, 2001)

How did the world come to be organizedinto sovereign states? Philpott argues thattwo historical revolutions in ideas areresponsible. First, the ProtestantReformation ended medievalChristendom and brought a system ofsovereign states in Europe, culminatingat the Peace of Westphalia in 1648.Second, ideas of equality and colonialnationalism brought a sweeping end tocolonial empires around 1960, spreadingthe sovereign states system to the rest ofthe globe. In both cases, revolutions inideas about legitimate political authorityprofoundly altered the “constitution” thatestablishes basic authority in the interna-tional system. Bringing new theoreticaland historical depth to the study of inter-national relations, Philpott demonstratesthat while shifts in military, economic,and other forms of material power can-not be overlooked, only ideas can explainhow the world came to be organized intoa system of sovereign states.

Economic Imperatives and EthicalValues in Global Business: TheSouth African Experience andInternational Codes Today

Oliver F. Williams, C.S.C and S. PrakashSethi, (Notre Dame, IN: University ofNotre Dame Press, 2001) (Published inhardbound in 2000 by Kluwer AcademicPress, Cambridge, MA)

Williams and Sethi offer an in-depth andsystematic analysis of the workings of theSullivan Principles, a code of conductcreated in 1977 by civil rights leader Rev.Leon Sullivan for U.S. companies operat-ing in South Africa. The authors examinethe impact of the Sullivan Principles onthe interactions of foreign corporationswith South Africa. They also considerhow the experience of the SullivanPrinciples might instruct the process ofdeveloping codes of ethics as large multi-national corporations cope with issues ofhuman rights, living and working condi-tions of workers, environmental protec-tion, and sustainable growth in theiroverseas manufacturing operations.

Chapters

Alan Dowty, “Jewish Political Cultureand Zionist Foreign Policy,” inGlobal Politics: Essays in Honour ofProfessor David Vital ed. Abraham Ben-Zvi and Aharon Klieman (London:Frank Cass, 2001, 309-326)

The imprints of interests and ideology onZionism and Israeli foreign policy havebeen better delineated than the impact oftraditional political culture. But even aconvinced “realist” must appreciate howJewish political culture colors both inter-nal and external relations. Two themesdominate in this discourse: 1) the focuson security, which is rooted in a histori-cally-conditioned sense of foreboding, anemphasis on personal safety, a tendencyto defer to strong leadership, and multi-

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ple interpretations of external hostility;and 2) the sense of separateness, whichencompasses distrust of external actors, atendency to secrecy and backstage diplo-macy, a high priority on relations withJews elsewhere, and a strong tradition ofself-reliance.

Denis Goulet, “The Evolving Natureof Development in the Light ofGlobalization,” in The SocialDimensions of Globalization, ed. LouisSabourin (Vatican City: PontificalAcademy of Social Sciences, 2000, 26-46)

As the UNDP notes, economic develop-ment is a means to a broader end: quali-tative human development. Pursuingeconomic development as an end leads toserious distortions. Correction requiresusing market competition as a socialmechanism, not as an operating princi-ple. Globalization produces good andbad effects. The entry into arenas ofdevelopment decision-making of newactors — NGOs and other agents of civilsociety — re-frames the terms of devel-opment debates. There are growingdemands from affected populations andinstitutional actors in civil society todefine their own development. This chal-lenges elite decision-making of dominantinternational financial institutions, greatpower governments, and large interna-tional business firms.

Robert C. Johansen, “Enforcing Normsand Normalizing Enforcement forHumane Governance,” in PrincipledWorld Politics: The Challenge ofNormative International Relations, ed.Paul Wapner and Lester Edwin J. Ruiz(Lanham: Rowman and Littlefield, 2000)

Because all people at this stage of humanhistory now live within permeable territorial boundaries, human securitycan no longer be achieved without ensur-ing that people everywhere obey at least a

few fundamental rules prohibiting severe-ly threatening actions, whether of a mili-tary, migratory, environmental ordespotic nature. Peace and security canbe substantially enhanced only by takingsteps to domesticate the internationalsystem. One significant measure wouldbe to increase the international commu-nity’s capacity to hold individuals,including government officials, account-able to fundamental international normsof peace and human rights and, in partic-ular, to strengthen United Nations capa-bilities for employing legal instrumentsof individualized enforcement, includinghighly trained UN civilian police andpolice trainers, conflict experts, interna-tionally sponsored or monitored judicialproceedings, and “smart” economic sanctions.

Raimo Väyrynen, “Post-Hegemonicand Post-Socialist Regionalisms: A Comparison of East Asia andCentral Europe,” in Regionalisms.Implications for Global Development, ed.Bjırn Hettne, Andrs Inotai & OsvaldoSunkel (London & New York: Palgrave2001, 132-86).

Väyrynen explores the impact of thechanging international political and eco-nomic system on regional integration inEast Asia and Central Europe. Ratherthan have a zero-sum relationship, glob-alization and regionalization of economicactivities have progressed in tandem. InEurope, regionalism is much more organ-ized than in East Asia and, therefore, thedecline of the great-power hegemony,especially the Soviet/Russian influence,has permitted the spread of integration toCentral Europe. The absence of effectivehegemony has prompted the East Asiancountries to explore new ties, but theyhave remained much more informal andare still challenged by political suspicions.However, over the long term, the func-tional, networked nature of the East

Asian regionalism may turn out to beeconomically more effective than theinstitutional and often protectionist inte-gration strategies prevalent in Europe.

Articles

R. Scott Appleby and Martin E. Marty,“Think Again: Fundamentalism,”Foreign Policy (January/February 2002):16-22.

For all the current focus on fiery Islamicextremists, religious fundamentalists arenot confined to any particular faith orcountry, nor to the poor and uneducated.Instead, they are likely to spring up any-where people perceive the need to fight agodless, secular culture — even if theyhave to depart from the orthodoxy oftheir traditions to do it. In fact, whatfundamentalists everywhere have in com-mon is the ability to craft their messagesto fit the times.

David B. Burrell, “Roots of Israeli-Palestinian Violence,” Commonweal20 (April 2001): 9-10.

An attempt to disentangle the situationin Israel/Palestine, by understanding itsorigins to be in the two “contradictions”latent in Israeli society: that the home-coming of one people entailed the home-wrecking of another — somethingobscured by official Israeli mythical his-tory until the archives were recentlyopened and the “new historians” haveexposed the events of 1948. the otherbeing the prolonged occupation, since1967 — something unbecoming a“Jewish state” according to such notableauthorities (at the time) as YesheyahuLeibowitz. The importance of such “con-tradictions” can be traced to ReneGirard, who argues that a society willbreak out in violence to the extent that itis founded on a contradiction; those inAmerican society were explicit, and

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resulted in our civil war; those in manysocieties are more implicit, but the resultswill out.

David Cortright, “Powers ofPersuasion: Sanctions andIncentives in the Shaping ofInternational Society,” InternationalStudies (New Delhi) 38, no. 2 (2001):113-125

Cortright examines Hedley Bull’s theoryof international society, which seeks toavoid the pitfalls of both realist and ide-alist theories. Building on Bull’s frame-work, he then considers how theories ofeconomic statecraft would fit into Bull’stheory of international society. He arguesthat sanctions and incentives can beeffective tools for shaping the rules andnorms that govern international society.This article was based on the Hedley BullMemorial Lecture 2000, which Cortrightdelivered at Jawaharlal Nehru University,New Delhi on March 9, 2000.

Alan Dowty, “Making ’No First Use’Work: Bring All WMD Inside theTent,” The Non-proliferation Review 8(Spring 2001): 79-85

Despite impressive progress in the dele-gitimization of chemical and biologicalweapons, success in eliminating themclearly depends on parallel progress indelegitimizing nuclear weapons. Armscontrol negotiations will have to takeinto account the linkages that existbetween the different categories ofweapons of mass destruction. One obvi-ous first step would be agreement on nofirst use of any weapon of mass destruc-tion, enabling the United States to main-tain a nuclear deterrent against chemicalor biological attack while abandoning theincreasingly dubious option of nuclearresponse to conventional attack.

Alan Dowty, “A Question ThatOutweighs All Others: YitzhakEpstein and Zionist Recognition ofthe Arab Issue,” Israel Studies 8(Spring 2001): 34-54

Yitzhak Epstein, an early Zionist settlerand teacher, published in 1907 an articleentitled “A Hidden Question,” which isoften regarded as the first serious Zionistanalysis of the question of relations withthe Arab population in Palestine. Thisarticle, translated into English here forthe first time, does indeed appear uponcloser examination to be a more sensitiveanalysis of the issue than any previousZionist writings; it also projects the finaldimensions of the conflict decades beforethey took shape and was a provocativestatement that was instrumental in fram-ing the subsequent debate within themovement.

Alan Dowty and Michelle Gawerc, “The Al-Aqsa Intifada: Revealingthe Chasm,” Middle East Review ofInternational Affairs 5, No. 3 (September, 2001), available at<www.biu.ac.il/SOC/besa/meria.html>.

Dowty and Gawerc (Kroc M.A., ’01)analyze the outbreak of a new Palestinianuprising (intifada) in September 2000 byexamining Palestinian perceptions andactivities. They discuss the causes of thisdevelopment, analyze Palestinian strategy,and explore differing Palestinian andIsraeli views on the course of the peaceprocess. They also consider the stand-points of leaders and of public opiniontoward these events.

Fred Dallmayr, “Dialogue ofCivilizations: A GadamerianPerspective,” Global DialogueVol. 3 (2001): 64-75

The essay seeks to make a contributionto Year 2001 which has been officiallydesignated by the United Nations as the“Year of Dialogue among Civilizations.”The essay first discusses the meaning of“civilization,” differentiating the termfrom counter terms like nature and thedivine. Next, the essay discusses specifi-cally the character and development ofWestern civilization. Finally, relying onthe work of Hans-Georg Gadamer, theessay explores the possibility of a dia-logue among civilizations arguing that it has to be a multidimensional and ethi-cally sensitive dialogue.

Robert Johansen, “To Test or Not toTest: That is the Question (ofFaith),” Bulletin of the Peace StudiesInstitute, Manchester College, Vol. 30(Fall 2000): 7-12

A careful examination of argumentsraised by leading U.S. Senators whorefused to ratify the treaty that wouldhave banned nuclear weapons testsreveals more about Senators’ faith thanabout U.S. national interests. Senatorsopposing the treaty demonstrate morefaith in allowing testing than in legalconstraints and treaty-mandated interna-tional verification systems. Nonetheless,the security consequences of ratifying thetreaty and implementing its inspectionsprovisions, although never capable ofproviding ironclad assurances againsttreaty violations, would be far more likely to protect U.S. security and dis-courage the spread of nuclear weaponsthan rejecting the treaty.

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Layna Mosley, “Room to Move:International Financial Markets andThe Welfare State,” InternationalOrganization 54:4 (Fall 2000)

This article examines the extent to whichinternational capital mobility limits gov-ernment policy choices. Mosely evaluatesthe relationship between internationalfinancial markets and government policyoutcomes, with a focus on the govern-ment bond market in developed democ-racies. Evidence includes interviews withfinancial market participants and a cross-sectional time series analysis of the deter-minants of interest rates. This evaluationsuggests that governments of developeddemocracies face strong but narrowly-defined financial market pressures.Financial market participants are con-cerned with a few macro-policy indica-tors, including inflation rates andgovernment deficit/G.P. ratios, but arenot concerned with more micro-policyindicators, such as the distribution ofgovernment spending across functionalcategories. In these micro-policy areas,governments retain policy-making autonomy.

Kristin Shrader-Frechette and LarsPersson, “Ethical Problems inRadiation Protection,” SwedishRadiation Protection Society Reports 11(2001) [full-text available athttp://www.ssi.se/english/index.htm]

In this report the authors survey existinginternational radiation-protection recom-mendations and standards of theInternational Radiological ProtectionsCommission (ICRP), the InternationalAtomic Energy Agency (IAEA), and theInternational Labor Organization (ILO).After outlining previous work on theethics of radiation protection, profession-al ethics, and the ethics of human radia-tion experiments, the authors reviewethical thinking on seven key issues relat-ed to radiation protection and ethics.

They formulate each of these seven issuesin terms of alternative ethical stances: 1)equity versus efficiency, 2) health versuseconomics, 3) individual rights versussocietal benefits, 4) due process versusnecessary sacrifice, 5) uniform versusdouble standards, 6) stakeholder consentversus management decisions, and 7)environmental stewardship versus anthro-pocentric standards.

Raimo Väyrynen, “Funding Dilemmasin Refugee Assistance: PoliticalInterests and Institutional Reformsin UNHCR,” International MigrationReview 35, no. 1 (2001): 143-67

UNHCR has constant economic prob-lems as practically all of its fundingcomes from voluntary contributions. Thegrowing problem with refugees and inter-nally displaced persons has brought thesystem to a breaking point. In the begin-ning of the 1990s funds made availableto UNHCR expanded significantly, butmost of this growth went to special fundsthat the donors could earmark to projectsof their liking. This has curtailed theagency’s freedom of action and resultedin a less than rational pattern of operation for which the agency is itselfpartially guilty. A budgetary reformimplemented in 1999 combined the spe-cial and general funds with the purposeof increasing the flexibility of refugeeoperations. With the decline of the contributions by the European Union,however, the future of UNHCR lookssomewhat bleak and it will need addi-tional reforms to operate effectively.

Raimo Väyrynen, “Environment,Violence, and Political Change,”Notre Dame Journal of Law Ethics andPublic Policy 15, no. 2 (2001): 593-620

The concept of environmental securityshould be defined in rather narrow termsto include only those ecological risks thatan actor has caused with the intention to

harm others and whose effects are signifi-cant and divisible. Such “competitive”threats should be distinguished from“contextual” threats, such as globalwarming, which are largely indivisibleand unintentional in terms of securityrisks. The third type of threat is “contam-ination” resulting from air- and water-borne pollution which may producesecurity risks, but is seldom politicallyintentional. The empirical focus is onresource conflicts whose security implica-tions are, over a short and medium term,considered limited. Problems are duemore to the rivalry over valuable, mar-ketable resources, such as oil and dia-monds, than to the scarcity of resources.

Raimo Väyrynen, “Sovereignty,Globalization and TransnationalSocial Movements,” InternationalRelations of the Asia-Pacific 1, no. 2(2001): 227-46

Economic globalization has eroded thedivide between national and internation-al systems and fostered the dispersal ofpower in social networks. As a result, onecannot define state sovereignty as a coun-terpose to the global system, as thesephenomena have become mutuallyembedded. The internal dimension ofstate sovereignty has been transformedmore thoroughly than the external one.This is, in part due to the proliferation oftransnational social movements, whichhave gained power in national societies.Therefore, the anti-globalization move-ment, although unable to halt the processof economic integration, has been able toredefine the terms of the globalizationdebate and influence national responsesand international financial institutions.


U p c o m i n g H i g h l i g h t s — S p r i n g 2 0 0 2

March 7-9Conference: Assessing the Theological Legacy of John Howard Yoder McKenna Hall (CCE)(co-sponsored by the Notre Dame Department of Theology,Goshen College, and the Institute for Mennonite Studies atthe Associated Mennonite Biblical Seminary)

March 22-23The Annual Student Conference: Be the ChangeHesburgh Center

April 5-6Working Group Meeting on Catholic Peacebuilding

April 9-10The Eighth Annual Hesburgh Lectures on Ethics and Public PolicyFreeman J. Dyson, Professor of Physics Emeritus, School ofNatural Sciences, The Institute for Advanced Studies,PrincetonHesburgh Center

“Eight Tales for Technophiles: Successes and Failures in UsingTechnology to Help the Poor”

“The World Economic Forum Debates: The Future of Scienceand Technology”

April 12-13Conference: In Multiple Voice: Challenges and Prospects forIslamic Peacebuilding After September 11Hesburgh Center

Further information about these and other events at the Kroc Institute is available on our website at www.nd.edu/~krocinst

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Documents

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