Stelten Ruud 2011 NuStar Archaeological Watching Brief

NuStar Archaeological Watching Brief Report on the February-April 2011 campaign in the Cul de Sac area, St. Eustatius

Including SE 93: Benners plantation complex

By Ruud Stelten

Principal Investigator

R. Grant Gilmore III, Ph.D.

Director of the St. Eustatius Center for Archaeological Research

Rosemary Lane, St. Eustatius

Tel.: +599 318 0066

[email protected]

Author and Site Director

Ruud Stelten, MA

Archaeologist

Tel.: +31 6 23571278

[email protected]

Initiator

NuStar Terminals NV

Tumble Down Dick Bay

P.O. Box 70

St. Eustatius

Tel.: +599 318 2300

Date: 20 April 2011

Acknowledgements

Many people have made an effort to bring this project to a successful end. Special thanks are

due to R. Grant Gilmore III, Ph.D., Island Archaeologist and Director of the St. Eustatius

Center for Archaeological Research, for his support and expert advice. Many people at

NuStar have also been very helpful in providing assistance whenever needed, most notably

Richard Prisock, Tony Durby, and Denis Richardson. SECAR intern Stafford Smith has been

of assistance by preparing many maps used during the project.

Table of Contents

List of figures 1

1. Introduction 3

2. Historical background 7

3. Research methodology 14

4. Research results 16

Site 1: Benner’s well (SE 93) 16

Sites 2 & 3: the Benners plantation complex (SE 93) 18

Sites 4, 5 & 10: possible slave cemeteries 28

Site 6: undetermined 40

Site 7: dry laid stone wall 42

Site 8: Benners plantation cemetery (SE 93) 43


Site 11: burial ground 54


Site 13: Benners plantation slave quarters (SE 93) 56

Site 14: possible slave quarters 58

Site 15: cistern and structure 59

5. Conclusions and recommendations 62

Bibliography 63

Appendix: maps and GPS data

Specification of Demands

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List of figures

1. The proposed NuStar development plan.

2. The research area for the March-April 2011 watching brief.

3. The excavator clearing the vegetation.

4. The hand clearing crew removing vegetation on Site 15.

5. Haviser‘s 1981 sketch of Benner‘s well.

6. The mound of glass and ceramics dumped on top of Benner‘s well looking east.

7. A sample of ceramic and glass artifacts found in the mound.

8. The plantation complex as depicted on Fahlberg‘s watercolour. Schotsenhoek

plantation can be seen in the background. The red arrow indicates Site 15.

9. Interior of a boiling house on Antigua, 1823, made by William Clark. John Carter

Brown Library, Brown University.

10. The fire holes on the outside of the boiling house.

11. The additional curing house, as seen from the southeast. A gumbo limbo tree

(Bursera Simaruba) has destroyed part of the wall completely.

12. Masonry work for one of the kettles.

13. Rum distillery flue.

14. The southeastern wall of the curing house (left), with the wall of the additional

curing house built against it (right).

15. Partly buried northeastern wall of the curing house.

16. The cistern on the southwestern corner of the complex.

17. The hole through which the molasses reached the cistern.

18. Lime mortar lining on the inside of the cistern.

19. Part of the milling area‘s wall.

20. The well-preserved southeastern wall of the big house.

21. Overview of Site 3.

22. The small cistern at the southern end of the big house.

23. The small cistern as seen from above.

24. Stone pile of the additional small structure to the north, on which oil terminal

rubbish has been dumped.

25. Site 5, burial 2.







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34. Site 6 looking north (left) and south.

35. Possible burial on Site 6, with a brick present amongst the stones.

36. Stones with bricks in between.

37. A large stone that appears to be worked.

38. Stone wall running along the old road.

39. Overview of Site 8 looking west.

40. The only part of the fence around the burials that is still standing.

41. Part of a tombstone encountered outside the fenced area and hit during clearing.

42. Grave of Johannes Salomons Gibbes.

43. Grave of Lucas Benner.

44. Grave of Abraham Ravene.

45. Grave of Jan Jacob Creutzer.

46. Grave of Joseph Linde Bayoutsyn.

47. Grave of Joannes Heyliger.

48. Grave of Johannes Benner.

49. The boundary wall looking SSW.

50. Part of the 1781 map. The boundary wall is indicated by the red arrow. To the

south is Benners plantation, at the time owned by Governor De Graaff. The

Benners plantation cemetery (Site 8) is indicated by the yellow arrow.

51. Previously unknown burial on Site 11. Part of the gravestone that has broken off

can be seen in the background.

52. Stone wall of Site 12.

53. Site 13 as seen from the Benners boiling house.

54. The slave quarters as shown on the 1781 P.F. Martin map, indicated by the red

arrow.

55. Coral, stone, and ceramic and glass artifacts found on the surface.

56. The location of Site 14, indicated by the red arrow.

57. Part of the 1742 Ottens map, showing the relatively small structure which may be

Site 15 (red arrow), and surrounding plantations Benners (blue arrow) and

Schotsenhoek (yellow arrow).

58. The cistern as seen from the west.

59. The depth of the cistern.

60. Concentration of stones and bricks indicating a structure to the east of the cistern.

61. The concentration of stones and bricks in relation to the cistern.

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1. Introduction

St. Eustatius, commonly referred to as Statia, is a small island located in the inner, active

volcanic arc of the Leeward Islands. Formerly part of the Netherlands Antilles, as of 10

October 2010 its status has changed to being a municipality of the Netherlands.

Relatively unknown to the general public today, Statia was home to an Amerindian

population at least as early as 600 AD, and became one of the busiest ports in the world

during the late eighteenth century. It had a population equaling contemporary New York and

the magnitude of trade occurring on the island surpassed any port in the Atlantic World. The

island changed hands no less than 22 times during its turbulent history. St. Eustatius supplied

the North American rebels with huge quantities of arms and ammunition during the American

War of Independence, and according to British Admiral Sir George Brydges Rodney who

invaded the island in 1781, St. Eustatius did England more harm than the arms of her most

potent enemies, and alone supported this infamous rebellion. After an economic collapse in

the early nineteenth century, the island lost its significance in world trade.

Today, St. Eustatius is on the map of global trade yet again, due to the presence of

Statia Terminals, a storage and transshipment center for crude oil and petroleum products

owned by NuStar Energy L.P. The facility can handle the world‘s largest oil tankers (up to

520,000 DWT), and its 56 tanks have a capacity of over thirteen million barrels.

NuStar is planning to expand its facility on Statia by building an additional 40 tanks

on its property in the Cul de Sac area, locally known as ‗the Farm‘ (Figure 1). This proposed

work will take up over 278,000 square meters of space. Prior to building the tanks, the entire

area needs to be leveled to 20 m. AMSL. The northeastern part of ‗the Farm‘ is situated well

above this, while the southwestern part is located beneath. Substantial site preparation in the

form of excavation and grading will have to be conducted to construct this level area. Soil

from the higher parts will thus have to be moved to fill up the lower parts, meaning that all

archaeological remains in the area situated higher than 20 m. AMSL will be destroyed, while

all archaeological sites lower than this level will be covered up and possibly damaged and

destroyed.

Since 1992, when the Netherlands signed the Malta Treaty, it is required by Dutch

law to have archaeological research carried out prior to disturbing the soil. This Treaty was

fully implemented in the Dutch ‗Wet op de archeologische monumentenzorg‘ in 2007. The

Malta Treaty stipulates in situ preservation is the preferred option for archaeological remains.

When in situ preservation is not an option, it is required that the person/organization planning

to disturb the soil will pay for all archaeological research that is deemed necessary. At the

time of writing, the situation regarding archaeological- and monument laws on Statia is not

exactly clear. As St. Eustatius is now part of the Netherlands, it is officially subjected to the

Malta Treaty. However, the Treaty only becomes enforceable after it is implemented by local

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law. At the moment, these laws do not yet exist. Nevertheless, prior to full implementation of

the Treaty in the Netherlands in 2007, the Dutch government had already acted as if the

Treaty was implemented for fifteen years. However the situation on Statia at the moment may

be, an archaeological watching brief was deemed necessary and conducted.

The area of ‗the Farm‘ was already surveyed by archaeologist Jay Haviser in the

1980‘s, and several archaeological sites were known to exist prior to the start of the project.

Given the fact that Statia has the largest concentration of archaeological sites of any area of

comparable size in the Americas, it was expected there were more unknown sites present in

the area, and an archaeological watching brief was carried out on ‗the Farm‘ in February –

April 2011. The research area (Figure 2) is located on the so-called ‗Cultuurvlakte‘, a plain

between the dormant Quill volcano in the south and a cluster of five extinct coalesced older

volcanoes comprising the northern hills. The soil in the area consists of a layer of top soil of

varying thickness with volcanic deposits underneath. Originally, St. Eustatius was likely

covered by an evergreen seasonal forest (Stelten 2010:9). Due to human activity this has

largely disappeared, and the research area was for the most part covered in thick vegetation,

comprised of acacias (acacia macracantha), cacti (acanthocereus tetragonus), tamarind trees

(tamarindus indica), manchineel trees (hippomane mancinella), coralita vines (Antigonon

leptopus), and calabash trees (lagenaria sicenaria) among others. Furthermore, parts of the

research area were littered with rubbish left behind by the oil terminal over the years.

Animals living in the area include the Lesser Antillean iguana (iguana delicatissima), land

crabs (gecarcinus lateralis), hermit crabs (coenobita clypeata), and red bellied racer snakes

(Alsophis rufiventris). Cattle and goats also roam freely through the area.

A total of fifteen archaeological sites have been found during this two-month

campaign. The following chapters contain a short background history on St. Eustatius and an

inventory and interpretation of the sites uncovered. Maps of discovered archaeological sites

are added as an appendix.

At the end of the report, a Specification of Demands (Dutch: Programma van Eisen or

PvE) is added that outlines the recommended archaeological work and research questions that

need to be addressed should be decided an archaeological investigation needs to be carried

out.

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Figure 1. The proposed NuStar development plan. To the north is the so-called ‗Horseshoe

formation‘, to the northeast the airport runway, and to the south Oranjestad.

6

Figure 2. The research area for the February – April 2011 watching brief.

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2. Historical background

St. Eustatius

Europeans first settled on St. Eustatius when the French established a palisaded fort at the

present location of Fort Oranje in 1627. Prior to this time the island was used a supply

station by privateers raiding the Spanish treasure fleets and colonies. The Dutch replaced the

French in 1636 when the first Dutch West India Company established a fort on the remains of

an old French bastion overlooking Oranje Bay on the southern leeward shore. Initially, the

island grew tobacco and cotton developing as yet another plantation economy. These

endeavours proved unprofitable in the later seventeenth century and the Dutch turned to their

more commercial instincts and began building a trading entrepôt instead. Along with

Curaçao, St. Eustatius became a successful slave trading post during the early 18th century.

Slave ships brought their cargo to Statia to be auctioned to buyers from the surrounding

islands. Fort Amsterdam, at Oranje Bay‘s northern end, hosted slave auctions and served to

store slaves. Initially the main building was only one storey, however it was expanded to two

in 1742 to accommodate additional slaves. Although slavers would periodically come

directly from Africa, the majority of slaves were part of the inter-island trade termed the

Kleine Vaart.

Dutch merchants on St. Eustatius built a unique plantation community differing from

those found on other islands during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Merchants

primarily lived in the ―Upper Town‖ which overlooked the harbour formed by Oranje Bay

and amongst the two hundred warehouses located there. The urban vs. rural contexts were

reflected in social and economic roles assigned to each place that were unique to St.

Eustatius. Documentary evidence suggests that plantations were viewed as "country estates"

whose economic significance was secondary to the trade occurring along the shore.

Plantations were important as expressions of social status and in the role they played in

transforming sugar from a raw product into a more liquid commodity (rum). Sugar planters

from other islands (especially Jamaica, St. Kitts and Nevis) utilised this as a means to

contravene high taxes on their islands. In fact, in 1753 English sugar refiners complained to

Parliament that sugar exports from Jamaica would not satisfy consumer demand; this was due

to the illegal Jamaican trans-shipment of sugar to Statia where they could make higher

profits. For example, in 1779, St. Eustatius plantations produced a grand total of 13,610

pounds of sugar but exported an incredible 25 million pounds! The economic role of the

Lower Town for pan-Caribbean trade is quite clear from both documentary and

archaeological evidence. Trade grew even more after the American War of Independence

reaching its apogee in the 1790s.

Taxes under French and English occupation (1795-1816) and the severe decline of

trade on the island after the 1820s (due to a substantial shift in commerce from the Caribbean

8

to the United States) resulted in a massive reduction in population and general urban decay

for the next 150 years on St. Eustatius.

Oranjestad

During the past 375 years, Oranjestad on St. Eustatius has passed through multiple phases of

development. Outwardly, the island‘s economy was tied to trading in sugar, however it was

more a combination of tax policy and the diverse array of commodities offered for sale that

provided the most significant influences on urban development on Statia. During the Colonial

period these conditions resulted in the mixing of various cultures through commerce on the

island that cannot be found at many other places in the region. Dutch, Spanish, French,

English, Swedish, ‗Italian‘, and Jewish (both Ashkenazi and Sephardic) merchants

participating in commerce on a massive scale formed this community. Eighteenth-century

trade was so great that the island was nicknamed the ―Golden Rock‖ and it became the

busiest trading port in the world by the 1770s with over 3,500 ships per year landing here.

Most labour was provided by enslaved Africans in the harbour, warehouses, plantations and

they also frequently crewed canoes, boats and ships across the Caribbean in trading for their

masters and for themselves. Areas associated with each of these sub-communities provide

insights into economic and social relations in this intense business environment.

Above the Lower Town, the Boven Dorp or ―Upper Town‖ of Oranjestad was

developing further as well. Religious buildings, urban plantations, merchant's residences and

military sites formed the urban core. The first Dutch Reformed Church was built in the

1630s, where the largest cemetery on the island is located today. The church was probably

destroyed by the French in 1689 and a new one was consecrated close to the cliff edge just

behind Fort Oranje by 1755.

Adjacent to the old Dutch Reformed Church cemetery was the Jewish cemetery

serving the considerable population of Ashkenazi and Sephardic Jews. The Jewish

synagogue, Honen Dalim, was built directly in the middle of Oranjestad. It was the centre of

Jewish life on the island serving both Spanish and central European Jewish populations.

As mentioned previously, Fort Oranje was built on the site of the original French fort.

During the early 18th century a more substantial structure was built out of brick and stone.

The final design that is manifest in the existing structure was constructed in the mid-18th

century, very much along the lines of Vauban. The original plan incorporated four bastions,

one of which eventually collapsed along the cliff edge. Drawings dating to 1765 clearly

depict the current three-bastion design. Enclosed within Fort Oranje were magazines and

barracks.

A distinction can be made between those who owned and operated plantations and

those who were merchants and resided in town. However, the available evidence suggest that

Oranjestad was similar to some other colonial towns in the Americas in that wealthy

individuals would establish ―urban plantations‖ containing all of the architectural elements of

9

a typical rural plantation including outbuildings and sometimes even small plots where crops

were grown, just on a reduced scale. The Peyton Randolph House in Williamsburg, Virginia

illustrates this perfectly. A large kitchen separated the main house from the other outbuildings

that included a carpentry shop and even a windmill. Beyond these structures, animals were

penned and small agricultural plots containing not just vegetables but also corn and wheat.

This situation was in complete contrast to other ostentatious displays of wealth such as formal

gardens found behind the Governor's Mansion or the St. George Tucker House. On St.

Eustatius, one such home was constructed by one of the wealthiest merchants, Simon

Doncker. He built on a substantial lot in very close proximity to the town centre. Towards

the rear of the property he grew crops and outbuildings were built between these and the main

house. Other smaller homes such as the one known as the Godet property were condensed

even further. Still standing on this property are the kitchen, hurricane house, cistern and

outhouse all built of hewn stone and imported yellow Dutch brick.

During the early to mid-18th century the extent of Oranjestad was largely confined to

the streets immediately surrounding the buildings just described including the Dutch

Reformed Church, Honem Dalim, Fort Oranje and the Governor's Offices. However, with

the advent of the Seven Years War and then the American War of Independence, the trade on

St. Eustatius increased dramatically. Concomitant with this expansion was a substantial

growth in merchant dwellings in the Upper Town. It was during this period that an area

owned by the Dutch West India Company was laid out in lots approximately 0.1 hectares in

size. Lot numbers are depicted on a map drawn by George Groebe, the island secretary in the

early-19th century and are also mentioned in advertisements found in the St. Eustatius

Gazette as well as wills and deeds dating to the period. Finally, the existing wills, deeds,

inventories and mortgages for plantation owners/merchants clearly delineate both urban and

plantation properties that reflect their dueling economic and social responsibilities. For

example, in the last will of Madam Judith Stewart, she not only owned Fair Play plantation

but also: nineteen rental properties, four houses in the Lower Town, and one in the Upper

Town. Upon his death, the widow of Jacubus Seys, Senior, owned two plantations (Zorg en

Rust and Vlugt) and also a house in town. Abraham Heyliger also owned two plantations

(Golden Rock and one at White Wall) and also a domestic house in the Lower Town that

included outbuildings. These are just few examples illustrating that wealthy Statian residents

owned both country and town residential properties.

It was along the shore in the Lower Town that the most substantial changes occurred

during this time. With the rapid expansion of the illicit trade in guns, gunpowder and naval

stores provided to the French military and the American rebels, hundreds of additional

warehouses were constructed along Oranje Bay. The Dutch even filled in sections of the bay

in order to build warehouses. In total, it is estimated that over 600 warehouses once stood

along this shore. When British Admiral Sir George Brydges Rodney sacked St. Eustatius in

1781, the island had just suffered a devastating hurricane only a couple of years previously.

10

There was no sign of the damage as it was all repaired rapidly to allow the lucrative trade to

continue. Over 3500 ships a year landed on the island during the 1780s in contrast with only

1419 for New York and 356 for Bristol at their peak during the eighteenth century. When

Rodney landed, the yearly rent on the warehouses totaled £1,200,000. Over £3,000,000 was

realised from goods that were auctioned from the warehouses in what the 1783 Annual

Register described as ―one of the greatest auctions that ever was opened in the universe‖. In

addition to this sum, over £4,000,000 in bullion was confiscated from island residents. All of

these figures are in eighteenth-century terms. They represent the largest single booty taken in

time of war by any nation during the eighteenth century. It has been generally accepted that

with the British occupation, trade on St. Eustatius suffered a blow from which it did not ever

recover. For example, in addition to the damage done by the auctions, the entire male Jewish

population was rounded up and deported to other islands such as St. Croix. The Jews

returned to St. Eustatius and re-established their trade networks. Trade was in fact greater

during the 1790s, a decade after the end of the American Revolution, than ever before.

It has also been a complete misstatement of the facts that there is no documentary

evidence to complement archaeological work on the island. Secondary sources and amateur

historians have somehow been given the impression that the majority of documents have

been destroyed. Although a large number have been lost, as noted above, substantial

documentary evidence may be found in the Netherlands. Enough documentation exists that it

is possible to reconstruct chains of title for a majority of plantations and merchant homes as

well as inventories for these properties. These documents also give some indication of where

slaves, free blacks and Jews were residing during the eighteenth century. Slaves lived both in

and around the merchants‘ homes as various inventories indicate that slave dwellings were

part of these properties in addition to other outbuildings. There is also strong evidence that a

large number of free blacks lived in areas at the periphery of Oranjestad. Jewish merchants

lived unsegregated from gentiles in the Upper Town. Merchants and slaves also dwelled

among the warehouses on Oranje Bay. In fact, some of the more ostentatious homes were

located along the shore.

As noted previously, the French came to control St. Eustatius in 1795. It was at this

point that Statia's trade began to decline. The French policies governing trade inhibited the

free transactions that built the island's wealth. By the time Statia returned to permanent Dutch

control in 1816, irreversible damage had already been done. Trade had moved away from the

West Indies to North America and especially the United States. This decline is reflected in

the auction records for the first twenty years of the nineteenth century. Over and over the

same plantations and urban properties can be seen whereas previously they only changed

hands through inheritance or only after several years. One property, the Glassbottle

Plantation, illustrates the rapid decline in land value on Statia. In less than one month,

between 17 March 1818 and 25 March 1818, the value of this plantation declined from $3800

to $3000. Speculators purchased properties at these auctions, rapidly consolidating

11

ownership within Oranjestad. Auction records mention abandoned or fallen houses where

previously there had been densely packed homes and businesses. The size of Oranjestad

rapidly decreased along with the population density. By the 1830s, Statia was a mere shadow

of its old self. The warehouses along Oranje bay were in ruins except for the scale house and

the pier. With emancipation in 1863, freed slaves were left to eke out a meager existence

from the arid soil by growing cotton, yams, sweet potatoes and animal husbandry. People of

European descent had largely abandoned the island by the 1890s. Statia would stay in this

state until the turn of the century.

The evolution of many Caribbean colonial landscapes was inexorably tied to the

economic cycles associated with agricultural production. Plantation monoculture provided

the wealth, both urban and rural, through which all levels of society were able to fund

landscape modifications. On St. Eustatius, although there were many plantations, they

contributed little to the economic position of the island‘s inhabitants. Instead, the largest

trading network in the world centered on Statia in the latter quarter of the eighteenth century.

Each level of society, from the ultra-wealthy merchant/planter elite to slaves, was affected.

The result was a society set apart from all others in the colonial Caribbean.

Merchant/planters built a communal system designed to make their wealth grow through

personal contacts reinforced by social structures centered on entertainment and ostentatious

displays of wealth. At the other end of the spectrum, although slaves and free blacks were

kept at the physical periphery of Oranjestad, they were intimately involved in keeping the

trading activities there running smoothly for their owners while at the same time improving

their own physical conditions. In the end, the very Nation that St. Eustatius helped form

spelled an end to the prodigious wealth once generated on the island—the United States of

America.

Plantations on St. Eustatius

As on other islands, slaves provided the labour to run plantations where they would plant,

harvest and process sugar, tobacco and cotton. On Statia, they may have played a

significantly different role; they would have aided and abetted the processing of illegally

imported raw sugar into refined products including rum. The physical space that slaves

occupied on some plantations was different from that found on other Caribbean islands. On

other islands, slaves' work and resting places were separated. They were housed in buildings

set apart from the sugar processing facilities. The social and economic roles that these slaves

occupied may have been significantly different than those from plantations on other islands.

Life for Dutch slaves varied according to the economic conditions found in each colony. In

Suriname, few areas of plantations were set aside for slaves to produce their own provisions.

In this sugar colony, special plantations were developed that grew provisions for slaves

working on the sugar plantations. A similar situation developed in Curaçao, where plantations

12

were dedicated to cattle raising and provision growing in addition to cash crops. Differences

are evident between these colonies in Dutch concepts of social space and power relations as

reflected in housing forms. Housing organisation was more regimented in Suriname as

dictated by Dutch perceptions of a labour force in a cash-crop economy. However, in

Curaçao, slaves were permitted to organise villages according to their own spatial concepts.

The architecture used in these villages was also more reflective of specific West African

(possibly Ibo) ideals than European architectural forms. Thus, in Curaçao slaves were

permitted more freedom of choice and expressions of ethnicity/identity. This concept is

further reinforced by recent linguistic studies regarding the development of Papiamentu. The

fact that an atmosphere existed in which a new Creole language (and identity) could develop

based upon Spanish, Portuguese, Dutch and a number of African languages parallels the

freedoms in architectural expression enjoyed by enslaved Africans on Curaçao. Although

slave owners on St. Eustatius hailed from a variety of nations, those that owned and operated

plantations on the island had a similar outlook regarding slavery and one that was unique to

Statia (and thus one that could not necessarily be called ―Dutch‖). On Statia, plantations were

designed for two primary purposes. First, to process illegal sugar for re-export and second, to

grow provisions for re-supplying ships and for slaves on other islands. Although some sugar

was grown on the island, those slaves living and working on St. Eustatius plantations led

much different lives to those on other islands and on the American mainland. Most slaves

were housed in close proximity to the sugar processing and distillation facilities on the

plantations. It is likely that many of these slaves were actually involved in transporting raw

sugar from the port to the plantation and then rum back down to Oranjestad harbour.

Plantations used for provisioning also had a different daily routine and one that was

substantially less arduous than that found on the sugar estates of say, St. Domingue, Jamaica

or Suriname. The percentage of plantations dedicated to provisioning was much higher on St.

Eustatius than other locations, further reinforcing the different lifestyle of Statian slaves.

Documentary and photographic evidence indicates that a variety of construction techniques

were utilised for slave housing in the Dutch Antilles. On both Bonaire and Curaçao, slave-

housing design derived from a blend of several European and West African antecedents. In

contrast, on St. Eustatius, it seems that everything from grass huts to substantial wooden

structures were used to house slaves. It is probable that the way slaves were housed was

directly reflective of the economic status of their owners. Social structure of the island was

geared towards ostentatious displays of wealth whenever possible, whether it was through

ballrooms with silk wallpaper and chandeliers or wooden slave houses with cedar shingles.

The economic position of Statia is also reflected in how people of African descent lived after

emancipation. In contrast to other islands, with the collapse of the economy (in this case a

primarily merchant economy), former slaves rapidly moved to urban residences abandoned

by white owners when they left the island. In other economies, former slaves were restricted

in their movements as they were still tied to the land either as tenant farmers or due to their

13

reliance on a subsistence economy. On other islands then, rural architecture remained

relatively intact until the post-World War II era and has been clearly documented in the

photographic record. On St. Eustatius, very little if any rural architecture survived past the

emancipation period. Former slave homes were abandoned in favour of the more substantial

housing of Oranjestad. However, Dutch views on slavery did dictate where slaves lived in

relation to slave owners. As found in other colonies, slaves working in the agricultural realm

lived in separate housing in closer proximity to the industrial areas of the plantation than to

the plantation owner. This is illustrated at both the Pleasures Estate and English Quarter

where the slaves were in fact housed on the opposite side of the industrial works. This also

provides an insight into slave owner perceptions of power and control. With the industrial

complex lying between owner residences and slave homes, surveillance of the slaves‘ home

lives was more limited. Owners could have, as was found elsewhere, placed slave housing in

an area that was more easily observed so as to take advantage of the power over body derived

from Bentham‘s and Foucault‘s panopticism. However, the owners may have felt no need to

constantly watch their slaves due to the size of Statia. Even today, crime is very low due

solely to the fact that everyone on the island knows everyone else and that little can occur

without someone observing what is happening. In the eighteenth century, with a population

that was at least triple that of the current population, the social environment would have been

very much like living in a goldfish bowl. As a result, slaves probably enjoyed a much

different physical and social environment that those living on other islands. On Statia, slaves

moved between the plantations and throughout the trading district with relative ease. Laws

regulated trade by slaves but did not prohibit it and a slave only needed a pass to move about

at night – not necessarily during the day as in other slave societies.

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3. Research methodology

The watching brief consisted of removing the vegetation in the research area in order to map

and identify all archaeological remains visible on the surface. A tracked excavator with a 2

m. wide smooth bucket was used to push the vegetation aside, whilst leaving the largest trees

intact. In addition, a D10 bulldozer was used on the first day to create a road through the

research area. An archaeologist was constantly present to make sure no archaeological

remains were destroyed. In this way, various archaeological sites were discovered. Whenever

an archaeological site was encountered, its (approximate) extent was determined and the

vegetation on the site left intact, later to be cleared by hand with chainsaws and machetes to

minimize damage to any archaeological remains present. Due to time- and budget constraints,

not all sites could be cleared by hand completely. After clearing, all discovered sites were

photographed and their extents determined and recorded with a handheld Magellan SporTrak

Map GPS unit. The outlines of sites as well as all burials were marked with flags.

Figure 3. The excavator clearing the vegetation.

15

Figure 4. The hand clearing crew removing vegetation on Site 15.

16

4. Research results

On St. Eustatius, each archaeological site is assigned a site number (SE #). The site number

of the Benners plantation complex is SE 93. The newly discovered sites outside this complex

have not yet been assigned a site number.

Site 1: Benner‘s well (SE 93)

One of the first sites encountered during the project was indicated by a mound of glass,

ceramic, and metal artifacts. We were informed by Bongo, a resident of Statia and former

employee of the oil terminal that these materials were used to fill up a large well in 1979, and

that they originally came from an area in the vicinity of the Kings Well Resort. Benner‘s

well, part of the Benners plantation complex (Sites 2 and 3), was described by Haviser in

1981: “Modern trash piled all around well, looks to be full of artifacts, possibly well was

dredged.” He also made a sketch of the well. It is possible the bulldozer used on the first day

moved part of the mound on the well. A variety of artifacts can be found in this mound,

ranging from eighteenth-century ceramics to modern day Heineken bottles.

Figure 5. Haviser‘s 1981 sketch of Benner‘s well.

17

Figure 6. The mound of glass and ceramics dumped on top of Benner‘s well looking east.

Scale: 1 m.

Figure 7. A sample of ceramic and glass artifacts found in the mound. Scales: 50 cm.

18

Sites 2 & 3: The Benners plantation complex (SE 93)

The Benners plantation complex, surveyed by Haviser in 1981, includes the industrial

buildings (Site 2) and a big house and additional structure (Site 3). Cartographic evidence

provides a rough timeline for the period when this plantation complex was in use. The earliest

known map of St. Eustatius, made by Reinier Ottens, dates to 1742, and the complex in

question is indicated as being owned by Widow Lindesaij. At this time, the Benners family

owned a plantation further south and a small building to the right of the complex in question.

In 1775, this plantation was owned by Lucas Jacobsen Benners as shown on an updated

Ottens map. Six years later, in 1781, the plantation had passed on to Governor De Graaff. The

1781 map made by P.F. Martin shows the complex to have two large and two small

buildings, a mill, and slave quarters. A 1795 map made by William Faden depicts the

plantation without any additional information. The next map known to exist, made shortly

after 1800 by Blanken, shows the plantation to have two buildings and being owned by

Venetio Fabio. This is the last known information available about the owners of the

plantation. A map made by Samuel Fahlberg in 1829 depicts two buildings in the complex.

Between 1829 and 1839 the plantation fell out of use, as the Bisschop Grevelink map and

later maps do not depict any buildings in this location. Fahlberg also made two watercolours

of the island, on which the plantation in question is depicted. This is the only depiction of the

complex known to exist, and dates to the 1820‘s (Figure 8). The two buildings on the left of

the complex are the big house and additional structure, the building to the right is the

industrial complex. A brief overview of the process of sugar production in the seventeenth,

eighteenth and nineteenth centuries is necessary to place these buildings into context.

There were five general steps used in the processing of sugar: 1. Milling or extracting

juice from the cane in a wind or animal powered mill. When pressed through a roller, the

juice of the cane would flow into a gutter which would carry the juice to the processing area

of the factory; 2. Clarification of the juice. The juice would flow through the gutter and a

sieve into a cistern. In this way, coarse impurities would be separated from the juice; 3.

Boiling or evaporation in order to crystallize the juice. The clarified juice was next ladled into

the boiling area, called the ‗boiling house‘, which usually contained a series of copper kettles

of varying sizes mounted in a furnace. The juice would be ladled through all the kettles as it

evaporated, the smallest kettle being the hottest. Constant skimming and evaporation caused

the juice to become thick and ropey. The syrup was tempered with lime to promote

granulation. When the sugar was on the point of crystallization, it was ladled into coolers; 4.

Cooling the crystallized mass. The sugar was cooled in coolers made of wood or copper for

several hours (usually about half a day) while being stirred; 5. Drying, packing, and draining

the sugar. After cooling, the sugar was cut and shoveled into buckets, and poured into

hogsheads. A curing house or area would be built on two levels, the top holding the draining

19

hogsheads on beams. A cistern, lined with lime plaster, would be located underneath. The

molasses would drip into the cistern, awaiting storage for shipment or distillation as rum.

Draining required three to four weeks, and when finished, an average of 40 to 45 gallons had

drained from each hogshead (Barka 1998:27).

The industrial area, measuring approximately 9 x 35 m., is the westernmost building

of the complex. There are four trees growing in the structure that could not be removed

without damaging the remains. The structure consists of a milling area at the northwestern

end, and moving southeast are located a boiling house, curing house, and an additional curing

house and cistern. The milling area is largely buried, and not many remains are visible from

the surface. The southwestern wall belonging to the boiling house, with the fire holes, is still

relatively intact, as is the upper southeastern wall belonging to the original curing house. A

tree is growing in the lower southeastern wall of the additional curing house, which has

broken down part of it. Many stones that have fallen out of the walls are scattered all around

and inside the ruins. Some large pieces of wall have fallen off the southwestern part of the

curing house. The inside of the walls is made up of mortar mixed with small stones, pebbles,

bricks, and pieces of roof tiles. The outside of the walls consists of faced stones. This

building technique is known as Ashlar construction. The northwestern wall is for the most

part buried, as are some other parts of the building. Many artifacts can be found on the

surface all around the site, including ceramics, glass, bones, bricks, and roof tiles. The

Benners boiling house has a so-called ‗Spanish train‘: a separate furnace for each kettle,

instead of one furnace that heated all kettles. This system greatly accelerated the

concentration of the juice, but required enormous expenditures of fuel. The kettles were set

in a solid body of masonry, of which some parts are still relatively well preserved. There are

no indications of a northeastern wall in the sugar train area, indicating that part of the

structure was probably made of wood. The cistern for molasses can be found on the

southwestern corner of the building. The original complex is in a much better state of

preservation than the additional curing house.

The big house of the plantation comprises Site 3. The total site measures

approximately 26 x 25 m. This was the house of the plantation owners. It is located to the

northeast of the industrial complex. Although some parts of the ruins are in a bad state of

repair, most of it seems to be in a good state of preservation, especially the southeastern wall.

However, large parts of the structure are buried. The main building is square shaped, inside

which are a number of walls running parallel to each other on which the floor would have

rested. Not many bricks were used in the construction of the foundations of this building

compared to the industrial complex. The inside of the wall consists of mortar mixed up with

small stones, while the outside of the walls is made up of faced stones. On the southern end

of the site an oval cistern of 1.7 m. in diameter can be found, while in the northern corner

there seems to be an additional structure, comprised of masonry work and stone piles. There

are many artifacts on the surface. Ten large manchineel trees are growing on the site; it was

20

decided to leave these in place for now so as not to damage the ruins. The northeastern

extremity of the site is covered by rubbish left behind by the oil terminal.

Figure 8. The plantation complex as depicted on Fahlberg‘s watercolour. Schotsenhoek

plantation can be seen in the background. The red arrow indicates Site 15.

Figure 9. Interior of a boiling house on Antigua, 1823, made by William Clark. John Carter

Brown Library, Brown University.

21

Figure 10. The fire holes on the outside of the boiling house. Scale: 1 m.

Figure 11. The additional curing house, as seen from the southeast. A gumbo limbo tree

(Bursera Simaruba) has destroyed part of the wall completely.

22

Figure 12. Masonry work for one of the ket- Figure 13. Rum distillery flue. Scale: 0.5 m.

tles. Scale: 1 m.

Figure 14. The southeastern wall of the curing house (left), with the wall of the additional

curing house built against it (right). Scale: 1 m.

23

Figure 15. Partly buried northeastern wall of the curing house. Scale: 1 m.

Figure 16. The cistern on the southwestern corner of the complex. Scale: 1 m.

24

Figure 17. The hole through which the molas- Figure 18. Lime mortar lining on the inside of

ses reached the cistern. Scale: 1 m. the cistern. Scale: 50 cm.

Figure 19. Part of the milling area‘s wall. Scale: 1 m.

25

Figure 20. The well-preserved southeastern wall of the big house. Scale: 1 m.

Figure 21. Overview of Site 3.

26

Figure 22. The small cistern at the southern end of the big house. Scale: 1 m.

Figure 23. The small cistern as seen from above. Scale: 1 m.

27

Figure 24. Stone pile of the additional small structure to the north, on which oil terminal

rubbish has been dumped. Scale: 1 m.

28

Sites 4, 5 & 10: Possible slave cemeteries

The identification of sites 4, 5, and 10 is less straightforward than that of the previous three.

The most likely interpretation for these sites is slave cemeteries. However, no features

interpreted as burials have been excavated during this stage of the project, so it has been

impossible to verify this. Nevertheless, there are many indications pointing to the

aforementioned identification. Since this is the most likely interpretation so far, in the rest of

this chapter it is presumed these sites are indeed slave cemeteries. Until now, it was unknown

any slave burials were present in these locations. Haviser did not make any mention of them

during his 1981 survey of the area.

On the first day of the project a bulldozer was used to create a road so that machines

could move more easily through the research area. On the sides of this road, many stones,

pieces of coral, and artifacts were found in subsequent days, indicating that the markers on a

number of burials from Site 5 may have been destroyed by the bulldozer. It is necessary to

conduct a geophysical survey of the whole extent of the road on which artifacts, stones, and

pieces of coral can be found on the sides (Area A, see Appendix), in order to determine

where these possible burials are located. The cemetery may contain an estimated 80 – 120

burials. Six burials of Site 5 were documented during this stage of the project.

On the seventh day another slave cemetery (Site 10) was discovered slightly to the

north of the Benners plantation burial ground (Site 8) and immediately northeast of the

boundary wall (Site 9), consisting of an as yet undetermined number of burials (time

constraints prevented the entire area to be cleared by hand). It is advised a geophysical survey

be conducted on the southeastern edge of the burial ground (Area B, see Appendix), as a

small number of grave markers might have been removed by the excavator. One burial of Site

10 has been documented during this stage of the project.

On the nineteenth day, a third slave cemetery, containing approximately ten burials,

was discovered underneath a large tamarind tree in the northwestern corner of the research

area (Site 4). Two burials on this site have been documented. A small gully runs through the

area, and some stones may have been deposited here by water. Therefore it is hard to see

exactly how many burials are present in this location.

It should be noted that not all marked burials are necessarily single interments,

meaning that there may be more individuals than there are graves buried here. Many large,

old manchineel trees can be found on Sites 4 and 5, with the burials frequently located in

close proximity. The roots of these trees have pushed the stones marking the graves out of

their original positions in many instances. Most burials – at least their markers – seem to be

oriented east-west, a practice observed for skeletons on slave cemeteries on Barbados,

Montserrat, Jamaica, and in Suriname. This might suggest an east-west orientation for the

skeletons on the Statia cemeteries as well, although no stones were used to mark graves on

29

either of the cemeteries in the other regions. On a small hill right next to the road constructed

by the bulldozer (part of Site 5), a large concentration of burials was found, indicating a high

likelihood of disturbance of earlier burials by the intrusion of subsequent interments. Most

burials in the western part of Site 5 are marked with relatively large stones, placed in an oval

pattern. Different burial practices were observed at Site 10, where the burials were a little

harder to identify than the ones in the western part of Site 5, as the stones marking them are

smaller and fewer. Furthermore, a number of burials seem to be marked by small mounds.

Site 4 seems to be an intermediate, as some graves here are marked by small stones and some

by larger stones. One burial on Site 4 only had one cut stone placed on top.

In between the stones of the burials on Site 5 many pieces of coral can frequently be

found. Furthermore, in all burials documented so far artifacts have been found during

cleaning, including ceramic (European and Afro-Caribbean), glass, metal, and bone artifacts

Some differences in the burials can be noted on Site 5. In the eastern section of the

cemetery, more bricks, pipes, shells, coral, and small (mortared) stones were put on the

graves, while in the western part of the site most graves have larger stones and ceramics and

glass on top. One interpretation for the difference in burial practices in different parts of Site

5 could be the materials available to mark the graves. In the western part of the site, slaves

could have used the stones from the wall that previously connected the walls comprising sites

7 and 12, while in the eastern part, slaves most likely stripped the nearby cistern and structure

comprising Site 15 to construct their burials.

An interesting comparison can be found on St. Maarten, where a slave cemetery was

documented at Bishop Hill on Belvedere plantation in 1991. This cemetery is the closest

parallel to sites 4 and 5 discovered in the Caribbean thus far. The graves on this burial ground

are marked with stones in a similar way to the graves on sites 4 and 5. As on Statia, the

majority of grave makers are oriented east-west. Interestingly, instead of the coral found on

many of the Statia burials, the ones on St. Maarten have shells placed in between the stones,

indicating different burial practices between slaves on these islands.

In the 1970‘s, 92 skeletons were excavated at a slave cemetery on Newton plantation,

Barbados, which is the largest slave cemetery excavated in the Caribbean to date. This

investigation provides important comparative material. On Barbados, slaves were usually

buried on the estates of the plantations to which they belonged, either on communal burial

grounds or under houses in the slave villages (Handler & Lange 1978:173). At least the

former also seems to be the case on the burial grounds found during the current investigation.

On Newton plantation, the main burial area contained several low mounds, some of which

were barely visible (Handler & Lange 1978:105). As noted above, small mounds also mark

several graves on Site 10. Archaeological investigations on Newton cemetery and elsewhere

on Barbados suggest that grave markers or gravestones were not erected or placed over slave

burials in plantation burial grounds, which stands in stark contrast to the cemeteries

discovered on Statia and St. Maarten. In Barbados, many skeletons were located close to the

30

surface, which might also be the case on Statia. Historical sources and archaeological

evidence agree that slaves were buried in freshly excavated graves – the universal practice

among West African peoples – and not, for example, in surface or above-surface sites.

Figures 25 – 33 show photographs and drawings of several burials on the three

different sites. The black dot in each drawing represents a nail put in for later mapping.

31

Figure 25. Site 5, burial 2: documented on 17-3-2011; many pieces of coral and several

ceramic and glass artifacts were recovered during cleaning; this burial is located right next to

a large manchineel tree.

32

Figure 26. Site 5, burial 14: documented on 17-3-2011; many small pieces of coral and

several glass, ceramic, and bone artifacts were recovered during cleaning; there appears to be

another burial directly to the southeast.

33

Figure 27. Site 5, burial 22: documented on 17-3-2011; no coral was found in between the

stones; a brick fragment sticking out of the ground was recovered during cleaning; the stones

marking this burial are relatively small, but appear to be in their original position as there are

no large roots in close vicinity.

34

Figure 28. Site 5, burial 26: documented on 17-3-2011; a few pieces of coral and glass and

metal artifacts were recovered during cleaning, most notably an iron alloy cylindrical artifact

that appears to be a metal pipe; roots may have pushed the easternmost stones out of their

original position; the northwestern side of the burial is sitting on a layer of volcanic deposits.

35

Figure 29. Site 5, burial 33: documented on 17-3-2011; a few pieces of coral and part of a

base of a case bottle were recovered during cleaning; some stones may have been moved by

the roots of a large manchineel tree which is situated right next to the burial.

36

Figure 30. Site 5, burial 63: documented on 6-4-2011; this burial is located right next to the

stone wall comprising Site 12. Many pieces of coral and a mortared brick were found

amongst the stones during cleaning.

37

Figure 31. Site 4, burial 1: documented on 31-3-2011; one piece of ceramic was recovered

during cleaning; the burial is located right next to a large tree.

38

Figure 32. Site 4, burial 10: documented on 31-3-2011; one piece of ceramic was recovered

during cleaning.

39

Figure 33. Site 10, burial 3: documented on 14-4-2011; a concentration of animal bones and a

brick were found during cleaning in the northern part of the burial.

40

Site 6 – undetermined

The nature of the site has not yet been determined. It consists of a concentration of stones on

small mounds, running along the road. Some bricks can be found in between the stones, but

no other artifacts were noted. There is possibly another burial on this site as well, right next

to a tree. Due to time and budget constraints this site was not cleared by hand.

Figure 34. Site 6 looking north (left) and south. Due to heavy coralita growth the site could

not be investigated any further.

41

Figure 35. Possible burial on Site 6, with a brick present amongst the stones. Scale: 50 cm.

Figure 36. Stones with bricks in between. Figure 37. A large stone that appears to be

Scale: 50 cm. worked. Scale: 50 cm.

42

Site 7: dry laid stone wall

The concentration of stones found underneath the tree continues underneath the coralita

heading south. It is a dry laid stone wall, and runs along the old road present on historical

maps. The orientation of the wall is such that it cannot be the boundary wall between Godet

and Benners. This wall might be a continuation of the wall found on Site 12. No artifacts

were found on the surface.

Figure 38. Stone wall running along the old road.

43

Site 8: Benners plantation cemetery (SE 93)

This site is located immediately next to the wall comprising Site 9. Haviser identified thirteen

graves during his 1981 survey. A fence was later erected around these graves by people from

the oil terminal. There are, however, more graves present in the area, as one tombstone was

hit several meters outside the fenced area by the excavator during clearing. The cemetery is

indicated on the 1781 P.F. Martin map by three trees (Figure 50).

Even though this site is referred to as the Benners plantation cemetery, only two

Benners are indicated on the gravestones. Other last names found on the slabs are Heyliger,

Gibbes, Creutzer, and Bayoutsyn. Of particular interest are Johannes Salomons Gibbes, a

former Governor of the Dutch part of St. Maarten, Johannes Heyliger, a former Governor of

St. Eustatius, and Abraham Ravene, grandfather of the commanding officer of Fort Oranje at

the time of the First Salute. In 1742, Abraham Heyliger Jr. owned a plantation close to

Benners. This cemetery might thus have been used by several plantation owners in the

vicinity. It can also be that the Benners in-laws were buried here, as the Benners and Heyliger

families frequently intermarried. Genealogical research is needed in order to determine the

exact relationships between the people buried here. Figures 42 – 48 show a number of

tombstones found on the site including a transcription of their inscriptions. Due to a beehive

in one of the tombstones, one inscription could not be recorded.

Figure 39. Overview of Site 8 looking west.

44

Figure 40. The only part of the fence around the burials that is still standing.

Figure 41. Part of a tombstone encountered outside the fenced area and hit during clearing.

Scale: 0.5 m.

45

Figure 42. Scale: 0.5 m.

BENEATH This modest Marble are reposited the Relics of the Hon. JOHANNES SALOMONS GIBBES Esq.

formerly Governor of the Dutch Part of the Island St. Martin. He served in the several public capacities of Ensign

Lieutenant & Captain of the BURGHERY. Prior to his taking the reins of administration in which different capacities

he afforded equal and universal satisfaction to all the unprejudiced Members of the community. He was a loving and

affectionate Husband, a tender & loving indulgent Parent, a sincere Friend, a devout Christian, a useful and valuable

member of society, a respectable Character, and a good man. He was born in the Island St. Eustatius on the 22nd

day

of May 1733 and departed this life in the said Island on the 21st day of April A.D. 1802, universally and justly

regretted by all who had the happiness of being acquainted with his virtues. And his remains were interred with

Military Honors by a party of the British Garrison who then commanded the Island. This monumentary Testimony of

filial affection most respectfully dedicated to his Memory by his dutiful Sons WILLIAM STOKVIS & HENRY

GIBBES

Stop pensive passenger – these lines peruse, tis virtue summons and you can‘t refuse, then pay where due, the tribute

of a tear, for merit, candour, truth concentre here. Alive rever‘d – now dead his worth applaud, here tranquil rests The

noblest work of GOD.

46


hier legt begraven

Lucas Benner

zijnde 28 jaren

is in den heere

ontslapen den

21 iuny 1728

Eustatius

47


Hier rust van Lynen arbeyd het

Lichaam van Abraham Ravene

overleeden op S. Eustatius den 12

Augustus Aº 1733 ….. jaar

zyns ouderdom …..

o bon Jesus sait toy Mercy

Lame ….. Le Corps ….. toy

48


hier legt begraven

Ian Iacob Creutzer geboren

op St. Thomas den 27

september 1715 en is in

den heere ontslapen den

26 november 1739

op St. Eustatius

49


hier legt begra-

ven Ioseph Linde Bayoutsyn

de 45 jaaren

is in den heere

ontslapen den

30 october 1728

St. Eustatius

50


Ioannes Heyliger

Obyt

3º april 1736

51


hier leyt begraven

Johannes Benner ov

Zynde 62

jaren den

7 aug – heden

……….

Aº 1769

52


This dry laid stone wall marked the boundary between the Benners and Schotsenhoek

plantations. It corresponds exactly with the boundary indicated on the 1781 P.F. Martin map

(Figure 50). The wall is oriented NNW – SSE, and extends NNW from the Benners

plantation burial ground (Site 8) for approximately 70 meters.

Figure 49. The boundary wall looking SSW. Scale: 1 m.

53

Figure 50. Part of the 1781 map. The boundary wall is indicated by the red arrow. To the

south is Benners plantation, at the time owned by Governor De Graaff. The Benners

plantation cemetery (Site 8) is indicated by the yellow arrow.

54

Site 11: burial ground

Three previously unknown burials were found underneath a large tamarind tree in the area of

Site 5. These might be graves of high-status slaves, although it is more likely that free people

are buried here. If the latter is the case, they probably predate the slave burials, as evidence

from other island colonies indicates that, in general, free people did not want to be buried

amongst slaves. One grave still has a broken vaulted gravestone on top, while of the other

two only the stone bases remain. These burials might be related to the features found on Site

15.

Figure 51. Previously unknown burial on Site 11. Part of the gravestone that has broken off

can be seen in the background.

55


A dry laid stone wall running next to the tamarind tree under which the burials of Site 11 are

located comprises Site 12. At the western end the wall stops at a large manchineel tree, the

area behind which contains a large concentration of slave burials of Site 5. Some slave burials

can be found along the wall as well. The wall extends to the east for 90 meters from its

western extremity. It might be part of the same wall as the one found on Site 7.

Figure 52. Stone wall of Site 12.

56

Site 13: Benners plantation slave quarters (SE 93)

Just west of the Benners industrial complex a large concentration of artifacts can be found on

the slope of a hill. This location exactly matches the slave quarters indicated on the 1781 P.F.

Martin map. Artifacts found on the surface include European ceramics, Afro-Caribbean

Ware, worked pieces of coral and stone, bricks, and roof tiles.

Figure 53. Site 13 as seen from the Benners boiling house.

Figure 54. The slave quarters as shown on the 1781 P.F. Martin map, indicated by the red

arrow.

57

Figure 55. Coral, stone, and ceramic and glass artifacts found on the surface. Scales: 50 cm.

58

Site 14: possible slave quarters

In the northwestern part of the research area, on the slope of a hill, a concentration of artifacts

can be found on the surface, including ceramics, glass, and shells. Nothing is depicted on

historical maps in this area, but this site might be the location of another slave quarters.

Figure 56. The location of Site 14, indicated by the red arrow.

59

Site 15: cistern and structure

About 9 m. south of the wall comprising Site 12, a large cistern was found, measuring

approximately 8 m. in length, 2 m. in width, and 1.8 m. in depth (approximately 29.000

liters). The vault, which was made of bricks, is completely gone, and the southwestern corner

of the wall has partly fallen off. The rest of the cistern is in a good state of preservation. It is

made of bricks and stones mixed with mortar, and exhibits lime mortar lining on the inside.

To the east of the cistern is a concentration of stones and bricks, approximately 7 x 9 m. in

size. Several stones seem to be lined up so as to form a wall. This was probably the structure

the cistern belonged to. The burials comprising Site 11 may be part of this complex, as they

are located very close.

The 1742 Ottens map shows a small structure in between Benners (then Lindesaij)

and Schotsenhoek (then Doecke Groebe) plantations, which belonged to the Benners family,

who at the time owned a plantation several hundred meters to the south. On the 1775 updated

Ottens map this building is shown as being owned by Lucas Jacobsen Benners. Even though

these maps are not very accurate, the location of the small building in between the plantations

seems to coincide with the location of Site 15, which may thus very well be the building

depicted on the map. It is also found on the Fahlberg watercolour (Figure 8).

Figure 57. Part of the 1742 Ottens map, showing the relatively small structure which may be

Site 15 (red arrow), and surrounding plantations Benners (blue arrow) and Schotsenhoek

(yellow arrow).

60

Figure 58. The cistern as seen from the west.

Figure 59. The depth of the cistern. Scale: 1 m.

61

Figure 60. Concentration of stones and bricks indicating a structure to the east of the cistern.

Figure 61. The concentration of stones and bricks in relation to the cistern.

62

5. Conclusions and recommendations

Fifteen sites have been uncovered during the February – April watching brief on ‗the Farm‘.

A variety of historic period sites have been uncovered, including a plantation complex, three

possible slave cemeteries, two plantation cemeteries, two possible slave villages, and three

dry laid stone walls. The function and nature of several of these sites has been identified,

while some still remain elusive. The Benners plantation ruins and adjacent sites represent at

least a century of Statian history, and bear testimony to the days of sugar and slavery, two

concepts which have been enormously influential in Caribbean history and the legacy of

which can be found all over the Caribbean today. No prehistoric remains have been found,

but given the fact that the research area is surrounded by prehistoric sites to the west (Billy‘s

Gut shell midden), east (Golden Rock and several other sites), and south (Smoke Alley), it is

expected evidence of prehistoric activity is present in the research area as well. Prehistoric

sites are not often visible on the surface, as they are buried by centuries of soil deposition.

Given the important historical value of the archaeological sites discovered during this

campaign, it is recommended they are left in situ and preserved for posterity wherever

possible as recommended by the Malta Treaty. This is particularly the case for sites 4, 5, and

10, which are interpreted as slave cemeteries. Site 5 may be one of the largest slave

cemeteries ever found in the Caribbean. Site 8 is of great historical value as well, as a former

Governor of St. Maarten, a former Governor of St. Eustatius, a grandfather of Abraham

Ravene, and several planters were buried here. Descendants of these people should be

contacted and asked what they prefer should happen to their ancestors‘ remains.

Should be decided to level the area in the future according to the aforementioned

plans, a Specification of Demands is attached to this report that outlines the recommended

archaeological work necessary and the research questions that need to be addressed.

63

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Gilmore III, Richard Grant

2008 Geophysics and Volcanic Islands: Resistivity and Gradiometry on St. Eustatius. In

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A. Reid, p. 170-183. Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 2008.

Gilmore, Richard Grant III

2004 The Archaeology of New World Slave Societies: A Comparative Analysis with

Particular Reference to St. Eustatius, Netherlands Antilles. Ph.D. Dissertation,

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Handler, Jerome S. and Lange, Frederick W.

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Harvard University Press.

Hartog, Johan

1976 History of St. Eustatius. De Witt Stores N.V., Aruba.

Stelten, Ruud

2010 Relics of a Forgotten Colony: The Cannon and Anchors of St. Eustatius. Unpublished

MA Thesis, Faculty of Archaeology, Leiden University.

Watters, David R.

1994 Mortuary Patterns at the Harney Site Slave Cemetery, Montserrat, in Caribbean

Perspective. Historical Archaeology, 28(3):56-73.

Appendix

Maps and GPS data

Site coordinates and areas

All coordinates are UTM Zone 20N projection.

Site 1 – 22 m2

500955E 1933583N

500961E 1933588N

500962E 1933581N

Site 2 – 455 m2

500925E 1933588N

500908E 1933619N

500920E 1933623N

500938E 1933591N

Site 3 – 721 m2

500942E 1933600N

500932E 1933625N

500952E 1933638N

500967E 1933613N

Site 4 – 150 m2

500724E 1933906N

500728E 1933889N

500719E 1933889N

500714E 1933901N

Site 5 – 3106 m2

501053E 1933609N

501041E 1933589N

501019E 1933573N

501014E 1933557N

500996E 1933551N

500986E 1933555N

500942E 1933559N

500960E 1933580N

500985E 1933600N

Site 6 – 644 m2

500776E 1933669N

500832E 1933605N

500829E 1933600N

500768E 1933665N

Site 7 – 65 m2

500900E 1933568N

500863E 1933570N

Site 8 – 496 m2

501090E 1933628N

501066E 1933624N

501069E 1933654N

501080E 1933654N

Site 9 – 174 m2

501097E 1933630N

501063E 1933690N

Site 10 – 724 m2

501121E 1933728N

501114E 1933705N

501118E 1933685N

501148E 1933709N

Site 11 – 70 m2

501019E 1933592N

501024E 1933588N

501015E 1933580N

501013E 1933590N

Site 12 – 182 m2

501015E 1933575N

501031E 1933576N

501051E 1933588N

501073E 1933595N

501101E 1933605N

Site 13 – 815 m2

500904E 1933610N

500874E 1933609N

500860E 1933586N

500907E 1933591N

Site 14 – 509 m2

500762E 1933812N

500764E 1933787N

500783E 1933787N

500785E 1933811N

Site 15 – 90 m2

501022E 1933569N

501024E 1933568N

501040E 1933565N

501039E 1933574N

SPECIFICATION OF DEMANDS

ARCHAEOLOGICAL RESEARCH IN THE CUL DE SAC AREA,

ST. EUSTATIUS, DUTCH CARIBBEAN

1

Island St. Eustatius

Area “Cul de Sac”

Toponym The Farm

Initiator NuStar Terminals NV

Competent authority St. Eustatius Center for Archaeological Research

Name Date Signature

Author Ruud Stelten, MA 19-4-2011

Approval competent

authority

R. Grant Gilmore III, Ph.D. 20-4-2011

2

Introduction

NuStar Terminals NV is planning to expand its facility on St. Eustatius by building 40 storage tanks in

the area known as the Cul de Sac. The area that is going to be affected by phase 1 of these plans has

a total area of 278,255 m², and is located in the midwestern part of St. Eustatius, in between

Oranjestad, the airport, the northern hills, and Oranje Bay.

In the early 1980’s, archaeologist Jay Haviser conducted a survey of the area and found several

archaeological sites. In March-April 2011 a watching brief was carried out when NuStar decided to

clear all the vegetation in the Cul de Sac area. Additional archaeological sites were discovered during

this campaign. Currently, there are fifteen known archaeological sites in the area, all dating to the

historic period. However, it is expected prehistoric sites are present as well, as several have been

discovered in close vicinity to the research area.

Prior to the start of the development of the area, it is necessary to conduct an archaeological

investigation in two stages. First, test trenches need to be excavated in order to determine the

nature and extent of any prehistoric remains that might be present in the area. Second, the historic

period sites need to be documented and studied.

This Specification of Demands will outline the fieldwork strategies necessary and the research

questions that need to be answered during archaeological investigations in the Cul de Sac area.

1 Preliminary investigation

1.1 Desk-based- and exploratory investigations

Execution In February – April 2011 a desk-based and exploratory investigation

was carried out in the research area by the St. Eustatius Center for

Archaeological Research. Historical documents, maps, and artworks

were studied in order to determine the location, nature, and extent

of archaeological remains present in the area. A watching brief was

carried out over the course of 7 weeks during which the research

area was cleared of all vegetation except for large trees. Fifteen

archaeological sites were uncovered during this campaign.

Publication Stelten, Ruud

2011 NuStar Archaeological Watching Brief: Report on the February

– April 2011 campaign in the Cul de Sac area, St. Eustatius. St.

Eustatius Center for Archaeological Research.

3

2 Environmental data

Environmental context and

geomorphology

The research area is located in the northwestern corner of the

Cultuurvlakte, in the area called the Cul de Sac. It is situated on a

plain between the dormant Quill volcano in the south and the

‘horseshoe formation’, a heavily eroded extinct volcano to the north.

The research area comprises the former Benners and Schotsenhoek

sugar plantations.

Soil type The top soil consists of sandy loam, 30 – 60 cm in depth. This overlies

a sandy volcanic ash layer, 20 – 50 cm in depth. Sterile subsoil is

reached at a depth of 50 – 110 cm. The top 50 cm of soil can be

considered a ploughzone layer.

Current use of the land For the most part, the land is not used. Some parts are used by

NuStar to dump rubbish. Goats and cattle roam freely through the

area.

Recent and past alterations

to the landscape

Originally, much of St. Eustatius was probably covered by an

evergreen seasonal forest. Due to human activity, this has been

replaced by thorny woodland, including acacia shrubs (acacia

macracantha) mixed with West Indian cherry (malpighia

emarginata), blackberry (randia aculeate), sugar apple (annona

squamosa), and cacti (acanthocereus tetragonus). The research area

contains numerous manchineel- (hippomane mancinella) and several

tamarind trees (tamarindus indica) , and large areas are covered by

coralita vines (antigonon leptopus) . From at least as early as the

early eighteenth century until the 1970’s the area was used as

farmland. From the 1980’s onwards, bulldozing, excavations, and the

dumping of rubbish by the oil terminal have altered parts of the

landscape and destroyed archaeological remains.

Cultural elements in the

landscape topography

The research area exhibits a gentle downward slope from east to

west. The eastern part is relatively flat, while the western and

northern parts are quite hilly. Besides the impact on vegetation, no

major human alterations to the landscape topography in historic and

prehistoric times seem to have taken place.

3 Archaeological data

Known archaeological sites

During the February – April 2011 watching brief, fifteen

archaeological sites were discovered, including plantation ruins,

boundary walls, plantation cemeteries, slave quarters, and possible

slave cemeteries. No indications of prehistoric activity have been

4

uncovered in the research area thus far. Finds at the various

archaeological sites consist of European and Afro-Caribbean

ceramics, architectural ceramics, glass, stone, organic, and metal

artifacts.

Expected archaeological

finds

Given the fact that the research area is surrounded by prehistoric

sites to the west (Billy’s Gut shell midden), east (Golden Rock and

several other sites), and south (Smoke Alley), it is expected to find

evidence of prehistoric activity in the research area as well.

Expected preservation The archaeological preservation conditions on St. Eustatius are

generally outstanding. The xeric environment enhances organic and

metal preservation relative to other areas in the Caribbean region.

The research area is bisected by an erosion gully that empties into

Billy’s Gut located at the northern end of Oranje Bay. The drainage

area includes a large percentage of the Cultuurvlakte or agricultural

plain in the center of the island.

Nature and extent of

threat to archaeological

remains

Prior to building the tanks, the top soil will be removed in the entire

research area. In situ conservation of archaeological remains present

in the top soil is therefore not an option.

4 Reason and conditions for further investigation

4.1 Reason for further investigation

The direct reason for further archaeological research on the property called ‘the Farm’ is the

planned leveling of the area to 20 m. AMSL. Because of the discovery of many ruins and

archaeological sites related to the Benners plantation complex, a full archaeological investigation

needs to be conducted to document its extant remains. Given the fact that there is a high

expectation of Amerindian sites in the research area as they can be found directly to the south,

east, and west of the terrain, but none have been discovered thus far, test trenches will need to be

excavated to determine the nature and extent of any prehistoric remains which may be found in

the research area.

4.2 End product

The end product is a report according to SECAR specifications based on KNA-specifications OS 12-

15.

4.3 Planning

Planning of fieldwork and composing the report will have to be arranged in consultation with the

initiator before commencing said activities. Within two years after completion of the project, the

report should be completed and finds need to be accommodated in a permanent storage facility

according to the guidelines of the St. Eustatius Center for Archaeological Research (SECAR).

4.4 Quality control

5

The competent authority is the St. Eustatius Center for Archaeological Research. SECAR will

examine the execution of fieldwork and the end product of the investigation and compare this to

the program of demands before declaring the obligation to conduct a proper archaeological

investigation has been fulfilled. The provider of archaeological services will then submit the final

report and the required documentation together with proof of transfer of the finds.

The provider of archaeological services needs to be an organisation that possesses relevant

expertise and qualified personnel to conduct archaeological research on historic and prehistoric

sites in the Caribbean. The project leader of the said provider needs to be a senior archaeologist or

equivalent, and needs to have a relevant advanced degree (Ph.D.) with demonstrable expertise and

experience in post-medieval colonial archaeology (the archaeology of the European expansion),

preferably in the Caribbean. Expertise in prehistoric Caribbean archaeology is highly desirable. The

day-to-day activities should be directed by a medior archaeologist or equivalent with demonstrable

expertise and experience in post-medieval colonial archaeology (the archaeology of the European

expansion) and preferably prehistoric Caribbean archaeology.

4.5 Decision- and evaluation moments

Prior to commencing the research a meeting between the initiator, the competent authority, and

the provider of archaeological services should take place to confirm the work schedule and

procedures.

During fieldwork, meetings can take place whenever problems arise or adjustments to procedures

need to be made. The competent authority needs to be involved in these meetings in case

deviations from the Specification of Demands are deemed necessary.

Within 8 weeks after completion of fieldwork a report on the preliminary findings needs to be

submitted to the initiator. This report should contain a short summary of executed activities, a

short summary of the results of fieldwork, and an advice for preservation of unaffected parts of the

archaeological sites.

5 Research questions

5.1 Introduction

The research questions are tailored to both the archaeological research on the discovered sites as

well as test trenches to determine whether or not any remains of prehistoric activity are present in

the research area.

5.2 General research questions

5.2.1 Landscape and soil

This part of the investigation comprises the study of the landscape: geology, geomorphology, the

soil, past and present vegetation, and past and present alterations to the landscape. This leads to

the following questions:

1. How have certain geological and geomorphological processes shaped the landscape?

2. What is the composition of the soil, how is it structured, and how has this been altered by

6

human activities? How has the natural topography been altered by human activities?

3. What did the biotic and abiotic landscape look like in historic and prehistoric times?

4. What do the ways archaeological remains are situated in the landscape say about human

choices of location and the past uses of the landscape?

5.2.2 Conservation

This part of the investigation comprises the evaluation of the nature and degree of conservation of

archaeological features and artifacts. Questions that need to be answered are:

1. What is the degree of conservation of the archaeological sites, features, and artifacts?

2. Which factors determine the differences in degrees of conservation (soil type, erosion,

sedimentation, use of the land, resettlement)

3. At what depths can features be seen in the soil and how well defined are they in light of

the above factors?

5.2.3 Cultural characteristics and dating

This part of the investigation focuses on the nature, age, extent, and other archaeological

characteristics of the different sites. Research questions for this part of the investigation are the

following:

1. What is the spatial distribution of archaeological remains and how do they relate to one

another?

2. What is the nature and extent of the sites? Are there any distinct areas lacking cultural

remains? Are the sites made up of multiple components?

3. Each archaeological component should be defined using the following research points:

- location

- geological characteristics and soil type

- extent

- type and function

- composition of archaeological remains (features and artifacts)

- density of features and artifacts

- stratigraphy

- age

4. What periods do the features date to?

5. What periods do the artifacts date to? What types are they and which categories do they

belong to? In the case of burials:

6. Is the composition of the burials recognisable?

7. Which way are they oriented?

8. What kinds of activities were carried out in the area?

9. What can be said about mortuary practices, and how do these compare to burials in other

parts of St. Eustatius, the Caribbean region, and in the case of slave burials, other parts of

the Atlantic World?

10. To what cultural traditions can the features and archaeological material be attributed and

7

why?

11. What can be said about age, sex, conditions of life, genetic relations (DNA), and diet and

mobility (C, N, and Sr isotopes) on the basis of encountered human remains?

5.3 Specific research questions

1. Are sites 4, 5, and 10 as indicated in the watching brief report (Stelten 2011) indeed slave

cemeteries? If not, what are these sites?

2. How does the Benners plantation complex compare to other archaeologically investigated

plantations on St. Eustatius (English Quarter, Pleasures, Schotsenhoek) and on other

Caribbean islands?

3. How do slave quarter construction and landscape placement compare to other plantations

on St. Eustatius and in the Caribbean region in general?

4. What is the relationship between the buildings on the plantation landscape as well as the

island landscape?

5. What were the relationships between the people buried on the Benners plantation

cemetery?

6. What was the social position of the people buried on site 11? Were they high-status slaves,

free blacks, or Europeans?

7. What consumption patterns related to trade, foodways, as well as material culture can be

discerned from the archaeological record?

8. What can prehistoric remains tell us about prehistoric settlement history on St. Eustatius?

9. What can prehistoric remains tell us about inter-island mobility and exchange patterns

with other parts of the Caribbean region?

5.4 Other research questions

1. What recommendations can be given regarding possible conservation measures for the

archaeological sites and artifacts?

6 Fieldwork

6.1 Strategy

The strategies for further investigations of the study area involve methods and techniques that

systematically and efficiently answer the aforementioned research questions. They include

defining the limits and nature of already discovered archaeological sites as well as those that are

not visible through surface evidence.

6.2 Methods and techniques

Test trenches: The presence of prehistoric remains will be determined by excavating 2 x 100 m.

trenches at 10 m. intervals in a checkerboard pattern across the research area. Excavation of the

trenches will be conducted with an excavator with a smooth 2 m. wide bucket. If features and/or

artifact concentrations are discovered, a more detailed investigation of the site should be carried

out, the nature of which will be determined by the project leader at the time of discovery, as this is

dependent on the types of archaeological remains encountered.

8

Site 1: A representative sample of glass, metal, and ceramic artifacts should be taken from the

mound (1 m3). The rest of the mound should be removed so as to record the well. If an oil storage

tank is to be built on top of this well, then the entirety of the well shaft should be excavated to

sterile subsoil. The well is likely to be over 20 m. deep, thereby requiring specialized equipment

and skills to be safely recorded and excavated. The total research area for this site is approx. 22 m².

Site 2: All standing ruins should be drawn and photographed in situ. Excavation should include 25%

of the site, the locations of which will be determined by the project leader. All walls (inside and

outside) should be excavated until the base of the foundations has been reached. Excavation

should be carried out by hand in units of 1 m². Buried architectural features thus exposed should

also be drawn and photographed in situ. All artifacts should be recovered per m² unit using a 6 mm

mesh screen. Appropriate soil float samples (10 liters) should also be taken. Prior to excavation,

poisonous trees such as manchineel should be ringed and poisoned with a herbicide such as

Garlon. The total research area for this site is approx. 455 m².

Site 3: All standing ruins should be drawn and photographed in situ. Excavation should include 25%

of the site, the locations of which will be determined by the project leader. All walls (inside and

outside) should be excavated until the base of the foundations has been reached. Excavation

should be carried out by hand in units of 1 m². Buried architectural features thus exposed should

also be drawn and photographed in situ. All artifacts should be recovered per m² unit using a 6 mm

mesh screen. Appropriate soil float samples (10 liters) should also be taken. Prior to excavation,

poisonous trees such as manchineel should be ringed and poisoned with a herbicide such as

Garlon. The total research area for this site is approx. 721 m².

Site 4: All burial markers should be recorded and subsequently removed. After removal, the burials

should be excavated by hand until sterile subsoil is reached. All burials should be brought to SECAR

for osteological analysis, and then stored for reburial at a future date when a designated reburial

site has been designated by the appropriate authority (the St. Eustatius island government). The

DNA and C, N, and Sr isotopes of all skeletons should be analysed. Prior to excavation, poisonous

trees such as manchineel should be ringed and poisoned with a herbicide such as Garlon. A

geophysical survey should be conducted on those areas on which the burial markers are believed

to have been removed by heavy machinery (see Stelten 2011). The total research area for this site

is approx. 150 m².

Site 5: All burial markers should be recorded and subsequently removed. After removal, the burials

should be excavated by hand until sterile subsoil is reached. All burials should be brought to SECAR

for osteological analysis, and then stored for reburial at a future date when a designated reburial

site has been designated by the appropriate authority (the St. Eustatius island government). The

DNA and C, N, and Sr isotopes of all skeletons should be analysed. Prior to excavation, poisonous

trees such as manchineel should be ringed and poisoned with a herbicide such as Garlon. A

geophysical survey should be conducted on those areas on which the burial markers are believed

to have been removed by heavy machinery (see Stelten 2011). The total research area for this site

is approx. 3106 m².

Site 6: The coralita vines need to be removed, after which three 2 m. wide test trenches will be

9

excavated across the width of the site in order to determine its nature. Based on the results from

these test units, further archaeological research will be conducted at the discretion of the project

leader. The total research area for this site is approx. 644 m².

Site 7: The whole extent of the wall needs to be drawn and photographed. The total research area

for this site is approx. 65 m².

Site 8: All burials visible on the surface should be documented. A geophysical survey should be

conducted for the entire area outside the fence in which stones and bricks can be found on the

surface to locate additional burials. Burial markers should be carefully removed to offsite storage.

All burials should be excavated by hand and brought to SECAR for osteological analysis, and then

stored for reburial at a future date when a designated reburial site has been designated by the

appropriate authority (the St. Eustatius island government). The total research area for this site is

approx. 496 m².

Site 9: The whole extent of the wall needs to be drawn and photographed. The total research area

for this site is approx. 174 m².

Site 10: All burial markers should be recorded and subsequently removed. After removal, the

burials should be excavated by hand until sterile subsoil is reached. All burials should be brought to

SECAR for osteological analysis, and then stored for reburial at a future date when a designated

reburial site has been designated by the appropriate authority (the St. Eustatius island

government). The DNA and C, N, and Sr isotopes of all skeletons should be analysed. Prior to

excavation, poisonous trees such as manchineel should be ringed and poisoned with a herbicide

such as Garlon. The total research area for this site is approx. 724 m².

Site 11: All burial markers should be recorded and subsequently removed. After removal, the

burials should be excavated by hand until sterile subsoil is reached. All burials should be brought to

SECAR for osteological analysis, and then stored for reburial at a future date when a designated

reburial site has been designated by the appropriate authority (the St. Eustatius island

government). The DNA and C, N, and Sr isotopes of all skeletons should be analysed. Prior to

excavation, poisonous trees such as manchineel should be ringed and poisoned with a herbicide

such as Garlon. The total research area for this site is approx. 70 m².

Site 12: The whole extent of the wall needs to be drawn and photographed. The total research

area for this site is approx. 182 m².

Site 13: Four 2 x 2 m. test units will be excavated in select areas, in addition to three 2 m. wide test

trenches across the entire site. If evidence for post in ground slave houses is found, then a 100%

sampling strategy shall be employed. The total research area for this site is approx. 815 m².

Site 14: Four 2 x 2 m. test units will be excavated in select areas, in addition to three 2 m. wide test

trenches across the entire site. If evidence for post in ground slave houses is found, then a 100%

sampling strategy shall be employed. The total research area for this site is approx. 509 m².

Site 15: The inside of the cistern should be excavated until its bottom is reached, then drawn and

photographed. Excavation should include 25% of the rest of the site, the locations of which will be

determined by the project leader. Excavation should be carried out by hand in units of 1 m². The

total research area for this site is approx. 90 m².

10

6.3 Use of volunteers and students

Volunteers and students can take part in the archaeological investigation at the discretion of the

project leader.

6.4 Executive conditions

The initiator has to make sure the property is accessible whenever archaeological work needs to be

carried out. The provider of archaeological services, and where possible the initiator, take care of

accommodation and transportation of the field crew. The provider of archaeological services needs

to be in possession of all equipment necessary to conduct the previously outlined archaeological

investigation.

7 Report

A digital and hardcopy report containing the results of the investigation will be composed and

made available to the initiator and the St. Eustatius Center for Archaeological Research. The report

should contain the following components:

- Reason for investigation, including a map of the investigated locations

- Overview map with the locations of the archaeological sites, test trenches, excavation

trenches, features, and special finds

- Section on research methodology, including research questions

- Section on the archaeological remains in the vicinity

- Section on the past and present landscape and environment

- Section- and profile drawings providing insights into the stratigraphy of the sites

- Map of each test- and excavation trench on which features from different periods are

clearly indicated

- Finds-, features-, and samples lists

- Section on the description of the results (finds, features, standing structures, profiles)

- Section on the interpretation, age, and function of the archaeological remains

- Section on conclusions and recommendations

8 Storage, filing, and conservation

All finds and documentation are to be handed over to the St. Eustatius Center for Archaeological

Research, where they will be stored and filed. Finds of exceptional rarity, value and/or beauty can

be loaned to the St. Eustatius Historical Foundation Museum to be put on display.

All finds for which conservation is deemed necessary are to be conserved at the discretion of the

provider of archaeological services and will be paid for by the initiator. Conservation of finds will

serve the purposes of preventing degradation and enabling study and recording thereof.

11

9 Relevant literature

Armstrong, Douglas V.

1990 The Old Village and the Great House: An Archaeological and Historical Examination

of Drax Hall Plantation, St. Ann’s Bay, Jamaica. University of Illinois Press.

Barka, Norman F.

1998 Archaeology of Belvedere Plantation: The Boiling House. St. Maarten Archaeological

Research Series, No. 4.

Gilmore, Richard Grant III

2004 The Archaeology of New World Slave Societies: A Comparative Analysis with

Particular Reference to St. Eustatius, Netherlands Antilles. Ph.D. Dissertation, Department

of Archaeology, University College London.

Handler, Jerome S. & Lange, Frederick W.

1978 Plantation Slavery in Barbados: An Archaeological and Historical Investigation.

Harvard University Press.

Hartog, Johan

1976 History of St. Eustatius. De Witt Stores N.V., Aruba.

Hicks, Dan

2007 The Garden of the World: An Historical Archaeology of Sugar Landscapes in the

Eastern Caribbean. British Archaeological Reports International Series No. 1632.

Paonessa, Laurie J.

1990 The Cemeteries of St. Eustatius, N.A.: Status in a Caribbean Community. Unpublished

MA Thesis, Faculty of the Department of Anthropology, The College of William and Mary,

Virginia.

Stelten, Ruud

2011 NuStar Archaeological Watching Brief: Report on the February – April 2011

Campaign in the Cul de Sac Area, St. Eustatius. St. Eustatius Center for Archaeological

Research.

Versteeg, Aad & Schinkel, Kees (eds.)

1992 The archaeology of St. Eustatius: the Golden Rock site. Publication of the St.

Eustatius Historical Foundation, No. 2.

Watters, David R.

1994 Mortuary Patterns at the Harney Site Slave Cemetery, Montserrat, in Caribbean

Perspective. Historical Archaeology, 28(3):56-73.

Documents

Stelten Ruud 2011 NuStar Archaeological Watching Brief