Archaeology and Text, Vol. 2 (2018) | pp. 53–72ISSN 2523-2355 (print) | ISSN 2521-8034 (online) | 

"Shall I Die of Thirst?" The Location of Biblical Lehi, En-hakkore, and Ramath-lehiChris McKinny, Texas A&M University-Corpus Christi

AbstractSeveral unique toponyms (Lehi, Gob, Ephes-dammim, etc.) are mentioned in the books of Judges and Samuel in connection with the Israelite-Philistine conflicts. Among these, Lehi and its variants are associated with the biblical characters of Samson and Shammah (the son of Agee), but the exact location of Lehi has not been determined. This paper examines the available evidence relating to Lehi, and offers the tentative identification of ʿAin Hanniyeh as the location of En-hakkore and Ramath-lehi within the larger region of Lehi.

IntroductionLehi (leḥı̂ ֶלִחי) is mentioned in two contexts in the Bible. First, it is the location where Samson killed 1,000 Philistines with the jawbone of a donkey (Judg 15:9–19). Second, it is referenced in the exploits of Shammah, the son of Agee the Hararite, one of David's "mighty three" (2 Sam 23:8–11). In each context, the Philistines are depicted as attacking a particular Judahite region or town (i.e., Lehi) that was successfully defended by Judah thanks to the actions of a "champion" (Samson or Shammah). Despite earlier proposals, no suggested identification for Lehi has received widespread support (e.g., van de Velde 1858: 342–43; Guérin 1869: 3.317–20, 3.355–56, 3.396–400; Conder 1878: 1.277; Smith 1894: 222; Buhl 1896: 90–91; Simons 1959: 301; Lubetski 1992b: 4.274–75; Rainey and Notley 2006: 141; see also Chadwick 2009). There are several geographical clues in the surrounding context of the two passages that help point to a specific location. This paper will examine the available evidence, including the biblical passages, archaeology, and scholarship regarding the biblical toponym, and suggest an identification for the location of Lehi.

DOI 10.21461/AT012018.53–72

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MethodologyBefore detailing my proposal for the location of Lehi, En-hakkore, and Ramath-lehi, a word on methodology is in order. The general principles associated with the historical geography of the land of the Bible have been well established and widely discussed in the modern era by such scholars as Aharoni (e.g., 1979: 105–32), Rainey (e.g., 1982; 1984; 2006: 14–21 with earlier literature), Zadok (e.g., 1995, 1996, 2009), and Elitzur (e.g., 1994, 2004, 2012). Broadly speaking, the field of historical geography incorporates many different disciplines, including textual criticism, biblical interpretation, archaeology, geography, history (including the history of reception), and historical toponymy. As will be demonstrated below, each of these elements plays a role in arriving at a suggestion for the location of biblical Lehi. With regard to this specific discussion, the history of reception and historical toponymy play a critical part in reconstructing the existing data relating to Lehi.

Lehi in the Samson NarrativeIn Judges, Samson flees to "the cleft of the rock of Etam"1 from Philistine Timnah (Tell el-Baṭâshī; see discussion in Mazar and Kelm 1993) in the Sorek Valley after setting fire to Philistine fields and olive orchards and taking revenge on the murderers of his wife and father-in-law (Judg 15:1–8). While it is possible that another Etam is intended in Judg 15:8 (see discussion in Kotter 1992), the Etam2 of Josh 15:59A (LXX) would seem to fit the context of the passage,3 which essentially describes an Israelite from the Shephelah (Samson) fleeing to the eastern hills (Judah) from his Shephelah neighbors/enemies (Philistines).

Besides being described as being in the Tekoa district (Josh 15:59A; cf. Eusebius Onom 96.3), Etam (Αιταμ; ֵעיָטם) is also on the list of Rehoboam's fortifications (2 Chr 11:6) and appears as a person's name in the Chronicler's genealogy of Judah (1 Chr 4:3) alongside the nearby towns of Gedor, Hushah, Tekoa, and Bethlehem. The

1 See discussion of the etymology of ְסִעיף ֶסַלע ֵעיָטם in Gass and Zissu 2009: 25*–26*.2 In the past, Etam of 1 Chr 4:33 was identified with Tell ʿ Aitun (Tel ʿ Eton) (Conder and Kitchener

1883: 261); however, recent scholarship in accordance with excavations at the site seems to point to an identification with biblical Eglon (Faust 2011). If Simeonite Etam is distinct from Ether (Khirbet ʿAtr), which occurs in place of Etam in the other version of the Simeonite list (Josh 19:7) and also in the Libnah district (Josh 15:42), then it must be different from the site of the same name near Bethlehem (Josh 15:59A; 2 Chr 11:6). If it is distinct from Ether, this Etam is also probably distinct from the "rock of Etam" in the Samson narratives (Judg 15:8).

3 Robinson was the first to suggest that the rocky terrain of Wādi Urṭās fits the description of the "cleft of the rock of Etam" (Robinson and Smith 1841: 477; cf. Na'aman 2012a: 438).

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ancient name of Etam is preserved in ʿAin ʿAtân (Conder and Kitchener 1883: 23; Aharoni 1979: 355), which sits at the base of Khirbet el-Khôkh and marks the location of biblical Etam.4 In light of these details, it seems that the Judahite Etam is probably the Etam of Judg 15:8 (Ehrlich 1992: 2.644; contra Kotter 1992: 2.643–44; e.g., Webb 2012: 380).5 If this analysis is accepted, then it would mean that Clermont-Ganneau's proposed identification of the "rock of Etam" with ʿAraq Ismaʿin is incorrect (Clermont-Ganneau 1896: 220; Burney 1903: 371; cf. Lubetski 1992b: 275; cf. Gass and Zissu 2009: 32*; see also Na'aman 2012a: 438 with extensive bibliography).6 Gass and Zissu have argued that the Byzantine monastery at ʿAraq Ismaʿin could be the Sampso monastery mentioned in Byzantine sources, which is often identified with the large Byzantine structures at Tell er-Rumele/Beth-shemesh (see also Gass 2005: 377–79; cf. Gass and Zissu 2005; 2009: 34*–41*). While the identification of ʿAraq Ismaʿin with the Sampso monastery (i.e., the location of the events of Judges 15 according to the Byzantine tradition) seems to be a very reasonable proposal, it does not necessarily follow that this is also the location of the biblical events.7 In my opinion, the context of Judges 15, together with the similar geography included in 2 Sam 23:9–17 (mentioning Lehi, the Valley of Rephaim, and Bethlehem in the same context; see discussion below), points to a Judahite hill country site for the Etam of Judg 15:8 (see Na'aman 2012a: 438–39 for a similar rationale).

4 The ruin is located just south of ʿArtâs, the southernmost neighborhood of Bethlehem (near Deheisha Refugee Camp). The abundant springs and high elevation (approximately 800 m above sea level) made this area an ideal location for water reservoirs during the Hasmonean and Roman periods. The springs were channeled into Solomon's Pools and then brought by aqueduct to various locales in and around Jerusalem. Surveys at Khirbet el-Khôkh have revealed continuous occupation from the Iron I to the Roman period, including remains from the Iron I (6000 m2), early Iron IIA (5000 m2), late Iron IIA (10,000 m2), Iron IIB (9000 m2), and Iron IIC (8000 m2). The surveyors also noted the presence of fortifications around the summit of the tell (Kochavi 1972: Site 35; Ofer 1993: Site 323; Greenberg and Keinan 2009: Site 4206).

5 Van de Velde's identification of Ramath-lehi (which he suggested later became Ramah of the Negeb; cf. Josh 19:8; 1 Sam 30:27) with Khirbet el-Leqîyeh (1858: 342–43) is unlikely because it does not seem to match the geographical description of the accounts, which seem to call for a more northern setting.

6 Burney proposed that the term "jawbone" related to the "sawlike teeth appearance" of Wādi Ismaʿin (i.e., the Sorek Valley) and connected the large cave of ʿAraq Ismaʿin to "the hollow" .(at Lehi in Judg 15:19 (e.g., Burney 1903: 371; Ehrlich 1992: 644 (ַהַּמְכֵּתׁש)

7 For example, see the discussion below of another Byzantine tradition for Lehi recorded by Jerome, which places the events near Bet Guvrin.

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Returning to the narrative of Judg 15:8–14, while this section can be interpreted in various ways, in my opinion the following sequence would seem to make logical sense of the narrative: First, Samson fled to the "rock of Etam" (near Khirbet el-Khôkh) after his actions against the Philistines near Timnah (Judg 15:8). Second, the Philistines responded with a raid "in Judah" and "in Lehi" (Judg 15:9) and demanded that the Judahites hand Samson over to them bound (Judg 15:10). Third, the Judahites "went down" to Etam to bind Samson (Judg 15:11). Fourth, after receiving instruction from Samson on the manner of his transfer to the Philistines (Judg 15:12–13), the Judahites bound Samson with "two new ropes" at Etam, and then brought him to Lehi, where the Philistines were waiting for him (Judg 15:13–14). Fifth, following Samson's famous slaughter of the Philistines with a donkey's jawbone, Samson called the site "Ramath-lehi" (8.(ָרַמת ֶלִחי After Yahweh "split open" a rock thereby creating a spring at "Lehi (ֶלִחי)," the place was renamed En-hakkore Judg 15:17–19).9 Besides offering the biblical etymology for the names) (ֵעין ַהּקֹוֵרא)Lehi and Ramath-lehi, this text indicates that Lehi was near a noteworthy perennial spring, which, presumably, the readers of Judges would have readily recognized from its description in the narrative. In my view, these texts also indicate that Etam and Lehi were near but not next to one another. From a geographical perspective, Lehi should then be located closer to Philistine territory, that is, to the west of Etam.

In Hebrew, Lehi literally means "jawbone."10 The word is used as a generic noun for the bone of an animal or person (e.g., Job 40:26) but also as a proper noun, as it appears to be in the above-mentioned passages. However, the LXX translates as σιαγόν ("jawbone"). This translation is reflected in Josephus11 and in the ֶלִחיOnomasticon of Eusebius (Onom 88.13, 122.11; cf. Jerome: "Aquila and Theodotion translate it Jawbone"). Accordingly, some have suggested that the Greek name is preserved at Khirbet eṣ-Ṣiyyāgh (e.g., Simons 1959: 301; the Arabic meaning

8 Interestingly, the toponym Beer-lahai-roi (ְּבֵאר ַלַחי רִֹאי) of Genesis 16:14 is also found in an etiological statement (explaining the origins of the name of the well that Ishmael and Hagar drank from) and includes "jawbone" (ַלַחי) beside a term associated with water, in this case a well (ְּבֵאר) rather than a spring.

9 The etymology of En-hakkore may be related to the verb ְקָרא, which leads to the name the "spring of the invoker," or to the noun ּקֵֹרא, which would make it the "spring of the partridge" (Lubetski 1992a: 2.503).

10 The Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon of the Old Testament (לחי). See also Chadwick 2000: 32–34.11 "When they came to a certain place, which is now called the Jawbone, on account of the great

action there performed by Samson, though of old it had no particular name at all" (Ant 5.300).

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is "Ruin of the Goldsmiths"),12 located on the northern outskirts of modern Bet Shemesh near the train station. Notwithstanding the lack of Iron Age remains at the site (Taxel 2009), this identification is very unlikely as there is no such example of a Hebrew-to-Greek translation of a place name with a subsequent Arabic toponymic retention (see Simons 1959: 301). When the LXX translates a place name into a generic noun it is a translator's interpretation that seems to indicate that they did not know where the site was located in their day (compare, e.g., MT/LXX of Judg 1:35 [Rainey and Notley 2006: 178]). The combined evidence from the classical periods13 suggests that the location of Lehi was not known during these periods.14

Fig. 1 – Map of sites mentioned in discussion. Based on: Guérin 1881.

12 Lubetski attempts to connect Samson and the Danites with the Greek Danaans (Homer Il 2.484–86) and Ramath-lehi with the Greek name Onou-Gnathon (donkey's jawbone), which is mentioned by Strabo (Geog 8.5.1–2) (Lubetski 1992c: 5.617). Notwithstanding the very tenuous connection between the Danites and the Denoi/Danaans (Yadin 1968; cf. Ehrlich 1996: 8 with bibliography), the similar meanings of the two toponyms seem coincidental.

13 See Gass and Zissu for a discussion of the history of reception of the Samson narrative (2009: 27*–32*).

14 On a related point, it should be noted that Jerome in his Epitaph on Paula mentions "Samson's spring" between Socoh and Eleutheropolis (Jerome 2013: 14.1, 295–96). In citing this text and several other Late Antique traditions relating to Samson and a spring in this vicinity, Guérin persuasively argued that these traditions were preserved at a site north-northeast of Tell Judeideh (i.e., Tel Goded), which he referred to as Kenaïet ʿAin Lehi es-Safer (Guérin 1869: 3.317–20). This site is probably the one known as Khirbet el-ʿAin (Bliss and Macalister 1902: 224–27; cf. Bagatti 2002: 127).

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Lehi in the Exploits of Shammah, One of David's Three ChampionsThe second occurrence of Lehi occurs in the exploits of David's "mighty men" (2 Sam 23:9–38). This list is usually understood to be part an appendix (consisting of 2 Sam 21–24) added to the end of the book of Samuel (McCarter 1984: 16–19).15 In this section, "Shammah the son of Agee the Hararite"16 is listed as the third of David's heralded three champions (2 Sam 23:11). Following the introduction of each of the three champions, an individual feat of his is described. The order of these feats is from the greatest (Josheb-Basshebeth/Jashobeam17 [2 Sam 23:8; 1 Chr 11:11]) to the lesser (Eleazar [2 Sam 23:9–10; 1 Chr 11:12–14]) and then to Shammah (2 Sam 23:11–12), and the section culminates with a feat that involves all three individuals heroically bringing David a drink of water from the well at Bethlehem despite the presence of the Philistines (2 Sam 23:13–17; 1 Chr 11:15–19). While Jashobeam's feat does not provide a geographical context, the subsequent three feats all seem to have taken place in the same geographic area between Philistia and the hill country west of Bethlehem.18 In light of this, and in order to better determine the location of Lehi, we will briefly examine the geography of these passages.

In the MT of 2 Sam 23:9–10, the location of Eleazar's victory against the Philistines is not given. However, the version in Chronicles preserves the location of the battle at Pas-dammim, which is presumably identical to Ephes-dammim from 1 Sam 17:1.19 In light of the suitable geographic position (between Socoh and

15 Since 2 Samuel 23 is part of this appendix, the textual relationship between 2 Samuel 23 and the Chronicler's version (1 Chr 11) is complicated, as it is unclear if the Chronicler was using Samuel or a version of the appendix as his source (note the differences in the details associated with Shammah; cf. 2 Sam 23:11; 1 Chr 11:12–14).

16 Shammah does not appear in the Chronicler's version of the account, where his feat seems to be conflated with that of Eleazar (cf. 1 Chr 11:12–14). The Shammah of 2 Sam 23:11 may be the same as the Shammah listed in 2 Sam 23:33 (presumably distinct from Shammah the Harodite; cf. 2 Sam 23:25; 1 Chr 11:27, 27:8); but 1 Chr 11:34 reads "Jonathan the son of Shagee the Hararite." It is unclear if the term Hararite refers to a town or a clan.

17 Some have suggested that the original form of the name may have been Esh-Baal (cf. 1 Chr 8:33, 9:39 for a son of Saul of the same name; see discussion in Duke 1992: 647–48). Interestingly, an early Iron IIA inscription uncovered at Khirbet Qeiyâfa reads "Esh-Baal (son) of Bʿada" (Garfinkel et al. 2015).

18 Similarly, and while also not providing any chronological sequence, 2 Sam 21:15–22 (also part of the appendix at the end of 2 Samuel; cf. 1 Chr 20:4–8) geographically groups together the defeat of four Philistine giants from Gath by David's men.

19 The LXXL of 2 Sam 23:9 includes "Pas-dammim" in its reading (Driver 1913: 365; McCarter 1984: 494–95).

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Azekah) and the archaeological remains from the late 11th–early 10th centuries B.C.E. at Khirbet Qeiyâfa (Garfinkel and Ganor 2009; Finkelstein and Piasetzky 2010; Singer-Avitz 2010, 2012; Garfinkel and Kang 2011; Garfinkel, Ganor, and Hasel 2014), Bolen has identified Khirbet Qeiyâfa with the site of Ephes/Pas-dammim (Bolen 2008).20 On the other hand, it is not clear if Ephes/Pas-dammim should be understood as a town name,21 as it does not appear in any other narrative context and is not included in the detailed lists of towns in the Shephelah in Joshua 15 (cf. McKinny 2016: 168–210). Ephes/Pas-dammim (1 Sam 17:1; 1 Chr 11:13) may be understood as a regional term, as the name literally means "zero blood," which could be describing the "no-man's-land" in the Elah Valley between Philistine Gath and Israel/Judah. In any case, the geographical context (Elah Valley) and content of these two passages are nearly identical, as an Israelite champion (David/Eleazar) stood alone against a seemingly invincible opponent (Goliath/the Philistine army), and much Philistine spoil was gained after the victory (1 Samuel 17; 2 Sam 23:9–10). Thus, it is clear that 2 Sam 23:9–10 and 1 Chr 11:12–14 point to the eastern Elah Valley as the region of Ephes/Pas-dammim.

Before discussing the second occurrence of Lehi, we will first briefly describe the geographical context of the conclusion of the exploits of the "mighty three" (2 Sam 23:13–17; 1 Chr 11:15–19). These passages provide several geographical

20 Garfinkel and Ganor have identified Khirbet Qeiyâfa with Shaaraim. Their argument is based on three main points: (1) Shaaraim occurs after Socoh and Azekah in Josh 15:35–36; (2) the site is located directly above the presumed location of the biblical battle between David and Goliath; and (3) the site has produced two Iron IIA four-chambered gates inside a massive casemate fortification, and these presumably gave the site its name (shaaraim = two gates) (Garfinkel and Ganor 2008; Adams 2009: 47–66). This identification has received a good deal of criticism from various scholars who have offered different identifications for Khirbet Qeiyâfa (Na'aman 2008, Gob, before changing his mind in Na'aman 2012b: 88; Galil 2009, Netaim; Bolen 2012, Ephes-dammim [but this could be a regional term; see also Finkelstein and Fantalkin 2012: 48]; Levin 2012, Ma'agal, interpreted as a circular military fortress mentioned in 1 Sam 17:20).

21 Although Damûn is not located in the exact setting of 1 Sam 17:2 (see, e.g., van de Velde 1865, since Damûn does not appear in Conder and Kitchener 1880), given the possible regional meaning of the term, it seems plausible that the Arabic name may retain Ephes/Pas-dammim (e.g., McCarter 1995: 290). Van de Velde's Damûn appears to be the same as the Survey of Western Palestine's Khirbet el-Khân (Ḥorbat Ḥanot), which has remains from Early Roman to modern times (Weiss, Zissu, and Solimany 2004: Site 129).

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details that bear mentioning.22 Given the context, it seems that the feat occurred before David had become king (although not necessarily so), since David was "at the cave of Adullam" (cf. 1 Sam 22:1–2)23 and the Philistines were "encamped in the Valley of Rephaim,"24 while the Philistines had a "garrison at Bethlehem" (2 Sam 23:13; 1 Chr 11:15–16). These passages should remind readers of David's battles against the invading Philistines in the Valley of Rephaim after he became king (2 Sam 5:17–25),25 and the Philistine "garrisons" in Benjamin and subsequent battles that are mentioned in connection with Saul (1 Sam 10:5; 13:3–4, 23; 14:1–15). Taken together, these narratives portray the Philistine strategy for controlling the highlands of Israel and Judah as follows: establishing garrisons within specific regions (Geba and Michmash in Benjamin and Bethlehem in Judah), which were accessed via and then meant to control the valley or ridge routes (e.g., Beth-horon, Rephaim Valley) from Philistia into the hill country.

In the specific context of 2 Sam 23:13–17 (1 Chr 11:15–19), the concluding

22 It is worth noting that the event occurred at "harvest time" (2 Sam 23:13). This timing is reminiscent of Samson burning Timnah's fields (Judg 15:1) while there was "standing grain" and "stacked grain" (Judg 15:5), and David saving Keilah from the Philistines when they were "robbing the threshing floors" (1 Sam 23:1).

23 Adullam is identified as Khirbet Tell Sheikh Madhkûr, situated beside ʿÎd el-Mâ or ʿÎd el-Mîyā, whose name preserves Adullam (Conder and Kitchener 1883: 311, 347; Clermont-Ganneau 1896: 452). Dagan's survey of the site produced remains from the Chalcolithic, Early Bronze, Middle Bronze, Late Bronze, Iron IIA (1 ha), Iron IIB, Iron IIC, and Persian-Byzantine (Dagan 2000: Site 167).

24 The biblical "Valley of Rephaim" (ֵעֶמק ְרָפִאים; Josh 15:8, 18:6; 2 Sam 5:18, 22; 23:13; 1 Chr 11:15, 14:9; Isa 17:5) is usually identified with the continuous valley (i.e., Nahal Rephaim, which includes several wadis) that runs south from the area of St. Andrew's Church (see Josh 15:8, 18:6) through modern Jerusalem, then west through the hill country where it joins Nahal Sorek, then into the Shephelah where it is joined by Nahal Chesalon to form the biblical "Valley of Sorek" (Judg 16:4). Elitzur's suggestion (2009) for reading ֵעֶמק as "hilly plain" is plausible given the occurrences of the term in the hill country (Josh 8:13; Gen 37:14); however, ֵעֶמק also occurs in the Shephelah, Jordan Valley, and Jezreel Valley (e.g., Josh 10:12, 13:27, 17:16; Judg 1:18), which probably demonstrates that it has a wide semantic range that incorporates shallow valleys or plains in different types of geographical settings. For a discussion of the term "Rephaim" and its occurrence in several inscriptions in Philistia and Judah, see Maeir 2014: 289–97; see also Maeir and Eshel 2014: 69–88.

25 It is unclear if the ְּמצּוָדה of 2 Sam 5:17 (cf. 1 Chr 14:8, which lacks the term) refers to the ְּמצּוָדה of 2 Sam 5:7, 9 (cf. 1 Chr 11:5, 7) or to a different ְּמצּוָדה (e.g., 1 Sam 22:4–5; 23:14, 19; 24:22). If the former, it would indicate that David went into Jebus/City of David when he heard of the Philistine incursion into the Valley of Rephaim. Mazar (1963: 315) suggests that the stronghold was located at el-Ḥadr; cf. Bolen 2010. Na’aman (2012a: 436–40) suggests that the Rock of Etam and David’s stronghold were the same place.

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exploit of the "mighty three" occurred when the Philistines had control of Bethlehem and were patrolling one of the main routes to the town (namely, the Rephaim Valley). The geographical context of Eleazar's exploits at Pas-dammim and the culminating feat of the three clearly place these events along the western slopes of the hill country of Judah (between Bethlehem and the Rephaim Valley) and in the eastern Shephelah (near the Sorek and Elah Valleys and the routes leading into the hill country). In light of this geographical context, Shammah's individual feat, where he defended a field of lentils from the "Philistines [who had] gathered together at Lehi"26 (2 Sam 23:11–12), was probably in the same geographical area as Eleazar's feat at Ephes/Pas-dammim (the eastern Elah Valley) and the culminating feat of the three at Bethlehem. Besides its geographical connections to the surrounding context, the association with agriculture in 2 Sam 23:11–12 is a hint that Lehi should be located in a fertile area near a water source.

To summarize the textual data to this point, in one example in Judges (15:9–19) and three separate instances in the book of Samuel (2 Sam 5:17–25, 23:11–17; cf. 1 Chr 11:15–19, 14:8–17), the Philistines raided the hill country of Judah, and, in each case, this occurred in an agriculturally fertile region known as either the "Valley of Rephaim" or "Lehi." Therefore, it seems probable that all of these events should be located in a specific portion of Nahal Rephaim that is known alternately in the Bible as the Valley of Rephaim or Lehi (or one of its variants).

Ancient Agriculture in the Rephaim Valley and the Location of LehiIn recent years, the ancient agriculture of Nahal Rephaim has been investigated by Gadot (e.g., Gadot 2011; Gadot et al. 2016) It is clear from this research and earlier projects in the region (e.g., Gibson and Edelstein 1985; Edelstein and Milevski 1994; Feig 1996) that Nahal Rephaim was one of the more important agricultural zones near ancient Jerusalem. During the Iron Age, agricultural activity in the region seems to have peaked in the seventh century B.C.E. (perhaps as a result of Sennacherib's devastation of the Judean Shephelah; see Gadot 2015). As we have seen above, the biblical text also portrays this valley as a very fertile region (cf. Isa 17:5) with abundant water sources.

Nineteenth-century explorers in the region also described the water sources of

26 See discussion in McCarter 1984: 490 regarding the occurrence of Lehi (lḥyh should be read as leḥyāh). Note especially Josephus (Ant 7.310), who supports the understanding of Lehi as a toponym.

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Nahal Rephaim,27 of which ʿ Ain Hanniyeh and ʿ Ain Yâlō are the most notable (e.g., Guérin 1869: 3.396, 400; Conder and Kitchener 1883: 22, 59, 61). After leaving ʿAin Hanniyeh, Guérin crossed over Wadi Hanniyeh (identical to the Survey of Western Palestine's Wadi el-Werd) and climbed the northern slopes, where he found a ruin that he was told was known as "Khirbet ʿAin el-Lehi" (Guérin 1869: 3.396–97). Subsequently, Guérin noted the site's close proximity to Etam (6 km to the south) and, bearing in mind Judg 15:8–19, suggested that Khirbet ʿAin el-Lehi preserved the biblical toponym of Lehi (Guérin 1869: 3.396–400). Unfortunately, from his description it is not possible to definitively connect the ruin of Khirbet ʿAin el-Lehi with an archaeological site in the vicinity; however, it may be the same as the cairns recorded by the Survey of Western Palestine (SWP) north of ʿAin Hanniyeh.28 These ruins are located in the vicinity of the modern neighborhood of Givat Massua (in Jerusalem) and Moshav Ora.

While surveys in this vicinity did find remains from the Iron Age (Amiran 1958; Kloner 2000), there is no sedentary site that can be equated with a town or a continuously inhabited settlement. As we have shown above, however, there is nothing in the various references to Lehi that requires that it be interpreted as a town, and, in fact, Lehi seems to have been a regional term. Conversely, in our discussion of the Samson narrative, we have demonstrated that the spring of "En-hakkore" beside "Ramath-lehi" refers to a particular spring within the region of Lehi. In light of this, I suggest that ʿAin Hanniyeh was the location of the biblical En-hakkore and Ramath-lehi mentioned in Judg 15:18–19.

ʿAin Hanniyeh ("the spring of Anne") is one of the locations where Philip is traditionally believed to have baptized the eunuch who was returning to Ethiopia after visiting Jerusalem (cf. Acts 8:26–40; see Bagatti 2002: 25–26 for a discussion of later references to ʿ Ain Hanniyeh). The area around the spring of ʿ Ain Hanniyeh was briefly excavated in 1929 by Baramki, who found remains of a three-nave Byzantine church there (Baramki 1934; cf. Zias 1985; Tsafrir, Segni, and Green 1994: 116 with extensive bibliography). In 2004, the site was re-examined by

27 In 2010, a salvage excavation in the area of Walâjeh revealed an Iron IIB water system in the spring cave of ‘Ain Jôweizeh (Mor 2013). This water system is directly across from the ridge of el-Mâlḥah at a narrow point of Nahal Rephaim.

28 Rujm et-Târûd, Rujm el-Burîsh, Rujm Áfâneh, and Rujm ʿAtîyeh, spelled according to the SWP transcription. Barkay suggests that some of these cairns/tumuli are related to the Judahite kings’ ceremonial burial fires mentioned in 2 Chr 16:14, 21:19, (cf. also 32:33), and Jer 34:5 (cf. Amiran 1958; Kloner 2000: Site 4, 30). Greenberg and Cinamon (2002, 2006, 2011), however, have argued against this interpretation after excavating Rujm et-Târûd (Rogem Gannim). See also Barkay 2003.

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Mizrachi, who found a Late Roman Corinthian capital that had been re-used in the Byzantine church (Mizrachi 2005). Finally, in 2013, the site was re-excavated by Zilberbod, who found remains from the late Iron II, Hasmonean, Late Roman, and Byzantine periods (Zilberbod 2014). These finds, along with surveyed irrigation canals dating up until 1948, demonstrate the use of ʿ Ain Hanniyeh from the biblical era until modern times (Kloner 2000: Site 50).

ʿAin Hanniyeh is situated on an ancient road connecting the central spine of the Judean Hill Country to the Sorek Valley. The route follows Nahal Rephaim from Jerusalem (e.g., Bagatti 2002: 25) and then descends down a continuous ridge to the Sorek Valley in the Shephelah (Dorsey 1991: routes J8 and J9; Schlegel 2013: map 1.8). The control of this route may be hinted at in the passages discussed above about the Philistines patrolling this region during the time of the Judges and David. In addition, some have suggested that the "Valley of Baca" (ֵעֶמק ַהָּבָכא) in Ps 84:6 may be an alternate name for this section of the Valley of Rephaim (Kobayashi 1992: 1.566). This suggestion is based on a possible connection between ֵעֶמק ַהָּבָכא (Ps 84:6) and 2) Sam 5:23),29 which are the only two occurrences of this ְּבָכִאים noun in the Bible. If so, this is another example that demonstrates the importance of this region as both a perennial water source (cf. Ps 84:6) and a road for traveling between Jerusalem and the Shephelah (Ps 84:5–6).

,is often translated as either “balsam trees” or “mulberry trees” (e.g., RSV). Conversely ָּבָכא 29Musselman suggests that the ָּבָכא tree should be related to the Euphrates poplar tree, which grows in well-watered areas and whose leaves “exaggerate the very slightest breeze, causing the leaves to tremble when the air appears virtually motionless” (Musselman 2011: 119–20). Some scholars have suggested a connection between ָּבָכא of Ps 84:6 and ָּבכֹו of Mic 1:10, which are interpreted as toponyms (Smith, Ward, and Bewer 1911: 41–45), but this seems unlikely. The traditional understanding of ָּבכֹו as a verb for “weep” (בכה qal infinitive absolute) together with .not at all” would seem to fit the context of Mic 1:10–16 and its numerous wordplays“ ַאל־ִּתְבּכּו

64 Chris McKinny

Fig. 2 – ʿAin Hanniyeh, the "spring of Anne", in Nahal Rephaim. © Todd Bolen/BiblePlaces.com

ConclusionIn this paper, we have discussed the relevant passages connected with the ancient sites or regions of Lehi, Ramath-lehi, and En-hakkore. In connection with these occurrences of the place names, we examined the history of research, the geographical setting, and the archaeological evidence for the sites associated with Lehi and its variants. After analyzing these elements, we determined that Lehi appears to have been a regional term that can be broadly localized to the area between the eastern Shephelah and the hills west of Bethlehem, and narrowly localized to the upper section of the Valley of Rephaim south of modern Jerusalem. Moreover, and in connection with Guérin's earlier proposal, we have suggested that Ramath-lehi and En-hakkore should be associated with Khirbet ʿAin el-Lehi and located at ʿAin Hanniyeh, the largest and best-known spring in the vicinity. The fact that this spring is situated on a well-established road between Jerusalem and the Shephelah (i.e., Nahal Rephaim) would seem to make it an ideal candidate for a memorial topographical marker that helped form and preserve the tradition commemorating the feats of Samson, David, and Shammah, as it was used (perhaps incorrectly) much later during the Byzantine period to commemorate Philip's baptism of the Ethiopian eunuch.

"Shall I Die of Thirst?" 65

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