Qualitative Methods - Final Report Transnational Studies

8/14/2019 Qualitative Methods - Final Report Transnational Studies

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Transnational Studies: An Evolving DisciplineWhen migrant communities possess social and economic ties to the home country

at the same time as having strong connections (pragmatic or idealistic) to the receiving

country, the resulting social structure is what has been termed transnationalism. To

understand the process by which transnational communities are formed, we must first

grasp the significant aspects that shape the migration process. Traditionally, migrants

have been categorized as those who "permanently or quasi-permanently" move from their

home countries to a destination country (Parnwell 1993). As apparent in the Typology of

Migration [Fig. 1], there are many forms of population movement including: permanent,

step, counter stream, return, and circular migration. In all of these instances, migration

has been found to be a social phenomenon that affects individuals, families and whole

communities. It is not characteristically a stagnant process, but one that changes over

time as earlier emigrants return and influence new migrants to perpetuate the process of

migration (Massey 1987; Massey et al.1993; Robert et al.1999).

INSERT FIG1 HERE

In the paper Theories of International Migration: A Review and Appraisal,

Massey and his colleagues determine that "once the process is set in motion, a powerful,

self-sustaining momentum takes hold, culminating in mass migration" (Massey et al.

1993). By carefully examining and comparing current theories of international migration,

they found that, on the whole, contemporary theories are not mutually exclusive or

logically incompatible, but rather tend to focus on separate levels of analysis. Thus, they

determine that a comprehensive theory1, which observes the individual as a member of a

family, community, and an entire migration network, needs to be constructed. However,


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as they stated in the introduction to the paper, their purpose was "to lay the groundwork

for constructing an accurate and comprehensive theory of international migration for the

twenty-first century" (Massey et al.1993), therefore they provide no comprehensive

theory themselves.

Though there has yet to be agreement on a unified, comprehensive theory of

migration, transnationalism has come to the fore in recent years as the study of one of the

effects of increased migration to core nations such as the United States, Germany and

France. This recent interest in transnational connections lies not in whether transnational

associations or emerging transnational identities are something new or unique, but rather

that they are becoming more regular, routinized, and institutionalized. Portes, Guarnizo

and Landolt point out in the introductory paper for a special issue of the journalEthnic

and Racial Studies, "for all their significance, early transnational economic and political

enterprises were not normative or even common among the vast majority of immigrants,

nor were they under girded by the thick web of regular instantaneous communication and

easy personal travel that we encounter today" (Portes et al.1999). In the article, entitled

The study of transnationalism: pitfalls and promise of an emergent research field, Portes

and his co-authors, approach the question: what is the proper level of analysis for

migration research? For methodological reasons they define the unit of analysis for

researchers studying transnationalism as, "the individual and his/her support networks."

However, they also recognize the importance of larger institutions (communities,

economic enterprises, political parties, etc) as having an impact on the construction of a

transnational identity (Portes et al. 1999). Porter, Guarnizo and Landolt, determine that as

a relatively new study, transnational inquiry should focus on the individual level and


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observe how the aggregate levels are constructed from the micro-level upward (Portes et

al. 1999).

Portes and the other authors also point out that transnationalism is not a new

phenomenon. There has always been some level of circular movement between countries

and even a few historic transnational communities, resulting from diasporas and

expatriate enclaves, that combine elements from the home and host societies (Portes et al.

1999; see also Popkin et al. 1999). The question then becomes: how has the migration

process changed in recent years such that more recent migrants are no longer assimilated

into the mainstream or isolated from the majority in small enclaves, but rather develop

apparently 'new' transnational identities. This trend has been explained as a result of the

growing effects of globalization, including improved accessibility to communication and

transportation, as well as the increased scope and complexity of legal and illegal

migration networks. Appropriately, there has been an elevation in the number and forms

of transnational migrant communities seen in core countries like the United States

(Roberts et al.1999).

In the past two decades specifically, there has been a significant increase in the

magnitude, complexity, and normalization of these communities (Portes 1999).

Consequently, many migration researchers have made studies recently of evolving

transnational communities such as: Columbian migrants in New York and Los Angeles

and their transnational political involvement (Guarnizo et al. 1999), transnational

economic enterprises of Salvadoran refugee groups in Los Angeles and Washington D.C.

(Landholt et al. 1999), Guatemalan Mayan church groups in Los Angeles and their

homeland ties (Popkin 1999) and transnational Mexican labor migrants of rural and urban


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origin in Austin, Texas (Roberts et al. 1999). Yet, no studies have been conducted to

document the emerging transnational Mexican community in Phoenix, though Arizona

has become a major point of entry in the past decade as a result of increased border

enforcement in California, Texas and New Mexico.

Consequently, the relative ease (or lack there of) and affordability of personal

travel is not a universal privilege as the US attempts to limit the number of

undocumented labor migrants entering the country.2 In his article, Guatemalan Mayan

migration to Los Angeles: constructing transnational linkages in the context of the

settlement process, Popkin recognizes the recent more prohibitive legal climate for

migrants and rising cost of illegal migration and suggests that there is a need, "to explore

further the relationship between settlement and transnationalism and determine how

migrants maintain transnational connections in contexts in which their physical mobility

is limited" (Popkin 1999). In the case of Mayan migrants in Los Angeles, linkages are

maintained through a Mayan Catholic Church3, traditional Guatemalan musical groups,

an all-Mayan soccer league, as well as transnational governmental organizations such as

the Guatemalan Unity Information Agency (Popkin 1999). Popkin's study implies that

there is little need, once the migrant community has reached a critical mass, for physical

movement of migrants between home community and host community. In light of these

observations, the importance of continued physical movement of migrants between

countries as well as the impact of these circular migrants on the awareness of

transnational identity within the settled community need to be further explored.

Another important aspect of migration that must be understood is the migrant's

orientation toward the homeland. The Chinese expression ye4 luo4 gui1 gen1, eaves


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fallen go back to their roots,' illustrates the nature of many migrants' attitudes toward

their homelands and their intentions to ultimately return to the place where they were

born.4 Though this intention seldom becomes a reality (Moltmann 1980; Massey 1987;

Schniedewind 1993; Reyes 1997; Yang 1999)5, homeland orientation does give the

researcher a clue as to the psychological reasons for the development of an identity that is

distinct from the receiving context and manifests outwardly many of the cultural and

social practices of the homeland.

Between departure and eventual (intended) return, immigrants to the United

States are faced with the complex social negotiations of determining what it is to be the

newcomer (the ther of Simmel) in an already multicultural and multiethnic country.

As Douglas Massey points out in Understanding Mexican Migration to the United

States," the act of settling abroad rarely implies a break with social life in the home

community. Social networks are maintained and reinforced by a constant circulation of

people, goods, information, and capital between sending and receiving areas" (1987). He

asserts that circular and return migration of settlers helps to uphold these social networks.

Similarly, Eric Popkin argues that, "migrant populations rarely abandon their

culture and language to embrace that of United States" (1999). Nevertheless, some form

of transnational identity eventually emerges either in the formation of "hybrid" identities

(Glick-Schiller et al.1995), or the creation of an entirely new identity as a response to the

receiving community (Popkin 1999; Nagengast and Kearney 1990; Guarnizo 1997). This

later category may be significant and has been described as eactive ethnicity' by

Popkin (1999). Throughout this process, the migrant never loses contact with the home

community. The form, degree, strength, and frequency of this contact may influence the


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manifestation of the migrant's transnational identity as well as the social milieu of the

receiving context (Roberto et al.1999; Portes et al. 1999; Popkin 1999).

Transnationalism, furthermore, has a significant impact on both the home

community and the receiving locale. Economic ties to the homeland through remittances

and savings of labor migrants in the US have provided capital to bolster the economies of

impoverished villages, allowed migrant families to invest in land or businesses and

afforded relatives the opportunity to join family members in the US (Massey 1987; Portes

1999). The economic and political power of the transnational populations in the US has

had significant influence on the homeland at the state level as well. In an effort to

maintain the strength of ties to the homeland, on March 20, 1998 Mexico granted dual

citizenship to its expatriate community, thus allowing them the rights of owning property,

traveling back and forth between Mexico and the US, and voting in national election

while acquiring US citizenship. Similarly, the Philippines have encouraged emigrants to

maintain social and economic ties with the home country, and have come to depend on

the earnings of its expatriate community (McCarthy 1994)6. In another case, Taiwan has

actively courted well-trained engineers, doctors, scientists and other professionals to

either return or to maintain transnational ties with the home country (Swinbanks 1995).

These examples illustrate the legitimated status of the transnational migrant in the

homeland. On the other hand, transnational communities have provided migrants and

their children born in the US a sense of identity, collective solidarity, and socio-economic

mobility while promoting integration into the society of the United States (Landolt et

al.1999, Portes 1999).


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By comparing the relative strength of ties to Mexico7 to the relations that bind the

individual to the US, we see which migrants are most likely to assimilate to the dominate

culture, seek isolated enclaves (or return migrate), or become members of transnational

communities. Additionally, in an analysis of data provided by the Mexican Migration

Project (Massey and Duran 1982-1996), measurable differences have been found

between documented and undocumented Mexican migrants in the strength of ties to the

homeland (as well as duration of stay in the US).8 Thus, in this qualitative analysis of one

transnational community in the Phoenix area, comparisons have been made between

documented and undocumented individuals who demonstrate varying degrees of social,

economic and cultural ties with Mexico and definite pragmatic connections to the US

such as relatively higher paying jobs, better living conditions and the presence (in many

cases) of family and friends. Furthermore, intervening variables such as English ability,

level of education, and cultural ties to Mexico and the US have been explored in an

attempt to better understand the factors that influence the migrant to follow one of the

three afore mentioned models.

MethodologyThis study of documented and undocumented Mexican migrants focuses on the

strength of social, cultural and economic ties to the home community in Mexico, and on

the influence of these ties on the membership of migrants in transnational communities in

the Phoenix area. The intent is to establish the role of home country orientation (stength

of ties to Mexico) and legal status of the migrants as they relate to the development of a

transnational identity that encompasses cultural elements of both home country and the


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receiving context. As a preliminary ethnographic study, the interest of this research is to

provide a sound basis for further investigation of transnational communities within the

Phoenix area and eventual comparison with studies in other urban centers

Comprehensive, semi-structured interviews with documented and undocumented

migrants from Mexico now living in the greater Phoenix area have been conducted in

Spanish. Respondents were found using snowball sampling techniques, focusing in thi

case on a formal religious social association (Granovetter 1976; Massey 1987; Chavez

1990). Each interview, lasting about one hour, explored social, economic, and cultural

ties to the home country9

. In addition, these interviews detailed the migrants individual

migration experiences from their home communities to Phoenix, documented information

regarding their cultural and social capital, as well as economic and educational

background, and observed the role of the family in the immigration process [see

Appendix A].

The Cultural Context of a Transnational CommunityFive interviews were conducted with four male and one female undocumented

and documented migrants from Mexico who belong to an Evangelical ministry youth

choir in the Phoenix area. According to their literature, the ministry is a member of a

union of prayer groups, ministries and service centers (including 12-step groups, ministry

programs at juvenile detention centers, seminars, revivals, etc). The mission of the

Ministry is to adhere strictly to all doctrines and regulations of the Catolic Church,

while simultaneously renewing the spirit and energy within the church. By offering a

Charismatic Mass, which includes lively music and a joyful atmosphere, as well


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stressing the importance of the Baptism in the Holy Spirit as a life changing an

personal experience, the ministry is attempting to reinvigorate the Catholic Church on a

personal level.10

It is important to note that the evangelical movement has been spreading

throughout Latin America (as well as Asia and Africa) in the past few decades. Fueled by

missionaries from the US and the changing orientation of developing countries away

from tradition and toward Western culture (possibly as a by-product of modern global

capitalism), evangelical and charismatic movements are acquiring new followers at a

significant rate. This movement within the Catholic Church may be viewed as a blending

of cultures: traditional Catholic doctrine of Hispanic countries and a more merican

evangelism growing out of Protestantism. Thus, the Catholic Renewal Mission creates a

transcultural space within which participants may experience two worlds.

The ministry is located in a long flat industrial building connected to a paint

supply company on one side and an evangelical revival church on the other. Large

loading bays where at one time trucks could pull up and unload into the warehouse -like

structure dominate the front of the building. Attempts have been made to disguise the

former use of this building by adding large planters by the doorway. Unlike other light

industrial use buildings in the area, the exterior is freshly painted, the small parking area

is free of debris, and the walk in front to the building is freshly washed. The faO de of the

building is dominated by the image of the Virgin de Guadalupe. Upon entering there is a

foyer with a large L-shaped sofa, a coffee table and an area rug. The room has the feel of

a domestic living room, but appears to have been a receptionist office. Through a short

hall one passes into what had been the warehouse floor: approximately sixty feet by


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ninety feet, the cement floor is half covered by a worn beige carpet. Plastic lawn chairs

are set in rows on the carpeted area and face the stage. To the far right there is a stage

with a small crucifix, a glass and metal vanity used as an offertory, a podium, and the

image of the Virgin de Guadalupe on the wall. Planters stand along the walls, on the

stage, and by many of the support columns that hold up the network of wooden beams

that support the twenty or thirty foot ceiling. Immediately in front of the hall from the

foyer is another large opening with a vertical segmented door that opens into an alleyway

behind the building. To the left are a few tables with flyers and handouts for upcoming

events. Finally, along the far left wall are stacks of tables and boxes and other

miscellaneous items and a stair that leads up to the public address system controls. There

are several doorways along the same side as the entrance from the foyer. One leads to a

kitchen, another to a crowed office, a third to the prayer room, and the last to a storage

closet.

My contact, a Mexican born university student, has introduced me to members of

the youth choir. Most of the members of the choir are migrants (documented and

undocumented) and live permanently or quasi-permanently in Phoenix. The stereotypical

image of a church choir would be that of men and women standing in rows, wearing

yellow-gold robes with red stoles, while the church organist conducts hymns. The youth

choir at ministry is not that. On this any given Friday, there are about a half dozen males

and females who use keyboards, microphones, electric guitars, mixing board, drums, and

all of the equipment typically associated with a rock and roll band. Dress is casual,

although robes may be worn on special occasions. The majority of the members of the

group are known to be Mexican born (I was uncertain about two of the younger


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members) and, consequently, the lingua franca is Spanish. There are no hymnals: the

members of the youth choir compose songs during choir practices. In a communal

process the three guitarist, bass player, keyboardist, saxophonist, drummer and singers

created these lyrics composed during one evening choir practice:

Vengo a ti -I come to you

Hoy Senor - Today Lord

A rendir mi corazon To offer my heart

Quiero mas de ti I want more of you

Toma mi necesidad Take my need

Dame tu preciosa paz Give me your precious peace

Quiero mas de ti - I want more of you

Dame, Dame Dame mas de ti Give me, give me, give me more of you

Bendito Senor Blessed LordDame, Dame Dame mas de ti Give me, give me, give me more of you

Quiero mas de ti -I want more of you

Transition Here...

Case Studies: Five examples of outcomes

Juan is single, twenty-five, and has been working as an inspector in a factory that

fabricates parts for aircraft for one and a half years. He came to the United States five

years ago from Acapulco, Mexico. Before coming to the US he completed his first year

of law school, had his own car, and a job. While in school one of his friend invited him to

come to the US (illegally). He contacted his older brother, who was then living in Texas,

and decided he would give it a try. He and the friend traveled to Tijuana where they

contacted a oyote to help them cross. As Juan already spoke English, and his friend

was light skinned with blondish hair, they decide to cross by using fake documentation

rather than walking though the hills. The coyote arranged for them to cross driving a car,

with an American girl holding O heir baby posing as his wife, while his friend rode in


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the back. Immediately in San Isidro (San Diego) they gave the car back to coyote

associates and joined a group of other Mexicans and Central American who were being

delivered to various locations in the US. In all, he paid a total of six hundred dollars

(loaned to him by his brother) to the coyote.

He worked his way from California to Las Vegas to Texas, by a series of

restaurant jobs (where his English ability allowed him to work as a waiter and a host) and

in construction. It was easy. I have suffered a lot, suffered a lot you understand, but

it has also served me in becoming a good person hen I first got here I slept on a floorK

didnG have foodK no money. It was hard. In Texas he met up with his brother, and h

and his friend from Acapulco went their separate ways. From Texas, they traveled to

Memphis, Tennessee where his brother had arranged work-building mobile homes.

About two years ago he decided to move to Phoenix where two uncles and many

of his cousins live. A friend introduced him to the company where he now works and,

using a driver license obtained with fake papers and an invented social security

number as his identification, he was able to get hired. Though he wants legal status so he

can further his education, he takes pride in that he works in an air -conditioned office

getting paid well and has some responsibility. a very secure person. I see something

I want and I get because I believe I can, he says as he explans how he finessed his way

into the job.

After securing his job and his own apartment, he opened a bank account here and

in Mexico. However, he does not send money home like many labor migrants. I do

send money because my parents have a business in Mexico and they don need it, he


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tells me, adding that his father is asking for him to return to continue the business, as his

other siblings don really want to. Here, although he is illegal and has a somewhat more

difficult life, he sees more opportunity, if he works hard. e worked hard and long to

have nice things, he says as he tells me about a KawasakiNinja motorcycle that he

bought after saving for half a year. Juan is also hesitant to return because he fears the dire

economic situation in Mexico. Yet he says, I would want my children to grow up

here because life here would be difficult for them [as Mexican-Americans].

He has one close friend from work who is non-Hispanic Anglo, though all other

friends are Hispanic (Mexican and Latin American migrants). Though he has other

Latino friends from Honduras, Guatemala, and Peru, he doesn1 relate to Chicanos at all.

When asked about what kind of relations he has with Mexican-Americans born here he

emphatically say, None, none! The truth they do sit well with me because there is a

concept, well not all are the same, but I have a very different concept from them. They

know that their families came from Mexico illegally. They were born here and they feel

very large lthough there face says they are completely Mexican, they say born

here; IK better than you. I an American citizen

His social ties in Mexico are now limited to his parents as most of his school

friends are married and have moved on in their lives. He does contact his parents in

Mexico and his brother in Tennessee every week by telephone, using a calling card. As

he declares, I have never forgotten my culture, never forgotten my country, never.

While he does not belong to any sports clubs, he does like to play soccer and

racquetball and often finds pick-up games at the local recreational center. He belongs to


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the church and participates as a reader at Masses and speaks to various groups in the

church. Other than church members and friends from work, he has no other formal or

informal social association.

When asked about what music he listens to, which TV shows he likes best and

which are his favorite actors, almost all of his answers indicate strong cultural ties to the

United States. He lists as his favorite musicians Brian Adams (Canada) and Crowded

House, but also says he likes Mexican pop artists that he hears on Radio Viva a local

Spanish language radio station. His favorite TV show is I Dare You: The Ultimate

Challenge, a daredevil and stunt show. In the same vein, he lists action stars such as

Nicholas Cage, Harrison Ford, and Sean Connery as his favorite stars.

In contrast to Juan, Miguel has only been here for eleven months. He is single,

twenty-two and from a small town in Guerrero State in Southern Mexico (Just North of

Chiapas and South of Oaxaca). Unlike the other subjects, he did not want to discuss his

experience crossing the border and simply stated that he was here incognito and that h

had traveled to the US with two friends from his hometown. Though originally bound for

Virginia to work in construction, his aunt and cousins living here in Phoenix were able to

persuade him to stay here while his friends continued on.

In addition to the aunt and cousins living here, his father and two uncles live in

California near Los Angeles. He says his father and his father& brothers all came here

over six years ago to find work. Since coming to Phoenix, he has been visited by them

twice already. His mother, four brothers and sisters, and the rest of his family still live in

various cities in Mexico and he maintains contact with them, calling home once a week

with the Guadalupana calling card. He also communicates with one friend in Mexic


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by e-mail (more than once a week), and calls or writes about once a month to the two

friends from his hometown now living in Virginia. Importantly he says his permanent

address is in the hometown in Mexico, while his present address is here in Phoenix,

demonstrating clearly his orientation toward the homeland.

Miguel has a high school education and a certificate from a vocational school in

heating and air-conditioning repair. Several evenings a week he takes basic level, English

as a second language classes at South Mountain Community College. He works now

disassembling automobiles at a junkyard where his cousin works. He is paid weekly

checks (which his cousin cashes for him) and is paid in cash for overtime work on

Saturdays. He pays his aunt for his living expenses and sends three or four hundred

dollars home to his mother every two or three months. What earnings he doesn remit

or give to his aunt, he is saving to buy a car. Eventually, he plans to save enough to return

to Mexico and open his own workshop or company. His goal is to do this in about five

years time.

Other than the church group, where he helps set up the sound equipment, he

doesn belong to any social group or club. He says that most of his coworkers and

friends are Mexican nationals and he has little to no relation with Chicanos or other

Latinos (nor Blacks, Anglos, Asians). He does hope to find a basketball or soccer team to

join this year as he loves sports.

He clearly prefers Mexican culture as he lists his favorite music as Salsa,

Meringue, and Mexican Rock and his favorite TV shows as sports and news shows on

Univision. He does, however, like American movies: I like action and adventur ike

Antonio Banderas, Arnold Swartzenneger, Sylvester StaloneK.D


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Francisco, on the other hand, may be the most culturally assimilated member of

the group. He is a twenty three year old university student originally from Casas Grandes

in Chihuahua, Mexico. His family moved to New Mexico when he was a baby, but only

stayed for two years. They then returned, permanently, about sixteen or seventeen years

ago (they knew the border officials and simply walked thorough). He was granted

permanent residence status four years ago (amnesty), while his youngest two siblings

(out of five) are citizens as they were born here.

Francisco extended family on the paternal side live mostly in the US (Arizona,

New Mexico and Texas), while most of his mother family live in Mexico. Since being

granted residence, he has been able to return four times to visit these family members in

Mexico. He hopes that after gaining American citizenship, he will be able to take

advantage of dual-citizen status with Mexico, allowing him ease of movement between

countries.

Francisco is an active member of various social and recreational groups. These

groups include softball, racquetball, a Hispanic rights group, and a local business

association for students, etc. in addition to the church youth group and choir. As I asked

him to characterize his relation with various Hispanic groups he points out, I do

really label anyone Chicano or Mexican, I see myself as a person, I see every person of

Hispanic background, of Latino background, as one people even though they e been

here for a long time. ItH like an extended family even though we haven seen them for

a long time.

He does say that he has a different relationship with his friends who are of

Hispanic background than with his Anglo friends but points out that it is more a matter of


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tourist visas to enter, and simply overstayed the period granted. In 1988, his family was

able to petition for legal status. He is now a legal permanent resident and has filed

recently for Citizenship. His present legal status has afforded him the ability to return

legally to Mexico on various occasions for vacations.

Unlike the other case studies to date, David has obtained a espectable,

professional position. He is a loan officer for a mortgage company. He obtained his job

through an acquaintance at a previous position as a salesman for a mobile telephone

company. He attends a community college on a part-time basis and hopes to complete a

computer science degree. His parents and many of his relatives (uncles, aunts, cousins)

live here in Phoenix and Chicago, though he also has many relatives still in Mexico. He

has social as well as professional relations with Chicanos, Mexican nationals, Latinos,

Anglos, and African-Americans.

Socially, David is representative of many transnationals. He is bilingual, using

English and Spanish daily in his work (He is the only Spanish speaking employee, but the

majority of his clients are from Mexico), though he speaks primarily Spanish with family

and close friends. His closest friends are from Mexico, though all of them live here in

Phoenix now. He prefers music in Spanish, primarily older romantic songs and boleros:

Pedro Enfante, Juan Gabriel, Los Panchos. As he put it, I also like ldies. I like

everything that is old. Of that which is modern, Santana is the exception6 lthough, I like

AC/DC as well. On the other hand, his favorite TV show is the Tonight Show with Jay

Leno, though he admits he also watches a popular soap opera on Univision: One soap

onlyR nfierno y el ParaisoK i on at twelve at night don miss it.H


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His orientation toward the homeland can best be seen in his future plans. My

goal is to save enough money that I may retire in two more years, he jokes. Really

though, I would like to return to [Mexico City], though I was born there. Since the

violence like in other cities that are so big is too highK I would like it there. But,

since my grandmother lives in Mazatlan, I have fallen in love with that placeK My goals

then, now, are to save enough money to buy a house and retire some day in Mazatlan.

In extreme contrast to David is Graciela. She is an engaged, twenty-seven year

old female from a small town in Oaxaca State who makes her living as a part-time,

informal housecleaner. She was trained in a vocational school (after completing high

school) to be a secretary. She came to Phoenix with the intent to visit her family and then

return to Mexico. Her father migrated to the US about fifteen years ago, followed by her

seven sisters and three brothers. She, a younger sister, and her mother were last to come

six years ago (1994) when they crossed the border illegally. When asked how she arrived

she responded, running! They had taken a plane to Hermosilla, Sonora and were the

driven to the border by a Woyote, narrowly escaped a border patrol in crossing, and

were picked up by a waiting taxi on the US side. The entire trip was accomplished in one

day and cost them about five hundred dollars each.

Socially, Graciela is quite different from David. She primarily speaks Spanish at

home and often at her cleaning jobs as well. In Mexio, I think I used more [English]

than here. I was studying it. I didn speak much, but I read and wrote. Her friends are

all from various parts of Mexico, and all but two live in Phoenix now. She does call those

friends residing in Mexico on their birthdays or on other special occasions, but mainly

stays in contact with them through letters every two or three months. She has some


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relations with Chicanos (in the church) and even more with other Latinos (both family

and friends, as well as church). However, she has little to no relations with African-

Americans, Asians (she has one Asian friend from Phoenix who formerly was her pen- pal

when she was in Mexico), and Anglos (though she maintains a friendly relationship with

her employers).

Graciela likes both English and Mexican music, but names as her favorite

American performers those who were more popular in past decades: The Beatles and

Michael Jackson. Her favorite TV shows are the News on Univision and a soap opera

entitledLa Senadora, but her favorite overall channel is the Walt Disney Channel.

She has both a bank account and a credit card from Mexico, but her legal status

prevents her from getting either here. She instead uses her sister account and name

when paid by check. She sends about one hundred dollars a month to her Grandparents,

Aunts and Uncles still living in Mexico. She saves little, as she likes to spend what is

leftover at the mall shopping for cosmetics and new clothes.

Findings

Each of the individuals in this study may be used to illustrate possible outcomes

of the combinations of strong social, economic and cultural ties to Mexico and the US, as

well as the importance of documentation status and English fluency. The hypothesis,

based on a review of current migration theories and the outline of transnational studies


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made by Portes et al. (1999), is that if an individual has stronger social, economic and

cultural ties to Mexico then he or she will, if unable to return migrate, isolate themselves

in the Hispanic community and have little to do with the dominate American culture. On

the other hand, if the migrant develops stronger ties to the United States and has fewer or

weaker ties to Mexico, he or she will eventually assimilate to the prevailing social

structure.11 Finally, if these opposing forces are somehow at equilibrium (i.e. strong ties

to both locations), then the migrant is predicted to become a member of a transnational

community.

Documentation status may, however, be the key to determining whether the

migrants will have the ability to circulate between the countries, a necessary element to

transnationalism as defined by Portes et al. (1999), or whether they will become members

of a community that (through the mechanism of circulation of legally documented

members) will fulfill the requirement of circulation for them as described by Popkin

(1999). Thus, in these cases we have seen how legal status (David and Francisco) has

allowed members of the group to circulate, gain human and social capital, and has

encouraged stronger ties to the United States.

The contrast between David and Graciela is perhaps the best example

demonstrating the influence of legal status on the strength of transnational ties, homeland

orientation, and associations with the majority culture in the receiving context. Whereas

both entered as undocumented and have similar levels of education, David has been able

to acquire a relatively high prestige occupation by being bilingual and by now having the

necessary documentation to work in the United States. He has had the legal and economic

ability to travel between countries and though he has no strong personal ties in Mexico he


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does orient himself toward an eventual return to the homeland (though this may prove

only to be an intention it does demonstrate his sychology of eventual return).

Graciela, while having stronger economic, emotional, social ties with Mexico, is limited

in her ability to obtain cultural and social capital and is therefore restricted in her level of

economic attainment in this country. She is also less exposed to the majority culture and

has developed fewer ties with those in the receiving context. In both cases, however, the

youth choir at the ministry provides them with the opportunity to socialize with other

young adults who migrated from Mexico. It allows them to renew their perceived and

real connections with the homeland, and interact in a setting that is a synthesis of cultural

practices.Of key importance is the variable: English ability. In a secondary data analysis of

more than four thousand interviews with Mexican migrants collected from 1982 to 1996

by the Mexican Migration Project (Massey and Duran), I found a positive correlation

between English ability and legal status ( r = .212), and a negative correlation between

English and strength of Mexican ties (r = -.145)[see fig. 2 and Appendix B]. These

figures would indicate, at least for Massey sample, that as the migrant English skills

improve and they make longer lasting and more binding connections to the United States,

their social ties to Mexico decline.

In my own research, Juan, David, and Francisco (all of whom have been here for

more than five years) show how important English ability is to negotiating the social

landscape and becoming economically successful. Juan, though undocumented, was able

to cross the border without difficulty and has been able to build strong social ties with

Anglo coworkers along with achieving an important position in his company due mostly


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to his strong belief in himself and his ability to speak English. David, the mortgage

broker, also is able to use his linguistic skills to his advantage. As the only Spanish

speaker at his work, he is in the fortunate position that he is able to use both his mother

tongue and English as part of his job. Similarly, Francisco was able to negotiate the

education system only by being fluent in English. Like David, Francisco is trying to take

advantage of the benefit of bilingualism by studying Spanish and business at University.

We have seen, then, how social, economic, and cultural ties to Mexico are

balanced by ties to the United States such that those individuals who feel relatively equal

ties to both locales become de facto transnationals (such as Francisco and David) or at

least seek groups where some cultural ties to the homeland may be maintained through

circulation of individuals across the border. We have also seen the importance of

documentation status in permitting individuals to both strengthen their bonds with the US

while increasing their legal right to move back and forth between countries. On the other

hand, we have also seen the limitation imposed by not speaking English (Graciela and

Miguel) and the rewards of some degree of fluency even when legal status has not been

achieved (Juan). It would be of major interest to expand this preliminary study and

observe the variety of transnational communities that develop to meet the social need of

those individual who fall somewhere between assimilation and forming isolated enclaves,

while controlling for the effects of legal documentation and English fluency.

1 Evidenced by the empirical work done by the Mexican Migration Project Group.2 Traditionally a sizable, mobile population that regularly circulates between home and destination

countries.3

Only the priests return annually to the home communities in Guatemala and, with congregational support,

organize various relief activities such as fund-raising for hospitals and clinics in the home towns of the

parishioners.4 According to Ronald Seldon inMigration from China.Journal of International Affairs: Contemporary

China this traditional concept may be called into question as historical data shows there have always been


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large numbers of migrants in China who do not return. See also Yang, Phillip Q. 1999 Sojourners or

Settlers: Post-1965 Chinese ImmigrantsJournal of Asian American Studies 2.1, 1999; p 61-91.5 Return rates are actually quite low for most sending countries. As many studies have shown, other factors

such as length of stay, economic opportunities in destination country and lack of opportunities in home

country, marriage, children, age, home ownership, etc. tend to influence the decision to return or settle

more than intent. However during certain historical periods return rates have been quite high. GunterMoltmann0 American-German Return Migration in the Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centuries is an

analysis of European return migration of the mid to later 1800s. He used the lists of passengers on ocean

liners to calculate a return rate of 18.4% of settlers in this period (1980). This analysis does not, however,

tell us why these passengers returned, their original intention to emigrate, if their voyage was nothing more

than an extended vacation, or any socio/economic data other than perhaps the class of their boarding ticket.

Francesco Cerase 1974Expectations and Reality: A Case Study of Return Migration From the United

States to Southern Italy, he was able to determine that Italians (who had a 56% return rate in Southern Italy

between 1900 and 1924) had come to the US to earn enough money to return and buy farms or small

shops. He noted that these migrants also brought back new farming techniques and no longer felt inferior

to the established elites adding to the argument that return migrants have a direct social effect on the home

country (see also Cinel, Dino 1991 The National Integration of Italian Return Migration, 1820-1929.

Cambridge University Press: New York.) Interestingly, in a 1997 secondary data analysis of the Mexican

Migration Project for the California Policy Institute entitledDynamics of Immigration: Return Migration toWestern Mexico, Belinda Reyes found:

50% of all immigrants return to Mexico w/in 2 yrs and 70% return within 10yrs

Within 2 years, over 50% of those immigrants with less than an elementary education

return.

50% of all undocumented workers return to Mexico

Women who migrate are more likely to stay longer: 40% stay for more than 15 yrs

(compared to men at only 20%).

Nevertheless, the combined effects of Project Gatekeeper, the 1996 Immigration Reform and Control Act,

the dual citizenship status granted to Mexicans in 1998, and the development of universal rights that are

decoupled from territorial boundaries (Jacobson 1996) and their effect on the return rate of Mexican

documented and undocumented migrants have not been observed to date.6 Presently, the Republic of the Philippines is embarked on a project entitled hilippines 2000 which was

begun in 1994 under the administration of Ramos. Philippines 2000 is n ambitious new vision for thefuture proposed by Philippine President Fidel Ramos, who believes that most Filipinos working abroad

will return home by the end of the century. Ramos hopes that by then the domestic economy will offer

enough jobs for the entire population. According to the government's Philippines Overseas Employers'

Association, 686,461 Filipinos were legally registered as overseas contract workers in 1992. If illegal

workers were included, the total would be well over a million, out of the country's population of 62

million. About 134,000 are seamen - 16 percent of the total number of seamen in the world. Others work as

maids, singers, construction workers and hostesses in bars from Saudi Arabia to Australia. They send back

an estimated pounds 1.4 billion per year to the Philippines: about 15 per cent of the national budget

(McCarthy 1994).7

As measured by: remittance patterns to family members still living in Mexico; frequency and regularity of

contact with family and friends in both home and receiving context; expressions of identity such as music,

television, art, the use of national symbols, religion, language, etc.; as well as self-identification and in-

group association.8 Multivariate linear regressions were run on the migrant file of the MMP dataset. It was found that (when

controlling for the migrants education, English ability, and legal status) strength of social and economic

ties to Mexico had a strong correlation to the amount of time (total all trips) that migrants spend in the US

(r=.584, explaining 34% of the variance in the population and is significant above the .0005 level).

Likewise, there is a slight negative correlation between legal status and Mexican ties (controlling for

English ability and Education r=.148 at a significance above the .0005 level). [See Appendix B]9

See attached Questionnaire [Appendix A]10 More information may be found at the Ministries website at: http://www.crmphx.org/mission.htm11 Much like the process outlined by the Theories of Institutional Isomorphism of Meyer and Rowan (1977)
http://www.crmphx.org/mission.htm


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and DiMaggio and Powell (1983 and 1991).


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Qualitative Methods - Final Report Transnational Studies