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Mothering can occur only within the context of a relationship between a mother and a child.
Likewise, a child can survive to grow and develop only within the context of a caregiving
relationship. It is clear that the most significant period of mothering appears to be during the
early years while the child has the most dependency for care. The motherchild relationship
is an asymmetrical relationship during this period, in which the child needs more and gives
less than the mother.
At first it seems that it is the expectant nurturing aspect of mothering that is the most
important, as it has a direct impact on the childs well -being. However, we believe it is the
aspect of the mothers capacity to make an emotional connection with the infant that
determines survival and the childs developmental trajectory. This emotional connection is
the foundation on which the developmental trajectory will play out. Initially, the child needs
mothering that reflects hands-on care and her physical presence. Over time, and as maturation
progresses, these needs shift. The child no longer needs mothering to survive, the goal instead
becomes one of preparation for individuation or becoming a functional, responsible, socially
appropriate adultand this goal is met through the emotional connections made between the
mother and child.
The work we have done with mothers in Early Head Start programs has taught us strong
lessons about emotional connections for children. For mothers whose past traumatic events
were not resolved in their own psyche, Coltrane (1996, p. 175) made the following
observation:
In most families, husbands notice less about what needs to be done, wait to be asked to do
various chores and require explicit directions if they are to complete the tasks successfully . .
. most couples continue to characterize husbands contributions to housework or child care as
helping their wives.
To overcome these limitations and to provide a current estimate of the level of father
involvement, Yeung et al. (2001) used a national representative sample of children in two-
parent families in the United States in 1997. The sample included children aged 0 to 12 years
and therefore allowed an assessment of the nature of paternal involvement across different
developmental periods. Finally,because the data were collected in 1997, the study permitted a
comparison of father involvement in the 1960s, 1980s, and the late 1990s to determine if
there has been a historical shift in level of father involvement. These investigators confirmed
Plecks (1997) conclusion that there has been a gradual increase in the level of father
involvement over the past four decades.
These findings are consistent with the more general proposition that pregnancy and birth of a
first child, in particular, are occasions for a shift toward a more traditional division of roles(Cowanand Cowan, 1992). Of particular interest is the fact that this pattern held regardless of
whether the initial role division between husbands and wives was traditional or equalitarian
(Cowan and Cowan,1992). Cowan, Cowan, Coie, and Coie (1978, p. 20) observed that,
Despite the current rhetoric and ideology concerning equality of roles for men and women,
it seems that couples tend to adopt traditionally defined roles during times of stressful
transition such as around the birth of a first child.
The lower level of father involvement in caregiving and other forms of interaction does not
imply that fathers are less competent than mothers to care for infants and children.
Competence can be measured in a variety ofways: One approach is to measure the parents
sensitivity to infant cues in the feeding context. Success in caregiving, to a large degree,
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depends on the parents ability to correctlyread or interpret the infants behavior so that the
parents own behavior can be regulated to respond appropriately.
Qualitative Effects: Stylistic Differences in Mother and Father Interaction
Fathers participate less than mothers in caregiving but spend a greater percentage of the time
available for interaction in play activities than mothers do. In the United States, Kotelchuck
(1976) found that fathers spent a greater percentage of their time with their infants in play
(37.5%) than mothers did (25.8%), although in absolute terms mothers spent more time than
fathers in play with their children.
Becoming a father has an impact on a mans own psychological development and well-being.
As Parke (1981, p. 9) noted, the fatherchild relationship is a two-way process and children
influence their fathers just as fathers alter their childrens development. Three aspects of this
issue have been examined: (1) marital relationships, (2) work and occupational issues, and (3)
societal generativity(to borrow Snareys, 1993, phrase).
Impact on marital relationships. Perhaps most attention has been devoted to the impact of the
transition to parenthood on marriage. The general finding from a large number of studies is
that there is a decline in marital satisfaction, especially on the part of men, as a consequence
of the birth of a child (see Belsky and Pensky, 1988, for a review).
The psychological adjustments associated with the transition to fatherhood are clearly
evident in the longitudinal study by Cowan and Cowan (1985,1992). Their project followed
families from pregnancy until the children were 5 years of age. These investigators found that
fathers marital satisfaction showed a modest decrease from pregnancy to 6 months
postpartum, but a sharp decline between 6 and 18 months postpartum. In contrast, mothers
showed a much more linear decline, beginning in the postpartum period and continuingacross the first 2 years. In this same period of 18 months, 12.5% of the couples separated or
divorced; by the time the child was 5 years of age, this figure was up to 20%.
A variety of reasons has been suggested for this decline in mens marital satisfaction,
including (1) physical strain of childcare, (2) increased financial responsibilities, (3)
emotional demands of new familial responsibilities, (4) the restrictions of parenthood, and (5)
the redefinition of roles and role arrangements (Belsky and Isabella, 1985; Cowan and
Cowan, 1992; Snarey, 1993). However, as Cowan and Cowan (1992) found, there is little
support for the hypothesis that, as the number of negative changes increase, marital
satisfaction declines. In their study, they found little relation between declining marital
satisfaction and any single negative change. Perhaps a cumulative negative events model
(Rutter, 1987) holds, in which an increase in the numberregardless of qualityof negative
shifts is associated with shifts in marital satisfaction. However, several lines of evidence
suggest that discrepancies in expectations on the part of mothers and fathers concerning the
relative roles that each will play may be an important determinant of postpartum marital
satisfaction.
Cowan and Cowan (1987, 1992) found that when there was a larger discrepancy between the
wives expectations of their husbands involvement in infantcare and his level of actual
participation, there was a greater decline in wives marital satisfaction between late
pregnancy and 18 months postpartum. Belsky, Ward, and Levine (1986) found a similar
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decrease in marital satisfaction when mothers expectations about father involvement were
not met. Men showed a similar effect of a discrepancy between attitudes and behavior.
McDermid, Huston, and McHale (1990) found greater negative impact of the onset of
parenthood when there was a discrepancy between spouses gender-role attitudes and the
division of household and childcare labor, and McBride (1989) found that traditional fatherswho held conservative gender-role attitudes, but were nonetheless involved in childcare,
reported higher levels of dissatisfaction.
Impact on occupational success. There are two perspectives on this issue. First, a short-term
perspective suggests that as fathers increase their involvement they perceive higher levels of
workfamily conflict (Baruch and Barnett, 1986). This workfamily stress is more likely to
be reported by fathers in dual-earner rather than in single-earner families (Volling and
Belsky, 1991).
Many fathers wish they had more time for family and more flexible job arrangements (Parke
and Brott, 1999), and although there are clear trends toward more family-friendly policies,
the workplace barriers remain formidable (Levine and Pittinsky, 1998; Parke and Brott,1999). Psychologys central developmental theoriesfrom Freud and his proteges at the
twentieth centurys and fields beginnings through Bowlby, Ainsworth, and attachment
theory at centurys endhave always viewed mother as the familys central figure and other
family figures as auxiliary.
This bias continues, despite the flurry of research documenting important and meaningful
contributions for fathers in childrens lives (Parke, in Vol. 3 of this Handbook).