Possidius, Weiskotten. Sancti Augustini vita scripta a Possidio episcopo. 1919

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    SANCTI AUGUSTINI VITASCRIPTA A POSSIDIO EPISCOPO

    EDITED WITH REVISED TEXT, INTRODUCTION,NOTES, AND AN ENGLISH VERSION

    BYHERBERT T. WEISKOTTEN

    A DlSSERTATIONpresented to the

    Faculty of Princeton UniversityiN Candidacy for the Degree

    OF Doctor of Philosophy

    PRINCETON UNIVERSITY PRESSPRINCETONLONDON : flUMPHREY MILFOBDOXFORD UNIVEESITT PBESS

    1919

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    iHElNSTITUTECF^^FDl/rv^L STUCES0 ELMSLcy PlACETOROiMTO 6. CA

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    PREFACEI take this opportunity of expressing my gratitude to Dean

    A. F. West for his constant help and guidance in the prepara-tion of this edition. It was begun at his suggestion and hasbeen continually under his direction. I am further indebted toProfessor J. H. Westcott for assistance on certain law terms,to Professor Duane Reed Stuart for his thorough criticisms,especially of the text, and also to Professor P. van den Venand Dr. R. J. Deferrari for valuable suggestions in the recon-struction of the text. Owing to war conditions abroad it wasimpracticable to examine the MSS. of the Vita in the librarieswhere they are deposited. Accordingly ten of the older MSS.in the BibHotheque Nationale and the Vatican were se-cured in photostatic copies, under the supervision of M. HenriOmont, Conservateur des Manuscrits, and of the late DirectorJesse Benedict Carter and Professor Albert W. Van Burenof the American Academy in Rome. Thanks are also due toMr. Gordon W. Thayer, Librarian of the J. G. White Collec-tion, Cleveland Public Library, for providing me with noticesof certain MSS. of the Vita from catalogues otherwise un-available. The map was prepared by my friend Dr. W. E.Cockfield on the basis of the map in Volume VHI of the Cor-pus Inscriptionum Latinarum.

    H. T. W.Princeton, New Jersey,

    June II, 1918.

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    Digitized by tiie Internet Arciiivein 2011 witin funding from

    University of Toronto

    http://www.arcliive.org/details/sanctiaugustinivOOposs

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    INTRODUCTIONOur knowledge of the life of Augustine, Bishop of Hippo,

    is derived from two main sources : ( i ) Augustine's own Con-fessiones, covering the period up to the time of his conversion

    in 387 and setting forth chiefly the history ofSources for the his spiritual development, and (2) the VitaLtfe of Augustine Augustini of Possidius, covering the time from

    Augustine's conversion to his death in 430 andcontaining a record of his daily Hfe and activities. Outsideof these two main sources many references also occur in hisother writings, chiefly in the Epistles.AureHus Augustinus was born at Tagaste in Numidia on

    November 13, 354,^ about seven years after Chrysostom andfourteen after Jerome and Ambrose. After spending a free

    and careless boyhood at Tagaste, he pursuedEarly Life the usual course of grammar and rhetoric atMadaura and Carthage and afterward taught

    for a short time in his native town. In 374 he returned toCarthage and taught rhetoric for nine years. During thisperiod he became deeply interested in Manichaeanism, merely asan auditor, however, and not as one of the electi. It was herehe met the famous Manichaean teacher Faustus from whomhe expected much, but soon found that, despite his gorgeousrhetoric, he was unable to answer any searching questions.Dissatisfied with his Hfe at Carthage and seeking a largercareer, he went to Rome. Moreover he had heard that thestudents of Rome were better behaved than those at Carthage.

    1 Prosper, in his Chronicon, states that Augustine died August 28,430; Possidius says it was in the third month of the siege of Hippo,and also that he died at the age of seventy-six. Augustine himselfgives the day of his birth: Idibus Novenibris niihi natalis dies erat:De Beata Vita i 6.

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    8 INTRODUCTIONAmong the latter were those known as eversores, who wentabout in groups, broke into classes, overthrew the benches andprovoked disorder in general. So in spite of the tearful en-treaties of his mother Monica, he evaded her and by nightsecretly took ship for Italy. However, when he arrived inRome he soon discovered that while his students kept betterorder, they had a custom which was to prove most annoyingto him. For after they had attended his classes a while theywould go off to another teacher and leave their fees unpaid.Accordingly when the way was opened for him to teach inMilan he went there without delay.By this time he had abandoned Manichaeanism and was

    taken for a short time with the scepticism of the New Acad-emy. In Milan he soon became engrossed in studying Neo-Platonism and also came under the influence of Ambrose,Bishop of that city. After a memorable moral and intellectualstruggle he was converted to the Christian faith and baptizedby Ambrose at Easter 387. He then returned to Tagaste,travelling with his mother who died on the way at Ostia. Onarriving at Tagaste he lived in seclusion till he was made pres-byter in the church at Hippo in 391. At this point the narra-tive of Possidius begins.

    Augustine's father Patricius was a man of curial rank inrather humble circumstances. He was of a somewhat coarseand sensual temper, given to occasional fits of anger, but gen-erally easy-going. He was anxious that hisFamily gon should distinguish himself as a lawyer and

    even borrowed money to enable him to studyat Carthage. Aside from this, however, Patricius seems tohave paid Httle heed to his welfare and training. He had notbeen a Christian up to the time of his son's departure forCarthage, but through the influence of his wife Monica be-came a catechumen about the year 370 and was baptized short-ly before his death in the following year.

    Monica, the mother of Augustine, is forever revered inChristian history. Augustine was not ignorant of her reUgion,

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    INTRODUCTION 9for she had trained him in his childhood,^ but it soon slippedfrom his memory when he went away to school. From thistime to his conversion in 387, while he was trying one phil-osophy after another, Monica did not cease to hope and praythat her son would yet become a Christian, though she was atone time unwilling to have him with her in the house becauseof his outspoken contempt for the Christian faith.^ He saysthat she wept more bitterly over his spiritual death than othermothers over the bodily death of their children.* When, inspite of her entreaties, he stole away and took ship for Italy,she would not leave him but followed all the way to Milan,where she constantly attended the sermons of the statesman-bishop Ambrose. With Augustine's conversion her mission onearth was ended^ and she saw nothing of his later far-reachinginfluence, for she died at Ostia in the fall of that same year.Augustine's tribute to his mother^ is one of the rnost perfectand touching in literature.

    Augustine was not the only child. He had a brother, Navi-gius^ and one sister referred to in his letter to the nuns.^Possidius also mentions her.^ Though her name is not known,tradition gives it as Perpetua.^" Whether Augustine had anyother brothers or sisters is not certain. His natural son Ade-odatus, born about 372, gave promise of marked abihty, butdied in his youth.^^ He was baptized with his father in 387.The names of several other relatives outside the circle of hisimmediate family appear in his writings. In the De Beata

    - Religionis verissimae semina mihi a pueritia saluhriier insita: DeDuahus Animabiis i i.

    3 Conf. III xi 19.* Conf. III xi 19.5 Conf. IX X 26.8 Conf. IX ix-x.^ De Beata Vita i 6 and Conf. IX xi 27.8 Ep. CCXI 4.9 Vita XXVI.1 Bollandistes, Vies des Saints V 306.11 Conf. IX vi 14.

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    10 INTRODUCTIONVita i 6 he speaks of two cousins, Lastidianus and Rusticus,who took part in the discussions at Cassiciacum and in Serm.CCCLVI 3 he mentions, without naming him, a nephew whowas a subdiaconus. Ep. LII is written to another cousin,Severinus, urging him to leave the Donatists and return to theCathoHc Church. Besides these Possidius writes of fratrissui filiae in Chapter XXVIa phrase which also seems toprove that Augustine had only one brother.

    In speaking of Augustine's friends we mean only the mostintimate. They are to be found in two groups, the earHer atthe Villa of Cassiciacum, near Milan, to which Augustine and

    his friends retired during the months imme-Friends diately preceding his baptism, and the later

    group at Hippo. Chief among these friendswas his fellow-townsman and Hfe-long companion Alypius,who accompanied him through the years of uncertainty atCarthage and Milan and faithfully reflected each of Augus-tine's changes of faith. After Hving with Augustine in themonastery at Hippo for several years, he became bishop of hisnative town Tagaste. The group at Cassiciacum was smalland most intimate, consisting of Monica, who not infrequentlytook part in the debate, Adeodatus, Navigius, Alypius, the twocousins Lastidianus and Rusticus mentioned above, and twopupils, Trygetius and Licentius," a son of his former patronRomanianus.^^ They spent the time studying and discussingquestions of reHgion and philosophy. The other circle offriends which caHs for special mention is found in the monas-tery at Hippo. Here Possidius and others" first appear inAugustine's Hfe. Their intimate manner of Hfe is described

    12 Contra Acadevticos I i 4; De Beata Vita i 6; De Ordine I ii 5.13 Nebridius, another close friend, does not seem to have been at

    Cassiciacum, though associated with Augustine both in Carthage andMilan. He died a Christian not long after Augustine's baptism {Conf.IX iii 6).

    1* Severus, Evodius, Profuturus and Urbanus. See also Chap. XI,note I.

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    12 INTRODUCTIONtine's death.-^ Possidius himself states at the

    , ., , very close of the Vita that he had lived withLtfe of ^Possidius Augustine on terms of intimate friendship for

    "almost forty years." Augustine was madePresbyter at Hippo in 391 and "soon after"-^ established hismonastery. As this was thirty-nine years before Augustine'sdeath, Possidius must have become connected with the monas-tery at the very beginning or soon after. Where he camefrom and how he came to enter the monastery must remainmatters of conjecture, but it seems fair to suppose that hecame from Hippo or the immediate neighborhood.The date of Possidius's birth, also, may be arrived at only

    approximately. As he was still Hving and performing hisepiscopal duties seven years after the death of Augustine,'^*who Hved to be seventy-six,-* he was in aU HkeHhood youngerthan his teacher and friend. When he entered the monastery,therefore, he was probably not over thirty, as Augustine wasthen thirty-five. Moreover he was probably at least twenty, inview of the fact that he soon became Augustine's intimatefriend. This would accordingly fix the date of his birthsomewhere between the years 360 and 370.

    In 397, probably within a short time after the death ofMegaHus, Bishop of Calama and Primate of Numidia, Pos-sidius succeeded to this episcopate, though not to the primacy,as that was an office of seniority, not of locaHty, in the Afri-can Church. From this time tiU his activities were tempor-arily checked by the invasion of the Vandals, he seems tohave led a not unusual Hfe for a North African bishop of thefifth century, journeying to the various parts of his diocese,attending councils and defending the Church against the at-tacks of heretics.About the year 403 Possidius made two attempts to arrange2iProsper, Chronicon, PL 51, 597 (PL = Patrologia Latina).22 Vita V.23 Prosper, Chronicon, PL 51, 597.24 Vita XXXI.

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    14 INTRODUCTIONfered and as the insult could not be tolerated, the clergy at-tempted to stop the celebration, but were driven back into thechurch and assailed with stones. Possidius did not allow thisto pass unnoticed and carried the case before the properauthorities who promised to exact the penalty imposed by thelaw. About June g, however, before anything had been done,the pagans again attacked the church with stones. On thefollowing day, accordingly, Possidius and his people took thematter to court but were refused admittance. A few hourslater the church was a third time besieged, and not being sat-isfied with the damage they could do with stones, the paganstried to burn the buildings together with the people in them.One man was killed and Possidius escaped only by hiding ina narrow crevice while the pagans roamed about in search ofhim. According to Augustine they were much disappointed,since their chief desire was to do away with the bishop. Theuproar was finally quieted by a stranger who seemed to havegained some influence with them. Through his efforts thecaptives were set free and much plunder returned. Augustinehimself journeyed to Calama to comfort the people and toadmonish and, if possible, convert the pagans, but evidentlywithout much success. An edict^^ issued by Honorius in No-vember of the same year, directing that the images and altarsof the pagans be destroyed and their temples be confiscated forpubHc use, was no doubt provoked by this disturbance.To this period belong Possidius's two journeys to Italy.Though only one is generally mentioned, there were evidentlytwo. The first was occasioned by the recent pagan uprising^^and took place after July 408 and before March 27, 409.This date is made clear by a letter of Augustine in which hesays that on March 27 he received an answer to a letter hehad written about eight months before, when Possidius had

    81 Cod. Theod. XVI 10, 19.82 Compare the words of Augustine : cum ex ipso audieritis quam

    tristis eum causa compulerit: Ep. XCV i.

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    INTRODUCTION 15not yet embarked on his voyage.^' From this letter it wouldalso appear that Possidius was expected to return shortly, forAugustine suggests that possibly the citizens of Calama hadheard a rumor that Possidius had obtained authority to punishthem more severely (severius),^^ though no such report hadas yet reached him,The other visit to the imperial court was on an embassy ap-

    pointed by a council which met at Carthage on July i, 410.^'The purpose of this embassy was to secure the renewal of thelaws against the Donatists which had been temporarily sus-pended.^*^ Possidius and his coUeagues seem to have accomp-lished their purpose, for in August 410 Honorius issued a de-cree^'' warning heretics and pagans not to hold public meetingsand declaring confiscation of property or even death as thepenalty for violation of the law.At the great Collatio of 411 between the Catholics and Do-

    natists assembled at Carthage by order of the Emperor, Pos-sidius played a rather prominent part. Two hundred andeighty-six Cathohc bishops were present. From this numberseven were chosen to carry on the discussion, among whomwere Augustine, Possidius and Alypius,^ although the debatewas carried on almost entirely by Augustine. Possidius ap-

    33 Nam ego rescripseram, cttm adhuc nobiscum esset, neque navigas-set sanctus frater et coepiscopus meus Possidius. Has autem quas meicausa illi dignatus es reddere, accepi vi kal. April, post menses fermeocto, quam scripseram: Ep. CIV i.

    3* More severely, no doubt, than they had already been punished bythe edict of Honorius in the preceding November.

    3' Mansi III 810. There seems to be some confusion as to this date.In the Acts of the Councils it is given as Honorii VHI et TheodosiiIV. However, to agree with the Fasti Consulares (ed. W. Liebenam,pp. 41-42) it ought to read Honorii VIII et Theodosii III, and thiscould apply to either 409 or 410. Accordingly 410 has been adopted asbeing the more probable. This date is also given in the margin ofMansi's edition, though 409 is given in the index.

    36 Cod. Theod. XVI 5, 47.3^ Cod. Theod. XVI 5, 51.38 Mansi IV 8.

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    i6 INTRODUCTIONpears at two other councils. At that of Milevum in 416^^ hejoined with other bishops in signing a letter,**' written prob-ably by Augustine, to Innocent I, calling attention to the new-born Pelagian heresy and requesting that it be suppressed.Shortly afterwards, together with his old friends of the mon-astery at Hippo, Augustine, Alypius, Evodius and one out-sider, Aurelius, Bishop of Carthage, he signed another letter*^to Innocent, urging that this same heresy be formally de-nounced. The other council, though it is scarcely to be dig-nified by so important a name, was that held at Caesarea in418, to which the Donatist bishop Emeritus was invited.*^When the Vandals invaded Africa in 428, Calama was oneof the many towns which fell into their hands. Possidius tookrefuge with Augustine at Hippo, one of the three cities whichstill maintained their independence. There he witnessed thedeath of Augustine in 430 and remained till the siege of Hippowas abandoned by the Vandals in 431.*^ By or before thetime an agreement was reached in 435 between the RomanEmperor and the Arian Geiseric, Possidius no doubt returnedto his former charge, where he probably remained unmolestedas long as he performed his duties quietly and did not attractthe attention of the Arian authorities. In 437, however, whenGeiseric endeavored to substitute Arianism for the Catholicfaith, Possidius and several other bishops were driven fromtheir sees because they refused to yield to the demands of theVandal ruler.** This is the last we hear of Possidius. Hemay have gone to Italy, but there is no evidence to that effect.He is honored by the CathoHc Church on May 17.Were it not for Possidius's own statement in the last para-

    graph of the Vita, we should probably not recognize so readily39 Mansi IV 335.*^Ep. CLXXVI. Ep. CLXXVII.*2 De Gestis cum Emerito PL 43, 697 ; Vita XIV.43 Vita XXVIII.** Prosper, Chronicon, PL 51, 5^.

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    i8 INTRODUCTIDNably the most significant of these is found in

    Referen"ces to ^P- ^^' addressed to a certain Bishop Memor,Possidius in which Augustine discloses his affection for

    Possidius by calhng him "no small image ofmy own self" : Nimis autem ingratum ac ferreum fuit, ut tequi nos sic amas, hic sanctus frater et collega noster Possidius,in quo nostram noti parvam praesentiam reperies, vei non dis-ceret, vel sine litteris nostris disceret. Est enim per nostrumministerium non litteris illis, quas variarum servi libidinumliherales vocant, sed dominico pane nutritus, quantus ei potuitper nostras angustias dispensari. This is Augustine's fullestreference to Possidius and as it agrees so well with Possidius'sown statements it serves to confirm our faith in him. An-other letter written about this same time, while not so perti-nent, still deserves notice. It begins in this manner : Cum vosfratres nostri coniunctissimi nobis, quos nobiscum desideratidesiderare et salutati resalutare consuestis, assidue vident, nontam augentur bona nostra, quam consolantur mala}'' ThoughAugustine may here be speaking in general terms, yet hemeans Possidius in particular, for he at once proceeds to namehim as the person he has in mind. The other references toPossidius are of less importance and need only to be indicated.He concludes Ep. CXXXVII to Volusianus with a greetingfrom Possidius who is evidently visiting him, and in the DeCivitate Dei XXII viii he speaks of a cure supposed to havebeen effected by a rehc which the bishop of Calama hadbrought to that city.

    Because of this prolonged and intimate friendship. Possidiuswas pecuHarly fitted for the task he undertook. He had ob-served Augustine's daily Hfe continuously for at least five years.He had seen him in the various phases of his work as teacher

    and administrator : instructing the people orHis peculiar the clergy or managing the funds of thehis^Task church, or caring for the poor and the widows

    or judging the disputes of his parishioners.*7 Ep. XCV.

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    INTRODUCTION 21raphy and which is best illustrated in the Lives of Suetonius.^^Possidius's acquaintance vvith this literary form evidently camenot directly from classical sources but through his knowledgeof the Lives of former Christian biographers.^- Chief amongthese was undoubtedly Jerome, who acknowledges his indebt-edness to Suetonius.^^ This form of biography lays principalstress on personal traits. Hence while Augustine's own writ-ings are indispensable in forming an estimate of his far-reach-ing powers as a theologian, philosopher and preacher, were itnot for the intimate revelations of every-day life presented byPossidius, our picture of his personality would be incomplete.The date generally given for the composition of the Vita is

    432. From Possidius's words it is clear that it must havebeen written after July 431, when the siege of Hippo wasabandoned by the Vandals, for he says he was in Hippo dur-ing the whole time of the siege.^* Further-more, his use of quondam in the same chapter ^^^ 0// j n .- . - , Composition{quonaain Bonifacius) seems to presuppose j the Vitathe death of Boniface, which occurred about432. The terminus ad quem is the destruction of Carthage in439, for Possidius states that when he wrote Carthage stillremained uncaptured.^^ While the probabihties favor 432 orsoon after as the date of the composition of the Vita, the evi-dence for this is not complete and the nearest certain ap-proximation attainable is 432-439. No evidence derived fromthe date of the burning of Hippo, which is unknown, or fromthe presumed escape of the church library from the conflagra-tion can be deduced to help in fixing the date of the Vita moreclosely. The Indiculus must, of course, have been made upfrom the books in the library at Hippo and might very prob-

    ^^Leo, F., Die Griechische-Rdmische Biographie, pp. 11-16.^2 See his Praefatio, p. 38.^3 Roth, C. L., Snetonius, p. 287.^* quam urbem ferme qiiattiordecim mensibus conclusam obsederunt

    . . . in eademque omni eius obsidioms tempore fuimus: Vita XXVIII.55 Vita XXVIII.

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    22 INTRODUCTIONably have been compiled during the siege in 431 and later af-fixed to the Vita.The Vita, as already suggested, is a plain recital of facts

    and incidents which give a clear insight into Augustine's dailylife in pubHc and private, based on the writer's personal andintimate knowledge. That Possidius was a man of moder-

    ate education appears readily. His style is^*y^^ wholly unadorned. It is the work of a plain

    man and untrained writer. This appears im-mediately in the striking contrast between the style of Pos-sidius and that of the letter of Augustine, wonderful both inthought and style, which he embodies in Chapter XXX. Theletter reads so smoothly and the argument is so clearly ex-pressed that the scribes found Httle trouble in understandingit. This contrast with the diction of Possidius is furtherbrought out by the very noticeable decrease in the variationsand difficulties which this letter presents in aH the MSS. Thestyle of Possidius also differs radicaHy from that of Augustinein that it lacks vivacity, versatiHty and copiousness. The formis somewhat stiff and the expression, while always marked bycandor and often by naive beauty, frequently lacks fluency.The sentences are frequently abrupt and loosely connected,They are bald, unrhetorical and often wanting in animation.While his style in some degree resembles that of Suetoniusthis is evidently due to the example of Christian biographyand not to the direct influence of Suetonius, as there appearsto be no evidence that Possidius had any acquaintance with hiswritings. Possidius is both naive and commonplace in hismanner. His sentences show neither balance nor finish andare sometimes marred by awkward parenthetical statements orcurious doubHng of expression, Except in the Preface, noserious attempt at Hterary finish is made. There is no philos-ophizing or play of the imagination ; neither is there any pad-ding or moraHzing. Though the sentences are not long andinvolved, yet they are frequently awkward and the thought isnot always clearly expressed. It is a simple matter-of-fact ac-

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    INTRODUCTION 23count vvithout embellishment, and is not weighed down with amass of fable and fiction. Possidius shows self-restraint andmodesty, with a touching sincerity and devotion to his leader,The work abounds in bibhcal references and quotations whichare apt and reveal a considerable acquaintance with the Scrip-tures.^*^ Outside the Scriptures he quotes only three books,the Vita Ambrosii of PauHnus, the De Mortalitate of Cyprianand the Confessiones of Augustinea very Hmited circleandtwo or three unidentified commonplaces. With the Confes-siones he was quite famihar. He quotes no secular writer.His one aim was to reveal Augustine as man and bishop in hisdaily Hfe, work and character. Of this he has given a faith-ful, if incomplete picture, one of absorbing interest and attimes of unaffected beauty.His Latinity is that of his own time, as used by a man of

    only fair abiHty and education. His vocabulary, arrangementand style are thus restricted by his ow^n Hmitations. It is un-rhetorical narrative Latin of the fifth century. Characteristicsof stiH later Latin also begin to appear.The text of this edition of the Vita is based on a coHation

    of ten of the earHer MSS., five from France and five fromItaly, in photostatic copy. Of these, four of the latter and at

    least one of the former have been examinedManuscripts for previous editions. A description of each

    of these ten MSS. foHows:"A BibHotheque de Chartres 112. IMembraneus. 125^. 220 x170 mihim., saec. IX-X. i. S. Augustini Vita scripta aPossidio episcopo.^^

    s^ Some of these are direct quotations from the Vulgate ; others aretaken from some pre-Vulgate versions. Many of them are apparentlyloose quotations from memory.

    5^ With the exception of A, the descriptions of the MSS. are takenfrom the Bollandist Catalogus Codiciim Hagiographicorum Latinoriimfor the Vatican and for the Bibliotheque Nationale,

    5s \Ye have no means of determining what exact title, if any, wasgiven by Possidius to his Life of Augustine. The titles, as given inthe ten MSS. consulted, vary greatly. The one most common element

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    24 INTRODUCTIONAs one of the earliest copies giving the complete textvvith fewer and less serious errors than any other, it isclearly the best of the ten MSS. It is carefully writtenin an excellent hand and presents only occasional er-rors. The observable errors in A are confined to 35instances of haplography, its characteristic fauh, 25 er-roneous substitution of single letters, perhaps 5 impos-sible readings, and some easily detected and insignifi-cant other slips here and there. They are all noted inthe apparatus criticus.^^ This MS. seems to be quotedonce, but inaccurately, by the Benedictine editors under

    in them is the initial Sancti Augustini Vita, followed by some sort ofreference to Possidius as the author, who is characterized as bishopin every instance but one where his name appears. I have taken as aprovisional title Sancti Augustini Vita scripta a Possidio Episcopo, theheading given in A.

    In all the MSS. consulted the body of the text is continuous, even inthe fragmentary MSS., without any division into chapters, and con-sequently without any chapter titles. In a few cases there are con-secutive Roman numerals entered at the side of the text at irregularintervals, but not continuing beyond the eariier part of the text. Itis of course possible that these may have been intended by one oranother scribe to indicate chapter divisions, but as they do not agreewith each other nor extend through the body of the text nor cor-respond to the natural Hterary divisions, they may be disregarded asinsignificant.59 Some examples of these fauhs are altusque for alitusque Chap-ter I, manente for manentes and the omission of ac perficere IX, cir-celliones for circuntcelliones X, episcopum for episcopi cum XIII, theomission of loquacitate . . . collatione XVII, the omission of impium. . . ministerium and quando . . . necessarium XXX 7; cogitandi atqueorandi for cogitanti atque oranti III, multum . . . aurarium for mttlc-tam . . . aurariam and contmendatio for condemnatio XII, hibehantfor vivebant XV, sectae for rectae XVIII, reticebantur for recitahan-tur XXIV, lucis for locis, evolatos for evolutos, fania contubescerentfor fame contabescerent and regionum for regiorum XXVIII, absit forohsit XXX 10; intellexit for intercessit XII, heresi se for recessisseXVII, memorare for memor erat XXIII, orantibus for videntihusXXVII, ad locum uncti for ad loca munita XXX 2.

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    INTRODUCTION 25the name Carnotensis, yet it nowhere appears in thelist of MSS. which they have consulted.^"

    B Vatican, Codex Reginae Sueciae 1025. Membraneus, foli-orum 211 (o'",273 x 0,222), paginis bipartitis exaratussaec. XI. 8. (Fol. i^^^^-is^') Vita S. Augustini ep. con-scripta a Possidio ep. = BHL. 785, 786.This MS. is complete and in general agrees with A,though it contains numerous errors and occasional read-ings taken from the second or variant group of MSS.Omissions and corrections are frequent. It is one ofthe MSS. used by SaHnas.

    C Vatican, Codex Reginae Sueciae 541. Membraneus, foli-XXorum 179, signata olim I I (0^,378 x 0,274), pa-ginis, bipartitis exaratus variis manibus saec. XII. 63.(Fol. 158-166) Vita S. Augustini ep. = BHL. 785.The main representative of the second or variant group.It is neatly written and errors are rather less numerousthan in B. However it substitutes not a few readingsof its own which are not found in the other MSS. Thetext is complete. Also used by Sahnas.D BibHotheque Nationale, Codex signatus num. 2076. Olimcoenobii Dervensis, deinde Petri Pithoei, deinde Thua-neus, deinde Colbertinus 1237, postea Regius C. 377S-3-3.FoHorum 144, med. (o",285 x 0,23), columnis binisexaratus saec. X. 3. (Fol. lo^^-i^o) Vita heati Augus-tini a beatissinio Possidio edita Calamensi episcopo.In close agreement with C. There are many correc-tions, usually to the readings peculiar to C. It is com-plete.E Bibliotheque Nationale, Codex signatus num. 13220. OlimFrancisci de Harlay archiepiscopi Rotomagensis, deindecoenobii sancti Martialis Lemovicensis, postea San-Germ., Harlay 369. Foliorum 211, min. (fere o^^i^S x0,44), Hneis plenis, exaratus diversis manibus saec. X.

    ^ Salinas p. 65, Migne z^, 49 note 2.

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    26 INTRODUCTION9. (Fol. Q^^-i^^") Vita Sancti Augustini episcopi Hip-ponensis, a beato Possidio edita Calamensi episcopo.Very carefully written, The few errors are generallycorrected. It contains many interlinear explanatorywords entered in a later hand above the correspondingword in the text. The conclusion of the Vita is miss-ing. Though this MS. was once at St. Germain, it can-not be the MS. quoted by the Benedictine editors iasGermanensis, for the readings do not agree.

    F Bibliotheque Nationale, Codex signatus num. 11748. OHmsancti Mauri Fossatensis 38, deinde San-Germ., prius1060, recentius 487. Foliorum 155, med. (o'",36 x 0,27),columnis binis, exaratus saec. X. 9. (Fol. ^o^-^s") Vitaheati Augustini.Very inaccurate in case endings. The text is complete.It is quoted in the Benedictine edition under the nameFossatensis and is called vetustissimus.^'^

    G BibHotheque Nationale, Codex signatus num. 10863. OHmcoenobii "Luxovinensis" (fol. i), deinde Suppl. lat.1445. FoHorum 99, min. (o^j^i x 0,14), Hneis plenis,exaratus saec. IX. i. (Fol. 24-52) Vita sancti Augus-tini auctore Possidio.Likewise inaccurate in case endings. The first nine anda half chapters are missing and a portion of Augustine'sletter is omitted.*^^H Vatican, Codex 1190 (oHm^i^i). Membraneus, foHorumA et sign. 1-179, 181-264 (0^,380 x 0,282), paginis bi-partitis exaratus variis manibus saec. XII. 36. (Fol.^^^-97) ^cta S. Augustini ep. = BHL. 785.Fragmentary. Used by SaHnas.

    / Vatican, Codex 1191. Membraneus, foHorum 205 (0^,430X 0,308), paginis bipartitis exaratus saec. XII extr.61 Migne 32, 55 note 6.62 The MSS. EFG on the whole agree rather with CD than with AB,

    though somewhat unsteadily.

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    INTRODUCTION 2770. (Fol. 198-203'^) Vita S. Augiistini ep. edita a Pos-sidio ep. = BHL. 785.Still more fragmentary. Used by Salinas.K Bibliotheca Vallicellana, Tomus I. Membraneus, foliorumA et sign. 1-336 (o^y^G^ x 0,360), paginis bipartitis ex-aratus saec. XI/XII. 92. (Fol. 250-254") Natale S.Augtistini ep. = BHL. 785.Closely related to H. Fragmentary. It also breaks offabruptly in Chapter XXIV.

    LMNOP Five MSS. used by the Benedictine editors: duoFloriacenses, Germanensis, Vedastinus, Cisterciensis.Q Brussels, Bollandist Museum, P.MS 5.

    Belongs to the AB group, being related very closely to B.The order of the MSS. E-K represents no particular classi-

    fication, except that G-K are more or less fragmentary. Thereadings from the MSS. L-Q, as given in the Benedictine edi-tion and the Acta Sanctoriim, are indicated in the apparatuscriticus, though the former are very few and generally unfim-portant. However, when the Benedictine editors quote theirMSS. as codex unus or codex alter, as they usually do, therebymaking it impossible to identify the MS. from which the vari-ant is taken, the reading has been omitted. The variants givenfrom Q are important.

    In addition to the manuscripts enumerated and describedabove, readings in crucial places from seventeen manu-scripts in the BibHotheque Nationale were obtained throughthe courtesy of M. Omont, Conservateur des Manuscrits.The readings thus obtained closely confirm the consensusof the other manuscripts used as against the readingsintroduced by previous editors. They do not, however, aidin determining more clearly the relative value of the body ofmanuscripts used as the basis for this edition. These seven-teen manuscripts are marked in the general list of manu-scripts on page 30 by the letters ahcdefghijklmnopqr.

    In determining the relative value of the various MSS. onefact must be kept in mind, namely that the texts of the lives

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    28 INTRODUCTIONof saints dld not receive the same consideration as those ofclassical writers. Lives of saints were very common and werefreely multiplied. Scribes were less careful with them thanwith either the Scriptures or classical writings for which agreater amount of regard was felt; for the former be-cause of their inspired nature and for the latter because oftheir rarity and antiquity. Hence there was less restraint incopying the texts of these Lives. Accordingly there are moreindividual differences in such MSS., and the family groupsare not as clearly defined. Moreover since the MSS. of anyone Life are so much more numerous than for most classicaltextsin the present case probably two hundred or moredefinite relationship is clearly more difficult to establish on thebasis of only a part of the extant MSS. of a given Life.Thus in the case of the ten MSS. of the Vita Augustini ex-

    amined for this edition, each MS. is in some degree independentof the others. Under such conditions, therefore, the choice ofthe best MS. or group of MSS., may be made by a process ofelimination. In a comparison of the ten MSS. with a view tothis choice GHJK may be omitted as they are quite fragmen-tary. Of the other six MSS. the crucial readings of A and Bfrequently agree in opposition to all the others, thus showinga certain relationship between these two. For instance in thePraefatio AB read videar fraudare, whereas CDFHK readfraudare videar; AB autem, CDEFHK enim. In Chapter I Aand B both read carthaginensi which is, of course, an error fortagastensi. In this same chapter AB read assistens as againstastans in CDEFHJK. Other instances of this agreementbetween A and B may easily be found in the apparatus criticus.

    C, on the other hand, contains many readings found in noneof the other nine MSS., except only in the corrections madein D by a second hand. Thus in Chapter VIII for the readingsed consacerdos found in the other MSS. CD* have quamconsacerdos; in Chapter IX for Quae cum audisse^t . . .comperta, CD* have quae vir beatus comperta; at the end ofChapter XV while the other MSS. vary between vivat, vivit

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    INTRODUCTION 31CATALOGUEPLACE OF DEPOSIT NUMBER FOLIOS OF TEXT DATE

    f Paris: Bibl. Nat. 5296 214-216^ (fr) XIIIParis: Bibl. Nat. 5343 63-79 (79-84 Ind) XIIh Paris: Babl. Nat. 5365 66^-68^ 77-77^, 69-73 XII

    j Paris: Bibl. Nat. 8995 35-49 (om. praef.) XIIIG Paris: Bibl. Nat. 10863 24-52 (ff. missing) IXF Paris: Bibl. Nat. 11748 20-32 (32-35 Ind) Xk Paris: Bibl. Nat. 117S0 148-156 XI

    Paris: Bibl. Nat. 117S3 122-128 (fr) XIIl Paris: Bibl. Nat. 117S8 163-172 XIIIm Paris: Bibl. Nat. 117S9 59-60, 282-287 XIVn Paris: Bibl. Nat. 12606 88-93 XIIE Paris: Bibl. Nat. 13220 96-134 X

    Paris: Bibl. Nat. 14651 228-239 XVP Paris: Bibl. Nat. 15437 136-141 XIq Paris: Bibl. Nat. 16734 155-162 XII

    Paris: Bibl. Nat. 17002 231-232 (fr) XParis: Bibl. Nat. 17005 159-160 (fr) XIIParis: Bibl. Nat. N. A. 1595 136-137 (fr) IX

    r Paris: Bibl. Nat. N. A. 2178 106-122 XIParis: Bibl. Nat. N. A. 2179 279-286 (fr) XIParis: Bibl. Nat. N. A. 2261 72-79 XIIRouen: Bibl. Pub. 1388 (U32) 105-106 (fr) XIIRouen: Bibl. Pub. 1412 (A40) 88-90 (fr) XII

    GermanyBamberg: K. Oeffent. Bibl. 1024 1-21 XBerlin: Kgl. Bibl. 123 344-3S5 XIIIErlangen: K. Univ. Bibl. 258 21 (fr) XIILeipzig: Stadtbibl. CXCV 19-34 XIIIMunich: Kgl. Bibl. 701 174-180 XIVMunich: Kgl. Bibr. 7638 10-26 XIIMunich: Kgl. Bibl. 17041 65-81 XIIMunich: Kgl. Bibl. 17732 68-180 (?) XIIMiinster: Univ. Bibl. 144 (272) 1-32 XIVMiinster: Univ. Bibl. 218 (348) ? XVTrier: Stadtbibl. 156 176-187 XVIGreat BritainDublin: Trinity College 45 ? XIIIDurham: Cathedral B IV 14 219-235 (Ind) XIIILondon: Brit. Mus. 15621, Addit. of 2-26 XIII

    1845London: Brit. Mus. 16161, Addit. of 144- ? XII

    1846London: Brit. Mus. 35110, Addit. of 9-28 (28-29 Ind) XII

    1899Italy

    Milan: Bibl. Ambros. B 33 ;[nf. 6-20 (20-23 Ind) XIIIMilan: Bibl. Ambros. B 55 :[nf. 97-103 XIMilan: Bibl. Ambros. D 22 Inf. 170- 189 XIIMilan: Bibl. Ambros. H 224 Inf. 59-72 XUMilan: Bibl. Ambros. P 113 Sup. 100-113 (fr) XMonte Cassino CXLVII 401-430 XI

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    32 INTRODUCTIONCATALOGUEPLACE OF DEPOSIT NUMBER POLIOS OF TEXT DATE

    Naples: Bibl. Nat. XVAAlSTom 111205-205^ 209-209^ (fr) XIIIRome: Bibl. Angelica 1269 240-266 (Ind) XIIIRome: Lateran A80 72-84'' XIRome: Sanctae Mariae MaiorisB 108-114 (fr) XIIIK Rome: Bibl. Vallicellana Tom I 250-254V (fr) XIXIIRome: Bibl. ValHcellana Tom XXV 287^-289^ (fr) XI-XIIRome: Vatican 214-219 XVH Rome: Vatican 1190 88'-97 (fr) XIIJ Rome: Vatican 1191 198-203^ (fr) XIIRome: Vatican 1271 350-351' (fr) XIIRome: Vatican Pal. 225 32-66" (Ind) XVC Rome: Vatican Cod. Reg. Sueciael58-166 XII

    541B Rome: Vatican Cod. Reg. Sueciael37v.l50^ (150''- 156 Ind)XI1025

    Switserla/ndSt. Gall: Stiftsbibl. 571 50-178 (1-48 In d) IXSt. Gall: Stiftsbibl. 577 451-498 (498- ? In d) IX-XBern: Stadtbibl. A8 6^^ (praef. only) XIIEngelberg: Benedictine 2 (62^^-66 Ind) XII

    Monastery

    The earlier editions of the Vita Augustini in the fifteenthand sixteenth centuries were not printed separately but wereregularly included in volumes containing works of Augustine.They are catalogued in part in the Bihliotheca HagiographicaLatina 785 and in the British Miiseum Catalogue under Pos-sidius. The most important older edition not printed sepa-rately but included with the works of Augustine is in the Bene-dictine edition printed at Paris, 1679-1700.^It was based on previous editions and, if we

    may judge from the readings given, on a veryditions66 This is one of the MSS. used by Salinas. However it is not the

    Vita proper, but consists in extracts from the Vita with later addi-tions. It is the form of the Vita described as follows under BHL792: VITA ET TRANSLATIONES. Inc. Bb. Augustinus ex provin-cia Africae civitate Thagastensi honestis et christianis parentibus pro-genitus fuit. Des. lure igitur in apostolica est collocatus ecclesia quiapro apostolica. . .

    67 This edition was reprinted at Antwerp 1700-1703, Venice 1729-1734, Bassano 1807, Paris 1836-1839 and by Migne, Petit-Montrouge1841-1849 and again at Paris in 1865 as part of the Patrologia Latina.

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    INTRODUCTION 33cursory examination of six MSS., FLMNOP. It appears tohave made but few alterations in the traditional printed text.Some criticism of the Benedictine and earher editions is foundin the edition by Sahnas, printed at Rome in 1731, pp. V-VIII.

    This edition by SaHnas is the first separate edition of theVita. It is based on an examination of certain earher editions,chiefly the Benedictine, and MSS. BCHJ and Vatican MS.1188*'^ at first hand. The edition is divided into two parts, thefirst containing the text of the Vita with critical and explana-tory notes and the second a dissertation by SaHnas De Vita etRebus Gestis S. Possidii. His scanty citations of readings fromthe smah group of MSS. he used, as tested by an examinationof photostatic copies, are generahy accurate, but several er-rors occur. He gives no classification or estimate of theirrelative value, though he seems to have a preference for C.His text, on the whole, differs very Httle from that of theBenedictine edition. His choice or change of readings, whenexplained at all, is based not on manuscript evidence, butrather on extraneous suggestions, generaHy of a historicalnature.The explanatory notes in the edition of SaHnas are not

    very frequent. Nevertheless they give fuH and even superflu-ous information, consisting largely of quotations from Augus-tine, the Acts of Councils and other iUustrations from churchhistory. The main fault of the notes is that they are oftenburdened with unnecessary matter and are not proportioned tothe importance of the subject explained. Sahnas also addedthe chapter headings, which do not appear in the earHer edi-tions. These have been retained in the present edition as pro-viding convenient summaries of each chapter.

    ^s 5". Aurelii Augustiiii Hipponesis Episcopi Vita auctore S. PossidioCalamensi Episcopo . . . opera et studio D. Joannis Salinas, Romae1731. A copy of this rare book was procured for the Library of Prince-ton University by the late Director Jesse Benedict Carter of the Ameri-can Academy at Rome.

    ^^ See note 66, p. 32.

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    34 INTRODUCTIONThe work of Salinas, however, has a distinct value. Apart

    from the earher Benedictine edition, it is the first edition whichattempts to be critical. Its general review of the text, thoughnot made by scientific method, represents a certain advanceover anything done before, and the information in the notesis usually reHable.

    There are three other editions which deserve brief notice.The Migne edition (1865) is merely a reprint of the Benedic-tine edition with a comparison of Salinas and the addition ofhis critical notes. The text in the Acta Sanctorum (Paris,1866) is a reprint of the text of SaUnas with variant readingsfrom Q. There is also an edition by Hurter in SanctorumPatrum Opuscula Selecta, Innsbruck 1895. The source of thetext is not evident, as it agrees neither with the Benedictinenor Salinas edition, but seems to result from a capricious al-teration of both. It abounds in errors of omission, transposi-tions and even has insertions which appear nowhere else, eitherin the ten MSS. used or in the editions. However it containssome valuable comments and a few selections from the criticalnotes of SaHnas.The textus receptus evidently dates back to the early edi-

    tions, at least to the Louvain edition of 1564. Many Hbertieshave been taken in altering the text, chiefly to fit the rules of

    classical grammar or to make it read moreThe Text smoothly. Instances are the substitution of

    the accusative for the ablative, in ipsas mon-iium silvas et cofernas petrarum et speluncas confugientes:XXVIII ; the subjunctive for the indicative, praedicaret: IX ;the imperfect for the pluperfect subjunctive, denegaret: XIV;a change to a more suitable conjunction, sed for et: XIV;petitus iret for petitum ire: XXVII, to avoid an abrupt changeof construction ; astantem for assistentem: XXVII, for no rea-son at aU apparently ; the unnecessary insertion of deheo:Praef ., to complete the sentence ; the omission of nam and in-sertion of autem: XXXI, and the substitution of the ablativeabsolute for the accusative, eisquc compertis for eaque com-

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    INTRODUCTION 35perta: IX, because the parenthetical remarks were somewhatobscured; oppropinquaret for propinquaret: IV, and elevatafor levata: V; the substitution of spectaret for speraret: IV,evidently because the common meaning of spero did not fit;factus ergo for factusque: V; iuste for iniusti: XIII; latebrasfor latera: XV ; probata for prolata: XVII ; suos for ^ww;XXV; inobediensve for inobediensque: XXVIII; the insertionof quod after credo: XV; the addition, by Salinas, of conver-sus ad Deum: II, and verbum Dei: V; the numerous substitu-tions of iis for his which appears consistently in all the MSS.'^In some of these instances the readings of the editions perhapsmay find support in MSS. not available for this edition, butthe changes are altogether too numerous and too nice to beanything but an attempt at wholesale text-improvement. Thistext was unquestioningly adopted by later editions, without somuch as an indication of the manuscript readings at many suchplaces. Nevertheless, despite the aUerations made by editors,the main body of the text is clear in all the manuscripts con-sulted, and the area of disputable readings, significant or in-significant, is only about eight hundred words out of a totalof over twelve thousand.

    In basing the text on AB, the best group of the MSS. A-K,it becomes clear that while there are no difficulties in the formof lacunae or corrupt passages of extended length, there aremany readings, principally of individual words, which needexact determination. All these readings have been minutelyexamined and tested by the weight of the manuscript evidenceavailable and a comparison of the usage of Possidius in otherinstances. Such alterations in the text as have been madewithout manuscript authority in previous editions have been

    '0 Compare, for example, the unanimous evidence of the MSS. asopposed to the editions on p. 44. Further instances of this sort of textcorrection where the evidence of the MSS. is unanimously opposed to theeditions, are recorded in the apparatus criticus. In some other caseswhen the MSS. vary, the editions nevetheless present some individualreadings unsupported by any of the MSS.

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    36 INTRODUCTIONlargely subjective and have tended to obscure the lan-guage and style of Possidius. The purpose of this edition isto present a revision of previous editions in the Hght of fullerevidence from a larger number of MSS. and to arrive at atext v^hich reproduces as nearly as possible what Possidiuswrote, rather than what he should have written. While theresult is a text written in a manner somewhat more uncouth,abrupt and awkward than is found in the editions where thetext abounds in smooth corrections of editors, it is neverthelessevidently the truer text.

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    Benedictine MSS.

    LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS IN THE APPARATUSCRITICUSA Chartres 112,B Vatican 1025.C Vatican 541.D Paris 2076.E Paris 13220.F Paris 11 748.G Paris 10863.H Vatican 1190./ Vatican 1191.K Vallicellana I.L Floriacensis IM Floriacensis IIN GermanensisVedastinusP CisterciensisQ P. MS 5 (in Acta Sanctorum)a-r 17 supplementary MSS., see page 30.Sal. Salinas.Ben. Benedictine.Mi. Migne.edd. Salinas, Benedictine, Migne.* Second hand or change by first hand.1 Words foUowed by a single square bracket are ex-

    tracts from the text adopted in this edition.Readings Noted in the Apparatus Criticus.

    The readings noted are the variant readings, with no cita-tions from the MSS. supporting the text, except where thereis considerable confusion in the MSS. and where readings ofthe supplementary MSS. a^r are given.

    Z7

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    LIFE OF SAINT AUGUSTINEWRITTEN BY THE BISHOP POSSIDIUSPREFACE

    Inspired by God, the Maker and Ruler of all, and mindfulof my purpose wherein through the grace of the Saviour Iresolved faithfully to serve the omnipotent and divine Trin-ity, both formerly as a layman and now as a bishop, I ameager with whatever ability and eloquence I possess, to aid inthe edification of the holy and true CathoHc Church of Christthe Lord, and so [have resolved] not to keep silent concern-ing the Hfe and character of the most noble Bishop Augustine,predestined long ago and presented in his own timethethings that I have seen in him and heard from him. I haveread and observed that this very thing was often done intimes past by most devout men of the holy CathoHc MotherChurch. Inspired by the divine Spirit, yet using their ownspeech and style, they spoke and wrote Hke histories for theears and eyes of those who wished to learn, and thus broughtto the notice of the studious the great men who were countedworthy by the Lord's free grace both to Hve amid human af-fairs and to persevere to the end of their course. Thereforein that faith unfeigned whereby all righteous and faithfulsouls must serve and please the Lord of Lords, I also, theleast of all His stewards, have determined, with the Lord'shelp, to set forth the origin, career and end of this venerableman as I have learned them from him and observed themthrough so many years of loving fellowship. But I beseechautem superfluwn est qiiia reticere similiter ac servire cx decrevi pendet17 domini CDEF edd., per communis domini gratiam OL vel M. Qexhibet dominica.

    39

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    40 SANCTI AUGUSTINl VITAmunus huiusmodi a me arreptum ita geram et peragam, ut necPatris luminum- offendam veritatem, nec bonorum Ecclesiaefiiiorum ulla ex parte videar fraudare caritatem. Nec attin-gam ea omnia insinuare, quae idem beatissimus Augustinus in

    c suis Confessionum libris de semetipso, qualis ante perceptamgratiam fuerit qualisque iam sumpta viveret, designavit. Hocautem facere voluit, ut ait Apostolus, ne de se quisquam homi-num supra quam se esse noverat, aut de se auditum fuisset,crederet vel putaret,^ humilitatis sanctae more utique [suo]

    10 nihilo fallens, sed laudem non suam, sed sui Domini de proprialiberatione ac munere quaerens, ex his videHcet quae iamperceperat, et fraternas preces poscens de his quae acciperecupiebat. Sacramentum igitur regis, ut angeHca auctoritateprolatum est, honum est abscondere: opera autem Domini

    15 revelare et confiteri, honorificum est^

    CAPUT IAugustini ortus, conversio et baptismus

    Ex provincia ergo Africana civitate Tagastensi,^ de numerocuriaHum parentibus honestis et Christianis progenitus erat,

    20 aHtusque ac nutritus eorum cura et diHgentia impensisque,secularibus Htteris eruditus apprime, omnibus videHcet disci-pHnis imbutus, quas Hberales vocant.- Nam et grammaticamprius in sua civitate, et rhetoricam in Africae capite Cartha-gine postea docuit. Consequenti etiam tempore trans mare in

    25 urbe Roma, et apud Mediolanum, ubi tunc imperatoris Valen-tiniani minoris comitatus fuerat constitutus. In qua urbe tunc

    3 fraudare videar CDFHK edd., videar errasse E 7 autem] enimCDEFHK edd Q exhibet autem 8 noverat auderet de se crederevel putare /, se credere vel putare g g humilitatis sanctae more utique[suo] nihilo fallens] A, humilitatis sanctae more utique nihil fallensBQhcego (nihilo n, memores k), humilitatis sanctae memoriae utique ni-hilo fallens E, humihtatis sanctae more ut iam e nihilo fallens r, humil-itatis sanctae memoriae ut iam nihilo fallens H, humilitatis sanctae me-moriae ut a me nihilo fallens F, humilitate sanctae memoriae uti a menihilo fallens K, humilitatis sanctae memoria utque nihil fallens CD*(memoria utens; utque Sal. in commentario ex errore), humilitatis sanc-ta memoria utique nihilo fallens h (sancte vi), humilitatis sancte me-

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    LIFE OF SAINT AUGUSTINE 43At that time the bishopric in this city was administered byAmbrose, a priest most acceptable to God and eminent amongthe best of men. As he stood among the people in the churchhe used to Hsten in eager suspense to the frequent sermonsof this preacher of the Word of God. Now at one time, whilestill a youth at Carthage, he had been carried away by theerror of the Manichaeans and therefore was more eager thanothers to hear whether anything would be said for or againstthis heresy. And by the mercy of God the DeHverer whotouched the heart of His bishop, it came to pass that the ques-tions of the Law bearing on that error were solved, and soHttle by Httle Augustine was led on by the divine compassiouuntil the heresy was driven from his soul. Straightway, es-tabHshed in the CathoHc faith, an ardent desire was awakenedin him to perfect himself in reHgion, and so with the comingof the holy days of Easter he received the water of baptism.And thus it happened that by divine grace he received throughthe great and ihustrious prelate Ambrose the salutary doc-trine of the CathoHc Church and the divine Sacraments.

    CHAPTER nWhen more than thirty years of age he leaves ah and takes

    up his profession of serving GodAnd soon from his inmost heart he reHnquished aH earthly

    desires, no longer seeking wife, children of the flesh, riches orworldly honors. But he determined to serve God with Hissaints, desiring to be in and of that Httle flock to which theLord spoke, saying, "Fear not, Httle flock, for it is your Fa-ther's good pleasure to give you the kingdom. SeH that yehave and give alms ; provide yourselves bags which wax notold, a treasure in the heavens that faileth not," and so on.And that which the Lord spoke on another occasion this holy

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    44 SANCTI AUGUSTINI VITAcupiens: Si vis esse perfectiis, vende omnia quae habes, et dapauperibus, et habebis thesaurum in coelis, et veni sequere me^Et super fidei fundamentum aedificare desiderans, non ligna,fenum et stipulam, sed aurum, argentum et lapides pretiosos.^

    5 Et erat tunc annis maior triginta,*' sola superstite matre,'^sibique adhaerente, et de suscepto eius proposito serviendi Deoamplius quam de carnis nepotibus exsultante.^ Nam iam eiuspater antea defunctus erat.^ Renunciavit etiam scholasticisquos rhetor docebat, ut sibi niagistrum alium providerent, eo

    10 quod servire ipse Deo decrevisset.^"CAPUT III

    Secessus AugustiniAc placuit ei percepta gratia cum aliis civibus et amicis suis

    Deo pariter servientibus ad Africam et propriam domum15 agrosque remeare. Ad quos veniens, et in quibus constitutusferme triennio,^ et a se iam alienatis, cum his qui eidem ad-

    haerebant Deo vivebat, ieiuniis, orationibus, bonis operibus, inlege Domini meditans die ac nocte." Et de his quae sibi Deuscogitanti atque oranti intellecta revelabat, et praesentes et ab-

    20 sentes sermonibus ac libris docebat. Contigit forte eodemtempore, ut quidam ex his, quos dicunt agentes in rebus,^ apudHipponem-regium* constitutus, bene Christianus Deumquetimens, comperta eius bona fama atque doctrina, desideraretatque optaret eum videre, promittens se posse mundi huius

    25 omnes contemnere cupiditates atque illecebras, si ahquando exeius ore Dei verbum audire meruisset. Quod cum ad se fidelifuisset relatione delatum, Hberari animam cupiens ab huius4 et (2) om. ABHK 7 iam om. CDEFHJ edd., nam eius pater iamK 9 rhetoricam CD*F edd. Q exhibet rhetor. Cf. Aiig. Conf. Vvii 13 : quas tunc iam rhetor Carthaginis adulescentes docebam 10 deo

    ipse DEFHJK edd., ipse om. C 16 alienatis] ACEFHahcreghkhnnopqr, alienatus DJ, aUenatis curis K, aUenatis pristinis vitiis B, alienatiscuris secularibus edd his]ABCDEFHJKabcdeghjklmnopqr, iis edd17 bonisque C*/ edd., et bonis K 18 iis edd 19 cogitandi atqueorandi A, congitando atque orando A*, cogitante atque orante B 21 iisedd 27 Hberare D*J edd. Q exhibet libcrari.

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    46 SANCTI AUGUSTINI VITAvitae periculis morteque aeterna, ad memoratam ultro atqueconfestim venit civitatem, et hominem visum allocutus fre-quentius atque exhortatus est, quantum Deus donabat, ut quodDeo voverat reddidisset. Ac se ille de die in diem facturum

    5 pollicebatur, nec tamen in eius tunc hoc implevit praesentia.Sed vacare utique et inane esse^ non potuit, quod per tale vasniundum in honore, utile Domino ad omne opus bonum para-tum,'' in omni loco divina gerebat providentia.

    CAPUT IV10 Capitur ad presbyterii gradum

    Eodem itaque tempore in ecclesia Hipponensi CatholicaValerius^ sanctus episcopatum gerebat. Qui cum flagitanteecclesiastica necessitate, de providendo et ordinando presby-tero civitati plebem Dei alloqueretur et exhortaretur, iam

    15 scientes Catholici sancti Augustini propositum et doctrinam,manu iniecta (quoniam et idem in populo securus et ignarus^quid futurum esset astabat ; solebat autem laicus, ut nobisdicebat, ab eis tantum ecclesiis, quae non haberent episcopos,suam abstinere praesentiam) ; eum ergo tenuerunt et, ut in

    20 taUbus consuetum est, episcopo ordinandum intulerunt, omni-bus id uno consensu et desiderio fieri perficique petentibus,magnoque studio et clamore flagitantibus, ubertim eo flente:nonnuUis quidem lacrimas eius, ut nobis ipse retuht, tuncsuperbe interpretantibus, et tamquam eum consolantibus ac

    25 dicentibus, quia et locus presbyterii, Hcet ipse maiore dignusesset, propinquaret tamen episcopatui ; cum ille homo Dei, ut

    4 redderet E*J Sal. Q exhihet reddidisset ac] haec CDFQ, hacE, hoc E* 6 vacare] ADEFHJKejknopr, vacari Bdgm, vacuumA*CE*Qch, 0711. Iq 7 mundum]+et, I)omino]+et CF edd 17 lai-cus] vicos A 25 maiora DFHK, maiori BCD*EJ. Cf. graviora[pati] dignos : DCD. V xxiii, codd. discrepantibus, pleris exhibentibusgraviora dignos, graviore dignos vel graviori dignos ; id erant digni

    :

    DCD. XXI xviii, codd. omnes, ed. Hoffmann 26 appropinquaret edd.Q exhibet propinquaret.

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    LIFE OF SAINT AUGUSTINE 49understood with greater comprehension and mourned as heapprehended the many imminent dangers which threatened hishfe in the direction and government of the church, and for thisreason he wept. But their desire was accomplished as theywished.

    CHAPTER VHe establishes a monastery

    Soon after he had been made presbyter he estabHshed amonastery within the church and began to Hve with the ser-vants of God according to the manner and rule instituted bythe holy apostles. The principal rule of this society was thatno one should possess anything of his own, but that all thingsshould be held in common and be distributed to each one ashe had need, as Augustine had formerly done after he retumedto his native home from across the sea. But the holy Valeriuswho ordained him, a good rnan fearing God, rejoiced andgave thanks to God, He said the Lord had heard the prayerswhich he had unceasingly poured forth that divine Providencewould grant him such a man, who by his salutary teaching ofthe Word of God could edify the Church of the Lord. ForValerius, a Greek by birth and less versed in the Latin lan-guage and literature, sav/ that he himself was less useful forthis end. Therefore he gave his presbyter the right ofpreaching the Gospel in his presence in the church and veryfrequently of holding public discussionscontrary to the prac-tice and custom of the African churches. On this accountsome bishops found fault with him. But the venerable andprudent man knew well that this was the custom in the Easternchurches and considered only the welfare of the Church andtook no notice of the words of his detractors, if only his pres-byter might do that which he saw could not be accomplished

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    LIFE OF SAINT AUGUSTINE 5iby himself as bishop. Wherefore this burning and shiningHght was placed upon a candlestick and gave Hght to all whowere in the house. And after the report of this had rapidlyspread by reason of the good example which preceded it, someother presbyters by permission of their bishops began topreach to the people in their presence.

    CHAPTER VI "The conflict of Augustine with Fortunatus, a ManichaeanNow in the city of Hippo at this time the plague of the

    Manichaeans had infected and permeated very many, bothcitizens and strangers, who were seduced and deceived by acertain presbyter of that heresy, Fortunatus by name, whoHved and dwelt there. Meanwhile the Christians of Hippo,whether citizens or strangers, CathoHcs and even Donatists,came to the presbyter Augustine and demanded that he shouldmeet this presbyter of the Manichaeans, whom they regardedas a learned man, and argue with him about the Law. Thishe in no wise refused; for, as it is written, he was "ready togive an answer to every man that asked him a reason of thehope and faith that is toward God, and was able by sound doc-trine both to exhort and refute the gainsayers." But he soughtto learn whether Fortunatus were wiHing that this should takeplace. So they at once reported the matter to Fortunatus ask-ing, urging and even demanding that he should on no accountrefuse. But since Fortunatus had previously known the holyAugustine at Carthage when he was stiH involved with himselfin this same error, he was afraid to meet him. Neverthelesshe was greatly urged and shamed by the insistency of his fol-lowers and promised that he would meet him face to face andenter the contest of debate. So they met at an appointed time

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    LIFE OF SAINT AUGUSTINE 53and place, where many who were interested and crowds ofthe curious quickly gathered. When the reporters' books hadbeen opened, the discussion was begun on the first day andended on the second. In this discussion the Manichaeanteacher, as the evidence of the record proves, could neitherrefute the Catholic argument, nor could he prove that the sectof the Manichaeans was founded on truth. But faiHng in hisfinal answer, he declared that he would refer to his superiorsthe arguments which he had been unable to refute, and if per-chance they should not satisfy him on these matters, he wouldconsult the welfare of his own soul. Thereupon all who hadformerly regarded him as great and learned now judged thathe had accompHshed nothing in the defence of his own sect.Overwhelmed with confusion he left the city of Hippo soonafter and returned to it no more. Thus this error was re-moved by that memorable man of God from the hearts of allthose present or those absent who learned what had been done

    ;

    and the CathoHc faith was declared and upheld as the truereHgion.

    CHAPTER VnThe books and treatises of Augustine against the enemies of

    the faith are eagerly received even by theheretics themselves

    In private and in pubHc, at home and in the church, Augus-tine taught and preached the Word of salvation with all con-fidence against the African heresies, especially against theDonatists, Manichaeans and pagans both in his finished booksand extemporaneous sermons, the Christians, who did not keepsilent but spread it abroad wherever they could, being fiHedwith unspeakable joy and praise. And so, with God's help, the

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    54 SANCTI AUGUSTINI VITAlevare in Africa Ecclesia Catholica exorsa est caput quaemulto tempore illis convalescentibus haereticis, praecipuequerebaptizante Donati parte, maiore multitudine Afrorum, se-ducta et pressa et oppressa iacebat. Et hos eius libros atque

    5 tractatus mirabili Dei gratia procedentes ac profluentes, in-structos rationis copia atque auctoritate sanctarum Scriptura-rum, ipsi quoque haeretici concurrentes, cum Catholicis ingentiardore audiebant, et quisquis, ut voluit et potuit, notarios adhi-bentes,- ea quae dicebantur excepta describentes. Et inde iam

    10 per totum Africae corpus praeclara doctrina odorque suavissi-mus Christi^ diffusa et manifestata* est, congaudente quoque idcomperta Ecclesia Dei transmarina. Quoniam sicut patiturunum membrum, compatiuntur omnia membra : ita cum glori-ficatur unum membrum, congaudent omnia membra.^

    15 CAPUT VIIIDesignatur episcopus vivo Valerio et a Megalio primate

    ordinaturIlle vero beatus senex Valerius ceteris ex hoc amplius ex-

    sultans, et Deo gratias agens de concesso sibi speciali beneficio,20 metuere coepit, ut est humanus animus, ne ab aha ecclesia

    sacerdote privata, ad episcopatum quaereretur, et sibi aufer-retur : nam et id provenisset, nisi hoc idem episcopus cognito,ad locum secretum eum transire curasset, atque occultatum aquaerentibus minime inveniri fecisset. Unde ampHus formi-

    25 dans idem venerabilis senex, et sciens se corpore et aetate in-2 illic edd., oin. C 3 maiorem multitudinem edd. Q exhibet maiore

    multitudine 4 seducta pressa et oppressa CD*, seducta et oppressaK edd., et pressa eras. E. Q exhibet et pressa sive edd 8 adhibensCD^, adhibens etiam edd. Q exhibet adhibentes 9 descripsit CD*edd., descripserunt Q 11 diffusa et manifestata] ABCDFHJKQdg(manifesta cr), diffusus et manifestatus Eaehlopq edd. (manifestusk), diffusus est et manifestus m, diffusus est n 50, 12 ac sic...II manifestata est om. J congaudentes A, congaudete B, congaudet /,congaudebat C id comperta] BCQhccgj, id comperto ADEFHKhkmopr (id om. d), hoc comperto /, eo comperto n cdd., id comper-tum Iq 12 sicut]+dum BCDEHJK cdd 13 ita]+etiam edd22 nisi]+et edd

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    LIFE OF SAINT AUGUSTINE 55Catholic Church in Africa began to lift its head, having fora long time lain prostrate, seduced, oppressed and overpow-ered, while the heretics were gaining strength, especially therebaptizing Donatist party which comprised a large muititudeof the Africans. Even the heretics themselves gathered to-gether and with the Catholics Hstened most eagerly to thesebooks and treatises which issued and fiowed forth by the won-derful grace of God, filled with abundance of reason and theauthority of Holy Scripture ; each one also who would orcould bringing reporters and taking down what was said. Andthence throughout all Africa, the glorious doctrine and mostsweet savor of Christ was spread abroad and made manifest,while the Church of God across the sea heard of it and alsorejoiced. For as when one member suffers, all the memberssuffer with it, so when one member is honored, all the mem-bers rejoice with it.

    CHAPTER VniHe is chosen bishop while Valerius is still living, and is or-

    dained by the primate MegaliusBut the blessed and aged Valerius rejoiced more than oth-

    ers on this account and gave thanks to God for the specialblessing bestowed upon him. He began to fear, however, forsuch is human nature, that Augustine would be sought for theepiscopal office and be taken from him by some other churchwhich lacked a bishop. And this would have happened, hadnot the bishop himself, since he knew of it, taken care that heshould remove to a secret place, and had thus hidden him sothat he could not be found by those who sought him. Butsince the venerable old man still feared this and reaHzed thathe was aged and very infirm, he communicated by a secret let-

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    58 SANCTI AUGUSTINI VITACAPUT IX

    Pugnat cum DonatistisEt episcopus multo instantius ac ferventius maiore auctori-

    tate, non adhuc in una tantum regione, sed ubicunque rogatus5 venisset, verbum salutis aeternae alacriter ac gnaviter puUu-

    lante atque crescente Domini Ecclesia praedicabat, paratussemper poscentibus, reddere rationem de fide et spe, quae inDeum est/ Et eius dicta atque excepta, maxime Donatistae^in eadem Hipponensi vel vicina manentes civitate, ad suos

    10 deferebant episcopos. Quae cum audissent et contra fortealiquid dicerent, aut a suis refellebantur, aut eadem responsaad sanctum Augustinum deferebantur, eaque comperta pati-enter et leniter (et ut scriptum est, cum timore et tremoresalutem hominum operabatur :" ostendens quam nihil refellere

    15 illi voluerint ac valuerint, quamque verum manifestumque sit,quod Ecclesiae Dei fides tenet ac didicit) et haec diebus acnoctibus ab eodem iugiter agebantur. Nam et epistolas pri-vatas ad quosque eiusdem erroris episcopos, eminentes scili-cet, et laicos dedit, ratione reddita admonens atque exhortans,

    20 ut vel ab illa se pravitate corrigerent vel certe ad disputationemvenirent. At illi causa diffidentiae ne quidem unquam rescri-bere voluerunt, sed irati furiosa loquebantur, atque seductoremet deceptorem animarum Augustinum esse, et privatim etpublice conclamabant ; et ut lupum occidendum esse in defen-

    25 sionem gregis sui, dicebant et tractabant: omniaque peccata aDeo indubitanter esse credendum posse dimitti his, qui hocfacere ac perficere potuissent, nec Deum timebant, nec homini-bus erubescentes. Et ut eorum causae diffidentia cunctis in-

    3 ut CDEF cdd., at H 6 praedicaret cdd. Q cxhibct praedicabat8 deo CHK 9 manente A 10 episcopos deferebant DEFHK,episcopos referebant D*, referebant episcopos C Quae comperta]quae vir beatus comperta CD* 12 ad] aut A eaque comperta]ABDEFHKQbcrghjhnnqr, et quae comperta p, quae comperta k, eoquecomperto ae, eisque compertis edd 13 ac leniter CDEFHK edd14 omnium FK cdd. QL vcl M cxhibent hominum referre illiBDEFHK, auferre C, illi refellere cdd 16 dicit BDEF, docet CHedd 18 et eminentes scilicet laicos edd. Q exhihet scilicet et

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    LIFE OF SAINT AUGUSTINE 59CHAPTER IX

    He contends with the DonatistsAs bishop he preached the Word of eternal salvation much

    more earnestly and fervently and with greater authority, nolonger in one district only, but wherever he went in answer torequests, ready always to give an answer to every man thatasked of him a reason of the faith and hope which is towardGod. And the Church of the Lord flourished and grew rapidlyand strongly. The Donatists in particular, who Hved in Hippoand the neighboring towns, brought his addresses and writingsto their bishops, And if, when they had heard these, theyperchance made any reply, they were either refuted by theirown followers or else their replies were brought to the holyAugustine ; and when he had reviewed them patiently andcalmly (and, as it is written, he worked out the salvation ofmen with fear and trembling, showing how they would andcould refute nothing and how true and manifest is that doc-trine which the Church of God holds and has understood) ; onthese things he labored continually by day and by night. Heeven wrote private letters to prominent bishops of this errorand to laymen, urging and exhorting them by the argumentswhich he ofTered that they should either abandon the erroror at least enter into a discussion with him. In their distrustthey were never wilHng even to answer him in writing, butin anger spoke furiously, privately and pubHcly declaring thatAugustine was a seducer and deceiver of souls. They saidand preached that the wolf must be killed in defence of theirflock, and neither fearing God nor ashamed before men, theytaught the people to beHeve that whoever should be able to dothis would undoubtedly have all his sins forgiven of God.Meanwhile Augustine sought to make known to all their lack21 causae diflfidentia EH Sal. Mi 23 atque deceptorem H, ont. K,deceptoremque edd et privatim] et om. A 26 iis edd. Q exhibethis 27 ac perficere om. A timentes CDEFHK edd 28 rever-entes BQ causa diffidentiae BH

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    62 SANCTI AUGUSTINI VITAservos caedibus debilitaverunt. Aliquibus etiam calcem cumaceto in oculos miserunt,' aliosque occiderunt. Unde etiamsuis iidem Donatistae rebaptizatores in odium veniebant.

    CAPUT XI5 Profectus Ecclesiae per Augustinum

    Proficiente porro doctrina divina, sub sancto et cum sanctoAugustino in monasterio Deo servientes, ecclesiae Hipponensiclerici ordinari coeperunt. Ac deinde innotescente et clares-cente de die in diem Ecclesiae Catholicae praedicationis veri-

    10 tate, sanctorumque servorum Dei proposito, condnentia etpaupertate profunda, ex monasterio quod per illum memora-bilem virum et esse et crescere coeperat, magno desiderio pos-cere atque accipere episcopos et clericos pax Ecclesiae atqueunitas et coepit primo, et postea consecuta est. Nam ferme

    15 decem^ erant quos ipse nobis sanctos ac venerabiles viros con-tinentes et doctos beatissimus Augustinus diversis ecclesiis,nonnullis quoque eminentioribus, rogatus dedit. Similiterqueet ipsi ex illo sanctorum proposito venientes, Domini ecclesiispropagatis, et monasteria instituerunt, et studio crescente aedi-

    20 ficationis verbi Dei, ceteris ecclesiis promotos fratres ad sus-cipiendum sacerdotium praestiterunt. Unde per multos et inmultis salubris fidei, spei et caritatis Ecclesiae innotescentedoctrina, non solum per omnes Africae partes, verum etiam intransmarinis, et libros editos atque in Graecum sermonem

    25 translatos,- ab illo uno homine et per illum multis, favente Deo,6 proficientes BH 7 servientes]-|-et BH 9 ecclesia catholica P

    10 continentiae CFG, continente paupertatem profundam P 12 coe-perit A 14 consequenda est A 15 erant oni. BCDEFGHJK eddquos] episcopos CD* nobis] novi BGHK edd., novus ( ?) eras. D16 dooXxssmo?, CDEF cdd heatus CDF edd continentes augus-tinus om. HK 18 illorum CDEFK Ben. Mi. Q exhibet illo 24 perlibros edd 25 multos BDGHK, a multis CF

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    LIFE OF SAINT AUGUSTINE 65to public knowledge. And so, as it is written, the wicked mansaw it and was grieved ; he gnashed with his teeth and meltedaway. But Thy servants, as it is said, were for peace withthose who hated peace and whenever they spoke they werewilHngly overcome by them.

    CHAPTER XIIBy the error of his guide Augustine escapes an ambuscade

    laid for himBut several times these CircumcelHons, fully armed, beset

    the roads even against Augustine, the servant of God, when, asit chanced, he went on request to visit, instruct and exhortthe CathoHc people, as he frequently did. Now it once hap-pened that aUhough they were out in fuH force, they yet failedto capture him. For through the error of his guide and yet,in fact, by the providence of God, it happened that the bishopwith his companions came to his destination by a different road,and he learned later that through this error he had escapedtheir impious hands, and together with all he gave thanks toGod, the DeHverer. And they, according to their custom,spared neither laymen nor clergy, as the pubHc records witness.

    In this connection we must not pass over in silence thethings which were done and accompHshed to the glory of Godby the ardor of that man, so distinguished in the Church, andin his zeal for the house of God, against the rebaptizing Do-natists mentioned above. When, on one occasion, one of thebishops he had furnished to the Church from his monasteryand clergy visited the diocese of the church of Calama whichwas under his care and, for the peace of the Church, hadpreached against the heresy such things as he had leamed, ithappened that in the midst of his journey he feU into their

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    LIFE OF SAINT AUGUSTINE (i7ambuscade, and although he escaped with all his companions,the animals and baggage were taken from them and they lefthim grievously injured and wounded. Wherefore, in orderthat the progress of the peace of the Church might not befurther hindered, the defender of the Church was not silentbefore the law. And Crispinus, who was bishop of the Do-natists in the city and region of Calama, for some time wellknown and also a learned man, was admonished that he wasliable to the fine of gold fixed by the civil laws against heretics.When he protested against the laws and was brought beforethe proconsul, he denied that he was a heretic. Then it be-came necessary, when the defender of the Church withdrew,that he should be opposed by a CathoHc bishop and be con-victed of being what he denied he was; for if he had suc-ceeded in his dissimulation, the ignorant perhaps would havebelieved that the heretic was a Catholic bishop, since he de-nied being what he was, and so a stumbling-block might havebeen placed in the way of the weak because of this neglect.And since the illustrious Bishop Augustine firmly insisted onit, both the bishops of Calama met for discussion and for thethird time they met in conflict concerning their diflferent com-munions, while a great multitude of Christians at Carthageand throughout all Africa awaited the result of the case ; andCrispinus was pronounced a heretic by proconsular and libel-lary sentence. But the Catholic bishop interceded with thejudge in his behalf that the fine of gold should not be exacted,and the favor was obtained for him. But when he ungrate-fully appealed to the most clement Prince, a final answer fromthe Emperor was due to his appeal, and accordingly the orderwas issued that the Donatist heretics should have no rightsin any place and that they should everywhere be held to thefull force of all the laws enacted against heretics. By this

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    72 SANCTI AUGUSTINI VITApropriam defendere communionem non denegasset. Ille nechac hortatione, nec suorum parentum et civium instanti peti-tione id facere voluit, qui ei pollicebantur se ad eius redituroscommunionem, etiam cum discrimine patrimoniorum salutis-

    5 que suae temporalis, si modo Catholicam superaret assertionem.At ille amplius dicere illis gestis nihil voluit, nec valuit, nisitantum: "lam illa gesta continent, quae apud Carthagineminter episcopos sunt confecta, utrum vicerimus an victi fueri-mus."* Et aho loco dum a notario ut responderet admonere-

    10 tur, ait, et cum reticeret,^ factaque eius cunctis manifestatadiffidentia, Ecclesiae Dei augmenta ac firmamenta provenerunt.Quisquis ergo diUgentiam et operam beatissimae memoriaeAugustini pro Ecclesiae Dei statu cognoscere plenius voluerit,etiam illa percurrat gesta : et inveniet quae vel qualia protul-

    15 erit, quibus illum doctum, eloquentem, et praedicatum homi-nem provocarit hortatusque fuerit, ut pro suae defensionepartis quod vellet ediceret, illumque victum cognoscet.

    CAPUT XVDigressione concionantis conversus negotiator

    20 nomine FirmusScio item non solus ipse, verum etiam alii fratres et con-

    servi, qui nobiscum tunc intra Hipponensem ecclesiam cumeodem sancto viro vivebant, nobis ad mensam constitutis eumdixisse: "Advertistis hodie in ecclesia meum sermonem, eius-

    25 que initium et finem contra meam consuetudinem processisse,quoniam non eam rem terminatam expHcuerim quam propo-

    I denegaret edd. Q exhibet denegasset neque CDEF edd. 2oratione BDQ 7 iam illa]+inquit edd quae otn. BCDEFG edd8 sunt om. BCDEFG edd 9 dum a notario ut responderet admoner-etur, ait, et cum reticeret, factaque eius cunctis] DEbgnp, respondereh, admoneretur ut responderet m, admonetur c, nihil ait B, tacuit C,dum Fk, facta AGe, facta qua eis r, manifesta Ce, et reticeret factaeius cunctis 0, dum a notario alio ut responderet admoneretur et cumreticeret eius cunctis manifestata est diffidentia d, admoneretur omninoreticuit sic eius cunctis //, alio loco cum reticeret et dum a notariout responderet admoneretur ait Fac. Qua eius cunctis Iq, admoneretur

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    76 SANCTI AUGUSTINI VITAhomo proposito servorum Dei adhaerens, negotiatoris dimisitactionem, et proficiens in Ecclesiae membris, in aha regionead presbyterii quoque Dei voluntate petitus et coactus accessitofficium, tenens atque custodiens propositi sanctitatem: et

    5 forte adhuc usque in rebus humanis vivat trans mare consti-tutus.

    CAPUT XVIManichaeorum exsecrandae turpitudines detectaeApud Carthaginem quoque, dum per quendam domus regiae

    10 procuratorem nomine Ursum,^ fidei Cathohcae hominem, adquosdam Manichaeorum, quos electos vel electas dicunt, prae-sentes perveniretur, atque ad ecclesiam ab eodem deducerenturet perducerentur ab episcopis, ad tabulas^ auditi sunt. Interquos etiam sanctae memoriae Augustinus fuit, qui prae ceteris

    15 illam exsecrabilem sectam noverat, et eorum prodens eiusmodidamnabiles blasphemias ex locis librorum, quos illi accipiuntManichaei, usque ad confessionem earundem blasphemiarumeos perduxit : et quae illi suo maiore malo indigna et turpiafacere consueverunt, feminarum illarum velut electarum pro-

    20 ditione, illis ecclesiasticis gestis declaratum est. Atque itapastorum diHgentia dominico gregi et augmentum accessit, etadversus fures atque latrones defensio competens procurata est.Cum quodam etiam FeHce^ de numero eorum quos electosdicunt Manichaei, pubHce in Hipponensi ecclesia notariis ex-

    25 cipientibus disputavit populo astante: et post secundam veltertiam coUationem ille Manichaeus frustrata* vanitate et er-

    5 vivit BGHK edd., vitat DF, victitat CD* 9 Apud 88, 14feceram ow. HK 15 illam om. BQ 18 quae]-{-inter se BCDEFGedd maiore] more BCEFG edd., mere D