Mothers at the Service of the New Poverty Agenda: …ijaramil /progresa.pdf · neo-liberal programme, it is argued that Oportunidades represents a novel combination of earlier maternalist

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The Author(s)Journal Compilation copy

Blackwell Publishing Ltd

Garsington Road Oxford OX

DQ UK and

Main Street Malden MA

USA

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0144ndash5596V

40 N

4 A

2006

425ndash449

Blackwell Publishing LtdOxford UKSPOLSocial Policy amp Administration

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copy Blackwell Publishing Ltd

August

Original ArticleXXXX

Mothers at the Service of the New Poverty Agenda ProgresaOportunidades Mexicorsquos Conditional

Transfer Programme

Maxine Molyneux

Abstract

This article considers some of the changes and continuities in social protection in Latin Americathrough a focus on the ways in which motherhood is positioned as key to the success of the newanti-poverty programmes that have followed structural reform It examines a flagship cash transferprogramme known as ProgresaOportunidades (Opportunities) established in Mexico in

andnow being widely adopted in the region Characterized by some commentators as a quintessentiallyneo-liberal programme it is argued that Oportunidades represents a novel combination of earliermaternalist social policy approaches with the conditional co-responsibility models associated withthe recent approaches to social welfare and poverty relief endorsed by international policy actorsIn the first section the gendered assumptions that have governed Latin American social policy aredescribed the second outlines social policy provision in Latin America and identifies the keyelements of the new approaches to poverty and the third critically examines the broader implica-tions of the Mexican programmersquos selective and gendered construction of social need premised asit is on re-traditionalizing gendered roles and responsibilities

Keywords

Anti-poverty programmes

Conditional cash transfers

Maternalism

Motherhood

LatinAmerica

ProgresaOportunidades

Introduction

In Latin America as elsewhere in the world gender bias and masculineprerogative have prevailed in social policy as in social life more broadly withentitlements resting on culturally sanctioned and deeply rooted notions ofgender difference and patriarchal authority These have generally accorded

Address for correspondence

Maxine Molyneux Institute for the Study of the Americas Universityof London

Tavistock Square London WC

H

HA Email maxinemolyneuxsasacuk

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with idealized assumptions about the asymmetric social positions occupied bythe sexes with male breadwinners and female mother-dependants receivingbenefits according to these normative social roles Such assumptions haveproved remarkably universal and enduring even where as in Latin Americagender divisions have been modified by womenrsquos mass entry into the labourforce and by equal rights legislation

This article considers some of the changes and continuities in social policyprovision in Latin America through a focus on the ways in which women inparticular mothers are positioned within the new anti-poverty programmesthat have followed structural reform It examines a flagship anti-poverty pro-gramme known as Oportunidades (Opportunities) established in Mexicoat the end of the

s

1

Seen by some commentators as a quintessentiallyneo-liberal programme and embodying many of the main ideas of the lsquoNewPoverty Agendarsquo

2

it is argued in what follows that Oportunidades representsa novel combination of earlier social policy approaches with the contrac-tarian lsquoco-responsibilityrsquo models associated with new approaches to socialwelfare and poverty relief The first section outlines the gendered assumptionsthat have governed Latin American social welfare provision the second pro-vides the background context for the emergence of the new approaches topoverty and the third subjects the Mexican programme to a gender analysiswhich highlights its selective construction of social need

Social Policy in Latin America Historical Overview

Low tax revenues and weak commitments to redistributive policies ruled outthe development of effective universal welfare systems in Latin AmericaOnly five countries Argentina Uruguay Costa Rica Chile and Cuba

3

devel-oped a form of welfare state and with the exception of the latter noneachieved universality of entitlement or coverage

4

Nonetheless from the latenineteenth century if to widely different degrees some forms of social pro-vision began to evolve These were principally concentrated on the educationand health sectors and where Bismarckian models were influential as inMexico and Chile state pension schemes along with other forms of socialinsurance for privileged (predominantly masculine) sectors of the labour andarmed forces accompanied the process of state formation

From the first decade of the twentieth century social rights increased as aresult of successful demands by organized labour and socialist parties forsocial reform with an incremental assumption of social responsibility byenterprises and governments In the

s and

s lsquoimproving the racersquo inorder to secure the conditions for development and head off threats of dis-order became the leitmotif of the social reform and eugenics movements(Stepan

) Many women were among the promoters of lsquosocial hygienersquoand its derivative the science of

puericultura

(child development) They ener-getically supported policy and legal changes which were maternalist in ori-entation demanding benefits and services for mothers and children Motherswere among the first to be recognized as social policy claimants whether asmarried women or as lsquounfortunatesrsquo that is impoverished single mothersHowever it was often stated in the discussion of these provisions that it was

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Journal compilation copy


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primarily in the interest of their

children

that women might receive benefits ofa financial educational or medical kind In other words it was in the con-struction of childrenrsquos needs that their mothers received entitlements inorder to better fulfil their maternal responsibilities

5

The era of nationalist state-centred development under corporatist popu-lism inaugurated by the crisis of

but more securely established in thepostwar period brought some expansion in entitlements The chief benefici-ary was organized labour the natural constituency of corporatist regimesand a relatively privileged sector for long afterwards By the end of the

sall but the poorest states had established the main planks of social welfare ifat times in skeletal form Health and education were publicly funded andsocial insurance systems covered most categories of formal sector workersRegional policies were now influenced by the ECLAC (United NationsEconomic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean) or

Cepalista

guidelines

6

which drew on human capital theory to anchor social policymore firmly in a discourse of development priorities as Latin Americanstates presided over a rapid expansion of literacy programmes and primaryeducation (Filgueira and Filgueira

)However while

Cepalista

developmentalism was associated with universalistprinciples and despite the expansion of social provision from the

s mostof the region still suffered from poor and skewed coverage and low-qualityservices Entitlements remained for the most part tied to formal employmentwith pensions available only to a minority of workers and some insuranceschemes for disability unemployment and maternity These arrangementsdid not cover the rural sector or the large proportion (sometimes as much as

per cent of the active population) which was in the informal sector or indomestic service often the largest employer of urban women In

some

million people or

per cent of the total population of Latin Americalived below the UN-defined poverty line

Gender and social policy

Social policy in Latin America contrary to some readings was not

gender-blind

but instead worked with gendered conceptions of social needs oneswhich were familial patriarchal and paternalistic While women gainedaccess to education and health and entered the workforce by broad consen-sus their primary duties lay within the family Liberal citizenship mightextend to women in the public realm but in the private domain a differentorder prevailed Built into the earliest forms of social provision were assump-tions of female dependency on a male breadwinner which positioned womenas under the protection of lsquotheirrsquo men whether husbands or fathers Widowsof soldiers professionals and some formal sector workers were able on thisbasis to claim their deceased husbandsrsquo pensions Yet most working womenwere located in low-paid jobs in unorganized sectors of employment and inwork that was considered supplementary to the male wage and lacked socialprotection

In Mexico the cataclysmic upheavals of the revolution which erupted in

did not greatly alter this general picture

7

The Constitution of

and

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the civil code of accorded women legal equality and gave them somenew rights such as the right to divorce but denied them full civil and polit-ical rights universal female franchise was not granted until ndash later thanin most other Latin American states (Aranda et al Gutierrez Castaneda) Over time the law placed limits on menrsquos authority over their wivesbut it was only in that the code making women responsible for thedomestic sphere and abandoning the home a specifically female offencewas repealed (Varley )

As elsewhere in Latin America women workers and womenrsquosorganizations8 pressed for the regulation of their working hours in order toprotect them from over-exploitation They gained popular support for thesedemands in a context where there were widely expressed concerns that thiswas necessary to safeguard their lsquomaternal functionsrsquo9 Paternalist sentimentswere aroused by such claims with women and children positioned in thisdiscourse as requiring protection many women protested that this was anexcuse to deny them the right to equal work and well-paid jobs Corporatismestablished a political bond between the worker and the ruling party ensur-ing the loyalty of the more powerful sectors of organized labour Male-dominated trade unions were the principal beneficiaries of corporatist socialcontracts that enrolled men in the service of the state as workers and patriotstheir compliance secured through negotiated pacts over wages working con-ditions and social security (Rosemblatt ) Where women had acquired asignificant presence in the workforce they laboured in poorly paid lessorganized sectors Not only were they marginal to the contractual negotia-tions of the corporatist state but they also occupied an ambiguous place inwage negotiations since their very presence in the workforce could compro-mise the historic demand of organized labour for a lsquofamily wagersquo one prem-ised on female dependency and the presence in the family of the full-timehousewife and mother If women gained entitlements as workers these toowere not only restricted to a small section of the female population but wereoften unclaimable in practice10

While there occurred some limited individuation of womenrsquos rights fromthe family as a result of reforms spearheaded by feminist movements thesegeneral features of womenrsquos social rights endured in Latin America Therestricted reach and scope of social policy the poor quality and difficulty ofaccess of many of the services and benefits meant that most low-incomewomen could not and did not look to the state for much in the way ofsupport on their own behalf They might be fortunate enough to attain someminimum provision in education and health and some support for theirchildren but individual entitlements such as income support and pensionswere distant dreams for the majority Security such as it was came from paidwork where it could be found from marriage kin and community and fromthe church

Reforming the Social Sector

The fragility and inefficiency of the social security systems prevailing acrossmuch of Latin America were features that were sharply accentuated by the

copy The Author(s) Journal compilation copy Blackwell Publishing Ltd

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broader socio-economic trends that set in from the mid-s The oilshocks the debt crisis and subsequent recession of the s combined withdemographic pressures ndash and in much of the region with political conflict ndashto erode the social sector at precisely the moment when its expansion wasmost needed This was a period which saw more women entering the labourforce while households sought to cut consumption substituting market-purchased goods and services with reproductive labour largely providedby women (Gonzaacutelez de la Rocha )

The human and social costs of the first phase of the structural reformshelped to revive long-standing debates over social sector reform which nowtook place both within the region and in international development policyarenas Cornia et alrsquos UNICEF study Adjustment with a Human Face () iswidely acknowledged as a lsquowake-up callrsquo to international agencies to payattention to the social costs of adjustment The decades of the s ands could be regarded as a typical instance of the lsquohybridizedrsquo policychange that has been argued to characterize development policy (Brock et al) In Latin America by the early s a complex series of reforms andpolicies affecting the social sector were being developed some of which hadfirst been applied experimentally from the s some of which were newIn the latter category were more decentralized health and education provi-sion the privatization of pensions and in the former a greater emphasis onparticipatory mechanisms in the delivery of social welfare All were intendedto increase efficiency accountability and quality (Grindle ) As povertymoved up the scale of international priorities saw the launch of theWorld Bankrsquos New Poverty Agenda and towards the end of the decade theMillennium Development Goals committed governments to halving extremepoverty and hunger between and

Development policy analysts acknowledge that the ideas being advancedat this time marked a significant departure from the structural adjustmentobjectives pursued during the first phase of the reforms (Lipton and Maxwell ) Among the main changes were the importance of civil society alongwith an emphasis on certain concepts that became central to the NewPoverty Agenda ones that were not novel in themselves but perhaps were so intheir combination These were the principles of participation empowermentand co-responsibility

Empowerment like participation with which it is linked (since participa-tion is one of the means to secure empowerment) moved into mainstreamdevelopment practice in the s Widely used by womenrsquos organizationsand by NGOs it has generally been understood as a process of transforma-tion involving both the acquisition of capabilities and changes in subjectivitythat enable agency to be exercised11

Empowering the poor and the disadvantaged should result in their gainingmore voice and presence in decision-making arenas that affect their lives anddeveloping the capabilities to enable them to escape poverty They are nolonger lsquobeneficiariesrsquo or lsquoclients of the statersquo but empowered active citizenscapable of formulating their own needs and engaging in the setting of prior-ities and the implementation of projects whether community developmentschemes health and housing or micro-credit enterprises12 As the capabilities

copy The Author(s)Journal compilation copy Blackwell Publishing Ltd

S P amp A V N A

approach has gained wider acceptance in policy circles empowerment hascome to mean that the poor are to be trained and educated to prepare themfor employment13 A further dimension is added to the conceptual basis ofthe new approach by lsquosocial risk managementrsquo as outlined in the World Development Report Attacking Poverty wherein sustainable poverty alle-viation entails measures to increase the security of the poor through devel-oping their capacity to lsquocope mitigate or reducersquo their risks (World Banka ) The risk management approach has subsequently been adopted bya wide range of multilateral lending institutions

Third and again closely related to these previous concepts is the principle ofbeneficiary responsibility variously articulated in ideas of lsquoco-managementresponsibilityrsquo self-help or self-sufficiency ideas that gained resonance inthe s when the state was identified as a major cause of developmentfailure and accused of nurturing a lsquodependency culturersquo At the same timethe World Bank concerned with cost-sharing and efficiency formulatedpolicies in which the no-longer-passive recipients of state handouts becameactive participants in meeting the costs of development The growth of costrecovery co-financing and co-management schemes along with communityparticipation and voluntary work became a means to promote self-help indevelopment and welfare projects As states moved towards targeted assist-ance programmes attention focused on how the poor could be encouragedto lsquohelp themselvesrsquo (Cornwall ) This idea informed a range of policiesfrom giving economic assistance (as in the case of micro-credit) to providingbasic education in nutrition and health care These latter strategies weredesigned as in the earlier lsquosocial hygienersquo movements of the s and sto lsquomodernize and civilizersquo the poor but also to equip them with the attitu-dinal wherewithal to manage their own destinies lsquofreersquo of state dependencybut subordinated to the discipline of the market (Rose and Miller )

Latin Americarsquos new social policy

In Latin America the novel features of this lsquopost-Washington consensusrsquophase of policy evolution lay in the specific regional interpretation of its keyelements This was most evident in three areas the changes in the locus andcharacter of state activities the rise of parallel institutions to assist in thedelivery of social welfare and the promotion of civil society partnership indevelopment and poverty relief programmes How these elements combinedwith efforts to create a democratic politics in post-authoritarian Latin Americaand resonated with historic demands for reform is essential in understandingthe ways in which social policy was refashioned in the changed circumstancesof the s

As elsewhere the official policy discourses and forms of entitlement thatare being created in Latin America tend to place more emphasis on indi-vidual responsibility while social security is defined in official statements as nolonger residing solely with the state It now involves the lsquoco-management ofriskrsquo that may be interpreted to mean that the individual has to makeresponsible provision against risks (through education and employment) thefamily too must play its part (through better care) while the market


S P amp A V N A

(through private interests) and the community (through decentralization lsquoco-responsibilityrsquo and the voluntary sector) are all involved in the decentring ofexpectations of welfare from the state14

The specificity of the Latin American region not only stamped its markon how these ideas would materialize in policy but also how they would bereceived by citizens In a context of widespread distrust of the state and weaksocial protection the refiguring of statendashsociety relations offered by the lsquoNewSocial Policyrsquo approaches received a mixed response not by any means allnegative The core ideas at least seemed to offer some potential for advanc-ing much-needed reforms if social and political conditions allowed Decen-tralization lsquogood governancersquo accountability participation and urgentattention to poverty resonated with the reform agendas of democratic par-ties movements and civil society organizations that were working to demo-cratize politics and society following years of military rule15 From the scalls to lsquodeepenrsquo democracy and to address the lsquosocial deficitrsquo of the adjust-ment years converged with some of the lsquogood governancersquo and state reformagendas The human rights movement in the s was enjoying a particu-larly prominent international role and this impacted in Latin America at atime of considerable receptivity to the new inclusions of womenrsquos and chil-drenrsquos rights and indigenous claims for recognition and justice (Molyneuxand Lazar ) Womenrsquos organizations of various kinds were particularlyactive in promoting womenrsquos rights working simultaneously within commu-nities and at state level to advance reforms in the areas of violence againstwomen legal and political representation and reproductive rights (Alvarez) They also helped to establish and sustain popular health movementsleadership and legal literacy training for women throughout the s ands16

The new anti-poverty programmes were therefore shaped by a variety ofdifferent imperatives within which the political momentum of democratiza-tion played a part This was however limited by the inability of governmentsto meet popular expectations of higher growth and greater economic secu-rity The structural reforms proceeded in tandem with democratic reformsand the market gained a greater role in the organization of social andeconomic life State institutions were modified and state functions were re-defined but for all the talk of lsquohollowing outrsquo the state remained central tosocial policy funding and delivery despite the cutbacks decentralization anddevolution of its responsibilities After the critical watershed years of thedebt crisis when social expenditure per capita fell to unprecedentedlevels17 by it had recovered the levels registered at the beginning of thes and in recent years social expenditure has generally risen across theregion The state itself however has undergone reform in this process ledby efforts to advance good governance agendas designed to make state insti-tutions more efficient and accountable and by democratic reform parties andmovements18 This has gone along with support for decentralization anddeconcentration with Latin America taking the lead in the s as theregion that had advanced furthest down this path Re-democratizationinvolved a wave of constitutional reform across the region and decentraliza-tion in the form of lsquomunicipalizationrsquo was one of the democratic principles


S P amp A V N A

that was incorporated in the new frameworks to redress a historic legacy ofover-centralization None of this is to suggest that the decentralization pro-cess in Latin America has overcome distributive problems or secured ade-quate citizen representation Devolved resources remain sparse and withoutplans to tackle regional economic regeneration decentralization has notgenerally produced a marked improvement in welfare coverage

These multiple changes in social welfare provision were bound to haveconsequences for the large numbers of female poor In recent years femalepoverty as distinct from the gender dimensions of poverty has acquiredconsiderably more policy attention If during the period of structural adjust-ment policies (SAPs) women were the invisible army who bore the costs ofthe adjustment to ensure household survival the New Poverty Agendaappeared to render women more visible From the later s womenrsquospoverty as well as their role in poverty relief programmes became increasinglyevident to policy communities Feminist advocacy and research into the gen-dered effects of adjustment played their part in securing this visibility femalepoverty was a central theme of all the International Womenrsquos conferencesand the Beijing Platform for Action (PFA) called for it to be addressed as amatter of urgency The PFA proposed a number of priorities for assistancethe targeting of female-headed households greater participation of womenin decision-making at community and other levels and the extension ofcredit to low-income women were among them19 The promotion of theseideas was also part of a broader effort by Latin American womenrsquos organi-zations to incorporate a gender analysis into regional declarations and govern-ment policies The lsquonew social policyrsquo therefore evolved during the highpoint of global feminism and yet as we shall see its practical realizationoften meant that it existed in tension with the latterrsquos emphasis on equality

For all that the current focus on poverty has its novel features it is alsomarked by a continuum with earlier Women and Development approachesthat saw lsquointegrating womenrsquo as a way to secure broader development objec-tives while failing to tackle underlying causes of gender inequality If this isa general rule that still applies to many of the new programmes there isnonetheless some diversity and indeed some inconsistency in their concep-tion and implementation As we will see the objectives of these programmesdetermine how women will be involved and how they are affected To illus-trate this point we now turn to consider the Mexican anti-poverty pro-gramme ProgresaOportunidades


Mexico an OECD country is the tenth largest economy in the world butpoverty is estimated to afflict half of the population with a fifth in extremepoverty due to its highly skewed income distribution20 Social divisions inher-ited from the colonial period and deepened through urban bias exist alongregional ethnic and gender lines with per cent of indigenous Mexicansfound in the poorest income quintile Mexicorsquos state welfare system is basedon formal employment but coverage is restricted to just per cent of thepopulation due to the character of its labour market (Laurell ) Up


S P amp A V N A

to half of the economically active population depends upon the informalsector for its income and has access to few benefits Moreover the size ofthe informal sector means that Mexico collects only per cent of GDP intax well below the average for Latin America (which is per cent) andbelow that of relatively low-tax countries such as the United States21

The election of the National Action Party (Partido de Accioacuten Nacional ndashPAN) leader Vicente Fox in ended years of one-party rule by theInstitutional Revolutionary Party (Partido Revolucionario Institucional ndashPRI) and was accompanied by efforts to reform existing institutions alongmore democratic and accountable lines Fox pledged to make social justicea priority of his government recognizing that poverty was a lsquomultidimen-sional phenomenonrsquo and raising social expenditure by an average of almost per cent per annum The main poverty relief programme directed at thosein extreme poverty Progresa was modified and relaunched in under thename of Human Development Opportunities (Desarrollo Humano Oportu-nidades) known today as Oportunidades or ProgresaOportunidades Theprogrammersquos coverage formerly restricted to the rural poor was extended toinclude urban and semi-urban areas22 and the number of those inscribed inthe programme was expanded from million families (in ) the equiv-alent of per cent of all rural families (Rocha Menocal ) to million families in (of whom million were rural) (Gonzaacutelez de laRocha ) By mid- it covered million households with an estim-ated million beneficiaries

Oportunidades is the second most extensive programme of its kind inLatin America23 It is also considered to be the most successfully developedexample of the regionrsquos NSP-inspired anti-poverty programmes24 It has beenjudged to be particularly effective in meeting its goals and this is attributedto an unusually high degree of presidential support and inter-ministerialcollaboration along with an annual budget that amounts to per cent ofGDP equivalent to billion pesos (in ) with a recent loan of $ billionfrom the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB) An undoubted strengthof the programme is that it is subject to regular evaluations including byoutside bodies and has been responsive to suggestions for improvements andmodifications Oportunidades is a targeted cash transfer programme that aimsto combine short- and long-term objectives of sustainable poverty reductionas advanced by the social risk management approach As noted earlier thisapproach aims to tackle poverty through helping the poor to lsquocope mitigateor reducersquo their risk of falling into or being trapped in poverty25 SpecificallyOportunidades aims to improve human development by focusing on childrenrsquoseducation nutrition and health It is based on the assumption that poorhouseholds do not invest enough in their human capital and are thus caughtin a vicious cycle of intergenerational transmission of poverty with childrendropping out of school and destined to suffer the long-term effects ofdeprivation

Families selected for the programme are therefore helped through cashtransfers with the financial costs of having children in school The bi-monthly transfers are primarily in the form of lsquoscholarshipsrsquo for children toattend school26 supplemented by additional cash to improve nutrition where


S P amp A V N A

required The practical functioning of the programme centres on mothers asthe key to securing improvements in the life chances of their children bornand unborn It seeks to strengthen through workshops and monitoring themothersrsquo responsibilities for childrenrsquos health and education and to improvethe nutritional status of their children (and of themselves if they are pregnantor breastfeeding) Secondary outcomes such as building the mothersrsquo capac-ities empowerment citizen participation strengthening community ties andeven gender equality are included in the programmersquos goals but how theseare interpreted has varied over time and the quality of what is on offerunder these headings depends upon local authorities and cooperatingprofessionals

Oportunidadesrsquo guiding principles are explicitly designed to differentiateit from assistentialist programmes by an emphasis on the participantsrsquo activemanagement of their risk through lsquoco-responsibilityrsquo As proclaimed on itswebsite lsquoco-responsibilityrsquo is an important factor in this programme becausefamilies are expected lsquoto take an active part in their own development andto move beyond the asistencialismo (philanthropy) and paternalismrsquo that char-acterized earlier welfare systems27 Co-responsibility in this context isunderstood as cost-sharing where beneficiaries contribute their labour for theimplementation of projects (Yaschine ) This principle is enshrinedin the Social Development Law (Ley de Desarrollo Social ) which pro-vides the legal and operational framework of Contigo (With You) the newsocial assistance package of which Oportunidades is a component As Riveroexpresses it in Oportunidades lsquoResponsibility for health and education is tobe recognized as not solely the governmentrsquos but the whole societyrsquos andshould be assumed by the entire communityrsquo (Rivero )28 However theresponsibility of the lsquoentire communityrsquo is perhaps better described as beingdevolved to mothers who are those designated as being primarily responsiblefor securing the Programmersquos outcomes Co-responsibility is formalizedthrough a quasi-contractual understanding that in return for the entitle-ments proffered by the programme certain obligations are to be dischargedby the two parties that is the programme and the participating mother Thisconditional form of entitlement although well established in other regionsand originating in the United States has a more recent presence in LatinAmerica but it is now being widely adopted In this case the responsibleparticipants (mothers) receive their stipend conditional on fulfilling the dutieslaid out by the programme managers this involves taking children for regu-lar health checks meeting targets for ensuring their childrenrsquos attendance atschool attending workshops on health and programme coordinatorsrsquo meet-ings and contributing a set amount of hours of work to the programmetypically cleaning buildings or clearing rubbish Failure to comply with therequirements can lead to being struck off the programme

On the available evidence collected through regular evaluations the pro-gramme has been largely successful in its own terms29 Its stipends havereduced household poverty and have improved school attendance of chil-dren as well as the health and nutritional levels of all those inscribed in theprogrammes30 These are important gains and are extensively discussed else-where Here we will focus on some of the more contentious aspects of the


S P amp A V N A

programme as highlighted by the women participants in interviews and evalu-ations before considering the question of the programmersquos gender impacts

As far as the design of the programme is concerned there appear to betwo main criticisms that participants have made which raise some generalissues of principle In an exercise designed to elicit the opinions of benefici-aries targeting and co-responsibility aroused some negative reactions31

While few of the respondents who participated in the programme doubtedthat Oportunidades had helped them in their struggle against poverty therewere criticisms of the way targeting was applied Despite the rigour of theselection mechanisms and despite the claim that the programme is intendedto be seen as a way to lsquo[access] a social right in a situation of social inequal-ityrsquo (Rivero ) the targeting process attracted the strongest criticismfrom participants in evaluation exercises Along with a general sense thatmore information should be made available on the programme and on themeans-testing mechanism itself dissatisfaction was expressed over the selectionwhich was felt to be arbitrary excluding people whose needs were consideredjust as pressing as those included in the programme Means-testing was alsofelt to generate a lack of trust social divisions and feelings of envy and exclusionamong those not selected Skoufias notes that lsquotargeting of the population hasintroduced some social divisions between beneficiaries and non-beneficiariesrsquo( ) a point also made by Gonzaacutelez de la Rocha ( ) These arecommon problems faced by targeted social protection programmes in contextswhere poverty is widespread and deep although Oportunidadesrsquo coverage ismore extensive than most programmes a factor which has caused it to bedubbed by those in charge of it lsquoa near universal programmersquo32

A second general complaint voiced by participants in the programme wasthat they felt lsquodiscriminated againstrsquo by its demands on their time Theybelieved that they were lsquotreated badly or were asked to do things in waysthat offended their dignityrsquo (Rivero ) As they expressed it becausethey were lsquopaid by the governmentrsquo they were expected to perform commu-nity work such as cleaning schools and health centres while others in thecommunity did not33 Some complained of being made to do lsquoabsurdrsquo tasksjust for the sake of keeping them occupied The requirement to do commu-nity work had been incorporated into the earlier programme and was con-tinued into the new post-Progresa design by the Fox administration butfollowing recommendations by evaluators the amount of work time contri-buted was reduced and it is still an issue under consideration

In light of such findings it is not surprising that there was among somecommunities resistance to accepting the notion of lsquoco-responsibilityrsquo Ratherthe requirements of the programme were seen in terms of lsquoobligationsrsquo andparticipants felt that genuine co-responsibility would also oblige teachers toaccept their responsibility not to miss classes so much This lsquoinequality ofresponsibilityrsquo made some participants resentful of the way they wereexpected to meet targets set for monitoring the health and education of theirchildren and risked being ejected from the programme for failing to do soWhy they asked should a teacherrsquos salary not be reduced if they fail to turnup to teach since mothers were fined for not meeting their targets (Rivero )34 This latter point reflected a general criticism that there were few


S P amp A V N A

reliable mechanisms of accountability where complaints regarding thebehaviour of officials or professionals could be processed Nor were the par-ticipants given an active role in the design management and evaluation ofthe programme (Gonzaacutelez de la Rocha ) It is hard to square these findingswith the view that the programme was intended to function lsquoas a way of exercisingcivil political and social rights and as a means to achieve full citizenshiprsquo(Rivero )35 Several evaluations have also criticized deficiencies in thequality and availability of health care which has not been able to cope withthe expanded demand generated by the requirements of the programme36

Gender relations now you see them now you donrsquot

One of the claims made by Oportunidades is that it has helped to empowerthe mothers and daughters who are its beneficiaries It is to this claim thatwe now turn It is clear that the design of the programme shows evidence ofgender-awareness gender is not only incorporated into but is central to themanagement and design of Oportunidades There are four main aspects tothis gender sensitivity first the programme was one of the earliest in LatinAmerica to give the financial transfers (and principal responsibilities associ-ated with them) to the female head of participating households second thetransfers associated with childrenrsquos school attendance involved an element ofaffirmative action stipends were per cent higher for girls than for boys atthe onset of secondary school which is when the risk of female drop-out ishighest37 and third the programmersquos health-care benefits for children weresupplemented by a scheme which monitors the health of and provides sup-port for pregnant and breastfeeding mothers and children under years ofage The fourth aspect of the project design which displays gender sensitivityis the goal to promote the leadership and citizenship of the women sub-scribed These goals are however inconsistent they represent a combinationof equality measures (for the girls) and maternalist measures (for their mothers)What then are the outcomes and gender impacts of the programme

There is a paucity of appropriately detailed evidence on this question andfar from sufficient to make any accurate estimate38 Most information that isavailable comes from large-scale surveys by Adato et al () Skoufias() and Skoufias et al () and qualitative research by Escobar Latapiacuteand Gonzaacutelez de la Rocha () These allow certain general points to beestablished In the first place as is well known improving the educationalopportunities of girls has strong potential to enhance their self-esteem andlife chances while at the same time sending a message to households and tocommunities that girls are lsquoworth investing inrsquo Secondly stipends paiddirectly to mothers are widely accepted to benefit their households throughmore equitable redistribution but in giving women direct control over cashresources their standing in their communities as well as their leverage withinthe household can be enhanced The evidence from evaluations of theMexican programme confirms these trends although as one evaluation notedwhile the mothers enjoyed some increased autonomy this did not necessarilytranslate into empowerment since the latter depended on more factors thancontrol over a small money income (Escobar Latapiacute and Gonzaacutelez de la


S P amp A V N A

Rocha ) Women did however appear to feel that their self-esteem wasenhanced as a result of the stipends39 they also felt that they acquired morestatus in their neighbourhoods with shopkeepers treating them as credit-worthy They appreciated the programmersquos education and training projects(including health and community leadership) where these were well organ-ized but they wanted more access to education and training (Adato et al authorrsquos interviews )

More research into the gender impacts of the programme is needed toestablish if it is producing a redistribution of power and status within house-holds and if so to explain what effects this status re-ordering has on house-hold livelihoods and well-being Transfers paid directly to women have thepotential to generate conflict if men feel that they are entitled to controlmoney resources and resent any undermining of their authority Howeverexisting data indicate that no strong relationship has been found linking theprogramme and the incidence of violence in the home40 but expert opinionis divided over the reliability of data collection on this sensitive issue

The generally positive findings however might need to be qualified in thecontext of more critical appraisals While those available refer to the earlieryears of the programme they indicate issues that arose some of which areongoing One evaluation of Oportunidades by the Network of Rural promo-toras (voluntary workers) and assessors (Red de Promotoras y AsesorasRurales ) concluded that there was no significant improvement inwomenrsquos position in their families41 the stipend was insufficient to overcomepoverty health services had to be paid for and were costly and the pro-gramme did not generate employment opportunities for school-leavers whichwould enable the cycle of poverty to be overcome42 Escobar Latapiacute andGonzaacutelez de la Rocha () further noted that the programme did not takesufficient account of womenrsquos income-generating and other activities such ascollective community work ( faenas) and that as a consequence women couldbe overloaded with competing demands on their time This was even morethe case with the promotoras who dedicated on average hours a month toadministrative pastoral and medical responsibilities (Red de Promotoras ) Adato () among others also found that womenrsquos workloadincreased as childrenrsquos contribution to domestic tasks decreased in favour ofschool demands where help was available it was generally daughters whowere helping more with domestic tasks than sons and they left school earlierAnother effect of the transfers appeared to be that men were doing lessincome-generating work (Rubio Escobar Latapiacute and Gonzaacutelez de laRocha ) One beneficiary summed up her view of the Programme thuslsquoThe government says it is helping me but the only thing it is giving me is alot of workrsquo (Red de Promotoras ) These findings seem far fromthe gender-equality and empowerment objectives proclaimed by the pro-grammersquos self-description

Female altruism at the service of the state

Oportunidades exemplifies the maternalism at the heart of many of thenew anti-poverty programmes being established in Latin America and its


S P amp A V N A

organizational principles raise some important questions for gender analysisMore than years of research and activism on gender issues has shown thatif womenrsquos subordination is to be tackled in development and welfare pro-grammes these must have some potential to empower women and enhancetheir capabilities in ways that enable them to challenge relations of inequalityand at the same time provide some scope for female economic autonomyThe new anti-poverty programmes may successfully identify some unmetneeds within poor households and communities but attending to the diverseneeds of the women (the mothers) who are central to the functioning of theseprogrammes is not their explicit aim any more than is gender equality aconsistently observed objective The social construction of need in theseprogrammes is child-centred as is their overall organization Women are in-corporated into programme design (ie are visible) but in a way that dependsupon the gender divide for its success Thus even as women might be mar-ginally lsquoempoweredrsquo within these structures (through managing the subsidy)such programmes in effect reinforce the social divisions through which genderasymmetries are reproduced

In the first place they depend upon women fulfilling their lsquotraditionalrsquosocial roles and responsibilities Oportunidades does so by basing its pro-gramme on normatively ascribed maternal responsibilities in effect makingtransfers conditional on lsquogood motherhoodrsquo Men are not incorporated inany serious way and no effort is made to promote the principle that menand women might share responsibility for meeting project goals let alone fortaking an equal share in caring for their children These programmes un-ambiguously rest on normative assumptions concerning lsquowomenrsquos rolesrsquo so thatthe work women undertake in ensuring that childrenrsquos needs are met istaken for granted as something that mothers lsquodorsquo The social relations ofreproduction therefore remain unproblematized with the work performedsimply naturalized

Latin American cultural constructions of femininity are strongly identifiedwith motherhood and serving the needs of children and household is gen-erally considered a primary maternal responsibility Throughout the modernhistory of Latin America motherhood has been offered as the explanationfor political or civic activism and allied with moral virtue altruism and self-sacrifice (Miller ) The continuity with this tradition is evident in con-temporary social policy where it successfully mobilizes women in accordancewith these values It is readily assumed by programme managers and parti-cipants alike that any actions that improve the well-being of children are notas Bradshaw and Quiroacutes Viacutequez () express it a lsquoburdenrsquo for women andany lsquocostsrsquo they bear are lsquosimply part of the mothering rolersquo If femininity isclosely bound up with an affective investment in a self-sacrificing or altruisticmotherhood the ideological site for contesting the demands of maternalistprogrammes is not one that is easily occupied Beneficiaries who miss a clinicappointment or a workshop because they were at work lay themselves opento the charge of being lsquobad mothersrsquo who do not care for their children(Bradshaw and Quiroacutes Viacutequez ) By the same token men who wish tocare for their children are not only marginal to the programme but shouldthey become involved in caring are vulnerable to being denigrated as


S P amp A V N A

lsquofemininersquo Marginalizing men from these responsibilities is not in their over-all interests any more than it is in their childrenrsquos or their wivesrsquo If equalityissues are to move beyond rhetoric into policy and if women are to be givenan opportunity to redefine the terms of their inclusion in their societies theunequally valued forms of social participation for men and women thatpervade the organization of care work need to be challenged rather thandeepened by state policies

If there are parallels with early twentieth-century philanthropy there aremodern modifications The Mexican programme seeks even greater commit-ment from mothers by the regulation of their domestic responsibilitiesthrough conditionality situating them as the principal managers of theirfamiliesrsquo needs43 This might involve some status re-ordering in the householdin favour of mothers in that it enhances and makes visible the responsibilitiesof motherhood but any change of status occurs within the traditional domes-tic division of labour While much is said about the lsquoindividuation of thesocialrsquo in regard to neo-liberal policies this does not apply to the women inthese programmes who are per contra bound ever more securely to the familyIf there are new elements beyond the purely technical administration of theproject one is the (albeit selective) sensitivity to issues of gender equality ndash inthe case of girl children if far less so in the case of their mothers Gender equityconsiderations have clearly had some influence albeit partial in the designof these programmes in recent years sometimes as a result of feminist advocacythrough NGOs sometimes as a result of the shift in public and professionalattitudes occasioned by the spread of feminist ideas since the mid-s

It remains the case however that the mothers in such programmes areprimarily positioned as a means to secure programme objectives they areas argued elsewhere a conduit of policy in the sense that resources channelledthrough them are expected to translate into greater improvements in thewell-being of children and the family as a whole (Molyneux forthcoming)Such benefits as are derived by the mothers themselves as a result of parti-cipation in the programme are a by-product of servicing the needs of othersThis is compounded by the fact that there is little in the design of theprogrammes that addresses their need for economic autonomy or securityTraining for the job market is limited or non-existent despite this being afrequent request by beneficiaries and there is scant if any childcare provi-sion for those women who want or need it because they work train or studyAdato et al () found that lsquowhile the women like appreciate and need thebenefits of Progresa they ask for government programmes that will givethem skills that will help them engage in productive activities and earnincome They also want to learn to read and write in order to sign papershelp their children with their studies and homework and to defend them-selvesrsquo This more closely approximates to the idea of empowerment thanvague notions of status enhancement Poor women in Latin America arecalculated by CEPAL to earn on average only per cent of their malecounterparts but they are often involved in income-generating activities andreciprocal exchanges which are essential to household survival Gonzaacutelez dela Rocha ( ) indeed noted an lsquoincreasing dependencyrsquo on womenrsquosearnings among beneficiaries Despite such activities being precarious as well


S P amp A V N A

as poorly remunerated they can still leave women without much disposabletime or flexibility when they are responsible for the main household tasks44

Indeed while this is rarely acknowledged participation in anti-poverty pro-grammes can have negative consequences in incurring opportunity costs bypreventing or restricting womenrsquos freedom to engage in paid work (Bradshawand Linneker ) This is not to deny that many women might choose notto work and might not perceive the programmersquos demands as anything otherthan helpful in relieving some of the pressure on them to obtain paid workndash especially if little is available to them However given the importance ofwomenrsquos lifelong economic precariousness and their need to secure cashincomes the relative lack of attention to this issue is striking in a programmedesigned to lsquoovercome povertyrsquo45

Conclusions

Conditional cash transfers based on or similar to the example analysed hereare set to become the preferred form of poverty relief in the developingworld Where allied to human development objectives as in the case ofOportunidades they can help to tackle childrenrsquos educational deprivationand break the cycle of inter-generational poverty transmission As we haveseen Oportunidades has many commendable features even beyond its notedsuccesses with regard to improving childrenrsquos health and life chances It hasover time expanded its coverage and has sought to respond to some of thegaps in its provision taking account of evaluations in the modifications of itsprogramme It has enabled low-income households to cope financially withthe demands of school-age children and it has also made some headway indetaching poverty relief from political patronage Through the stipend paidto their mothers young people from poor households can access some oftheir social rights such as education and health and local political rights haveto some degree been restored

However in considering the less positive aspects of the programme and infocusing on what can be summed up as its selective treatment of social need someof its core assumptions and main claims have been put in question In parti-cular there are reasons to doubt how far the programme has succeeded inlsquoempowering womenrsquo when its success is so dependent on fortifying and nor-malizing the responsibilities of motherhood as a way to secure programmegoals With fathers marginal to childcare and further marginalized by the designof the programme the state plays an active role in re-traditionalizing genderroles and identities As Chant (forthcoming) has argued there is occurringa lsquofeminization of responsibility and obligationrsquo for managing poverty lsquowithwomen being made to do more to ensure household survival when menare increasingly doing lessrsquo In effect Oportunidades creates a dependencyon a subsidy which confirms mothering as womenrsquos primary social roleone which may enhance their social status and self-respect but nonethelessin doing little to secure sustainable livelihoods puts them at risk of remainingin poverty for the rest of their lives

Oportunidades is as noted earlier not particularly original in its treatmentof mothers it reveals the double normativity that has prevailed for women


S P amp A V N A

in public policies in Latin America since their inception Women might becitizens in the public realm and may gain formal equality of rights just asthe daughters in the programme now have full access to education howeverat the same time as mothers women have been and remain marked bydifference in the private realm where motherhood brings responsibilitieswithin the family but little recognition of the economic vulnerability that thisimplies especially in an age where inter-generational reciprocity may be indecline

Today such policies not only seem at variance with the declared equalitygoals of the governmentrsquos gender policy unit the National Womenrsquos Institute() but they are also unlikely to meet their promise of delivering sustain-able poverty relief and full access to citizenship Despite the rhetoric povertyrelief is still treated all too often as a matter of an unproblematized socialneed abstracted from the social and hence gender relations that produce it( Jackson ) The classic lsquoassistentialistrsquo programmes that targeted womenand children at high risk and in poverty exemplified this approach and werecommonly associated with paternalist notions of care and charity Theymade little if any attempt to address the conditions which placed theirbeneficiaries in these circumstances and concentrated on short-term relieftypically delivered in the form of food aid and primary health care The ideasof the New Social Policy try to go beyond this through participation genderawareness capacity-building and by allowing the poor to access theircitizenship rights Yet in practice these ideas are only thinly or partiallyaddressed in these programmes Stipends however welcome offer littleto the poor in a context of deepening inequality unemployment andshrinking rural livelihoods Effective poverty relief and lsquoexit strategiesrsquo forthe poor can only come about when linked to sustainable pro-poorregional and local development strategies which are currently thin onthe ground

For women in poverty current programmes appear to offer both risks andopportunities They are placed to occupy a central role in the new povertyagendas and the evidence shows that many women in Latin America expe-rience some satisfaction from participating in community- and child-focusedactivities that are not tied to monetary reward They may be happy tocontribute their time and effort to their childrenrsquos future but they still needprojects that enhance their capabilities through education or training pro-viding links to employment and advancing credit for successful projects thatenable them to acquire their own assets and secure their own futures Aboveall women need a reliable income source and sustainable routes out ofpoverty ones that are at the same time more realistic and imaginative thanthe maternalist options that are currently in place The limits of programmeslike Oportunidades are evident therefore not only in their selectiveapproach to tackling social need but in their narrow vision of how to over-come poverty stipends are no substitute for economic regeneration andwithout attention to the household livelihoods and long-term prospects of thepoor including women such programmes despite their good intentions remainfundamentally trapped in the lsquoassistentialistrsquo paradigms that they claim tosupersede


S P amp A V N A

Acknowledgements

This article is extracted from a comparative research paper entitled PovertyRelief and the New Social Policy in Latin America Mothers at the Service of the State(forthcoming frasl Geneva UNRISD) which deals with Peru and MexicoI would like to thank Edurne Larracoechea for her invaluable researchassistance on this project Thanks also to my colleagues at the Institute forthe Study of the Americas ndash especially Helga Baitenmann and Kuldip Kaurthanks too to Mariacutea de la Paz Loacutepez Sylvia Chant and Elizabeth Jeliacuten forconversations comments and encouragement and to the Oportunidadesprogramme directors especially Concepcioacuten Stepa promotoras and benefici-aries for their cooperation Finally thanks to Shahra Razavi of UNRISDwho commissioned this paper for her forthcoming co-edited collection (withS Hassim) Gender and Social Policy in a Global Context (Palgrave) in which aversion of this article will appear in due course

Notes The analysis draws on conversations with Oportunidades Director Rogelio

Hermosillo and Chief Programme Evaluator Concepcioacuten Stepa as well as oninterviews with beneficiaries and promotoras conducted while on field visits tothe programme in Huachinango San Miguel de Tenango and Zacatlaacuten de lasManzanas in July

This term was first used by the World Bank but it has acquired a wider currency since Colombia is a possible sixth according to some analysts For overviews and

analysis of Latin American social policy see inter alia Abel and Lewis () Abel () Mesa-Lago ( ) Haagh and Helgo () Barrientos() and Tulchin and Garland () On Latin Americarsquos lsquoliberal-informalrsquowelfare regime see Barrientos ()

This group includes a socialist (Cuba) a market (Chile) and a mixed economy(Costa Rica) model of welfare See Mesa-Lago () for elaboration of thesecomparative observations

On the early to mid-twentieth-century history of womenrsquos rights in Latin Americasee inter alia Lavrin () Dore and Molyneux () Hahner () Besse() Stoner () and Miller ()

Cepalista refers to the policies of the Economic Commission of Latin America anagency of the UN that was under the direction of Rauacutel Prebisch

For an excellent collection of papers on gender issues in Mexico see Baitenmannet al ()

On early maternalist philanthropy see eg Schell () As early as in Uruguay bills were proposed to give rights to maternity

leave and legislation to restrict womenrsquos working hours was first introduced inArgentina in

Barriers to claim-making included administrative obstruction low female educa-tional attainment and ignorance of rights For indigenous women the lack of anidentity card would be sufficient to bar them from their entitlements

See Parpart et al () for a fuller discussion of the idea of empowerment froma gender perspective and Townsend et al () for a feminist application towomenrsquos grassroots organizations in Mexico

These ideas permeate development agency literature whether governmentalthird-sector or international development institutions For a good example see


S P amp A V N A

Voices of the Poor (Narayan et al ) and the Empowerment Sourcebook published onthe World Bank website Available at wwwworldbankorg

See UNDP () for a discussion of gender and poverty and on capabilities seeNussbaum ()

See SEDESOL () and its website postings for examples of this conceptualization See Jeliacuten and Hershberg () for further discussion See Craske and Molyneux () for case studies of womenrsquos movement activism

in the s In real terms social spending per capita declined by per cent between

and Even as it grew afterwards it remained per cent below at theend of that decade and only recovered slowly in the s (IDB )

See Weiss () for a history of the contemporary usage of lsquogood governancersquoin development policy

The Beijing Declaration and PFA can be found at wwwunorgwomanwatchdawbeijingplatform

ECLAC and the Mexican governmentrsquos estimates broadly agree that per centof the population live under conditions of poverty while other estimates put thefigure as high as per cent in poverty and per cent ( million) in extremepoverty (ECLAC Urquidi ) The top per cent accounted for per cent of income in the bottom per cent for per cent (Grindle )

In social expenditure accounted for per cent of GDP It rose to percent in (IMF )

Progresa was preceded by PRONASOL also known as Solidarity Mexicorsquos firstlarge-scale anti-poverty programme Established in its conception of pov-erty relief was quite different from Progresarsquos and had party political objectivesIt was designed by the Salinas administration to offset the political consequencesof the adjustment years and revive the flagging political support of the PRIAccording to Molinar and Weldon () PRONASOLrsquos regional priorities weredeveloped with three aims in mind to reward PRI loyalists to reconvert PRDsupporters and to punish PAN supporters (in Rocha Menocal ) Suchmanoeuvres delivered the expected returns to the ruling party but the pro-gramme was discredited When Zedillo assumed the presidency he replacedPRONASOL with Progresa claiming that his new anti-poverty programmedid not have a political agenda (Rocha Menocal ) Although somepolitical bias continued it was much reduced and the PRI lost the electionsto the opposition PAN party Oportunidades has since sought to distance itselffrom this history of political clientelism with a public campaign messagestating that social protection is a right and allegiance is not due to any politicalparty

Topped only by Brazilrsquos lsquoZero Hungerrsquo and Bolsa Familia programmes whichreached million families in June

Though broadly in line with the principles of targeting and co-responsibilitydeveloped at the World Bank in the late s and early s and with thedemands of fiscal discipline associated with SAPs Progresa was not imposed bythe Bank Progresa was intended to run only on federal funds with no directfunding from the World Bank Oportunidades is government-funded with loansupport from the IDB as above

Here Contigorsquos official rhetoric closely parallels that of the World Bank Monetary and educational grants are provided for each child under years of

age who is enrolled in school between the third grade of primary and third gradeof high school


S P amp A V N A

Available at wwwprogresagobmxhtmlsquienes_somoshtml (accessed May)

All translations are by the author unless otherwise stated The International Food Policy Research Institute website contains a number of

evaluation reports on different aspects of ProgresaOportunidades See in par-ticular Skoufias et al () which covered the three years up until as aresult of which the programme was extended to rural areas The results of aqualitative evaluation carried out in six communities by Escobar Latapiacute andGonzaacutelez de la Rocha were published in and will be referred to here

Escobar Latapiacute and Gonzaacutelez de la Rocharsquos qualitative research confirmed thefindings of Skoufias et al () that the largest positive impacts were on childrenin secondary school The latterrsquos survey finds a per cent increase in enrolmentfor boys and per cent for girls along with an overall narrowing of the gendergap in education particularly in primary school

This exercise carried out in and supported by the World Bank UNIFEMand the Mexican government charged three NGOs in different regions with thetask of investigating the attitudes of beneficiaries towards the programme Theresults are summarized in Rivero () and similar findings are found in otherevaluations

As stated by the Director of the Programme in July In some poor regionscoverage is as high as per cent

In the Progresa programme such work involved on average hours per month More generally as an IFPRI evaluation notes lsquoIf the programme is to have a

significant effect on the human development of children more attention needsto be directed to the quality of education provided by schoolsrsquo (Skoufias )

Since the programme strives to separate social entitlements from political clien-telism this is another sense in which citizenship is understood

All cited evaluations made this point even the most recent evaluation () bythe Institute Nacional de Salud Puacuteblica (INSP) and the Centro de Investigacioacuteny Estudios Superiores en Antropologia Social (CIESAS) available on theSEDESOL website This evaluation also found that around per cent of birth-weights were incorrectly recorded and that teachers were guilty of registeringchildrenrsquos attendance in return for favours It concluded that after seven yearspeople had lsquolost their fear of the programmersquo (Pastrana )

Grants rise with the age of the child and the sex difference in the grant startswith secondary school which is normally when girls drop out In the third yearof secondary school monthly grants are about US$ for boys and US$ forgirls

An audit of the gender effects of the programme is currently under discussion Agustiacuten Escobar and M Gonzaacutelez de la Rocha () According to Adato et al () and my own interviews with specialists in gender

and poverty there has been considerable evidence of violence against women overcontrol of the stipend in some regions (authorrsquos interviews Oaxaaca July )

Based on a survey of beneficiaries supplemented by interviews with pro-motoras teachers and health professionals in eight communities

Some per cent of respondents reported that their children could not find workin the locality A new component has been added to the programme since thesefindings the lsquoJovenes con Oportunidadesrsquo which provides youth training andwork experience However on a field visit young people I interviewed saw them-selves as having no future in their localities and planned to migrate to the USAWithout attention to rural livelihoods Oportunidades risks educating the youngfor the US labour market


S P amp A V N A

See also Luccisano () for this point See for example Gideon () on Chile Bradshaw () on Nicaragua A pilot project undertaken by the BID is working with mothers to engage in

productive activity this is clearly a step forward and signals an awareness of thisshortcoming

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Abel C and Lewis C (eds) () Welfare Poverty and Development in Latin AmericaBasingstoke Macmillan

Abel C and Lewis C (eds) () Exclusion and Engagement Social Policy in LatinAmerica Institute of Latin American Studies University of London

Adato M de la Briere B Mindek D and Quisumbing A () The Impact ofPROGRESA on Womens Status and Intra-household Relations Final Report WashingtonDC International Food Policy Research Institute

Alvarez S () Engendering Democracy in Brazil Princeton NJ Princeton UniversityPress

Angell A and Graham C () Can social sector reform make adjustment sus-tainable and equitable Journal of Latin American Studies

Aranda J et al () Tiempo de Crisis Tiempos de Mujeres Meacutexico UniversidadAutoacutenoma Benito Juacutearez de Oaxaca y Centro de Estudios de la Cuestioacuten AgrariaMexicana AC

Arriagada I () The urban female labour market in Latin America the mythand the reality Mujer y Desarrollo Series no Santiago Chile ECLAC

Baitenmann H Chenaut V and Varley A (eds) () Law and Gender in ContemporaryMexico New Brunswick NJ Rutgers University Press

Barrientos A () Latin America a liberal-informal welfare regime In I Goughet al (eds) Insecurity and Welfare Regimes in Asia Africa and Latin America CambridgeCambridge University Press

Besse S K () Restructuring Patriarchy The Modernization of Gender Inequality in Brazilndash Chapel Hill University of North Carolina Press

Bradshaw S () Gendered Poverties and Power Relations Looking inside Communities andHouseholds Managua Fundacioacuten Puntos de Encuentro

Bradshaw S and Linneker B () Challenging Womenrsquos Poverty London CatholicInstitute of International Relations

Bradshaw S and Quiroacutes Viacutequez A () The social protection network in Nica-ragua a gendered analysis Unpublished draft

Brock K Cornwall A and Gaventa J () Power Knowledge and Political Spaces inthe Framing of Poverty Policy Working Paper Brighton Sussex Institute of Develop-ment Studies

Cardelle A () Health care in the time of reform emerging policies forprivatendashpublic sector collaboration on health North South Centre VI MiamiFlorida

Castantildeeda T () Tendencias de Largo Plazo en Tamano eficiencia y Focalizacioacuten del gastoSocial en America Latina y el Caribe Report prepared for the Social Protection Divi-sion of the Banco Internacional de Desarrollo

Chant S () Woman-headed Households Diversity and Dynamics in the Developing WorldBasingstoke Macmillan

Chant S (forthcoming) The lsquofeminisation of povertyrsquo and the lsquofeminisation of anti-povertyrsquo a case for revision Forthcoming in the Journal of Development Studies


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Coelho S et al () Deliberative fora and the democratization of social policiesin Brazil IDS Bulletin

Cornelius W Craig A and Fox J (eds) () Transforming StatendashSociety Relations inMexico The National Solidarity Strategy La Jolla California Centre for Latin AmericanStudies San Diego

Cornia G Jolly R and Stewart F (eds) () Adjustment with a Human Face OxfordClarendon Press

Cornwall A () Whose voices Whose choices Reflections on gender and par-ticipatory development World Development ndash

Craske N and Molyneux M (eds) () Gender and the Politics of Rights and Democracyin Latin America Houndmills Palgrave

De Vylder S () Gender equality and poverty reduction strategies DiscussionPaper (unpublished)

Dore E and Molyneux M (eds) () The Hidden Histories of Gender and the State inLatin America Durham Duke University Press

Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC) () SocialPanorama of Latin America Santiago Chile

Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC) () TheChallenge of Gender Equity and Human Rights on the Threshold of the Twenty-first CenturyReport to the eighth session of the Regional Conference on Women in LatinAmerica and the Caribbean Lima Peru


Escobar A () The PROGRESA programme and social change in ruralMexico In L Haagh and C Helgo (eds) Social Policy Reform and Market Governancein Latin America Basingstoke Palgrave Macmillan

Escobar Latapiacute A () The PROGRESA programme and social change in ruralMexico In A Escobar and M Gonzaacutelez de la Rocha (eds) Evaluacioacuten Cualitativadel Programa de desarollo humano Oportunidades Serie Documentos de investigacion SEDESOL Meacutexico

Escobar Latapiacute A and Gonzaacutelez de la Rocha M () Evaluacioacuten Cualitative delPrograme Oportunidades Centro de Investigacioacuten y Estudios Superiores en Antro-pologiacutea Social Meacutexico

Filgueira C and Filgueira F () Models of welfare and models of capitalism thelimits of transferability In E Huber (ed) Models of Capitalism Pennsylvania StateUniversity Press

Gideon J () Decentralization participation and inclusion reassessing primaryhealthcare delivery in Chile In L Haagh and C Helgo (eds) Social Policy Reformand Market Governance in Latin America Basingstoke Palgrave

Goetz A M and OrsquoBrien D () Governing for the common wealth the WorldBankrsquos approach to poverty and governance IDS Bulletin ndash

Gonzaacutelez de la Rocha M () The Resources of Poverty Women and Survival in aMexican City Oxford Basil Blackwell

Gonzaacutelez de la Rocha M () From the resources of poverty to the poverty ofresources the erosion of a survival model Latin American Perspectives ndash

Gonzaacutelez de la Rocha M () Oportunidades y Capital Social Paper presentedat the Comisioacuten Econoacutemica Para America Latina Workshop on Social Capital and Anti-poverty Programmes Chile

Gonzaacutelez Bombal I and Villar R (eds) () Organizaciones de la Sociedad Civil eIncidencia en las Politicas Publicas Buenos Aires Libros de Zorzal

Graham C () From Emergency Employment to Social Investment Alleviating Poverty inChile Washington DC Brookings Institution


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Graham C () The politics of protecting the poor during adjustment BoliviarsquosEmergency Social Fund World Development

Graham C () Safety Nets Politics and the Poor Transitions to Market EconomiesWashington DC Brookings Institution

Grindle M () The social agenda and the politics of reform in Latin AmericaIn J S Tulchin and A M Garland (eds) Social Development in Latin America ThePolitics of Reform Boulder CO and London Lynne Rienner pp ndash

Gutierrez Castaneda G (ed) () Feminismo en Mexico Revisioacuten histoacuterico-criacutetica del sigloque termina Meacutexico PUEG-UNAM

Haagh L and Helgo C (eds) () Social Policy Reform and Market Governance in LatinAmerica Basingstoke Palgrave Macmillan

Hahner J () Emancipating the Female Sex The Struggle for Womenrsquos Rights in Brazil(ndash) Durham NC Duke University Press

IMF () World Economic Outlook Washington DC IMFInstituto Nacional de las Mujeres () De Geacutenero en la Administracioacuten Puacuteblica MexicoInter-American Development Bank (IDB) () Economic and Social Progress in Latin

America Report Washington DC Johns Hopkins University PressInternational Food Policy Research Institute ( IFPRI) (Website) available at http

wwwifpriorgJackson C () Rescuing gender from the poverty trap In C Jackson and R Pearson

(eds) Feminist Visions of Development Gender Analysis and Policy London RoutledgeJeliacuten E and Hershberg E (eds) () Constructing Democracy Human Rights Citizen-

ship and Society in Latin America Boulder CO WestviewKabeer N () Editorial Tactics and trade-offs revisiting the links between gender

and poverty IDS Bulletin ndashKabeer N () Resources agency achievements reflections on the measurement

of womenrsquos empowerment Development and Change ndashKabeer N () Gender Mainstreaming in Poverty Eradication and the MDGs London

Commonwealth SecretariatKaufman R and Trejo G () Regionalism regime transformation and Prona-

sol the policies of the National Solidarity Programme in four Mexican statesJournal of Latin American Studies ndash

Laurell A C () The transformation of social policy in Mexico In K J Middle-brook and E Zepeda (eds) Confronting Development Assessing Mexicorsquos Economic andSocial Policy Challenges Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Lavrin A () Women Feminism and Social Change in Argentina Chile and Uruguayndash Lincoln University of Nebraska Press

Linneker B () Gender comparisons of capital influences on the well-being ofwomen and households experiencing poverty in Nicaragua Mimeo

Lipton M and Maxwell S () The new poverty agenda an overview IDSDiscussion Paper no

Luccisano L () Mexicorsquos Progresa program (ndash) an example of trendsin poverty alleviation initiatives concerned with women security and social riskmanagement Paper presented at the Regional Conference on Poverty ReductionDemocratic Governance and Gender Equality held in Nicaragua Mimeo

Mesa-Lago C () Changing Social Security in Latin America Boulder CO LynneReinner

Mesa-Lago C with Arevas de Mesa A Brenes I Montecinos V and Samara M() Market Socialist and Mixed Economies Comparative Policy and Performance ndash ChileCuba and Costa Rica Baltimore Johns Hopkins University Press

Miller F () Latin American Women and the Search for Social Justice Hanover Univer-sity Press of New England


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Molinar Horcasitas J and Weldon J A () Electoral determinants and con-sequences of national solidarity In W A Cornelius A L Craig and J Fox (eds)Transforming StatendashSociety Relations in Mexico The National Solidarity Strategy San DiegoCenter for USndashMexico Studies

Molyneux M () Gender and the silences of social capital lessons from LatinAmerica Development and Change ndash

Molyneux M (forthcoming) Poverty Relief and the New Social Policy in Latin AmericaMothers at the Service of the State Research paper Geneva UNRISD

Molyneux M and Lazar S () Doing the Rights Thing Rights-Based Development andLatin American NGOs London Intermediate Technology Publishing Group

Moser C () Confronting Crisis A Comparative Study of Household Responses to Povertyand Vulnerability in Four Urban Communities Washington DC World Bank

Nussbaum M () Womenrsquos capabilities and social justice In M Molyneux andS Razavi (eds) Gender Justice Development and Rights Oxford Oxford University Press

OECD DAC () Guidelines for Poverty Reduction Available at httpwwwoecdorgdataoecdpdf

Parpart J L Rai S and Staudt K () Rethinking Empowerment Gender and Develop-ment in a GlobalLocal World New York and London RoutledgeWarwick Studiesin Globalization

Pastor M and Wise C () State policies distribution and neo-liberal reform inMexico Journal of Latin American Studies ndash

Pastrana D () El Programa Oportunidades Fracasa Mucho dinero pobresresultados Masiosare ( June) UNAM Mexico

Piester K () Targeting the poor the politics of social policy reform in MexicoIn D Chalmers C Vilas K Hite S Martin K Piester and M Segarra (eds) TheNew Politics of Inequality in Latin America Oxford Oxford University Press

Red de Promotoras y Asesoras Rurales () Dinero del Diablo MimeoRivero M A () Oportunidades y Derechos Sociales Un Proceso de construc-

cioacuten social de Ciudadaniacutea MimeoRocha Menocal A () Do old habits die hard A statistical exploration of the

politicization of PROGRESA Journal of Latin American Studies ndashRose N and Miller P () Political power beyond the state problematics of

government British Journal of Sociology ndashRosemblatt K () Domesticating men state building and class compromise in

Popular Front Chile In E Dore and M Molyneux (eds) Hidden Histories of Genderand the State in Latin America Durham NC Duke University Press

Rubio M () The impact of Progresa on household time allocation MimeoSchell P () An honourable vocation for ladies the work of the Mexico City

Unioacuten de Damas Catoacutelicas Mexicanas ndash Journal of Womenrsquos History ndash

Schild V () Engendering the new social citizenship in Chile In M Molyneux andS Razavi (eds) Gender Justice Development and Rights Oxford Oxford University Press

SEDESOL () Programa Institucional Oportunidades ndash MexicoSkoufias E () Progresa and its Impacts on the Welfare of Rural Households in Mexico

Research Report Washington DC IFPRISkoufias E et al () Is PROGRESA working Summary of the results of an

evaluation by the International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI) and FoodConsumption and Nutrition Division (FNCD) DP No Washington DCAvailable at httpwwwifpriorgthemesprogresapdfskoufias_resultspdf

Skoufias E Davis B and de la Vega S () Targeting the poor in Mexico anevaluation of the selection of households into PROGRESA World Development (October) ndash


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Stallings B and Peres W () Growth Employment and Equity The Impact of theEconomic Reforms in Latin America and the Caribbean ECLAC Washington DCBrookings Institution

Stepan N () The Hour of Eugenics Ithaca NY Cornell University PressStoner L C () From the House to the Streets The Cuban Womenrsquos Movement for Legal

Reform Durham NC Duke University PressSzekely M () Lo Que Dicen los Pobres Mexico DF SEDESOLTendler J () Good Government in the Tropics Baltimore Johns Hopkins University

PressTownsend J Zapata E Rowlands J Alberti P and Mercado M () Women

and Power Fighting Patriarchies and Poverty London Zed BooksTulchin J S and Garland A (eds) () Social Development in Latin America the Politics

of Reform Boulder CO Lynne ReinnerUnited Nations Development Programme (UNDP) () Human Development Report

Gender and Human Development New York and London Oxford University PressUnited Nations Development Programme (UNDP) () Poverty Report New York

and London Oxford University PressUrquidi V () Mexicorsquos development challenges In K Middlebrook and E

Zepada (eds) Confronting Development Assessing Mexicorsquos Economic and Social Policy Chal-lenges Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Varley A () Women and the home in Mexican family law In E Dore and MMolyneux (eds) Hidden Histories of Gender and State in Latin America Durham NCand London Duke University Press

Weiss T G () Governance good governance and global governance concep-tual and actual challenges Third World Quarterly ndash

Wood C () Adjustment with a womanrsquos face gender and macroeconomicpolicy at the World Bank In S Eckstein and T Wickham-Crowley (eds) Strugglesfor Social Rights in Latin America New York and London Routledge

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Yaschine I () The changing anti-poverty agenda what can the Mexican casetell us IDS Bulletin ndash

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with idealized assumptions about the asymmetric social positions occupied bythe sexes with male breadwinners and female mother-dependants receivingbenefits according to these normative social roles Such assumptions haveproved remarkably universal and enduring even where as in Latin Americagender divisions have been modified by womenrsquos mass entry into the labourforce and by equal rights legislation

This article considers some of the changes and continuities in social policyprovision in Latin America through a focus on the ways in which women inparticular mothers are positioned within the new anti-poverty programmesthat have followed structural reform It examines a flagship anti-poverty pro-gramme known as Oportunidades (Opportunities) established in Mexicoat the end of the

s

1

Seen by some commentators as a quintessentiallyneo-liberal programme and embodying many of the main ideas of the lsquoNewPoverty Agendarsquo

2

it is argued in what follows that Oportunidades representsa novel combination of earlier social policy approaches with the contrac-tarian lsquoco-responsibilityrsquo models associated with new approaches to socialwelfare and poverty relief The first section outlines the gendered assumptionsthat have governed Latin American social welfare provision the second pro-vides the background context for the emergence of the new approaches topoverty and the third subjects the Mexican programme to a gender analysiswhich highlights its selective construction of social need

Social Policy in Latin America Historical Overview

Low tax revenues and weak commitments to redistributive policies ruled outthe development of effective universal welfare systems in Latin AmericaOnly five countries Argentina Uruguay Costa Rica Chile and Cuba

3

devel-oped a form of welfare state and with the exception of the latter noneachieved universality of entitlement or coverage

4

Nonetheless from the latenineteenth century if to widely different degrees some forms of social pro-vision began to evolve These were principally concentrated on the educationand health sectors and where Bismarckian models were influential as inMexico and Chile state pension schemes along with other forms of socialinsurance for privileged (predominantly masculine) sectors of the labour andarmed forces accompanied the process of state formation

From the first decade of the twentieth century social rights increased as aresult of successful demands by organized labour and socialist parties forsocial reform with an incremental assumption of social responsibility byenterprises and governments In the

s and

s lsquoimproving the racersquo inorder to secure the conditions for development and head off threats of dis-order became the leitmotif of the social reform and eugenics movements(Stepan

) Many women were among the promoters of lsquosocial hygienersquoand its derivative the science of

puericultura

(child development) They ener-getically supported policy and legal changes which were maternalist in ori-entation demanding benefits and services for mothers and children Motherswere among the first to be recognized as social policy claimants whether asmarried women or as lsquounfortunatesrsquo that is impoverished single mothersHowever it was often stated in the discussion of these provisions that it was

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Documents

Mothers at the Service of the New Poverty Agenda: …ijaramil /progresa.pdf · neo-liberal programme, it is argued that Oportunidades represents a novel combination of earlier maternalist