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2016-2017 Atlanta Urban Debate League Capitalism Kritik (Neg & Aff Answers)

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Table of Contents Whatisthepurposeofthiskritik?..........................................................................................................................3BasicStructureofaKritik........................................................................................................................................3KeyTerms................................................................................................................................................................4NegativeIntroduction.............................................................................................................................................5AffirmativeResponsestotheKritik.........................................................................................................................5NotetoCoaches&Debaters...................................................................................................................................6Capitalism-KNEG.....................................................................................................................................................7***1NC1/3***........................................................................................................................................................8***1NC2/3***........................................................................................................................................................9***1NC3/3***......................................................................................................................................................10***2NCOverview***............................................................................................................................................11***Theysay—Framework***...............................................................................................................................12***Link—Extension***.........................................................................................................................................13***Impact—Extension***....................................................................................................................................14***Alternative—Extension***..............................................................................................................................15Capitalism-KAffAnswers.......................................................................................................................................16***2ACFrameworkArgument***........................................................................................................................17***2AC—Permutation***.....................................................................................................................................18***2AC—Capitalismisgood***............................................................................................................................19***2AC—Thealternativedoesnotsolve***........................................................................................................20


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What is the purpose of this kritik? The purpose of a kritik is to test the assumption of the 1AC… the choices that go into creating the 1AC, the assumptions of the unsaid values that are promoted by the worldview of the 1AC is questioned. A disad is plan-focused. What does this mean? A normal plan versus a disad debate doesn’t ask ethical questions about who or what the 1AC represents or supports. Those debates operate within what is called a utilitarian calculus or what is good for the greatest number of people. In this case it would be who prevents the most lives from dying. The affirmative assumes that the plan AND ONLY THE PLAN can solve the problem identified by the 1AC. The affirmative operates in a problem-solution mindset. Meaning, we’ve identified a problem here is the solution. The 1AC generally isn’t trying to challenge the structure of the problem-solution model. A kritik says that there is a prior question that must be asked. A kritik poses an ethical question such as “should we endorse the affirmative if the affirmative supports a system that is morally wrong?” There are multiple reasons why something is morally wrong, the system that the affirmative supports exploits people, oppresses people, or even commits acts of violence against different groups of people because they are different. A kritik brings historical considerations into debate. Kritiks analyzes the systems, representations (how the 1AC describes the world), or the education it teaches. Kritiks change how we evaluate impacts in the debate. A kritik says that a there is more than one way to evaluate impacts. It does it this is a couple of ways. The negative can says that the impacts of the affirmative are inevitable as long as we support this current system and way of thinking. The second more simplistic way is to read impact defense against the affirmative impacts is to simply deny or negate the affirmative claims (If the aff says nuclear war will happen the neg says nuclear war will not happen).

Basic Structure of a Kritik Akritikisanoff-caseargumentthathasabasicstructuresimilartootheroff-casearguments(disads,counter-plans,etc.).Therearethreepartstothestructureofabasickritik:1)Link,2)Impact,and3)Alternative.Link–Thisisanexplanationwhythekritikappliestotheaffirmativecase.Impact–Thisisthebadthingsthathappenbecauseofthewaytheaffirmativeoperatesintheworld.Alternative–Thisisthegoodthingsthathappenifthejudgerejectsthewaytheaffirmativethinksabouttheworldandacceptstheworldviewthenegativehasintroducedintotheround.


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Key Terms Bourgeois-oforcharacteristicofthemiddleclass,typicallywithreferencetoitsperceivedmaterialisticvaluesorconventionalattitudes.Capitalism-Aneconomicsystemthatfeaturesprivateownershipofthemeansofproduction(suchasfactories,offices,andshippingenterprises)andinwhichmarketforcesdeterminethewayinwhichgoodsareproducedandthemeansbywhichincomeandprofitaredistributediscalledcapitalism.Ethics-moralprinciplesthatgovernaperson'sorgroup'sbehavior.Framework-Abasicstructureunderlyingasystem,concept,ortext.Imperialism-thepracticeofalargercountryorgovernmentgrowingstrongerbytakingoverpoorerorweakercountriesthathaveimportantresources.Militarism-thebeliefordesireofagovernmentorpeoplethatacountryshouldmaintainastrongmilitarycapabilityandbepreparedtouseitaggressivelytodefendorpromotenationalinterests.Rootcause-isaninitiatingcauseofeitheraconditionoracausalchainthatleadstoanoutcomeoreffectofinterest.Socialism-apoliticalandeconomictheoryofsocialorganizationthatadvocatesthatthemeansofproduction,distribution,andexchangeshouldbeownedorregulatedbythecommunityasawhole.


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Negative Introduction Thestoryforthecapitalismkritikisusingeconomicengagementforatransformationinanothergovernmentwhoisthetargetoftheengagementstrategy.Thelinkevidencesaysthateconomicengagementbecomesanaddictiontotheothergovernmentandthentheypressureothernationstojoininandbecomeapartofbuildadditionalcapitaliststructures.ThistypeofengagementallowstheUnitedStatestomanipulateothercountriesintodoingthingsthattheU.Swantstheseothercountriestodo.Thismanipulationcrossesoverintobothdomesticpoliciesandforeignpolicy.Thismanipulationistherootcauseofviolenceandcauseswars.Thisisexplainedbythelinkcardinthe1NCwith“thepoliticsofdescription.”RegardlessofwhotheUSpresidentis,theUSintendstoimposedemocracyglobally.TheU.S.thinksthatanythingopposedtocapitalismisathreattodemocracyandalsoathreattoglobalorder.TheseconstructionsofthreatsmakesviolenceandwarinevitablebecauseaslongastheU.S.continuestoseeoppositiontocapitalismasathreattodemocracyandglobalstabilitythenwhatfollowswillbeattacks,wars,andviolence.Theimpactcardsaystheaffirmativeignorestheoppressionthatiscreatedandsustainedbycapitalismwhichmeansthatviolencecreatedbycapitalismwillalsocontinuewiththepassageofthe1AC.Thealternativecallsforaradicalchangetohowcapitalismfunctions.Thealternativecardsaysthatcapitalismcontrolseverythingincludingthelegislativeprocess.Thatmeansseekingsolutionsthroughlegalchangeswillnotproducetheendofcapitalism’scontroloversociety.InsteadMeszaroscallsforaradicalrethinkingofhowcapitalismproducespower.Thisrethinkingproducesadifferentwayofthinkingabouttheworldaroundusandhowweshouldengagewithit.Thealternativesaysthatreeducatinghowcapitalismisdestroyingtheworldisnecessarytoreducethepowerofthestate.

Affirmative Responses to the Kritik 1st—Framework—Frameworkisanargumentthathelpsthejudgeestablishwhichimpactsmatterandwhy.It’saskingthejudgetoconsiderhowhe/shethinksabouttheworldtomakeadecision.Theaffirmativewillsaythejudgeshouldbeapolicymakerandonlyconsiderpolicyoptionswhendeterminingwhatisthebestcourseofaction.Thenegativewillcounterwiththeirownframeworkargumentthatsaysthejudgeshouldbeanethicalevaluator,andthatethical/moralconcernsoutweighsthepotentialbenefitsofthepolicyintroducedinthe1AC.2nd—Permutation—Apermutation(perm)isanaffirmativestrategythatexplainstheplanandthealternativecanbedoneincombinationwithoneanother.Forexample,theaffirmativeteamwouldsaywecandotheplanandre-thinkhowcapitalismleadstothreat-constructionandviolence.ThenegativewouldarguethatthepermeitherstilllinkstothekritikbecauseitincludestheU.S.governmentandendorsescapitalism.Orinordertodoboth(dotheplan&acceptthekritik)itmustseveroutofpartsofthe1AC.Severanceisadebatetheoryargumentthatsaysiftheaffirmativeisallowedtoremoveargumentsitmakesduringthe1AC,thecaseisunpredictable(amovingtarget)thatnonegativeteamcouldwinbecausethetheycouldnevergetlinkstoanyargumentsiftheaffirmativecaseisconstantlychangingthroughoutthedebate.3rd–Defendyourcase—Affirmativescansaycapitalismisgood.Theaffirmativeteamcansaysthatcapitalismiskeytosolvingavarietyofimpacts,includingtheenvironment,conflicts,andwars.4th–AffteamsshouldmaketheargumentthattheKritik’salternativedoesnotsolvetheaffirmative.Becausethealternativerejectsthenotionoflegislativeactionthatmeanstheplanshouldnotbepassed.Iftheplanisnotpassedthentheadvantagesareneversolved.IfthathappensthenthoseadvantagesbecomesdisadvantagestotheKritiksincetheKritikwouldpreventtheplanfromhappening.


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Note to Coaches & Debaters Somecoachesmaybeawareofvarioustheoryargumentsthatcanberunagainstthekritik.Atthistimewearenotpreparedtowidelydistributethosetheoryargumentstotheentireleague.Pleaselimitargumentsandstrategiestotheoneslistedinthepacket.Movingforwardwemayaddthesestrategiestokritiksreleasedinfutureseasons.Thustheonlytheoryargumentsthatcanberunbytheaffirmativeteamsare:FrameworkSeverance


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Capitalism-K NEG


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***1NC 1/3*** A.Link—EconomicengagementcreatesaformofcontroloverdevelopinggovernmentsMansfield&Browne09’EconomicInterdependenceandInternationalConflict:NewPerspectivesonanEnduringDebate,EdwardD.MansfieldisHumRosenProfessorofPoliticalScienceandCo-DirectoroftheChristopherH.BrowneCenterforInternationalPoliticsattheUniversityofPennsylvania.BrianM.PollinsisAssociateProfessorofPoliticalScienceatOhioStateUniversityandaResearchFellowattheMershonCenter.PG180

Alongthoselines,therecentliteraturehasservedasecondimportantpurpose—toclarifytheunderlyinglogicofeconomic-engagementstrategyandtopointtosomeofthelikelydeterminantsofsuccessorfailure.Inastrikingconvergence,virtuallyalloftherecentstudieshighlightthelinkagesbetweendomesticpoliticsandforeignpolicystrategyasthekeyfactorsdrivingthepotentialeffectivenessofeconomicengagement.Thebasiccausallogicofeconomicengagement,andtheemphasisondomesticpolitics,canbetracedtoHirschman.Heviewedeconomicengagementasalong-term,transformativestrategy.Asonestategraduallyexpandseconomicinteractionwithitstarget,theresulting(asymmetrical)interdependencecreatesvestedinterestswithinthetargetsocietyandgovernment.Thebeneficiariesofinterdependencebecomeaddictedtoit,andtheyprotecttheirinterestsbypressuringthegovernmenttoaccommodatethesourceofinterdependence.Economicengagementisaformofstructurallinkage;itisameanstogetotherstatestowantwhatyouwant,ratherthantodowhatyouwant.Thecausalchainrunsfromeconomicinterdependencethroughdomesticpoliticalchangetoforeignpolicyaccommodation.


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***1NC 2/3*** B.Impact—CapitalismistherootcauseofviolenceandcauseswarsVattimoandZabala11GianniVattimo,emeritusprofessorofphilosophyattheUniversityofTurinandamemberoftheEuropeanParliament,andSantiagoZabala,ICREAResearchProfessorofPhilosophyatthePompueFabraUniversity,HermeneuticCommunism,Columbia:NewYork,NY(2011),pg47-54

Althoughreportsfrommanyotherstatesalsowarnofafuturerifewithwars(overwater,immigration,andinfectiousdiseases),19thefactthat"absolutepoverty"and"comparativedisadvantage"arenowalsoconsideredthreatsforthesecurityofframeddemocraciesinevitablyposes"other"alarmsthantheonesindicatedbyFukuyamaandKagan.Aswecansee,thecomingthreatsarenotlimitedtoRussia,China,andIndia,which,asKaganexplains,havebecome"responsibleshareholders,"butrathercomefromeveryonewhoisnotpartofframeddemocracy'sneoliberalcapitalism.Thisiswhywedonotbelievethenextwarswillprimarilybeagainstotherstates20butratheragainstthose"uselessshareholders,"who,forthemostpart,aretheweak,poor,andoppressedcitizens,ashighlightedinthedefensereports.Asweargue,theweakdonotpossessadifferenthistorybutratherexistathistory'smargins;thatis,theyrepresentthedischargeofcapitalismandarepresentnotonlyintheThirdWorldbutalsointheslumsofWesternmetropolises.Theseslumsarenotonlybecominglargeraswewritebutalsoarewherethemajorityofthepopulationisforcedtolivebecauseoftheconcentrationofcapital.WhileintheWesttheslumsarebecomingbattlegrounds,insomeSouthAmericanstates,aswewillseeinchapter4,theyhavebecometerritoriesforsocialimprovementthroughcommunistinitiatives.Insum,theconflictsofthetwenty-firstcenturywillnotbecausedbythereturnofhistory,asFukuyamaandKaganpredict,butratherbyitsownends:liberalstates.Thefactthatframeddemocracyisalreadypreparingtofightandwinsuchurbanwarsindicateshowwithinourdemocraticsystemchangeisalmostimpossibleandalsohowtheoppressiveeffectsofcapitalismarepredictedtoincrease.AsMeiksinsWoodexplained,whether"nationalorglobal,[capitalism]isdrivenbyacertainsystemicimperatives,theimperativesofcompetition,profit-maximizationandaccumulation,whichinevitablyrequireputting'exchange-value'before'use-value'andprofitbeforepeople."21Thesearesystemicimperativesofdominion,supremacy,andcontroloverothers,andtheyresultinsuchmetaphysicalsystemsasliberalism,wherethepoweroftheindividualbecomestheonlysubstance.Ourgoalinthischapteristodemonstratehowframeddemocracy'sliberal,financial,andsecuritymeasuresregulateoneanotherinorderbothtoconserveourcurrent"lackofemergencies"andtoimposenecessaryemergencies.Ifthedemocracies'chiefpriorityistoconservewhatHeideggercalledthe"lackofemergencies,"thatis,theneutralityachievedthroughscience'sliberalessence,modernstatesstillhaveanessentialfunction,contrarytotheopinionofmanycontemporarythinkers.22Thisfunctionisnotlimitedtothehistorical,racial,orlinguisticidentificationofastate'scitizensbutextendstootherstates:"liberalstates"arealso"liberatingstates";thatis,theyliberateotherstatesfromundemocraticregimes.TherecentimposedliberalizationofIraqandAfghanistan(alsocalled"statebuilding")occurredundertheordersofotherliberalstatesandasaconsequenceoftheessenceofliberalism.Itisalsointhenameofthisessencethatdemocracyisimposedtodayasthebestsystemofgovernmentevenwhenitbecomescorrupt.Aswementionedinthepreviouschapter,the"liberalessence"ofscienceconsistsinitsidealofobjectivity,thatis,establishing"truth"or"freedom"asonlywhatlegallyenterswithintheestablished,recognized,andframeddemocraticorder.ItmustbeforthesereasonsthatCarlSchmittviewed"liberalismasacoherent,all-embracing,metaphysicalsystem"23andthatHeideggervieweditasanotherproduct,withfascism,capitalism,andcommunism,ofsubjectivistmetaphysics.24Thisiswhywithinmetaphysicallyframeddemocraciesliberalismavoidschange:whiledemocraticelectionsareproceduresforpossiblechange,liberalismistherealmwithinwhichsuchchangepresentsitselfthroughelections,finance,andinstitutions.Liberalelectoralresultsrepresenthumanity'sunconditionalself-legislation,inotherwords,thefocuson"theI"25fromwhichstemsliberalism.Butthisvisionfromapure"I,"accordingtoHeidegger,isimpossibletoachieve,becausetherearenoexperiencesthateversetmanbeyondhimselfintoanunentereddomainfromwithinwhichmanasheisuptonowcouldbecomequestionable.Thatis—namely,thatself-security—thatinnermostessenceof"liberalism,"whichpreciselyforthisrea-sonhastheappearanceofbeingabletofreelyunfoldandtosub-scribetoprogressforalleternity....Thus,itnowtookonlyafewyearsfor"science"torealizethatits"liberal"essenceandits"idealofobjectivity"arenotonlycompatiblewiththepolitical-national"orientation"butalsoindispensabletoit.Andhence"science"aswellas"worldview"mustnowunanimouslyagreethatthetalkofa"crisis"ofsciencewasactuallyonlyaprattle.26


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***1NC 3/3*** C.ThealternativeistovotenegtoengageinradicalcritiqueofstatecapitalismwhichresultsinitsultimatedestructionMeszaros‘08[Istvan,ChairofPhilosophyattheUniversityofSussex,TheChallengeandBurdenofHistoricalTime,p323-328]

Theunrealityofpostulatingthesustainablesolutionofthegraveproblemsofoursocialorderwithintheformalandlegalframeworkandcorrespondingconstraintsofparliamentary

politicsarisesfromthefundamentalmisconceptionofthestructuraldeterminationsofcapital’srule,asrepresentedinallvarietiesthatassertthedualismofcivilsocietyandthepoliticalstate.Thedifficulty,insurmountablewithintheparliamentaryframeworkisthisthatsincecapitalisactuallyincontrolofallvitalaspectsofthesocialmetabolism,itcanaffordtodefinetheseparatelyconstitutedsphereofpoliticallegitimationasastrictly

formalandlegalmatter,therebynecessarilyexcludingthepossibilityofbeinglegitimatelychallengedinitssubstantivesphereofsocioeconomicreproductiveoperation.Directlyorindirectly,capitalcontrolseverything,includingtheparliamentarylegislativeprocess,evenifthelatterissupposedtobefullyindependentfromcapitalinmanytheoriesthatfictitiouslyhypostatizethe“democraticequality”ofallpoliticalforcesparticipatinginthelegislativeprocess.Toenvisageaverydifferentrelationshiptothepowersofdecisionmakinginoursocieties,nowcompletelydominatedbytheforcesofcapitalineverydomain,itisnecessarytoradicallychallengecapitalitselfastheoverallcontrollerofsocialmetabolicreproduction.¶Whatmakesthisproblemworseforallthosewhoarelookingforsignificantchangeonthemarginsoftheestablishedpoliticalsystemisthatthelattercanclaimforitselfgenuineconstitutionallegitimacyinitspresentmodeoffunctioning,basedonthehistoricallyconstitutedinversionoftheactualstateofthematerialreproductiveaffairs.Forinasmuchasthecapitalisnotonlythe“personificationofcapital”butsimultaneouslyfunctionsalso“asthepersonificationofthesocialcharacteroflabor,ofthetotalworkshopassuch,”thesystemcanclaimtorepresentthevitallynecessaryproductivepowerofsocietyvis-à-vistheindividualsasthebasisoftheircontinuedexistence,incorporatingtheinterestofall.

Inthiswaycapitalassertsitselfnotonlyasthedefactobutalsothedejurepowerofsociety,initscapacityastheobjectivelygivennecessaryconditionofsocietalreproduction,andtherebyas

theconstitutionalfoundationtoitsownpoliticalorder.Thefactthattheconstitutionallegitimacyofcapitalishistoricallyfoundedontheruthlessexpropriationoftheconditionsofsocialmetabolicreproduction-themeansandmaterialoflabor-fromtheproducers,andthereforecapital’sclaimed“constitutionality”(liketheoriginofallconstitutions)isunconstitutional,isanunpalatabletruthwhichfadesawayinthemistofaremotepast.The“socialproductivepowersoflabor,orproductivepowerorsociallabor,firstdevelophistoricallywiththespecificallycapitalistmodeofproduction,henceappearassomethingimmanentinthecapital-relationandinseparablefromit.¶Thisishowcapital’smodeofsocialmetabolicreproductionbecomeseternalizedandlegitimatedasalawfullyunchallengeablesystem.Legitimatecontestisadmissibleonlyinrelationtosomeminoraspectsoftheunalterableoverallstructure.Therealstateofaffairsontheeplaneofsocioeconomicreproduction-i.e.,theactuallyexercisedproductivepoweroflaboranditsabsolutenecessityforsecuringcapital’sownreproduction-disappearsfromsight.Partlybecauseoftheignoranceoftheveryfarfromlegitimatehistoricaloriginofcapital’s“primitiveaccumulation”andtheconcomitant,frequentlyviolent,expropriationofpropertyasthepreconditionofthesystem’spresentmodeoffunctioning;andpartlybecauseofthemystifyingnatureoftheestablishedproductiveanddistributiverelations.AsMarxnotes:Theobjectiveconditionsoflabordonotappearassubsumedundertheworker;rather,heappearsassubsumedunderthem.CapitalemploysLabor.Eventhisrelationisinitssimplicityisapersonificationofthingsandareificationofpersons.¶

Noneofthiscanbechallengedandremediedwithintheframeworkofparliamentarypoliticalreform.Itwouldbequiteabsurdtoexpecttheabolitionofthe“personificationofthingsandthereificationofpersons”bypoliticaldecree,andjustasabsurdtoexpecttheproclamationofsuchanintendedreformwithintheframeworkofcapital’spoliticalinstitutions.Forthecapitalsystemcannotfunctionwithouttheperverseoverturningoftherelationshipbetweenpersonsandthings:capital’salienatedandreifiedpowersdominatethemassesofthepeople.Similarlyitwouldbeamiracleiftheworkerswhoconfrontcapitalinthelaborprocessas“isolatedworkers”couldreacquiremasteryoverthesocialproductivepowersoftheirlaborbysomepoliticaldecree,orevenbyawholeseriesofparliamentaryreformsenactedundercapital’sorderofsocialmetaboliccontrol.Forinthesematterstherecanbenowayofavoidingtheirreconcilableconflictoverthematerialstakesof“either/or”¶Capitalcanneitherabdicateits-usurped-socialproductivepowersinfavoroflabor,norcanIsharethemwithlabor,thankstosomewishfulbututterlyfictitious“politicalcompromise.”Fortheyconstitutetheoverallcontrollingpowerofsocietalreproductionintheformof“theruleofwealthoversociety.”Thusitisimpossibletoescape,inthedomainofthefundamentalsocialmetabolism,theseverelogicofeither/or.Foreitherwealth,intheshapeofcapital,continuestoruleoverhumansociety,takingitto

thebrinkofself-destruction,orthesocietyofassociatedproducerslearnstoruleoveralienatedandreifiedwealth,withproductivepowersarisingfromtheself-determinatedsociallaborofitsindividual-butnotlongerisolated-members.Capitalistheextra-parliamentaryforceparexcellence.Itcannotpossiblybepoliticallyconstrainedbyparliamentinitspowerofsocialmetaboliccontrol.Thisiswhytheonlymodeofpoliticalrepresentationcompatiblewithcapital’smodeoffunctioningisonethateffectivelydeniesthepossibilityofcontestingitsmaterialpower.Andpreciselybecausecapitalistheextra-parliamentaryforceparexcellence,ithasnothingtofearfromthereformsthatcanbeenactedwithinitsparliamentarypoliticalframework.¶Sincethevitalissueonwhicheverythingelsehingesisthat“theobjectiveconditionsoflabordonotappearassubsumedundertheworker”buy,onthecontrary,“heappearsassubsumedunderthem,”nomeaningfulchangeisfeasiblewithoutaddressingtheissuebothinaformofpoliticscapableofmatchingcapital’sextra-parliamentarypowersandmodesofaction,andinthedomainofmaterialreproduction.Thustheonlychallengethatcouldaffectthepowerofcapital,inasustainablemanner,isonewhichwouldsimultaneouslyaimatassumingthesystem’skeyproductivefunctions,andatacquiringcontroloverthecorrespondingpoliticaldecisionmakingprocessesinallspheres,insteadofbeinghopelesslyconstrainedbythecircularconfinementofinstitutionallylegitimatedpoliticalactiontoparliamentarylegislation.¶Thereisagreatdealofcritiqueofformerlyleftwingpoliticalfiguresandoftheirnowfullyaccommodatingpartiesinthepoliticaldebatesofthelastdecades.However,whatisproblematicaboutsuchdebatesisthatbyoveremphasizingtheroleofpersonalambitionandfailure,theyoftencontinuetoenvisageremedyingthesituationwithinthesamepoliticalinstitutionalframeworkthat,infact,greatlyfavorsthecriticized“personalbetrayals”andthepainful“partyderailments.”Unfortunately,thoughtheadvocatedandhopedforpersonalandgovernmentchangestendtoreproducethesamedeplorableresults.¶Allthiscouldnotbeverysurprising.Thereasonwhythenowestablishedpoliticalinstitutionssuccessfullyresistsignificantchangeforthebetterisbecausetheyarethemselvespartoftheproblemandnotofthesolution.Forintheirimmanentnaturetheyaretheembodimentoftheunderlyingstructuraldeterminationsandcontradictionsthroughwhichthemoderncapitaliststate-withitsubiquitousnetworkofbureaucraticconstituents-hasbeenarticulatedandstabilizedinthecourseofthelastfourhundredyears.Naturally,thestatewasformednotasaone-sidedmechanicalresultbutthroughitsnecessaryreciprocalinterrelationshiptothematerialgroundofcapital’shistoricalunfolding,asnotonlybeingshapedbythelatterbutalsoactivelyshapingitasmuchashistoricallyfeasibleundertheprevailing-andpreciselythroughtheinterrelationshipalsochanging-circumstances.¶Giventheinsuperablycentrifugaldeterminationofcapital’sproductivemicrocosms,evenatthelevelofthegiantquasi-monopolistictransnationalcorporations,onlythemodernstatecouldassumeandfulfilltherequiredfunctionofbeingtheoverallcommandstructureofthecapitalsystem.¶Inevitably,thatmeantthecompletealienationofthepowerofoveralldecisionmakingfromtheproducers.Eventhe“particularpersonificationsofcapital”werestrictlymandatedtoactinaccordwiththestructuralimperativesoftheirsystem.Indeedthemodernstate,asconstitutedonthematerialgroundofthecapitalsystem,istheparadigmofalienationasregardsthepowerofcomprehensivedecisionmaking.Itwouldbethereforeextremely

naïvetoimaginethatthecapitaliststatecouldwillinglyhandoverthealienatedpowerofsystemicdecisionmakingtoanyrivalactorwhooperateswithinthelegislativeframeworkofparliament.¶Thus,inordertoenvisageameaningfulandhistoricallysustainablesocietalchange,itisnecessarytosubmittoaradicalcritiqueboththematerialreproductiveandthepoliticalinter-determinationsoftheentiresystem,andnotsimplysomeofthecontingentandlimitedpoliticalpractices.Thecombinedtotalityofthematerialreproductivedeterminationsandtheall-embracingpoliticalcommandstructureofthestatetogetherconstitutestheoverpoweringrealityofthecapitalsystem.Inthissense,inviewoftheunavoidablequestionarisingfromthechallengeofsystemicdeterminations,

withregardtobothsocioeconomicreproductionandthestate,theneedforacomprehensivepoliticaltransformation-incloseconjunctiontothemeaningfulexerciseofsociety’svitalproductivefunctionswithout

whichfar-reachingandlastingpoliticalchangeisinconceivable-becomesinseparablefromtheproblemcharacterizedasthewitheringawayofthestate.Accordingly,inthe

historictaskofaccomplishing“thewitheringawayofthestate,”self-managementthroughfullparticipation,andthepermanentlysustainableovercomingofparliamentarismbyapositiveformofsubstantivedecision-makingareinseparable.¶Thisisavitalconcern

andnot“romanticfaithfulnesstoMarx’sunrealizabledream,”assomepeopletrytodiscreditanddismissit.Intruth,the“witheringawayofthestate”referstonothingmysteriousorremotebuttoaperfectlytangibleprocessthatmustbeinitiatedrightinourownhistoricaltime.Itmeans,inplainlanguage,theprogressivereacquisitionofthealienatedpowerofpoliticaldecisionmakingbytheindividualsintheirenterpriseofmovingtowardagenuinesocialistsociety.Withoutthereacquisitionofthispower-towhichnotonlythecapitaliststatebutalsotheparalyzinginertiaofthestructurallywell-entrenchedmaterialreproductivepracticesarefundamentallyopposed-neitherthenewmodeofpoliticalcontrolofsocietyasawholebyitsindividualsisconceivable,norindeedthenonadversarialandtherebycohesiveandplannableeverydayoperationoftheparticularproductiveanddistributiveunitsbytheself-managingfreelyassociatedproducers.Radicallysupersedingadversariality,andtherebysecuringthematerialandpoliticalgroundofgloballyviableplanning-anabsolutemustfortheverysurvivalofhumanity,nottomentionthepotentiallyenrichedselfrealization-ofitsindividualmembers-issynonymouswiththewitheringawayofthestateasanongoinghistoricalenterprise.


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***2NC Overview*** <Insertoverview—explainwhatKritikargumentsshouldcomebeforeevaluatingtheimpactsofthe1AC>

Stepsforwritinganoverviewforakritik—answerthese3questions:1.WhatisthestoryoroverallpointoftheKritik?2.Explainwhyifwedonotchangeourwayofthinkingwewillultimatelyreproducethesametypeofviolenceexplainbythe1AC? a)Whatdoestheimpactcardday? b)Explainhowthe1ACisanexampleofthatwayofthinking(Hint:It’sinthelinkcard)3.Whydoesthealternativesolvetheproblemsofcapitalism?<usethealternativecardtoexplain>


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***They say—Framework*** 1.TheFrameworkforthisdebateisthatthejudge,anacademictruthspeaker,speakingtruthtopowerabouttheflawednatureofcapitalism.2.Onlythenegativeframeworksolves–onlydebatingrootcauseclaimsandthejustificationsbehindthelawcanalleviatethecausesofviolence.Wearelink-turningtheirclaims–TheMansfield&Browneevidenceisolatestheirideaofcapitalism’sutilitydeterminesthatitproducesaflawedwayofmakingpolicydecisions.Youshouldvotenegativetofixtherootcauseoftheirimpactclaims.


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***Link—Extension*** ()EngagementwithChinaishijackedbyneoliberalforcestoexpandglobalcapitalismRoden3(Mark,Sept,“US–ChinaRelationsintheContemporaryEra:AnInternationalPoliticalEconomyPerspective”,PoliticsSeptember,vol.23no.3192-199,Url:http://pol.sagepub.com.libproxy.scu.edu/content/23/3/192.short)BasedontheaboveBillClintonshouldberegardedasanenormouslysuccessfulpresident.By1996thenationaldeficithadbeenbroughttoitslowestebbinoveradecadeandUSeconomicpowerwasintheascensionfuelledbyexport-ledgrowth(Walker,1996,p.350).MichaelCoxhasforcefullyarguedthatClintondetractors

largelyignoredtheadministration'sswitchofemphasis‘fromgeo-politicstogeo-economics’(M.Cox,1995).Moreover,USideologicalpowerwaxedratherthanwanedduringtheClintonyears.GovernmentsacrosstheglobefollowedtheUSleadinloweringtradebarriersandadaptingthemselvestothecompetitiveexigenciesofglobalisationinitsneoliberalform–namelyderegulationandenhancingtherightsofglobalcapitalvis-à-visnationallybasedlabour.Thistrendwascompoundedbytheformationofkeyinstitutionsintegraltoanoverallpolicyofpromotingfreemarketpoliciesthroughouttheworld.Mostsignificantly,theClintonadministrationsecuredthepassageoftheNorthAmericanFreeTradeAgreement(NAFTA)in1994;

the1995agreementoftheAsiaPacificEconomicCo-operation(APEC)todevelopafreetradezone;and,alsoin1995,theformationoftheWorldTradeOrganisation(WTO).TheimportantpointherewasthattheinstitutionalisationofUSpowerattheregionalandgloballevelsharnessedwhatwereostensiblycompetitoreconomies(suchasthoseofJapan,Germany,andtosomeextentChina)toeconomicideasemanatingfromWashington.Itwouldbewrongtoseethepromotionofliberalfreetradepoliciesinsolelynegativeterms.Therewerepositiveaspects.Firstly,theUSwasengagedintheworldandstressingtheroleoftradeandinvestmentinovercominghistoricalconflicts.AsMichaelCoxhascogentlyarguedClinton'sinvolvementintheNorthernIrelandpeaceprocesswasacrucialelementinpersuadingtheformerlyMarxistIrishRepublicanArmy(IRA)toendthatconflict(M.Cox,1998).PartandparcelofClinton'sfreetradepolicieshasbeenthatoffosteringsocio-economicstabilityandconditionsconducivetothefreeflowofcapital,goodsandservices.ThishashadaprogressiveimpactbeyondfurtheringUSinterestsalone.TheClintonyears,thoughdrivenbyeconomicliberalismandalargedoseof‘enlightened’self-interest,werealsoinformedbyarenewedbeliefinmultilateralinstitutionsandinternationalism(Ruggie,1996).AcrucialquestionincreatinganewglobaleconomicorderandlegitimatingUSleadershipintheClintonera,however,washowtobringChinawithintheinstitutionalframeworkofthepost-ColdWarworldorderwhilealsomaximisingtheopportunitiesforUSfirmsinahugeemergingmarket.PreviousSectionNextSectionTheIPEofUS–ChinarelationsintheClintoneraTheClintonadministration'soverallapproachwastobringChinawithinthefamilyofnationsassentingtoliberalnorms.Moreover,despitecomingtopowercastigatingGeorgeBushSenior'sRepublicanadministrationfor‘coddling’dictators,theIPEofUS–Chinarelationswereplayedoutincorrelationwithkeystructuralgoalsthatplacedliberaleconomicsabovethepromotionofliberalpolitics(Hughes,1995).GerardSegalhasdubbedtheUSapproach‘positiveconditionality’–ausefulturnofphrasethatconnotesChina'sgainingaccesstotradebenefitsinreturnforsystem-maintainingbehaviour(Segal,1995,p.71).ItwasinthelightofthisstrategythattheClintonadministrationjettisoneditsinitialChinapolicyoftyingChina'sMostFavouredNation(MFN)statustoprogressonhumanrights.Linkage,asthispolicywasknown,cametobeseenasaharmfulimpedimenttoUSfirmsandwasfurtherviewedasundercuttingtheoverridinglogicofpoliciespursuedbykeyeconomicagenciessuchastheDepartmentoftheTreasury,theOfficeoftheUnitedStatesTradeRepresentative(USTR),andtheCommerceDepartment.Indeed,intensebureaucraticrivalriessurfacedduringClinton'sfirsttermastheadministrationmovedtoreplace‘linkage’withapolicyof‘comprehensiveengagement’inMay1994.Thenewprioritygiventogeoeconomicswaspolarisedbytheadministration'sdecisiontogiveunequivocalsupporttotheannualrenewalofChina'sMFNtradestatuswhenvoteduponbytheUScongress.Moreover,theroleoftheStateDepartmentwasnoticeablydowngradedaswereprotectionistarguments(frombothleftandright)fuelledbytheseeminglyintractabletradedeficitthatexistedbetweenthetwocountries(Lampton,1994).TheintellectualargumentforengagingChinawasperhapsbestarticulatedbyLauraD'AndreaTysonwhoclaimedthatcongressionalrevocation

ofMFNwould‘slowtheflowofinformationaboutWesternculture,ideas,businesspractices,andperspectivesthataccompanyforeigninvestment’(WallStreetJournal,28May1997).ThecasefortheengagementofChinawasalsotheresult,however,ofestablishedeconomicforceswithintheUSstate.Extensiveandhighlyorganisedlobbyingbybusinessgroupstookfulladvantageofthefactthattheiropponentsontheleftandrightwerefragmentedandofferingunattractivealternatives.In1991around75prominentUStradegroupsformedtheBusinessCoalitionforUS–ChinaTrade,whosemembersincludedlobbyinggiantssuchastheUSChamberofCommerce,theUS–ChinaBusinessCouncilandthe500-memberstrongNationalForeignTradeCouncil(Sutter,1998,p.57).Thesegroupswereparticularlyvisibleduringthe1994deliberationsoverdelinkingMFNfromhumanrights.ForexampletheEmergencyCommitteeforAmericanTrade(ECAT)(representing55large

UScorporationswithworldwidesalesof$55trillionin1992)wasinstrumentalinthesendingofanopenlettertotheClintonadministrationfrom300captainsofindustryandbusiness(Sutter,1998,p.58).From1994to2000anagglomerationofUSbusinessgroups,pro-engagementmembersofCongressandadministrationofficialssuccessfullyensuredthatMFNwasrenewedannually.Thisoccurreddespitetheoftenanimatedprotestationsofhumanrightslobbyistsandprotectionists.TheIPEofUS–ChinarelationsduringtheClintonadministrationsrevolvedprimarilyaroundtwofundamentalissues.Thefirstwasthebilateraltradedeficit.Thesecondwas

China'saccessiontotheWorldTradeOrganisation(WTO).PreviousSectionNextSectionThetradedeficitTheUS–Chinatradedeficit,thoughreal,hasbeenpoliticisedinawaythatfalselyportraysChinaasprotectionistandbelligerentinherapproachtofreetrade.ItisthereforehighlysignificantthatkeyneoliberalscholarshaveactuallyapplaudedChina'sgradualistapproachtoreform,havingwitnessedeventsintheformerSovietUnion

(Overholt,1993;Lardy,1994).AsNicholasLardypointsout,thedeficit(whichstoodat$80billionin2001)doesnotrepresentaChineseploytotakeadvantageoftheworldtradesystembutsomethingaltogethermorebenign.ThedeficitisstructuralandreflectschangesinthepositionsoftheNewlyIndustrialisingCountries(NICs)inAsiatakenasawhole.ThusalthoughChina'sshareofworldexportsinclothing,toys,sportinggoodsandfootwearrosefrom14percentin1984to39percentin1994,theshareinthesesectorssimultaneouslyfellinthefourAsianTigereconomies(Malaysia,Singapore,TaiwanandSouthKorea)from55percentto24percent.InshortChinahasmerelyfilledthevacuumleftbyotherAsiannationsthathavemovedintohigh-technologysectors(Lardy,1998,p.188).AccordingtoRobertRoss,‘thecumulativeUStradedeficitwithChina,HongKong,Taiwan,SouthKorea,andJapanhasnotappreciablygrownsince1998;onlythedistributionamongthemarketshaschanged’(Ross,1997,p.48).Moreover,China'stradedeficitwiththeUShasalsoreflectedtherealitiesofconsumerdemandintheUSwherelow-value-addedgoods,manufacturedlargelyinChina,havebeennecessaryimportssincethe1980s.TheUSeconomyhadlongsincemovedawayfromthemassproductionoftoys,plasticsandfootwear(Lardy,1994).ThusitwasarguedthatthedeficitshouldnotprecludeChina'sentrytotheWTO.PreviousSectionNextSectionTheWorldTradeOrganisationAsanumberofobserversofUS–Chinarelationshavenoted,ChinahaslargelyacquiescedintheroleofglobalinstitutionssincetheendoftheCultural

Revolution(Foot,1995;Cheung,1998).Despiteprotractednegotiations(beginningin1986)overChina'sentrytoGeneralAgreementonTariffsandTrade(GATT)andthentheWTO,Chinahasbeenadmittedtothelatterontermslargelycongruentwithneoliberalpolicygoals.ConditionsforChina'sentrytotheWTOwereagreeduponon15November1999.DespiteUSapprovaltheseconditionswereinitiallysubjecttobilateralagreementsbetweenChinaandCanadaandChinaandtheEuropeanUnion.Asixyearphase-inperiodwasapprovedbytheUSandinvolvesthe

following:‘China'sagreementtocutdutiesonawiderangeofproducts;togiveforeigncompaniestherighttodistributeproductswithinChina;andtoallowforeigncarmakerstoprovidecarfinancing.Mostsignificantly,intermsofUS–Chinarelations,generaltariffswillbecutbetween14.5percentand15percentwhilenewsectorsoftheChineseeconomy,suchasbanking,insurance,theInternet,telecoms,andelectronicswillbeopenedtotheforcesofglobalcompetition’(FarEasternEconomicReview,25November1999).Significantly,since1999pro-businessandpro-ChineseforceswithinthelobbyingworldandwithintheUSCongresshavebeen

pushingforanendtotheyearlydebateoverMFN,urgingtheapprovalofaPermanentNormalTradeRelationsAct(PNTA).InJune2001thisActwaspassedwiththeapprovalofGeorgeW.Bush'sRepublicanadministration.Thisfurther‘normalisation’ofUS–Chinarelations,incorrelationwithChina'sentrytotheWTO,suggeststhatbothnationsaremovingevercloserintheirmutualrecognitionoftheneoliberalideasunderpinningglobalisation.Indeed,theclaimthatthetwocountriesrepresentdiametricallyopposedcivilisationsheadingforimminentcollisionappearsratherprematureifnotentirelyspurious.1Thispointhasbeenunderscoredin

recenttimesbythereactionsofChinesepresidentJiangZeminandGeorgeW.BushtotheterroristattacksofSeptember11andtheirjointresolvetoensureastableglobalorder.


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***Impact—Extension*** Resistingthesystemicviolenceofcapitalismistheultimateethicalresponsibility–(rewording)Zizek&Daly4(Slavoj,seniorresearcherattheInstituteforSociologyandPhilosophyattheUniversityofLjubljana,GlobalDistinguishedProfessorofGermanatNewYorkUniversity,andinternationaldirectoroftheBirkbeckInstitutefortheHumanitiesoftheUniversityofLondon,andGlyn,ConversationswithZizekpage14-16)ForZizekitisimperativethatwecutthroughthisGordianknotofpostmodernprotocolandrecognizethatourethico-politicalresponsibilityistoconfronttheconstitutiveviolenceoftoday’sglobalcapitalismanditsobscenenaturalization/anonymizationofthemillionswhoaresubjugatedbyitthroughouttheworld.Againstthestandardizedpositionsofpostmodernculture–withallitspietiesconcerning‘multiculturalist’etiquette–Zizekisarguingforapoliticsthatmightbecalled‘radicallyincorrect’inthesensethatitbreakwiththesetypesofpositions7andfocusesinsteadontheveryorganizingprinciplesoftoday’ssocialreality:theprinciplesofgloballiberalcapitalism.Thisrequiressomecareandsubtlety.Forfartoolong,Marxismhasbeenbedeviledbyanalmostfetishisticeconomismthathastendedtowardspoliticalmorbidity.WiththelikesofHilferdingandGramsci,andmorerecentlyLaclauandMouffee,crucialtheoreticaladvanceshavebeenmadethatenablethetranscendenceofallformsofeconomism.Inthisnewcontext,however,Zizekarguesthattheproblemthatnowpresentsitselfisalmostthatoftheoppositefetish.Thatistosay,theprohibitiveanxietiessurroundingthetabooofeconomismcanfunctionasawayofnotengagingwitheconomicrealityandasawayofimplicitlyacceptingthelatterasabasichorizonofexistence.InanironicFreudian-Lacaniantwist,thefearofeconomismcanendupreinforcingadefactoeconomicnecessityinrespectofcontemporarycapitalism(i.e.theinitialprohibitionconjuresuptheverythingitfears).Thisisnottoendorseanykindofretrogradereturntoeconomism.Zizek’spointisratherthatinrejectingeconomismweshouldnotlosesightofthesystemicpowerofcapitalinshapingthelivesanddestiniesofhumanityandourverysenseofthepossible.InparticularweshouldnotoverlookMarx’scentralinsightthatinordertocreateauniversalglobalsystemtheforcesofcapitalismseektoconcealthepolitico-discursiveviolenceofitsconstructionthroughakindofgentrificationofthatsystem.Whatispersistentlydeniedbyneo-liberalssuchasRorty(1989)andFukuyama(1992)isthatthegentrificationofgloballiberalcapitalismisonewhose‘universalism’fundamentallyreproducesanddependsuponadisavowedviolencethatexcludesvastsectorsoftheworld’spopulations.Inthisway,neo-liberalideologyattemptstonaturalizecapitalismbypresentingitsoutcomesofwinningandlosingasiftheyweresimplyamatterofchanceandsoundjudgmentinaneutralmarketplace.Capitalismdoesindeedcreateaspaceforacertaindiversity,atleastforthecentralcapitalistregions,butitisneitherneutralnoridealanditspriceintermsofsocialexclusionisexorbitant.Thatistosay,thehumancostintermsofinherentglobalpovertyanddegraded‘life-chances’cannotbecalculatedwithintheexistingeconomicrationaleand,inconsequence,socialexclusionremainsmystifiedandnameless(viz.thepatronizingreferencetothe‘developingworld’).AndZizek’spointisthatthismystificationismagnifiedthroughcapitalism’sprofoundcapacitytoingestitsownexcessesandnegativity:toredirect(ormisdirect)socialantagonismsandtoabsorbthemwithinacultureofdifferentialaffirmation.InsteadofBolshevism,thetendencytodayistowardsakindofpoliticalboutiquismthatisreadilysustainedbypostmodernformsofconsumerismandlifestyle.AgainstthisZizekarguesforanewuniversalismwhoseprimaryethicaldirectiveistoconfrontthefactthatourformsofsocialexistencearefoundedonexclusiononaglobalscale.WhileitisperfectlytruethatuniversalismcanneverbecomeUniversal(itwillalwaysrequireahegemonic-particularembodimentinordertohaveanymeaning),whatisnovelaboutZizek’suniversalismisthatitwouldnotattempttoconcealthisfactorreducethestatusoftheabjectOthertothatofa‘glitch’inanotherwisesoundmatrix.


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***Alternative—Extension*** Ouralternativeistovotenegativetorefusetoparticipateinactivitieswhichsupportcapitalism.WemusthollowoutcapitaliststructuresbyrefusingtoinvestourenergyinreformsandrescueoperationsHerod‘04(James,ColumbiaUniversityGraduateandPoliticalActivist,GettingFree,http://site.www.umb.edu/faculty/salzman_g/Strate/GetFre/06.htm)Itistimetotrytodescribe,atfirstabstractlyandlaterconcretely,astrategyfordestroyingcapitalism.Thisstrategy,atitsmostbasic,callsforpullingtime,energy,andresourcesoutofcapitalistcivilizationandputtingthemintobuildinganewcivilization.Theimagethenisoneofemptyingoutcapitaliststructures,hollowingthemout,bydrainingwealth,

power,andmeaningoutofthemuntilthereisnothingleftbutshells.¶Thisisdefinitelyanaggressivestrategy.Itrequiresgreatmilitancy,andconstitutesanattackontheexistingorder.Thestrategyclearlyrecognizesthatcapitalismistheenemyandmustbedestroyed,butitisnotafrontalattackaimedatoverthrowingthesystem,butaninsideattackaimedatguttingit,whilesimultaneouslyreplacingitwith

somethingbetter,somethingwewant.¶Thuscapitaliststructures(corporations,governments,banks,schools,etc.)arenotseizedsomuchassimplyabandoned.Capitalist

relationsarenotfoughtsomuchastheyaresimplyrejected.Westopparticipatinginactivitiesthatsupport(finance,condone)thecapitalistworldandstartparticipatinginactivitiesthatbuildanewworldwhilesimultaneouslyunderminingtheold.Wecreateanewpatternofsocialrelationsalongsidecapitalistrelationsandthenwecontinuallybuildand

strengthenournewpatternwhiledoingeverythingwecantoweakencapitalistrelations.Inthiswayournewdemocratic,non-hierarchical,non-commodifiedrelationscaneventuallyoverwhelmthecapitalistrelationsandforcethemoutofexistence.¶Thisishowithastobedone.Thisisaplausible,realisticstrategy.Tothinkthatwecouldcreateawholenewworldofdecentsocialarrangementsovernight,inthemidstofacrisis,duringaso-calledrevolution,orduringthecollapseofcapitalism,isfoolhardy.Ournewsocialworldmustgrowwithintheold,andinoppositiontoit,untilitisstrongenoughtodismantleandabolishcapitalistrelations.Sucharevolutionwillneverhappenautomatically,blindly,determinably,becauseoftheinexorable,materialistlawsofhistory.Itwillhappen,andonlyhappen,becausewewantitto,andbecauseweknowwhatwe’redoingandknowhowwewanttolive,andknowwhatobstacleshavetobeovercomebeforewecanlivethatway,andknowhowtodistinguishbetweenoursocialpatternsandtheirs.¶Butwemustnotthinkthatthecapitalistworldcansimplybeignored,inaliveandletliveattitude,whilewetrytobuild

newliveselsewhere.(Thereisnoelsewhere.)Thereisatleastonething,wage-slavery,thatwecan’tsimplystopparticipatingin(butevenheretherearewayswecanchipawayatit).Capitalismmustbeexplicitlyrefusedandreplacedbysomethingelse.ThisconstitutesWar,butitisnotawarinthetraditionalsenseofarmiesandtanks,butawarfoughtonadailybasis,onthelevelofeverydaylife,bymillionsofpeople.Itisawarneverthelessbecausetheaccumulatorsofcapitalwillusecoercion,brutality,andmurder,astheyhavealwaysdoneinthepast,totrytoblockanyrejectionofthesystem.Theyhavealwayshadtoforcecompliance;theywillnothesitatetocontinuedoingso.Nevertheless,therearemanyconcretewaysthatindividuals,groups,andneighborhoodscangutcapitalism,whichIwillenumerateshortly.¶Wemustalwayskeepinmindhowwebecameslaves;thenwecanseemoreclearlyhowwecanceasebeingslaves.Wewereforcedintowage-slaverybecausetherulingclassslowly,systematically,andbrutallydestroyedourabilitytoliveautonomously.Bydrivingusofftheland,changingthepropertylaws,destroyingcommunityrights,destroyingourtools,imposingtaxes,destroyingourlocalmarkets,andsoforth,wewereforcedontothelabormarketinordertosurvive,ouronlyremainingoptionbeingtosell,forawage,ourabilitytowork.¶It’squiteclearthenhowwecanoverthrowslavery.Wemustreversethisprocess.Wemustbegintoreacquiretheabilitytolivewithoutworkingforawageorbuyingtheproductsmadebywage-slaves(thatis,wemustgetfreefromthelabormarketandthewayoflivingbasedonit),andembedourselvesinsteadincooperativelaborand

cooperativelyproducedgoods.¶Anotherclarificationisneeded.Thisstrategydoesnotcallforreformingcapitalism,forchangingcapitalismintosomethingelse.Itcallsforreplacingcapitalism,totally,withanewcivilization.Thisisanimportantdistinction,becausecapitalismhasprovedimpervioustoreforms,asasystem.Wecansometimesinsomeplaceswincertainconcessionsfromit(usuallyonlytemporaryones)andwinsome(usuallyshort-lived)improvementsinourlivesasitsvictims,butwecannotreformitpiecemeal,asasystem.¶Thusourstrategyofguttingandeventuallydestroyingcapitalismrequiresataminimumatotalizingimage,anawarenessthatweareattackinganentirewayoflifeandreplacingitwithanother,andnotmerelyreformingonewayoflifeintosomethingelse.¶Manypeoplemaynotbeaccustomedtothinkingaboutentiresystemsandsocialorders,buteveryoneknowswhatalifestyleis,orawayoflife,andthatisthewayweshouldapproachit.¶Thethingisthis:inorderforcapitalismtobedestroyedmillionsandmillionsofpeoplemustbedissatisfiedwiththeirwayoflife.Theymustwantsomethingelseandseecertainexistingthingsasobstaclestogettingwhattheywant.Itisnotusefultothinkofthisasanewideology.Itisnotmerelyabelief-systemthatisneeded,likeareligion,orlikeMarxism,orAnarchism.Ratheritisanewprevailingvision,adominantdesire,anoverridingneed.Whatmustexistisapressingdesiretoliveacertainway,andnottoliveanotherway.Ifthispressingdesirewereadesiretolivefree,tobeautonomous,toliveindemocratically

controlledcommunities,toparticipateintheself-regulatingactivitiesofamaturepeople,thencapitalismcouldbedestroyed.Otherwisewearedoomedtoperpetualslaveryand

possiblyeventoextinction.


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Capitalism-K Aff Answers


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***2AC Framework Argument*** 1stisframework—Thejudgeshouldonlyevaluatetheplanversusthestatusquooracompetitivepolicyoption.Anythingbeyondthatwishawaythe1AC,andisunfairtotheaffirmative.Wealsolosetopic-specificeducationwhichisthepurposeoftheresolution.That’sanindependentvoterforfairness.


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***2AC—Permutation*** Permutation–Doboth–MacroandmicropoliticsarenecessarytocreatealliancesMarsh95[JamesL.,ProfessorofPhilosophy,FordhamUniversity,“Critique,Action,andLiberation”,p.282-283]Whatseemstobecalledforandtobemorelikelywiththegreaterpossibilityandactuality'ofeconomicandrationality'crisisisaunionofworkersandcitizensgroups,economicandcultural

movements,purposiverational-actionandsymbolicinteraction,macro-andmicropolitics.Linkswithworkerscanremindcitizengroupsoftherelationshipoftheirowngoalsandmovementstoeconomicclassdominationandhelpsupplyaunity'tothesevariousgroups.Ontheotherhand,movementscenteredaroundquality'ofliferemindworkersthatmereeconomicreformsandrevolutionare

notenougheither,transformationofquality'oflifeisessential.Moreover,movementscenteredontheproblemsofracism,sexism,andthedevastationoftheenvironmentremindusofalegitimatespecificity,plurality',andirreducibilitywithinsocialmovements.Eventhoughracism,sexism,heterosexism.andenvironmentalpollutionareultimatelyrelatedtocapitalism,theyarenotreducibletocapitalistclassdomination.Alegitimatedifferanceexistsamongsocialmovementsthatmustberespected.Incontrasttopostmodernists.Iwouldinsistonalegitimateunity'oridentity'thatshouldbearticulated,anidentity-in-difference.Suchapoliticsdisavowseitheraone-sidedunity'presentinsometraditionalMarxismoraone-sided

pluralismpresentinliberalorpostmoderntheories.Suchapoliticswouldbeaestheticaswellaspolitical,culturalaswellaseconomic,microaswellasmacro,butincontrasttomanypostmoderntheoriestheaestheticandculturalarelinkedtothecriticalandreflective.Rationality'isnotsimplyorprimarilyinstrumentalorscientificassometraditionalMarxismwouldhaveitorsimplylibidinalandaestheticassomepost-modemtheorywouldhaveit.butaunity'ofpolitical,aesthetic,andscientific.ThustheaestheticpoliticsofAct-Up.anorganizationofAIDSactivists,breakingintoDanRather'snewscastonCBSduringtheGulfWarhasitslegitimateplaceasdomarchesprotestingthewarorworkerresistanceontheshopfloor.ThesymbolicprotestofaDanBerriganattheKingofPrussianuclearfacilityinPennsylvaniahasitsplace

aswellaspoliticalorganizingintheBronxaroundtheissuesofhealthcare,housing,andfood.Manylegitimatestruggles,kindsofstruggle,andsitesofstruggleexist,noneofwhichisreducibletotheother,butwhichareorcanbelinkedtooneanotherindifferentalliancesagainstacommonenemy,aracist,sexist,heterosexistcapitalism.Linkingandalliancearenotthesameassubsumptionandreduction,acommonmistake.Suchstruggleshaveacommonenemy,aresubjecttocommonnormsofright,morality',andjustice,andhaveacommongoalofliberation

takingtheformoffulleconomic,cultural,andpoliticaldemocracy.Incontrasttoapoliticsofassimilationthatdeniesdifferencesorapoliticsofrigididentity'thatbecomesseparatist,myrecommendedpoliticsisoneofinclusionandalliance.Suchapoliticsflowsfromtheargumentofthewholebook.Onaphenomenologicallevel,cognitional-transcendentalstructureandthevalidity'claimsoftheidealspeechsituationaresharedbyeveryoneequally,whiteorAfrican-American,capitalistorlaborer,womanorman.heterosexualorhomosexual.Nopersonorgroupofpersonsisprivilegedintheidealspeechsituation,andeachhasanequalrighttoexpressherneedsanddesiresandclaims.Ethicallytheprinciplesofright,morality,andjusticeforbidclassism.racism,sexism,andheterosexism.Hermeneutically.theseformsofdominationaredistinctbutrelatedandarenotreducibletooneanother.Critically,thetaskofsocialtheoryistocriticizetheseformsofdominationwiththeaimofovercomingthem.Finally,onthelevelofpraxisitself,eachkindofgroupsubjecttoitsowndistinctkindofexploitationcangiverisetoitsownlegitimatekindofsocialmovement.Itistruethatonahermeneutic-explanatorylevelclassdominationismorefundamentalanddefinitiveofoursocialsituationthanotherkinds,butevenhereoneformisnotreducibletotheother.Also,itismistakentoinferfromsuchprivilegingtoaprivilegingonotherlevels.Ethically,forexample,itisnotclearthatexploitationoflaborbycapitalisworsethanthatexertedbywhiteoverLatinoorIndian,heterosexualoverhomosexual,ormanoverwoman.Here,wenoteagaintheadvantageofmethodologicallydistinguishingdifferentstages,aspects,andlevelsincriticaltheory.EvenifIprivilegeclassdominationoverotherformsonahermeneutic-explanatorylevel,itmaybethatsocialmovementsarisingfromracism,sexism,andheterosexismhavetobeprivilegedattimesinthelatecapitalistcontext.Whichofthesesocialmovementstakestheleaddependsverymuchondifferentlocal,regional,andnationalsituations.Inadditiontootherkindsofindeterminacyandambiguity,socialtheoryhastoownuptoacertainindeterminacyonthelevelofpraxis.


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***2AC—Capitalism is good*** ()Totalrejectionofcapitalismfragmentsresistance–ThepermsolvesbestGibson-Graham96(Katharine,humangeography@AustralianNationalUniversity,Julie,geography@UofMassachusetts,TheEndofCapitalism(AsWeKnewIt),p.245)OneofourgoalsasMarxistshasbeentoproduceaknowledgeofcapitalism.Yetas“thatwhichisknown,”Capitalismhasbecometheintimateenemy.Wehaveuncloakedtheideologically-clothed,obscuremonster,butwehaveinstalledanakedandvisiblemonsterinitsplace.Inreturnforourlaborsofcreation,themonsterhasrobbedusofallforce.Wehear–andfinditeasytobelieve–thattheleftisindisarray.Partofwhatproducesthedisarrayoftheleftisthevisionofwhattheleftisarrayedagainst.Whencapitalismisrepresentedasaunifiedsystemcoextensivewiththenationoreventheworld,whenitisportrayedascrowdingoutallothereconomicforms,whenitisallowedtodefineentiresocieties,itbecomessomethingthatcanonlybedefeatedandreplacedbyamasscollectivemovement(orbyaprocessofsystemicdissolutionthatsuchamovementmightassist).Therevolutionarytaskofreplacingcapitalismnowseemsoutmodedandunrealistic,yetwedonotseemtohaveanalternativeconceptionofclasstransformationtotakeitsplace.Theoldpoliticaleconomic“systems”and“structures”thatcallforthavisionofrevolutionassystemicreplacementstillseemtobedominantintheMarxistpoliticalimagination.TheNewWorldOrderisoftenrepresentedaspoliticalfragmentationfoundeduponeconomicunification.Inthisvisiontheeconomyappearsasthelaststrongholdofunityandsingularityinaworldofdiversityandplurality.Butwhycan’ttheeconomybefragmentedtoo?IfwetheorizeditasfragmentedintheUnitedStates,wecouldbeingtoseeahugestatesector(incorporatingavarietyofformsofappropriationofsurpluslabor),averylargesectorofself-employedandfamily-basedproducers(mostnoncapitalist),ahugehouseholdsector(again,quitevariousintermsofformsofexploitation,withsomehouseholdsmovingtowardscommunalorcollectiveappropriationandothersoperatinginatraditionalmodeinwhichoneadultappropriatessurpluslaborfromanother).Noneofthesethingsiseasytosee.Ifcapitalismtakesuptheavailablesocialspace,there’snoroomforanythingelse.Ifcapitalismcannotcoexist,there’snopossibilityofanythingelse.Ifcapitalismfunctionsasaunity,itcannotbepartiallyorlocallyreplaced.Myintentistohelpcreatethediscursiveconceptionunderwhichsocialistorothernoncapitalistconstructionbecomes“realistic”presentactivityratherthanaludicrousorutopiangoal.ToachievethisImustsmashCapitalismandseeitinathousandpieces.Imustmakeitsunityafantasy,visibleasadenialofdiversityandchange.()Thealternativetocapitalismriskviolence,povertyandwarAligica3(Paul,4/21,fellowattheMercatusCenter,HudsonInsitute,“TheGreatTransitionandtheSocialLimitstoGrowth:HermanKahnonSocialChangeandGlobalEconomicDevelopment”,April21,http://www.hudson.org/index.cfm?fuseaction=publication_details&id=2827)

Stoppingthingswouldmeanifnottoengageinanexperimenttochangethehumannature,atleastinanequallydifficultexperimentinalteringpowerfulculturalforces:"Wefirmlybelieve

thatdespitetheargumentsputforwardbypeoplewhowouldliketo'stoptheearthandgetoff,'itissimplyimpracticaltodoso.Propensitytochangemaynotbeinherentinhuman

nature,butitisfirmlyembeddedinmostcontemporarycultures.Peoplehavealmosteverywherebecomecurious,futureoriented,anddissatisfiedwiththeirconditions.Theywantmorematerialgoodsandcovethigherstatusandgreatercontrolofnature.Despitemuchpropagandatothecontrary,theybelieveinprogressandfuture"(Kahn,1976,164).Asregardingthe

criticsofgrowththatstressedtheissueofthegapbetweenrichandpoorcountriesandtheissueofredistribution,Kahnnotedthatwhatmostpeopleeverywherewantwasvisible,rapidimprovementintheireconomicstatusandlivingstandards,andnotaclosingofthegap(Kahn,1976,165).Thepeoplefrompoorcountrieshaveasabasicgoalthetransitionfrompoortomiddleclass.Theotherimplicationsofsocialchangearesecondaryforthem.Thusacrucialfactortobetakenintoaccountisthatwhilethezero-growthadvocatesandtheirfollowers

maybesatisfiedtostopatthepresentpoint,mostothersarenot.Anyseriousattempttofrustratetheseexpectationsordesiresofthatmajorityislikelytofailand/orcreatedisastrouscounterreactions.Kahnwasconvincedthat"anyconcertedattempttostoporevenslow'progress'appreciably(thatis,tobesatisfiedwiththemoment)iscatastrophe-prone".Attheminimum,"itwouldprobablyrequirethecreationofextraordinarilyrepressivegovernmentsormovements-andprobablyarepressiveinternationalsystem"(Kahn,1976,165;1979,140-153).Thepressuresofoverpopulation,nationalsecuritychallengesandpovertyaswellastherevolutionofrisingexpectationscouldbesolvedonlyinacontinuinggrowthenvironment.Kahnrejectedtheideathatcontinuousgrowthwouldgeneratepoliticalrepressionandabsolutepoverty.Onthe

contrary,itisthelimits-to-growthposition"whichcreateslowmorale,destroysassurance,underminesthelegitimacyofgovernmentseverywhere,erodespersonalandgroup

commitmenttoconstructiveactivitiesandencouragesobstructivenesstoreasonablepoliciesandhopes".Hencethisposition"increasesenormouslythecostsofcreatingtheresourcesneededforexpansion,makesmorelikelymisleadingdebateandmisformulationoftheissues,andmakelesslikelyconstructiveandcreativelives".Ultimately"itispreciselythispositiontheonethatincreasesthepotentialforthekindsofdisasterswhichmostatitsadvocatesaretryingtoavoid"(Kahn,1976,210;1984).


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***2AC—The alternative does not solve*** (NotetoDebaters:Thisisthesamecardasthe2ndcardinthe2ACCapitalismGoodfrontline.Ifyoureadthiscardinyourspeechtoprovideevidencethatcapitalismisgood,thencross-applythiscardtoyourargumentationthatthekritik’salternativedoesn’tsolve.)()Thealternativetocapitalismrisksviolence,poverty,andwarAligica‘03(Paul,4/21,fellowattheMercatusCenter,HudsonInsitute,“TheGreatTransitionandtheSocialLimitstoGrowth:HermanKahnonSocialChangeandGlobalEconomicDevelopment”,April21,http://www.hudson.org/index.cfm?fuseaction=publication_details&id=2827)

Stoppingthingswouldmeanifnottoengageinanexperimenttochangethehumannature,atleastinanequallydifficultexperimentinalteringpowerfulculturalforces:"Wefirmlybelieve

thatdespitetheargumentsputforwardbypeoplewhowouldliketo'stoptheearthandgetoff,'itissimplyimpracticaltodoso.Propensitytochangemaynotbeinherentinhuman

nature,butitisfirmlyembeddedinmostcontemporarycultures.Peoplehavealmosteverywherebecomecurious,futureoriented,anddissatisfiedwiththeirconditions.Theywantmorematerialgoodsandcovethigherstatusandgreatercontrolofnature.Despitemuchpropagandatothecontrary,theybelieveinprogressandfuture"(Kahn,1976,164).Asregardingthe

criticsofgrowththatstressedtheissueofthegapbetweenrichandpoorcountriesandtheissueofredistribution,Kahnnotedthatwhatmostpeopleeverywherewantwasvisible,rapidimprovementintheireconomicstatusandlivingstandards,andnotaclosingofthegap(Kahn,1976,165).Thepeoplefrompoorcountrieshaveasabasicgoalthetransitionfrompoortomiddleclass.Theotherimplicationsofsocialchangearesecondaryforthem.Thusacrucialfactortobetakenintoaccountisthatwhilethezero-growthadvocatesandtheirfollowers

maybesatisfiedtostopatthepresentpoint,mostothersarenot.Anyseriousattempttofrustratetheseexpectationsordesiresofthatmajorityislikelytofailand/orcreatedisastrouscounterreactions.Kahnwasconvincedthat"anyconcertedattempttostoporevenslow'progress'appreciably(thatis,tobesatisfiedwiththemoment)iscatastrophe-prone".Attheminimum,"itwouldprobablyrequirethecreationofextraordinarilyrepressivegovernmentsormovements-andprobablyarepressiveinternationalsystem"(Kahn,1976,165;1979,140-153).Thepressuresofoverpopulation,nationalsecuritychallengesandpovertyaswellastherevolutionofrisingexpectationscouldbesolvedonlyinacontinuinggrowthenvironment.Kahnrejectedtheideathatcontinuousgrowthwouldgeneratepoliticalrepressionandabsolutepoverty.Onthe

contrary,itisthelimits-to-growthposition"whichcreateslowmorale,destroysassurance,underminesthelegitimacyofgovernmentseverywhere,erodespersonalandgroup

commitmenttoconstructiveactivitiesandencouragesobstructivenesstoreasonablepoliciesandhopes".Hencethisposition"increasesenormouslythecostsofcreatingtheresourcesneededforexpansion,makesmorelikelymisleadingdebateandmisformulationoftheissues,andmakelesslikelyconstructiveandcreativelives".Ultimately"itispreciselythispositiontheonethatincreasesthepotentialforthekindsofdisasterswhichmostatitsadvocatesaretryingtoavoid"(Kahn,1976,210;1984).

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More resources at - Glenn Pelham Foundationglennpelham.org/wp-content/uploads/Capitalism-Kritik-2016-2017.pdf · More resources at . ... Note to Coaches & Debaters ... Socialism-