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8/8/2019 "Manifesto of the Communist Party" K.Marx + F. Engels
1/27
MANIFESTOOFTHECOMMUNISTPARTY
[FromtheEnglisheditionof1888, editedbyFriedrichEngels]
AspectreishauntingEurope--thespectreofCommunism.
AllthePowersofoldEuropehaveenteredintoaholyallianceto
exorcisethisspectre: PopeandCzar, MetternichandGuizot,
FrenchRadicalsandGermanpolice-spies.
Whereisthepartyinoppositionthathasnotbeendecriedas
Communisticbyitsopponentsinpower? WhereistheOpposition
thathasnothurledbackthebrandingreproachofCommunism,
againstthemoreadvancedoppositionparties, aswellasagainst
itsreactionaryadversaries?
Twothingsresultfromthisfact.
I. CommunismisalreadyacknowledgedbyallEuropeanPowers
tobeitselfaPower.
II. ItishightimethatCommunistsshouldopenly, inthe
faceofthewholeworld, publishtheirviews, theiraims, their
tendencies, andmeetthisnurserytaleoftheSpectreof
CommunismwithaManifestoofthepartyitself.
Tothisend, Communistsofvariousnationalitieshave
assembledinLondon, andsketchedthefollowingManifesto, tobe
publishedintheEnglish, French, German, Italian, FlemishandDanishlanguages.
I. BOURGEOISANDPROLETARIANS
Thehistoryofallhithertoexistingsocietiesisthehistory
ofclassstruggles.
Freemanandslave, patricianandplebeian, lordandserf,
guild-masterandjourneyman, inaword, oppressorandoppressed,
stoodinconstantoppositiontooneanother, carriedonan
uninterrupted, nowhidden, nowopenfight, afightthateachtimeended, eitherinarevolutionaryre-constitutionofsocietyat
large, orinthecommonruinofthecontendingclasses.
Intheearlierepochsofhistory, wefindalmosteverywherea
complicatedarrangementofsocietyintovariousorders, a
manifoldgradationofsocialrank. InancientRomewehave
patricians, knights, plebeians, slaves; intheMiddleAges,
feudallords, vassals, guild-masters,journeymen, apprentices,
serfs; inalmostalloftheseclasses, again, subordinate
gradations.
Themodernbourgeoissocietythathassproutedfromtheruinsoffeudalsocietyhasnotdoneawaywithclassantagonisms. It
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hasbutestablishednewclasses, newconditionsofoppression,
newformsofstruggleinplaceoftheoldones. Ourepoch, the
epochofthebourgeoisie, possesses, however, thisdistinctive
feature: ithassimplifiedtheclassantagonisms. Societyasa
wholeismoreandmoresplittingupintotwogreathostilecamps,
intotwogreatclasses, directlyfacingeachother: Bourgeoisie
andProletariat.
FromtheserfsoftheMiddleAgessprangthecharteredburghers
oftheearliesttowns. Fromtheseburgessesthefirstelements
ofthebourgeoisieweredeveloped.
ThediscoveryofAmerica, theroundingoftheCape, openedup
freshgroundfortherisingbourgeoisie. TheEast-Indianand
Chinesemarkets, thecolonisationofAmerica, tradewith
thecolonies, theincreaseinthemeansofexchangeandin
commoditiesgenerally, gavetocommerce, tonavigation, to
industry, animpulseneverbeforeknown, andthereby, tothe
revolutionaryelementinthetotteringfeudalsociety, arapiddevelopment.
Thefeudalsystemofindustry, underwhichindustrialproduction
wasmonopolisedbyclosedguilds, nownolongersu!cedforthe
growingwantsofthenewmarkets. Themanufacturingsystemtook
itsplace. Theguild-masterswerepushedononesidebythe
manufacturingmiddleclass; divisionoflabourbetweenthe
di"erentcorporateguildsvanishedinthefaceofdivisionof
labourineachsingleworkshop.
Meantimethemarketskeptevergrowing, thedemandeverrising.
Evenmanufacturenolongersu!ced. Thereupon, steamandmachineryrevolutionisedindustrialproduction. Theplaceof
manufacturewastakenbythegiant, ModernIndustry, theplaceof
theindustrialmiddleclass, byindustrialmillionaires, the
leadersofwholeindustrialarmies, themodernbourgeois.
Modernindustryhasestablishedtheworld-market, forwhichthe
discoveryofAmericapavedtheway. Thismarkethasgivenan
immensedevelopmenttocommerce, tonavigation, tocommunication
byland. Thisdevelopmenthas, initstime, reactedonthe
extensionofindustry; andinproportionasindustry, commerce,
navigation, railwaysextended, inthesameproportionthe
bourgeoisiedeveloped, increaseditscapital, andpushedintothebackground everyclasshandeddownfromtheMiddleAges.
Wesee, therefore, howthemodernbourgeoisieisitselfthe
productofalongcourseofdevelopment, ofaseriesof
revolutionsinthemodesofproductionandofexchange.
Eachstepinthedevelopmentofthebourgeoisiewasaccompanied
byacorrespondingpoliticaladvanceofthatclass. An
oppressedclassundertheswayofthefeudalnobility, an
armedandself-governingassociationinthemediaevalcommune;
hereindependenturbanrepublic(asinItalyandGermany),
theretaxable"thirdestate"ofthemonarchy(asinFrance),afterwards, inthe periodofmanufactureproper, servingeither
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thesemi-feudalortheabsolutemonarchyasacounterpoise
againstthenobility, and, infact, corner-stoneofthegreat
monarchiesingeneral, thebourgeoisiehasatlast, sincethe
establishmentofModernIndustryandoftheworld-market,
conqueredforitself, inthemodernrepresentativeState,
exclusivepoliticalsway. TheexecutiveofthemodernStateis
butacommitteeformanagingthecommona"airsofthewhole
bourgeoisie.
Thebourgeoisie, historically, hasplayedamostrevolutionary
part.
Thebourgeoisie, whereverithasgottheupperhand, hasputan
endtoallfeudal, patriarchal, idyllicrelations. Ithas
pitilesslytornasunderthemotleyfeudaltiesthatboundmanto
his"naturalsuperiors,"andhasleftremainingnoothernexus
betweenmanandmanthannakedself-interest, thancallous"cash
payment." Ithasdrownedthemostheavenlyecstasiesof
religiousfervour, ofchivalrousenthusiasm, ofphilistinesentimentalism, intheicywaterofegotisticalcalculation. It
hasresolvedpersonalworthintoexchangevalue, andinplaceof
thenumberlessandfeasiblecharteredfreedoms, hassetupthat
single, unconscionablefreedom--FreeTrade. Inoneword, for
exploitation, veiledbyreligiousandpoliticalillusions, naked,
shameless, direct, brutalexploitation.
Thebourgeoisiehasstrippedofitshaloeveryoccupation
hithertohonouredandlookeduptowithreverentawe. Ithas
convertedthephysician, thelawyer, thepriest, thepoet, the
manofscience, intoitspaidwagelabourers.
Thebourgeoisiehastornawayfromthefamilyitssentimental
veil, andhasreducedthefamilyrelationtoameremoney
relation.
Thebourgeoisiehasdisclosedhowitcametopassthatthe
brutaldisplayofvigourintheMiddleAges, whichReactionists
somuchadmire, founditsfittingcomplementinthemostslothful
indolence. Ithasbeenthefirsttoshowwhatman'sactivitycan
bringabout. IthasaccomplishedwondersfarsurpassingEgyptian
pyramids, Romanaqueducts, andGothiccathedrals; ithas
conductedexpeditionsthatputintheshadeallformerExoduses
ofnationsandcrusades.
Thebourgeoisiecannotexistwithoutconstantlyrevolutionising
theinstrumentsofproduction, andtherebytherelationsof
production, andwiththemthewholerelationsofsociety.
Conservationoftheoldmodesofproductioninunalteredform,
was, onthecontrary, thefirstconditionofexistenceforall
earlierindustrialclasses. Constantrevolutionisingof
production, uninterrupteddisturbanceofallsocialconditions,
everlastinguncertaintyandagitationdistinguishthebourgeois
epochfromallearlierones. Allfixed, fast-frozenrelations,
withtheirtrainofancientandvenerableprejudicesand
opinions, aresweptaway, allnew-formedonesbecomeantiquatedbeforetheycanossify. Allthatissolidmeltsintoair, all
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thatisholyisprofaned, andmanisatlastcompelledtoface
withsobersenses, hisrealconditionsoflife, andhis
relationswithhiskind.
Theneedofaconstantlyexpandingmarketforitsproducts
chasesthebourgeoisieoverthewholesurfaceoftheglobe. It
mustnestleeverywhere, settleeverywhere, establishconnexionseverywhere.
Thebourgeoisiehasthroughitsexploitationoftheworld-market
givenacosmopolitancharactertoproductionandconsumptionin
everycountry. TothegreatchagrinofReactionists, ithas
drawnfromunderthefeetofindustrythenationalgroundon
whichitstood. Allold-establishednationalindustrieshave
beendestroyedoraredailybeingdestroyed. Theyaredislodged
bynewindustries, whoseintroductionbecomesalifeanddeath
questionforallcivilisednations, byindustriesthatnolonger
workupindigenousrawmaterial, butrawmaterialdrawnfromthe
remotestzones; industrieswhoseproductsareconsumed, notonlyathome, butineveryquarteroftheglobe. Inplaceoftheold
wants, satisfiedbytheproductionsofthecountry, wefindnew
wants, requiringfortheirsatisfactiontheproductsofdistant
landsandclimes. Inplaceoftheoldlocalandnational
seclusionandself-su!ciency, wehaveintercourseinevery
direction, universalinter-dependenceofnations. Andasin
material, soalsoinintellectualproduction. Theintellectual
creationsofindividualnationsbecomecommonproperty. National
one-sidednessandnarrow-mindednessbecomemoreandmore
impossible, andfromthenumerousnationalandlocalliteratures,
therearisesaworldliterature.
Thebourgeoisie, bytherapidimprovementofallinstrumentsof
production, bytheimmenselyfacilitatedmeansofcommunication,
drawsall, eventhemostbarbarian, nationsintocivilisation.
Thecheappricesofitscommoditiesaretheheavyartillerywith
whichitbattersdownallChinesewalls, withwhichitforcesthe
barbarians'intenselyobstinatehatredofforeignersto
capitulate. Itcompelsallnations, onpainofextinction, to
adoptthebourgeoismodeofproduction; itcompelsthemto
introducewhatitcallscivilisationintotheirmidst, i.e., to
becomebourgeoisthemselves. Inoneword, itcreatesaworld
afteritsownimage.
Thebourgeoisiehassubjectedthecountrytotheruleofthe
towns. Ithascreatedenormouscities, hasgreatlyincreasedthe
urbanpopulationascomparedwiththerural, andhasthusrescued
aconsiderablepartofthepopulationfromtheidiocyofrural
life. Justasithasmadethecountrydependentonthetowns, so
ithasmadebarbarianandsemi-barbariancountriesdependenton
thecivilisedones, nationsofpeasantsonnationsofbourgeois,
theEastontheWest.
Thebourgeoisiekeepsmoreandmoredoingawaywiththe
scatteredstateofthepopulation, ofthemeansofproduction,
andofproperty. Ithasagglomeratedproduction, andhasconcentratedpropertyinafewhands. Thenecessaryconsequence
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ofthiswaspoliticalcentralisation. Independent, orbut
looselyconnectedprovinces, withseparateinterests, laws,
governmentsandsystemsoftaxation, becamelumpedtogetherinto
onenation, withonegovernment, onecodeoflaws, onenational
class-interest, onefrontierandonecustoms-tari". The
bourgeoisie, duringitsruleofscarceonehundredyears, has
createdmoremassiveandmorecolossalproductiveforcesthan
haveallprecedinggenerationstogether. SubjectionofNature's
forcestoman, machinery, applicationofchemistrytoindustry
andagriculture, steam-navigation, railways, electrictelegraphs,
clearingofwholecontinentsforcultivation, canalisationof
rivers, wholepopulationsconjuredoutoftheground--what
earliercenturyhadevenapresentimentthatsuchproductive
forcesslumberedinthelapofsociallabour?
Weseethen: themeansofproductionandofexchange, onwhose
foundationthebourgeoisiebuiltitselfup, weregeneratedin
feudalsociety. Atacertainstageinthedevelopmentofthese
meansofproductionandofexchange, theconditionsunderwhich
feudalsocietyproducedandexchanged, thefeudalorganisationof
agricultureandmanufacturingindustry, inoneword, thefeudal
relationsofpropertybecamenolongercompatiblewiththe
alreadydevelopedproductiveforces; theybecamesomanyfetters.
Theyhadtobeburstasunder; theywereburstasunder.
Intotheirplacesteppedfreecompetition, accompaniedbya
socialandpoliticalconstitutionadaptedtoit, andbythe
economicalandpoliticalswayofthebourgeoisclass.
Asimilarmovementisgoingonbeforeourowneyes. Modern
bourgeoissocietywithitsrelationsofproduction, ofexchangeandofproperty, asocietythathasconjuredupsuchgigantic
meansofproductionandofexchange, islikethesorcerer, whois
nolongerabletocontrolthepowersofthenetherworldwhomhe
hascalledupbyhisspells. Formanyadecadepastthehistory
ofindustryandcommerceisbutthehistoryoftherevoltof
modernproductiveforcesagainstmodernconditionsofproduction,
againstthepropertyrelationsthataretheconditionsforthe
existenceofthebourgeoisieandofitsrule. Itisenoughto
mentionthecommercialcrisesthatbytheirperiodicalreturnput
onitstrial, eachtimemorethreateningly, theexistenceofthe
entirebourgeoissociety. Inthesecrisesagreatpartnotonly
oftheexistingproducts, butalsoofthepreviouslycreated
productiveforces, areperiodicallydestroyed. Inthesecrises
therebreaksoutanepidemicthat, inallearlierepochs, would
haveseemedanabsurdity--theepidemicofover-production.
Societysuddenlyfindsitselfputbackintoastateofmomentary
barbarism; itappearsasifafamine, auniversalwarof
devastationhadcuto"thesupplyofeverymeansofsubsistence;
industryandcommerceseemtobedestroyed; andwhy? Because
thereistoomuchcivilisation, toomuchmeansofsubsistence,
toomuchindustry, toomuchcommerce. Theproductiveforcesat
thedisposalofsocietynolongertendtofurtherthedevelopment
oftheconditionsofbourgeoisproperty; onthecontrary, theyhavebecometoopowerfulfortheseconditions, bywhichtheyare
fettered, andsosoonastheyovercomethesefetters, theybring
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disorderintothewholeofbourgeoissociety, endangerthe
existenceofbourgeoisproperty. Theconditionsofbourgeois
societyaretoonarrowtocomprisethewealthcreatedbythem.
Andhowdoesthebourgeoisiegetoverthesecrises? Ontheone
handinforceddestructionofamassofproductiveforces; onthe
other, bytheconquestofnewmarkets, andbythemorethorough
exploitationoftheoldones. Thatistosay, bypavingthe
wayformoreextensiveandmoredestructivecrises, andby
diminishingthemeanswherebycrisesareprevented.
Theweaponswithwhichthebourgeoisiefelledfeudalismtothe
groundarenowturnedagainstthebourgeoisieitself.
Butnotonlyhasthebourgeoisieforgedtheweaponsthatbring
deathtoitself; ithasalsocalledintoexistencethemenwho
aretowieldthoseweapons--themodernworkingclass--the
proletarians.
Inproportionasthebourgeoisie, i.e., capital, isdeveloped,inthesameproportionistheproletariat, themodernworking
class, developed--aclassoflabourers, wholiveonlysolong
astheyfindwork, andwhofindworkonlysolongastheirlabour
increasescapital. Theselabourers, whomustsellthemselves
piece-meal, areacommodity, likeeveryotherarticleof
commerce, andareconsequentlyexposedtoallthevicissitudesof
competition, toallthefluctuationsofthemarket.
Owingtotheextensiveuseofmachineryandtodivisionof
labour, theworkoftheproletarianshaslostallindividual
character, andconsequently, allcharmfortheworkman. He
becomesanappendageofthemachine, anditisonlythemostsimple,mostmonotonous, andmosteasilyacquiredknack, thatis
requiredofhim. Hence, thecostofproductionofaworkmanis
restricted, almostentirely, tothemeansofsubsistencethathe
requiresforhismaintenance, andforthepropagationofhis
race. Butthepriceofacommodity, andthereforealsoof
labour, isequaltoitscostofproduction. Inproportion
therefore, astherepulsivenessoftheworkincreases, thewage
decreases. Naymore, inproportionastheuseofmachineryand
divisionoflabourincreases, inthesameproportiontheburden
oftoilalsoincreases, whetherbyprolongationoftheworking
hours, byincreaseoftheworkexactedinagiventimeorby
increasedspeedofthemachinery, etc.
Modernindustryhasconvertedthelittleworkshopofthe
patriarchalmasterintothegreatfactoryoftheindustrial
capitalist. Massesoflabourers, crowdedintothefactory, are
organisedlikesoldiers. Asprivatesoftheindustrialarmythey
areplacedunderthecommandofaperfecthierarchyofo!cers
andsergeants. Notonlyaretheyslavesofthebourgeoisclass,
andofthebourgeoisState; theyaredailyandhourlyenslavedby
themachine, bytheover-looker, and, aboveall, bythe
individualbourgeoismanufacturerhimself. Themoreopenlythis
despotismproclaimsgaintobeitsendandaim, themorepetty,
themorehatefulandthemoreembitteringitis.
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Thelesstheskillandexertionofstrengthimpliedinmanual
labour, inotherwords, themoremodernindustrybecomes
developed, themoreisthelabourofmensupersededbythatof
women.Di"erencesofageandsexhavenolongeranydistinctive
socialvalidityfortheworkingclass. Allareinstrumentsof
labour, moreorlessexpensivetouse, accordingtotheirage
andsex.
Nosooneristheexploitationofthelabourerbythemanufacturer,
sofaratanend, thathereceiveshiswagesincash, thanheis
setuponbytheotherportionsofthebourgeoisie, thelandlord,
theshopkeeper, thepawnbroker, etc.
Thelowerstrataofthemiddleclass--thesmalltradespeople,
shopkeepers, retiredtradesmengenerally, thehandicraftsmenand
peasants--allthesesinkgraduallyintotheproletariat, partly
becausetheirdiminutivecapitaldoesnotsu!ceforthescale
onwhichModernIndustryiscarriedon, andisswampedinthe
competitionwiththelargecapitalists, partlybecausetheirspecializedskillisrenderedworthlessbythenewmethodsof
production. Thustheproletariatisrecruitedfromallclasses
ofthepopulation.
Theproletariatgoesthroughvariousstagesofdevelopment.
Withitsbirthbeginsitsstrugglewiththebourgeoisie. At
firstthecontestiscarriedonbyindividuallabourers, thenby
theworkpeopleofafactory, thenbytheoperativesofonetrade,
inonelocality, againsttheindividualbourgeoiswhodirectly
exploitsthem. Theydirecttheirattacksnotagainstthe
bourgeoisconditionsofproduction, butagainsttheinstruments
ofproductionthemselves; theydestroyimportedwaresthatcompetewiththeirlabour, theysmashtopiecesmachinery, they
setfactoriesablaze, theyseektorestorebyforcethevanished
statusoftheworkmanoftheMiddleAges.
Atthisstagethelabourersstillformanincoherentmass
scatteredoverthewholecountry, andbrokenupbytheirmutual
competition. Ifanywheretheyunitetoformmorecompactbodies,
thisisnotyettheconsequenceoftheirownactiveunion, butof
theunionofthebourgeoisie, whichclass, inordertoattainits
ownpoliticalends, iscompelledtosetthewholeproletariatin
motion, andismoreoveryet, foratime, abletodoso. Atthis
stage, therefore, theproletariansdonotfighttheirenemies,buttheenemiesoftheirenemies, theremnantsofabsolute
monarchy, thelandowners, thenon-industrialbourgeois, thepetty
bourgeoisie. Thusthewholehistoricalmovementisconcentrated
inthehandsofthebourgeoisie; everyvictorysoobtainedisa
victoryforthebourgeoisie.
Butwiththedevelopmentofindustrytheproletariatnotonly
increasesinnumber; itbecomesconcentratedingreatermasses,
itsstrengthgrows, anditfeelsthatstrengthmore. Thevarious
interestsandconditionsoflifewithintheranksofthe
proletariataremoreandmoreequalised, inproportionas
machineryobliteratesalldistinctionsoflabour, andnearlyeverywherereduceswagestothesamelowlevel. Thegrowing
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competitionamongthebourgeois, andtheresultingcommercial
crises, makethewagesoftheworkersevermorefluctuating. The
unceasingimprovementofmachinery, evermorerapidlydeveloping,
makestheirlivelihoodmoreandmoreprecarious; thecollisions
betweenindividualworkmenandindividualbourgeoistakemoreand
morethecharacterofcollisionsbetweentwoclasses. Thereupon
theworkersbegintoformcombinations(TradesUnions) against
thebourgeois; theyclubtogetherinordertokeepuptherateof
wages; theyfoundpermanentassociationsinordertomake
provisionbeforehandfortheseoccasionalrevolts. Hereand
therethecontestbreaksoutintoriots.
Nowandthentheworkersarevictorious, butonlyforatime.
Therealfruitoftheirbattleslies, notintheimmediate
result, butintheever-expandingunionoftheworkers. This
unionishelpedonbytheimprovedmeansofcommunicationthat
arecreatedbymodernindustryandthatplacetheworkersof
di"erentlocalitiesincontactwithoneanother. Itwasjust
thiscontactthatwasneededtocentralisethenumerouslocal
struggles, allofthesamecharacter, intoonenationalstruggle
betweenclasses. Buteveryclassstruggleisapolitical
struggle. Andthatunion, toattainwhichtheburghersofthe
MiddleAges, withtheirmiserablehighways, requiredcenturies,
themodernproletarians, thankstorailways, achieveinafew
years.
Thisorganisationoftheproletariansintoaclass, and
consequentlyintoapoliticalparty, iscontinuallybeingupset
againbythecompetitionbetweentheworkersthemselves. Butit
everrisesupagain, stronger, firmer, mightier. Itcompels
legislativerecognitionofparticularinterestsoftheworkers,
bytakingadvantageofthedivisionsamongthebourgeoisie
itself. Thustheten-hours'billinEnglandwascarried.
Altogethercollisionsbetweentheclassesoftheoldsociety
further, inmanyways, thecourseofdevelopmentofthe
proletariat. Thebourgeoisiefindsitselfinvolvedinaconstant
battle. Atfirstwiththearistocracy; lateron,withthose
portionsofthebourgeoisieitself, whoseinterestshavebecome
antagonistictotheprogressofindustry; atalltimes, withthe
bourgeoisieofforeigncountries. Inallthesebattlesitsees
itselfcompelledtoappealtotheproletariat, toaskforits
help, andthus, todragitintothepoliticalarena. The
bourgeoisieitself, therefore, suppliestheproletariatwithits
owninstrumentsofpoliticalandgeneraleducation, inother
words, itfurnishestheproletariatwithweaponsforfighting
thebourgeoisie.
Further, aswehavealreadyseen, entiresectionsoftheruling
classesare, bytheadvanceofindustry, precipitatedintothe
proletariat, orareatleastthreatenedintheirconditionsof
existence. Thesealsosupplytheproletariatwithfreshelements
ofenlightenmentandprogress.
Finally, intimeswhentheclassstrugglenearsthedecisivehour, theprocessofdissolutiongoingonwithintheruling
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class, infactwithinthewholerangeofsociety, assumessucha
violent, glaringcharacter, thatasmallsectionoftheruling
classcutsitselfadrift, andjoinstherevolutionaryclass, the
classthatholdsthefutureinitshands. Justas, therefore, at
anearlierperiod, asectionofthenobilitywentovertothe
bourgeoisie, sonowaportionofthebourgeoisiegoesovertothe
proletariat, andinparticular, aportionofthebourgeois
ideologists,whohaveraisedthemselvestothelevelof
comprehendingtheoreticallythehistoricalmovementasawhole.
Ofalltheclassesthatstandfacetofacewiththebourgeoisie
today, theproletariataloneisareallyrevolutionaryclass.
Theotherclassesdecayandfinallydisappearinthefaceof
ModernIndustry; theproletariatisitsspecialandessential
product. Thelowermiddleclass, thesmallmanufacturer, the
shopkeeper, theartisan, thepeasant, allthesefightagainstthe
bourgeoisie, tosavefromextinctiontheirexistenceasfractions
ofthemiddleclass. Theyarethereforenotrevolutionary, but
conservative. Naymore, theyarereactionary, fortheytry
torollbackthewheelofhistory. Ifbychancetheyare
revolutionary, theyaresoonlyinviewoftheirimpending
transferintotheproletariat, theythusdefendnottheir
present, buttheirfutureinterests, theydeserttheirown
standpointtoplacethemselvesatthatoftheproletariat.
The"dangerousclass,"thesocialscum, thatpassivelyrotting
massthrowno"bythelowestlayersofoldsociety,may,
hereandthere, besweptintothemovementbyaproletarian
revolution; itsconditionsoflife, however, prepareitfarmore
forthepartofabribedtoolofreactionaryintrigue.
Intheconditionsoftheproletariat, thoseofoldsocietyat
largearealreadyvirtuallyswamped. Theproletarianiswithout
property; hisrelationtohiswifeandchildrenhasnolonger
anythingincommonwiththebourgeoisfamily-relations; modern
industriallabour,modernsubjectiontocapital, thesamein
EnglandasinFrance, inAmericaasinGermany, hasstrippedhim
ofeverytraceofnationalcharacter. Law, morality, religion,
aretohimsomanybourgeoisprejudices, behindwhichlurkin
ambushjustasmanybourgeoisinterests.
Alltheprecedingclassesthatgottheupperhand, soughtto
fortifytheiralreadyacquiredstatusbysubjectingsocietyatlargetotheirconditionsofappropriation. Theproletarians
cannotbecomemastersoftheproductiveforcesofsociety, except
byabolishingtheirownpreviousmodeofappropriation, and
therebyalsoeveryotherpreviousmodeofappropriation. They
havenothingoftheirowntosecureandtofortify; theirmission
istodestroyallprevioussecuritiesfor, andinsurancesof,
individualproperty.
Allprevioushistoricalmovementsweremovementsofminorities,
orintheinterestsofminorities. Theproletarianmovementis
theself-conscious, independentmovementoftheimmensemajority,
intheinterestsoftheimmensemajority. Theproletariat, theloweststratumofourpresentsociety, cannotstir, cannotraise
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itselfup, withoutthewholesuperincumbentstrataofo!cial
societybeingsprungintotheair.
Thoughnotinsubstance, yetinform, thestruggleofthe
proletariatwiththebourgeoisieisatfirstanationalstruggle.
Theproletariatofeachcountrymust, ofcourse, firstofall
settlematterswithitsownbourgeoisie.
Indepictingthemostgeneralphasesofthedevelopmentofthe
proletariat, wetracedthemoreorlessveiledcivilwar, raging
withinexistingsociety, uptothepointwherethatwarbreaks
outintoopenrevolution, andwheretheviolentoverthrowofthe
bourgeoisielaysthefoundationfortheswayoftheproletariat.
Hitherto, everyformofsocietyhasbeenbased, aswehave
alreadyseen, ontheantagonismofoppressingandoppressed
classes. Butinordertooppressaclass, certainconditions
mustbeassuredtoitunderwhichitcan, atleast, continueits
slavishexistence. Theserf, intheperiodofserfdom, raisedhimselftomembershipinthecommune,justasthepetty
bourgeois, undertheyokeoffeudalabsolutism,managedto
developintoabourgeois. Themodernlaborer, onthecontrary,
insteadofrisingwiththeprogressofindustry, sinksdeeperand
deeperbelowtheconditionsofexistenceofhisownclass. He
becomesapauper, andpauperismdevelopsmorerapidlythan
populationandwealth. Andhereitbecomesevident, thatthe
bourgeoisieisunfitanylongertobetherulingclassin
society, andtoimposeitsconditionsofexistenceuponsociety
asanover-ridinglaw. Itisunfittorulebecauseitis
incompetenttoassureanexistencetoitsslavewithinhis
slavery, becauseitcannothelplettinghimsinkintosuchastate, thatithastofeedhim, insteadofbeingfedbyhim.
Societycannolongerliveunderthisbourgeoisie, inother
words, itsexistenceisnolongercompatiblewithsociety.
Theessentialconditionfortheexistence, andfortheswayof
thebourgeoisclass, istheformationandaugmentationof
capital; theconditionforcapitaliswage-labour. Wage-labour
restsexclusivelyoncompetitionbetweenthelaborers. The
advanceofindustry, whoseinvoluntarypromoteristhebourgeoisie,
replacestheisolationofthelabourers, duetocompetition,
bytheirrevolutionarycombination, duetoassociation. The
developmentofModernIndustry, therefore, cutsfromunderitsfeettheveryfoundationonwhichthebourgeoisieproducesand
appropriatesproducts. Whatthebourgeoisie, therefore, produces,
aboveall, isitsowngrave-diggers. Itsfallandthevictoryof
theproletariatareequallyinevitable.
II. PROLETARIANSANDCOMMUNISTS
InwhatrelationdotheCommunistsstandtotheproletariansasa
whole?
TheCommunistsdonotformaseparatepartyopposedtootherworking-classparties.
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Theyhavenointerestsseparateandapartfromthoseofthe
proletariatasawhole.
Theydonotsetupanysectarianprinciplesoftheirown,
bywhichtoshapeandmouldtheproletarianmovement.
TheCommunistsaredistinguishedfromtheotherworking-classparties
bythisonly: (1) Inthenationalstrugglesoftheproletarians
ofthedi"erentcountries, theypointoutandbringtothefront
thecommoninterestsoftheentireproletariat, independentlyof
allnationality. (2) Inthevariousstagesofdevelopmentwhichthe
struggleoftheworkingclassagainstthebourgeoisiehastopass
through, theyalwaysandeverywhererepresenttheinterestsofthe
movementasawhole.
TheCommunists, therefore, areontheonehand, practically,
themostadvancedandresolutesectionoftheworking-class
partiesofeverycountry, thatsectionwhichpushesforwardallothers; ontheotherhand, theoretically, theyhaveover
thegreatmassoftheproletariattheadvantageofclearly
understandingthelineofmarch, theconditions, andtheultimate
generalresultsoftheproletarianmovement.
TheimmediateaimoftheCommunististhesameasthatofall
theotherproletarianparties: formationoftheproletariatinto
aclass, overthrowofthebourgeoissupremacy, conquestof
politicalpowerbytheproletariat.
ThetheoreticalconclusionsoftheCommunistsareinnoway
basedonideasorprinciplesthathavebeeninvented, or
discovered, bythisorthatwould-beuniversalreformer. They
merelyexpress, ingeneralterms, actualrelationsspringingfrom
anexistingclassstruggle, fromahistoricalmovementgoingon
underourveryeyes. Theabolitionofexistingproperty
relationsisnotatalladistinctivefeatureofCommunism.
Allpropertyrelationsinthepasthavecontinuallybeensubject
tohistoricalchangeconsequentuponthechangeinhistorical
conditions.
TheFrenchRevolution, forexample, abolishedfeudalpropertyin
favourofbourgeoisproperty.
ThedistinguishingfeatureofCommunismisnottheabolitionof
propertygenerally, buttheabolitionofbourgeoisproperty. But
modernbourgeoisprivatepropertyisthefinalandmostcomplete
expressionofthesystemofproducingandappropriatingproducts,
thatisbasedonclassantagonisms, ontheexploitationofthe
manybythefew.
Inthissense, thetheoryoftheCommunistsmaybesummedupin
thesinglesentence: Abolitionofprivateproperty.
WeCommunistshavebeenreproachedwiththedesireofabolishing
therightofpersonallyacquiringpropertyasthefruitofaman'sownlabour, whichpropertyisallegedtobethegroundwork
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ofallpersonalfreedom, activityandindependence.
Hard-won, self-acquired, self-earnedproperty! Doyoumeanthe
propertyofthepettyartisanandofthesmallpeasant, aformof
propertythatprecededthebourgeoisform? Thereisnoneedto
abolishthat; thedevelopmentofindustryhastoagreatextent
alreadydestroyedit, andisstilldestroyingitdaily.
Ordoyoumeanmodernbourgeoisprivateproperty?
Butdoeswage-labourcreateanypropertyforthelabourer? Not
abit. Itcreatescapital, i.e., thatkindofpropertywhich
exploitswage-labour, andwhichcannotincreaseexceptupon
conditionofbegettinganewsupplyofwage-labourforfresh
exploitation. Property, initspresentform, isbasedonthe
antagonismofcapitalandwage-labour. Letusexaminebothsides
ofthisantagonism.
Tobeacapitalist, istohavenotonlyapurelypersonal, butasocialstatusinproduction. Capitalisacollectiveproduct,
andonlybytheunitedactionofmanymembers, nay, inthelast
resort, onlybytheunitedactionofallmembersofsociety,
canitbesetinmotion.
Capitalis, therefore, notapersonal, itisasocialpower.
When, therefore, capitalisconvertedintocommonproperty, into
thepropertyofallmembersofsociety, personalpropertyisnot
therebytransformedintosocialproperty. Itisonlythesocial
characterofthepropertythatischanged. Itlosesits
class-character.
Letusnowtakewage-labour.
Theaveragepriceofwage-labouristheminimumwage, i.e.,
thatquantumofthemeansofsubsistence,whichisabsolutely
requisiteinbareexistenceasalabourer. What, therefore, the
wage-labourerappropriatesbymeansofhislabour, merely
su!cestoprolongandreproduceabareexistence. Webyno
meansintendtoabolishthispersonalappropriationofthe
productsoflabour, anappropriationthatismadeforthe
maintenanceandreproductionofhumanlife, andthatleavesno
surpluswherewithtocommandthelabourofothers. Allthatwe
wanttodoawaywith, isthemiserablecharacterofthisappropriation, underwhichthelabourerlivesmerelytoincrease
capital, andisallowedtoliveonlyinsofarastheinterestof
therulingclassrequiresit.
Inbourgeoissociety, livinglabourisbutameanstoincrease
accumulatedlabour. InCommunistsociety, accumulatedlabour
isbutameanstowiden, toenrich, topromotetheexistence
ofthelabourer.
Inbourgeoissociety, therefore, thepastdominatesthepresent;
inCommunistsociety, thepresentdominatesthepast. In
bourgeoissocietycapitalisindependentandhasindividuality,whilethelivingpersonisdependentandhasnoindividuality.
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Andtheabolitionofthisstateofthingsiscalledbythe
bourgeois, abolitionofindividualityandfreedom!Andrightly
so. Theabolitionofbourgeoisindividuality, bourgeois
independence, andbourgeoisfreedomisundoubtedlyaimedat.
Byfreedomismeant, underthepresentbourgeoisconditionsofproduction, freetrade, freesellingandbuying.
Butifsellingandbuyingdisappears, freesellingandbuying
disappearsalso. Thistalkaboutfreesellingandbuying, and
alltheother"bravewords"ofourbourgeoisieaboutfreedomin
general, haveameaning, ifany, onlyincontrastwithrestricted
sellingandbuying,withthefetteredtradersoftheMiddleAges,
buthavenomeaningwhenopposedtotheCommunisticabolitionof
buyingandselling, ofthebourgeoisconditionsofproduction,
andofthebourgeoisieitself.
Youarehorrifiedatourintendingtodoawaywithprivateproperty. Butinyourexistingsociety, privatepropertyis
alreadydoneawaywithfornine-tenthsofthepopulation; its
existenceforthefewissolelyduetoitsnon-existenceinthe
handsofthosenine-tenths. Youreproachus, therefore,with
intendingtodoawaywithaformofproperty, thenecessary
conditionforwhoseexistenceisthenon-existenceofany
propertyfortheimmensemajorityofsociety.
Inoneword, youreproachuswithintendingtodoawaywithyour
property. Preciselyso; thatisjustwhatweintend.
Fromthemomentwhenlabourcannolongerbeconvertedinto
capital, money, orrent, intoasocialpowercapableofbeing
monopolised, i.e., fromthemomentwhenindividualpropertycan
nolongerbetransformedintobourgeoisproperty, intocapital,
fromthatmoment, yousayindividualityvanishes.
Youmust, therefore, confessthatby"individual"youmeanno
otherpersonthanthebourgeois, thanthemiddle-classownerof
property. Thispersonmust, indeed, besweptoutoftheway, and
madeimpossible.
Communismdeprivesnomanofthepowertoappropriatethe
productsofsociety; allthatitdoesistodeprivehimofthe
powertosubjugatethelabourofothersbymeansofsuchappropriation.
Ithasbeenobjectedthatupontheabolitionofprivateproperty
allworkwillcease, anduniversallazinesswillovertakeus.
Accordingtothis, bourgeoissocietyoughtlongagotohavegone
tothedogsthroughsheeridleness; forthoseofitsmemberswho
work, acquirenothing, andthosewhoacquireanything, donot
work. Thewholeofthisobjectionisbutanotherexpressionof
thetautology: thattherecannolongerbeanywage-labourwhen
thereisnolongeranycapital.
AllobjectionsurgedagainsttheCommunisticmodeofproducing
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andappropriatingmaterialproducts, have, inthesameway,
beenurgedagainsttheCommunisticmodesofproducingand
appropriatingintellectualproducts. Justas, tothebourgeois,
thedisappearanceofclasspropertyisthedisappearanceof
productionitself, sothedisappearanceofclasscultureisto
himidenticalwiththedisappearanceofallculture.
Thatculture, thelossofwhichhelaments, is, fortheenormous
majority, ameretrainingtoactasamachine.
Butdon'twranglewithussolongasyouapply, toourintended
abolitionofbourgeoisproperty, thestandardofyourbourgeois
notionsoffreedom, culture, law, etc. Yourveryideasarebut
theoutgrowthoftheconditionsofyourbourgeoisproductionand
bourgeoisproperty,justasyourjurisprudenceisbutthewillof
yourclassmadeintoalawforall, awill, whoseessential
characteranddirectionaredeterminedbytheeconomical
conditionsofexistenceofyourclass.
Theselfishmisconceptionthatinducesyoutotransforminto
eternallawsofnatureandofreason, thesocialforms
springingfromyourpresentmodeofproductionandformof
property--historicalrelationsthatriseanddisappearinthe
progressofproduction--thismisconceptionyousharewithevery
rulingclassthathasprecededyou. Whatyouseeclearlyinthe
caseofancientproperty, whatyouadmitinthecaseoffeudal
property, youareofcourseforbiddentoadmitinthecaseof
yourownbourgeoisformofproperty.
Abolitionofthefamily! Eventhemostradicalflareupatthis
infamousproposaloftheCommunists.
Onwhatfoundationisthepresentfamily, thebourgeoisfamily,
based? Oncapital, onprivategain. Initscompletelydeveloped
formthisfamilyexistsonlyamongthebourgeoisie. Butthis
stateofthingsfindsitscomplementinthepracticalabsenceof
thefamilyamongtheproletarians, andinpublicprostitution.
Thebourgeoisfamilywillvanishasamatterofcoursewhenits
complementvanishes, andbothwillvanishwiththevanishingof
capital.
Doyouchargeuswithwantingtostoptheexploitationof
childrenbytheirparents? Tothiscrimewepleadguilty.
But, youwillsay, wedestroythemosthallowedofrelations,
whenwereplacehomeeducationbysocial.
Andyoureducation! Isnotthatalsosocial, anddeterminedbythe
socialconditionsunderwhichyoueducate, bytheintervention,
directorindirect, ofsociety, bymeansofschools, etc.? The
Communistshavenotinventedtheinterventionofsocietyin
education; theydobutseektoalterthecharacterofthat
intervention, andtorescueeducationfromtheinfluenceofthe
rulingclass.
Thebourgeoisclap-trapaboutthefamilyandeducation, about
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thehallowedco-relationofparentandchild, becomesallthe
moredisgusting, themore, bytheactionofModernIndustry, all
familytiesamongtheproletariansaretornasunder, andtheir
childrentransformedintosimplearticlesofcommerceand
instrumentsoflabour.
ButyouCommunistswouldintroducecommunityofwomen, screamsthewholebourgeoisieinchorus.
Thebourgeoisseesinhiswifeamereinstrumentofproduction.
Hehearsthattheinstrumentsofproductionaretobeexploited
incommon, and, naturally, cancometonootherconclusionthan
thatthelotofbeingcommontoallwilllikewisefalltothe
women.
Hehasnotevenasuspicionthattherealpointistodoaway
withthestatusofwomenasmereinstrumentsofproduction.
Fortherest, nothingismoreridiculousthanthevirtuousindignationofourbourgeoisatthecommunityofwomen
which, theypretend, istobeopenlyando!ciallyestablished
bytheCommunists. TheCommunistshavenoneedtointroduce
communityofwomen; ithasexistedalmostfromtimeimmemorial.
Ourbourgeois, notcontentwithhavingthewivesanddaughters
oftheirproletariansattheirdisposal, nottospeakofcommon
prostitutes, takethegreatestpleasureinseducingeachother's
wives.
Bourgeoismarriageisinrealityasystemofwivesincommon
andthus, atthemost, whattheCommunistsmightpossibly
bereproachedwith, isthattheydesiretointroduce, in
substitutionforahypocriticallyconcealed, anopenlylegalised
communityofwomen. Fortherest, itisself-evidentthatthe
abolitionofthepresentsystemofproductionmustbringwithit
theabolitionofthecommunityofwomenspringingfromthat
system, i.e., ofprostitutionbothpublicandprivate.
TheCommunistsarefurtherreproachedwithdesiringtoabolish
countriesandnationality.
Theworkingmenhavenocountry. Wecannottakefromthemwhat
theyhavenotgot. Sincetheproletariatmustfirstofall
acquirepoliticalsupremacy, mustrisetobetheleadingclassofthenation, mustconstituteitselfthenation, itis, sofar,
itselfnational, thoughnotinthebourgeoissenseoftheword.
Nationaldi"erencesandantagonismsbetweenpeoplesaredaily
moreandmorevanishing, owingtothedevelopmentofthe
bourgeoisie, tofreedomofcommerce, totheworld-market, to
uniformityinthemodeofproductionandintheconditionsof
lifecorrespondingthereto.
Thesupremacyoftheproletariatwillcausethemtovanishstill
faster.Unitedaction, oftheleadingcivilisedcountriesat
least, isoneofthefirstconditionsfortheemancipationoftheproletariat.
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Inproportionastheexploitationofoneindividualbyanother
isputanendto, theexploitationofonenationbyanotherwill
alsobeputanendto. Inproportionastheantagonismbetween
classeswithinthenationvanishes, thehostilityofonenation
toanotherwillcometoanend.
ThechargesagainstCommunismmadefromareligious, a
philosophical, and, generally, fromanideologicalstandpoint,
arenotdeservingofseriousexamination.
Doesitrequiredeepintuitiontocomprehendthatman'sideas,
viewsandconceptions, inoneword, man'sconsciousness, changes
witheverychangeintheconditionsofhismaterialexistence, in
hissocialrelationsandinhissociallife?
Whatelsedoesthehistoryofideasprove, thanthat
intellectualproductionchangesitscharacterinproportionas
materialproductionischanged? Therulingideasofeachagehaveeverbeentheideasofitsrulingclass.
Whenpeoplespeakofideasthatrevolutionisesociety, theydo
butexpressthefact, thatwithintheoldsociety, theelements
ofanewonehavebeencreated, andthatthedissolutionofthe
oldideaskeepsevenpacewiththedissolutionoftheold
conditionsofexistence.
Whentheancientworldwasinitslastthroes, theancient
religionswereovercomebyChristianity. WhenChristianideas
succumbedinthe18thcenturytorationalistideas, feudal
societyfoughtitsdeathbattlewiththethenrevolutionary
bourgeoisie. Theideasofreligiouslibertyandfreedomof
consciencemerelygaveexpressiontotheswayoffreecompetition
withinthedomainofknowledge.
"Undoubtedly,"itwillbesaid, "religious,moral, philosophical
andjuridicalideashavebeenmodifiedinthecourseof
historicaldevelopment. Butreligion, moralityphilosophy,
politicalscience, andlaw, constantlysurvivedthischange."
"Thereare, besides, eternaltruths, suchasFreedom,Justice,
etc. thatarecommontoallstatesofsociety. ButCommunism
abolisheseternaltruths, itabolishesallreligion, andall
morality, insteadofconstitutingthemonanewbasis; itthereforeactsincontradictiontoallpasthistoricalexperience."
Whatdoesthisaccusationreduceitselfto? Thehistoryof
allpastsocietyhasconsistedinthedevelopmentofclass
antagonisms, antagonismsthatassumeddi"erentformsat
di"erentepochs.
Butwhateverformtheymayhavetaken, onefactiscommontoall
pastages, viz., theexploitationofonepartofsocietybythe
other. Nowonder, then, thatthesocialconsciousnessofpast
ages, despiteallthemultiplicityandvarietyitdisplays,
moveswithincertaincommonforms, orgeneralideas,whichcannotcompletelyvanishexceptwiththetotaldisappearanceof
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classantagonisms.
TheCommunistrevolutionisthemostradicalrupturewith
traditionalpropertyrelations; nowonderthatitsdevelopment
involvesthemostradicalrupturewithtraditionalideas.
ButletushavedonewiththebourgeoisobjectionstoCommunism.
Wehaveseenabove, thatthefirststepintherevolutionbythe
workingclass, istoraisetheproletariattothepositionof
rulingastowinthebattleofdemocracy.
Theproletariatwilluseitspoliticalsupremacytowrest, by
degrees, allcapitalfromthebourgeoisie, tocentraliseall
instrumentsofproductioninthehandsoftheState, i.e., ofthe
proletariatorganisedastherulingclass; andtoincreasethe
totalofproductiveforcesasrapidlyaspossible.
Ofcourse, inthebeginning, thiscannotbee"ectedexceptby
meansofdespoticinroadsontherightsofproperty, andon
theconditionsofbourgeoisproduction; bymeansofmeasures,
therefore,whichappeareconomicallyinsu!cientanduntenable,
butwhich, inthecourseofthemovement, outstripthemselves,
necessitatefurtherinroadsupontheoldsocialorder, andare
unavoidableasameansofentirelyrevolutionisingthemodeof
production.
Thesemeasureswillofcoursebedi"erentindi"erent
countries.
Neverthelessinthemostadvancedcountries, thefollowingwill
beprettygenerallyapplicable.
1. Abolitionofpropertyinlandandapplicationofallrents
oflandtopublicpurposes.
2. Aheavyprogressiveorgraduatedincometax.
3. Abolitionofallrightofinheritance.
4. Confiscationofthepropertyofallemigrantsandrebels.
5. CentralisationofcreditinthehandsoftheState, bymeans
ofanationalbankwithStatecapitalandanexclusive
monopoly.
6. Centralisationofthemeansofcommunicationandtransport
inthehandsoftheState.
7. Extensionoffactoriesandinstrumentsofproductionownedby
theState; thebringingintocultivationofwaste-lands, and
theimprovementofthesoilgenerallyinaccordancewitha
commonplan.
8. Equalliabilityofalltolabour. Establishmentof
industrialarmies, especiallyforagriculture.
9. Combinationofagriculturewithmanufacturingindustries;
gradualabolitionofthedistinctionbetweentownand
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country, byamoreequabledistributionofthepopulation
overthecountry.
10. Freeeducationforallchildreninpublicschools.
Abolitionofchildren'sfactorylabourinitspresentform.
Combinationofeducationwithindustrialproduction, &c., &c.
When, inthecourseofdevelopment, classdistinctionshave
disappeared, andallproductionhasbeenconcentratedinthe
handsofavastassociationofthewholenation, thepublicpower
willloseitspoliticalcharacter. Politicalpower, properlyso
called, ismerelytheorganisedpowerofoneclassforoppressing
another. Iftheproletariatduringitscontestwiththe
bourgeoisieiscompelled, bytheforceofcircumstances, to
organiseitselfasaclass, if, bymeansofarevolution, it
makesitselftherulingclass, and, assuch, sweepsawaybyforce
theoldconditionsofproduction, thenitwill, alongwiththese
conditions, havesweptawaytheconditionsfortheexistenceof
classantagonismsandofclassesgenerally, andwilltherebyhaveabolisheditsownsupremacyasaclass.
Inplaceoftheoldbourgeoissociety,withitsclassesand
classantagonisms,weshallhaveanassociation, inwhich
thefreedevelopmentofeachistheconditionforthefree
developmentofall.
III. SOCIALISTANDCOMMUNISTLITERATURE
1. REACTIONARYSOCIALISM
A. FeudalSocialism
Owingtotheirhistoricalposition, itbecamethevocationofthe
aristocraciesofFranceandEnglandtowritepamphletsagainst
modernbourgeoissociety. IntheFrenchrevolutionofJuly1830,
andintheEnglishreformagitation, thesearistocraciesagain
succumbedtothehatefulupstart. Thenceforth, aseriouspolitical
contestwasaltogetheroutofthequestion. Aliterarybattle
aloneremainedpossible. Buteveninthedomainofliterature
theoldcriesoftherestorationperiodhadbecomeimpossible.
Inordertoarousesympathy, thearistocracywereobligedto
losesight, apparently, oftheirowninterests, andtoformulate
theirindictmentagainstthebourgeoisieintheinterestofthe
exploitedworkingclassalone. Thusthearistocracytooktheir
revengebysinginglampoonsontheirnewmaster, andwhispering
inhisearssinisterpropheciesofcomingcatastrophe.
InthiswayaroseFeudalSocialism: halflamentation, half
lampoon; halfechoofthepast, halfmenaceofthefuture; at
times, byitsbitter,wittyandincisivecriticism, strikingthe
bourgeoisietotheveryheart'score; butalwaysludicrousin
itse"ect, throughtotalincapacitytocomprehendthemarchofmodernhistory.
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Thearistocracy, inordertorallythepeopletothem, wavedthe
proletarianalms-baginfrontforabanner. Butthepeople, so
oftenasitjoinedthem, sawontheirhindquarterstheoldfeudal
coatsofarms, anddesertedwithloudandirreverentlaughter.
OnesectionoftheFrenchLegitimistsand"YoungEngland"exhibitedthisspectacle.
Inpointingoutthattheirmodeofexploitationwasdi"erentto
thatofthebourgeoisie, thefeudalistsforgetthatthey
exploitedundercircumstancesandconditionsthatwerequite
di"erent, andthatarenowantiquated. Inshowingthat, under
theirrule, themodernproletariatneverexisted, theyforget
thatthemodernbourgeoisieisthenecessaryo"springoftheir
ownformofsociety.
Fortherest, solittledotheyconcealthereactionary
characteroftheircriticismthattheirchiefaccusationagainstthebourgeoisieamountstothis, thatunderthebourgeoisregime
aclassisbeingdeveloped,whichisdestinedtocutuprootand
branchtheoldorderofsociety.
Whattheyupbraidthebourgeoisiewithisnotsomuchthatit
createsaproletariat, asthatitcreatesarevolutionary
proletariat.
Inpoliticalpractice, therefore, theyjoininallcoercive
measuresagainsttheworkingclass; andinordinarylife,
despitetheirhighfalutinphrases, theystooptopickupthe
goldenapplesdroppedfromthetreeofindustry, andtobarter
truth, love, andhonourfortra!cinwool, beetroot-sugar, and
potatospirits.
Astheparsonhasevergonehandinhandwiththelandlord,
sohasClericalSocialismwithFeudalSocialism.
NothingiseasierthantogiveChristianasceticismaSocialist
tinge. HasnotChristianitydeclaimedagainstprivateproperty,
againstmarriage, againsttheState? Hasitnotpreachedinthe
placeofthese, charityandpoverty, celibacyandmortification
oftheflesh,monasticlifeandMotherChurch? Christian
Socialismisbuttheholy,waterwithwhichthepriestconsecrates
theheart-burningsofthearistocrat.
B. Petty-BourgeoisSocialism
Thefeudalaristocracywasnottheonlyclassthatwasruinedby
thebourgeoisie, nottheonlyclasswhoseconditionsofexistence
pinedandperishedintheatmosphereofmodernbourgeoissociety.
Themediaevalburgessesandthesmallpeasantproprietorswere
theprecursorsofthemodernbourgeoisie. Inthosecountries
whicharebutlittledeveloped, industriallyandcommercially,
thesetwoclassesstillvegetatesidebysidewiththerising
bourgeoisie.
Incountrieswheremoderncivilisationhasbecomefully
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developed, anewclassofpettybourgeoishasbeenformed,
fluctuatingbetweenproletariatandbourgeoisieandeverrenewing
itselfasasupplementarypartofbourgeoissociety. The
individualmembersofthisclass, however, arebeingconstantly
hurleddownintotheproletariatbytheactionofcompetition,
and, asmodernindustrydevelops, theyevenseethemoment
approachingwhentheywillcompletelydisappearasanindependent
sectionofmodernsociety, tobereplaced, inmanufactures,
agricultureandcommerce, byoverlookers, baili"sandshopmen.
IncountrieslikeFrance, wherethepeasantsconstitutefarmore
thanhalfofthepopulation, itwasnaturalthatwriterswho
sidedwiththeproletariatagainstthebourgeoisie, shoulduse,
intheircriticismofthebourgeoisregime, thestandardofthe
peasantandpettybourgeois, andfromthestandpointofthese
intermediateclassesshouldtakeupthecudgelsfortheworking
class. Thusarosepetty-bourgeoisSocialism. Sismondiwasthe
headofthisschool, notonlyinFrancebutalsoinEngland.
ThisschoolofSocialismdissectedwithgreatacutenessthe
contradictionsintheconditionsofmodernproduction. Itlaid
barethehypocriticalapologiesofeconomists. Itproved,
incontrovertibly, thedisastrouse"ectsofmachineryand
divisionoflabour; theconcentrationofcapitalandlandina
fewhands; overproductionandcrises; itpointedoutthe
inevitableruinofthepettybourgeoisandpeasant, themisery
oftheproletariat, theanarchyinproduction, thecrying
inequalitiesinthedistributionofwealth, theindustrialwarof
exterminationbetweennations, thedissolutionofoldmoral
bonds, oftheoldfamilyrelations, oftheoldnationalities.
Initspositiveaims, however, thisformofSocialismaspires
eithertorestoringtheoldmeansofproductionandofexchange,
andwiththemtheoldpropertyrelations, andtheoldsociety, or
tocrampingthemodernmeansofproductionandofexchange,
withintheframeworkoftheoldpropertyrelationsthathave
been, andwereboundtobe, explodedbythosemeans. Ineither
case, itisbothreactionaryandUtopian.
Itslastwordsare: corporateguildsformanufacture,
patriarchalrelationsinagriculture.
Ultimately, whenstubbornhistoricalfactshaddispersedallintoxicatinge"ectsofself-deception, thisformofSocialism
endedinamiserablefitoftheblues.
C.German, or"True,"Socialism
TheSocialistandCommunistliteratureofFrance, aliterature
thatoriginatedunderthepressureofabourgeoisieinpower, and
thatwastheexpressionofthestruggleagainstthispower, was
introducedintoGermanyatatimewhenthebourgeoisie, inthat
country, hadjustbegunitscontestwithfeudalabsolutism.
Germanphilosophers, would-bephilosophers, andbeauxesprits,eagerlyseizedonthisliterature, onlyforgetting, thatwhen
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thesewritingsimmigratedfromFranceintoGermany, Frenchsocial
conditionshadnotimmigratedalongwiththem. Incontactwith
Germansocialconditions, thisFrenchliteraturelostallits
immediatepracticalsignificance, andassumedapurelyliterary
aspect. Thus, totheGermanphilosophersoftheeighteenth
century, thedemandsofthefirstFrenchRevolutionwerenothing
morethanthedemandsof"PracticalReason"ingeneral, andthe
utteranceofthewilloftherevolutionaryFrenchbourgeoisie
signifiedintheireyesthelawofpureWill, ofWillasitwas
boundtobe, oftruehumanWillgenerally.
TheworldoftheGermanliterateconsistedsolelyinbringing
thenewFrenchideasintoharmonywiththeirancientphilosophical
conscience, orrather, inannexingtheFrenchideaswithout
desertingtheirownphilosophicpointofview.
Thisannexationtookplaceinthesamewayinwhichaforeign
languageisappropriated, namely, bytranslation.
ItiswellknownhowthemonkswrotesillylivesofCatholic
Saintsoverthemanuscriptsonwhichtheclassicalworksof
ancientheathendomhadbeenwritten. TheGermanliterate
reversedthisprocesswiththeprofaneFrenchliterature. They
wrotetheirphilosophicalnonsensebeneaththeFrenchoriginal.
Forinstance, beneaththeFrenchcriticismoftheeconomic
functionsofmoney, theywrote"AlienationofHumanity,"and
beneaththeFrenchcriticismofthebourgeoisStatetheywrote
"dethronementoftheCategoryoftheGeneral,"andsoforth.
Theintroductionofthesephilosophicalphrasesatthebackof
theFrenchhistoricalcriticismstheydubbed"PhilosophyofAction,""TrueSocialism,""GermanScienceofSocialism,"
"PhilosophicalFoundationofSocialism,"andsoon.
TheFrenchSocialistandCommunistliteraturewasthuscompletely
emasculated. And, sinceitceasedinthehandsoftheGermantoexpress
thestruggleofoneclasswiththeother, hefeltconsciousofhaving
overcome"Frenchone-sidedness"andofrepresenting, nottrue
requirements, buttherequirementsoftruth; nottheinterestsofthe
proletariat, buttheinterestsofHumanNature, ofManingeneral, who
belongstonoclass, hasnoreality, whoexistsonlyinthemistyrealm
ofphilosophicalfantasy.
ThisGermanSocialism, whichtookitsschoolboytasksoseriously
andsolemnly, andextolleditspoorstock-in-tradeinsuch
mountebankfashion,meanwhilegraduallylostitspedantic
innocence.
ThefightoftheGerman, andespecially, ofthePrussianbourgeoisie,
againstfeudalaristocracyandabsolutemonarchy, inotherwords, the
liberalmovement, becamemoreearnest.
Bythis, thelongwished-foropportunitywaso"eredto"True"
Socialismofconfrontingthepoliticalmovementwiththe
Socialistdemands, ofhurlingthetraditionalanathemas
againstliberalism, againstrepresentativegovernment, against
bourgeoiscompetition, bourgeoisfreedomofthepress, bourgeois
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legislation, bourgeoislibertyandequality, andofpreachingto
themassesthattheyhadnothingtogain, andeverythingtolose,
bythisbourgeoismovement. GermanSocialismforgot, inthenick
oftime, thattheFrenchcriticism, whosesillyechoitwas,
presupposedtheexistenceofmodernbourgeoissociety, withits
correspondingeconomicconditionsofexistence, andthepolitical
constitutionadaptedthereto, theverythingswhoseattainment
wastheobjectofthependingstruggleinGermany.
Totheabsolutegovernments,withtheirfollowingofparsons,
professors, countrysquiresando!cials, itservedasawelcome
scarecrowagainstthethreateningbourgeoisie.
Itwasasweetfinishafterthebitterpillsoffloggingsand
bulletswithwhichthesesamegovernments,justatthattime,
dosedtheGermanworking-classrisings.
Whilethis"True"Socialismthusservedthegovernmentsasa
weaponforfightingtheGermanbourgeoisie, it, atthesametime,directlyrepresentedareactionaryinterest, theinterestofthe
GermanPhilistines. InGermanythepetty-bourgeoisclass, a
relicofthesixteenthcentury, andsincethenconstantly
croppingupagainundervariousforms, istherealsocialbasis
oftheexistingstateofthings.
Topreservethisclassistopreservetheexistingstateof
thingsinGermany. Theindustrialandpoliticalsupremacyofthe
bourgeoisiethreatensitwithcertaindestruction; ontheone
hand, fromtheconcentrationofcapital; ontheother, fromthe
riseofarevolutionaryproletariat. "True"Socialismappearedto
killthesetwobirdswithonestone. Itspreadlikeanepidemic.
Therobeofspeculativecobwebs, embroideredwithflowers
ofrhetoric, steepedinthedewofsicklysentiment, this
transcendentalrobeinwhichtheGermanSocialistswrappedtheir
sorry"eternaltruths,"allskinandbone, servedtowonderfully
increasethesaleoftheirgoodsamongstsuchapublic. Andon
itspart, GermanSocialismrecognised, moreandmore, itsown
callingasthebombasticrepresentativeofthepetty-bourgeois
Philistine.
ItproclaimedtheGermannationtobethemodelnation, andthe
GermanpettyPhilistinetobethetypicalman. Toeveryvillainousmeannessofthismodelmanitgaveahidden, higher,
Socialisticinterpretation, theexactcontraryofitsreal
character. Itwenttotheextremelengthofdirectlyopposing
the"brutallydestructive"tendencyofCommunism, andof
proclaimingitssupremeandimpartialcontemptofallclass
struggles. Withveryfewexceptions, alltheso-calledSocialist
andCommunistpublicationsthatnow(1847) circulateinGermany
belongtothedomainofthisfoulandenervatingliterature.
2. CONSERVATIVE,ORBOURGEOIS, SOCIALISM
Apartofthebourgeoisieisdesirousofredressingsocialgrievances, inordertosecurethecontinuedexistenceof
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bourgeoissociety.
Tothissectionbelongeconomists, philanthropists,
humanitarians, improversoftheconditionoftheworkingclass,
organisersofcharity, membersofsocietiesforthepreventionof
crueltytoanimals, temperancefanatics, hole-and-corner
reformersofeveryimaginablekind. ThisformofSocialismhas,moreover, beenworkedoutintocompletesystems.
WemayciteProudhon'sPhilosophiedelaMisereasanexampleof
thisform.
TheSocialisticbourgeoiswantalltheadvantagesofmodern
socialconditionswithoutthestrugglesanddangersnecessarily
resultingtherefrom. Theydesiretheexistingstateofsociety
minusitsrevolutionaryanddisintegratingelements. Theywish
forabourgeoisiewithoutaproletariat. Thebourgeoisie
naturallyconceivestheworldinwhichitissupremetobethe
best; andbourgeoisSocialismdevelopsthiscomfortableconceptionintovariousmoreorlesscompletesystems. In
requiringtheproletariattocarryoutsuchasystem, andthereby
tomarchstraightwayintothesocialNewJerusalem, itbut
requiresinreality, thattheproletariatshouldremainwithin
theboundsofexistingsociety, butshouldcastawayallits
hatefulideasconcerningthebourgeoisie.
Asecondandmorepractical, butlesssystematic, formofthis
Socialismsoughttodepreciateeveryrevolutionarymovementin
theeyesoftheworkingclass, byshowingthatnomerepolitical
reform, butonlyachangeinthematerialconditionsof
existence, ineconomicrelations, couldbeofanyadvantagetothem. Bychangesinthematerialconditionsofexistence, this
formofSocialism, however, bynomeansunderstandsabolitionof
thebourgeoisrelationsofproduction, anabolitionthatcanbe
e"ectedonlybyarevolution, butadministrativereforms, based
onthecontinuedexistenceoftheserelations; reforms,
therefore, thatinnorespecta"ecttherelationsbetween
capitalandlabour, but, atthebest, lessenthecost, and
simplifytheadministrativework, ofbourgeoisgovernment.
BourgeoisSocialismattainsadequateexpression,when, andonly
when, itbecomesamerefigureofspeech.
Freetrade: forthebenefitoftheworkingclass. Protective
duties: forthebenefitoftheworkingclass. PrisonReform: for
thebenefitoftheworkingclass. Thisisthelastwordandthe
onlyseriouslymeantwordofbourgeoisSocialism.
Itissummedupinthephrase: thebourgeoisisabourgeois--for
thebenefitoftheworkingclass.
3. CRITICAL-UTOPIANSOCIALISMANDCOMMUNISM
Wedonothererefertothatliteraturewhich, ineverygreat
modernrevolution, hasalwaysgivenvoicetothedemandsoftheproletariat, suchasthewritingsofBabeufandothers.
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Thefirstdirectattemptsoftheproletariattoattainitsown
ends, madeintimesofuniversalexcitement, whenfeudalsociety
wasbeingoverthrown, theseattemptsnecessarilyfailed, owing
tothethenundevelopedstateoftheproletariat, aswellasto
theabsenceoftheeconomicconditionsforitsemancipation,
conditionsthathadyettobeproduced, andcouldbeproducedbytheimpendingbourgeoisepochalone. Therevolutionary
literaturethataccompaniedthesefirstmovementsofthe
proletariathadnecessarilyareactionarycharacter. It
inculcateduniversalasceticismandsociallevellinginits
crudestform.
TheSocialistandCommunistsystemsproperlysocalled, thoseof
Saint-Simon, Fourier, Owenandothers, springintoexistencein
theearlyundevelopedperiod, describedabove, ofthestruggle
betweenproletariatandbourgeoisie(seeSection1. Bourgeois
andProletarians).
Thefoundersofthesesystemssee, indeed, theclassantagonisms, as
wellastheactionofthedecomposingelements, intheprevailingform
ofsociety. Buttheproletariat, asyetinitsinfancy, o"erstothem
thespectacleofaclasswithoutanyhistoricalinitiativeorany
independentpoliticalmovement.
Sincethedevelopmentofclassantagonismkeepsevenpacewith
thedevelopmentofindustry, theeconomicsituation, astheyfind
it, doesnotasyeto"ertothemthematerialconditionsforthe
emancipationoftheproletariat. Theythereforesearchaftera
newsocialscience, afternewsociallaws, thataretocreate
theseconditions.
Historicalactionistoyieldtotheirpersonalinventive
action, historicallycreatedconditionsofemancipationto
fantasticones, andthegradual, spontaneousclass-organisation
oftheproletariattotheorganisationofsocietyspecially
contrivedbytheseinventors. Futurehistoryresolvesitself, in
theireyes, intothepropagandaandthepracticalcarryingoutof
theirsocialplans.
Intheformationoftheirplanstheyareconsciousofcaring
chieflyfortheinterestsoftheworkingclass, asbeingthemost
su"eringclass. Onlyfromthepointofviewofbeingthemostsu"eringclassdoestheproletariatexistforthem.
Theundevelopedstateoftheclassstruggle, aswellastheir
ownsurroundings, causesSocialistsofthiskindtoconsider
themselvesfarsuperiortoallclassantagonisms. Theywantto
improvetheconditionofeverymemberofsociety, eventhatof
themostfavoured. Hence, theyhabituallyappealtosocietyat
large, without distinctionofclass; nay, bypreference, tothe
rulingclass. Forhowcanpeople, whenoncetheyunderstand
theirsystem, failtoseeinitthebestpossibleplanofthe
bestpossiblestateofsociety?
Hence, theyrejectallpolitical, andespeciallyall
revolutionary, action; theywishtoattaintheirendsby
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peacefulmeans, andendeavour, bysmallexperiments, necessarily
doomedtofailure, andbytheforceofexample, topavetheway
forthenewsocialGospel.
Suchfantasticpicturesoffuturesociety, paintedatatime
whentheproletariatisstillinaveryundevelopedstateandhas
butafantasticconceptionofitsownpositioncorrespondwiththefirstinstinctiveyearningsofthatclassforageneral
reconstructionofsociety.
ButtheseSocialistandCommunistpublicationscontainalsoa
criticalelement. Theyattackeveryprincipleofexistingsociety.
Hencetheyarefullofthemostvaluablematerialsforthe
enlightenmentoftheworkingclass. Thepracticalmeasures
proposedinthem--suchastheabolitionofthedistinction
betweentownandcountry, ofthefamily, ofthecarryingonof
industriesfortheaccountofprivateindividuals, andofthewage
system, theproclamationofsocialharmony, theconversionofthe
functionsoftheStateintoameresuperintendenceofproduction,alltheseproposals, pointsolelytothedisappearanceofclass
antagonismswhichwere, atthattime, onlyjustcroppingup, and
which, inthesepublications, arerecognisedintheirearliest,
indistinctandundefinedformsonly. Theseproposals, therefore,
areofapurelyUtopiancharacter.
ThesignificanceofCritical-UtopianSocialismandCommunism
bearsaninverserelationtohistoricaldevelopment. In
proportionasthemodernclassstruggledevelopsandtakes
definiteshape, thisfantasticstandingapartfromthecontest,
thesefantasticattacksonit, loseallpracticalvalueandall
theoreticaljustification. Therefore, althoughtheoriginatorsofthesesystemswere, inmanyrespects, revolutionary, their
discipleshave, ineverycase, formedmerereactionarysects.
Theyholdfastbytheoriginalviewsoftheirmasters, in
oppositiontotheprogressivehistoricaldevelopmentofthe
proletariat. They, therefore, endeavour, andthatconsistently,
todeadentheclassstruggleandtoreconciletheclassantagonisms.
Theystilldreamofexperimentalrealisationoftheirsocial
Utopias, offoundingisolated"phalansteres,"ofestablishing
"HomeColonies," ofsettingupa"LittleIcaria"--duodecimo
editionsoftheNewJerusalem--andtorealiseallthesecastles
intheair, theyarecompelledtoappealtothefeelingsand
pursesofthebourgeois. Bydegreestheysinkintothecategory
ofthereactionaryconservativeSocialistsdepictedabove,
di"eringfromtheseonlybymoresystematicpedantry, and
bytheirfanaticalandsuperstitiousbeliefinthemiraculous
e"ectsoftheirsocialscience.
They, therefore, violentlyopposeallpoliticalactiononthe
partoftheworkingclass; suchaction, accordingtothem, can
onlyresultfromblindunbeliefinthenewGospel.
TheOwenitesinEngland, andtheFourieristsinFrance,
respectively, opposetheChartistsandtheReformistes.
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IV. POSITIONOFTHECOMMUNISTSINRELATIONTOTHE
VARIOUSEXISTINGOPPOSITIONPARTIES
SectionIIhasmadecleartherelationsoftheCommuniststothe
existingworking-classparties, suchastheChartistsinEngland
andtheAgrarianReformersinAmerica.
TheCommunistsfightfortheattainmentoftheimmediateaims,
fortheenforcementofthemomentaryinterestsoftheworking
class; butinthemovementofthepresent, theyalsorepresent
andtakecareofthefutureofthatmovement. InFrancethe
CommunistsallythemselveswiththeSocial-Democrats, againstthe
conservativeandradicalbourgeoisie, reserving, however, the
righttotakeupacriticalpositioninregardtophrasesand
illusionstraditionallyhandeddownfromthegreatRevolution.
InSwitzerlandtheysupporttheRadicals, withoutlosingsight
ofthefactthatthispartyconsistsofantagonisticelements,
partlyofDemocraticSocialists, intheFrenchsense, partlyofradicalbourgeois.
InPolandtheysupportthepartythatinsistsonanagrarian
revolutionastheprimeconditionfornationalemancipation, that
partywhichfomentedtheinsurrectionofCracowin1846.
InGermanytheyfightwiththebourgeoisiewheneveritactsina
revolutionaryway, againsttheabsolutemonarchy, thefeudal
squirearchy, andthepettybourgeoisie.
Buttheynevercease, forasingleinstant, toinstilintothe
workingclasstheclearestpossiblerecognitionofthehostile
antagonismbetweenbourgeoisieandproletariat, inorderthatthe
Germanworkersmaystraightawayuse, assomanyweaponsagainst
thebourgeoisie, thesocialandpoliticalconditionsthatthe
bourgeoisiemustnecessarilyintroducealongwithitssupremacy,
andinorderthat, afterthefallofthereactionaryclassesin
Germany, thefightagainstthebourgeoisieitselfmayimmediately
begin.
TheCommuniststurntheirattentionchieflytoGermany, because
thatcountryisontheeveofabourgeoisrevolutionthat
isboundtobecarriedoutundermoreadvancedconditions
ofEuropeancivilisation, andwithamuchmoredeveloped
proletariat, thanthatofEnglandwasintheseventeenth, andof
Franceintheeighteenthcentury, andbecausethebourgeois
revolutioninGermanywillbebutthepreludetoanimmediately
followingproletarianrevolution.
Inshort, theCommunistseverywheresupporteveryrevolutionary
movementagainsttheexistingsocialandpoliticalorderof
things.
Inallthesemovementstheybringtothefront, astheleading
questionineach, thepropertyquestion, nomatterwhatits
degreeofdevelopmentatthetime.
Finally, theylaboureverywherefortheunionandagreementof
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thedemocraticpartiesofallcountries.
TheCommunistsdisdaintoconcealtheirviewsandaims.
Theyopenlydeclarethattheirendscanbeattainedonlyby
theforcibleoverthrowofallexistingsocialconditions.
LettherulingclassestrembleataCommunisticrevolution.
Theproletarianshavenothingtolosebuttheirchains.Theyhaveaworldtowin.
WORKINGMENOFALLCOUNTRIES, UNITE!
EndofTheCommunistManifesto
byKarlMarxandFriedrichEngels