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THE .... NOR, 586 NO"f1lt: OAME BOOKSTORE j , KARL MARX & FREDERICK ENGELS INTERNATIONAL -.i. PUBLISHERS ,

K. Marx, F. Engels - Manifesto of the Communist Party. Ed1948

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K. Marx, F. Engels - Manifesto of the Communist Party. Ed1948 Marxismo, Leninismo, Filosofia, Materialismo Filosofico, Materialismo Dialectico, Materialismo Historico, Marxismo-Leninismo, Socialismo, Comunismo, Revolucion, Economia, Economia Politica, Politica, Democracia, Sociedad, Sociedades, Sociologia, Historia.

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Page 1: K. Marx, F. Engels - Manifesto of the Communist Party. Ed1948

THE....

NOR, 586NO"f1lt: OAMEBOOKSTORE

~l-

j•

,

KARL MARX &FREDERICK ENGELS

INTERNATIONAL -.i. PUBLISHERS ,

Page 2: K. Marx, F. Engels - Manifesto of the Communist Party. Ed1948

-, POL\ DU~(1W ~'-.J "*- \l D.3

MANIFESTOOF THE

COMMUNIST PARTY

BY

KARL MARX AND FREDERICK ENGELS

AUTHORIZED ENGLISH TRANSLAnON

EDITED AND ANNOTATED BY FREDERICK ENGEL';

INTERNATIONAL PUBLISHERS

NEW YORK

Page 3: K. Marx, F. Engels - Manifesto of the Communist Party. Ed1948

All reJn-l'na nll1nb('l~

in ll'xt rl'!l'r to notesbl'gillnin~ on p.J 5

© 194 by Intern tional Publi hers Co., Inc.

26th printing of 100th Annivt'l aJ'Y Editi n, 1985

ISB.O-717H-0211­

PRI'-IH)I'- Ilftl 'i\

Page 4: K. Marx, F. Engels - Manifesto of the Communist Party. Ed1948

PREFACE

By FREDERICK ENGELS

The Manifesto was published as the platform of the CommunistLeague, a workingmen's association, first exclusively German, lateron international, and, under the political conditions of the Continentbefore 1818, unavoidably a secrct socicty. At a Congress of theLClgtJe, helJ in Lom!on in Q\'cmbcr 180, Marx: and Engels werecommissioned to prepare for publication a complete theoretical andpractical party program. Drawn up in German, in January 1848,the manuscript was sent to the printer in London a few weeksbefore the French revolution of February 24th.1 A French transla­tion was brought out in Paris, shortly before the insurrcction ofJune 181\8.2 The first English translation, by Miss Hclen Mac­farlane, appearcd in George Julian Harney's Red Republican, Lon­don, 1850. A Danish and a Polish edition had also been published.

The defcat of the Parisian insurrection of June 1848-£he firstgreat battlc between prolctariat and bourgeoisie---drove again intothe background, for a time, the social and political aspirations of theEuropean working class. Thenceforth, the struggle for supremacywas again, as it had been before the revolution of February, solelybetween different sections of the propertied class; the working classwas reduced to a fight for political elbow-room, and to the positionof extreme wing of the middle-class Radicals. Wherever inde­pendent proletarian movements continued to show signs of life, theywere ruthlessly hunted down. Thus the Prussian police hunted outthe Central Board of the Communist League, then located inCologne. The members were arrested, and, after eighteen months'imprisonment, they were tried in October 1852. This celebrated"Cologne Communist Trial" lasted from October 4th till November12th; seven of the prisoners were sentenced to terms of imprison-

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Page 5: K. Marx, F. Engels - Manifesto of the Communist Party. Ed1948

ment in a forness, varying from three to six years. Immediatelyafter the sentence, the League was formally dissolved by the remain­ing members. As to the Manifesto, it seemed thenceforth to bedoomed to oblivion.

When the European working class had recovered sufficient strengthfor another attack on the ruling classes, the International Working­men's Association sprang up. But this association, formed with theexpress aim of welding into one body the whole militant proletariatof Europe and America, could not at once proclaim the principleslaid down in the Manifesto. The International was bound to have aprogram broad enough to be acceptable to the English tradeunions, to the followers of Proudhon3 in France, Belgium, Italy, andSpain, and to the Lassalleans4 in Germany. Marx, who drew up thisprogram to the satisfaction of all parties, entirely trusted to theintellectual development of the working class, which was sure toresult from combined action and mutual discussion. The veryevents and vicissitudes of the struggle against capital, the defeatseven more than the victories, could not help bringing home tomen's minds the insufficiency of their various favorite nostrums,and preparing the way for a more complete insight ioto the trueconditions of working-class emancipation. And Marx was right. TheInternational, on its breaking up in 1874, left the workers quitedifferent men from what it had found them in 1864. Proudhonismin France, Lassalleanism in Germany were dying out, /lnd even theconservative English trade unions, though most of them had longsince severed their connection with the International, were graduallyadvancing towards that point at which, last year at Swansea, theirpresident could say in their name "continental Socialism has lost itsterrors for us." In fact, the principles of the Manifesto had madeconsiderable headway among the workingmen of all countries.

The Manifesto itself thus came to the front again. Since 1850the German text had been reprinted several times in Switzerland,England, and America. In 1872, it was translated into English inNew York, where the translation was published in Woodhull andClaflin's Weekly. From this English version, a French one was made

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Page 6: K. Marx, F. Engels - Manifesto of the Communist Party. Ed1948

in Le Socialiste of New York. Since then at least twO more Englishtranslations, more or less mutilated, have been brought Out inAmerica, and one of them has been reprinted in England. The firstRussian translation, made by Bakunin, was published at Herzen'sKolokol office in Geneva, about 1863; a second one, by the heroicVera Zasulich, also in Geneva, in 1882.5 A new Danish edition isto be found in Socialdemokratisk Bibliothek, Copenhagen, 1885; afresh French translation in Le Socialiste, Paris, 1886. From thislatter, a Spanish version was prepared and published in Madrid, in1886. Not counting the German reprints there had been at leasttwelve editions. An Armenian translation, which was to be pub­lished in Consrantinople some months ago, did not see the light, Iam told, because the publisher was afraid of bringing out a bookwith the name of Marx on it, while the translator declined to callit his own production. Of further translations into other languagesI have heard, but have not seen. Thus the hisrory of the Manifestore£lects, to a great extent, rhe history of the modern working-classmovement; at present it is undoubtedly the most widespread, themost international production of all Socialist literature, the commonplatform acknowledged by millions of workingmen from Siberiato California.

Yet, when it was written, we could not have called it a Socialistmanifesto. By Socialists, in 1847, were understood, on the one hand,the adherents of the various Utopian systems: Owenires6 in England,Fourierists7 in France, both of them already reduced to the posi­rion of mere seers, and gradually dying out; on the other hand, themost multifarious social quacks, who, by all manners of tinkering,professed to redress, without any danger to capital and profit, allsorts of social grievances, in both cases men outside the workingclass movement, and looking rather to the "educated" classes forsupport. Whatever portion of the working class had become con­vinced of the insufficiency of mere political revolutions, and hadproclaimed the necessity of a rotal social change, called itself Com­munist. It was a crude, rough-hewn, purely instinctive sort ofCommunism; still, it touched the cardinal point and was powerful

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Page 7: K. Marx, F. Engels - Manifesto of the Communist Party. Ed1948

enough amongst the working class to produce the Utopian Com­munism of CabetS in France, and of Weitling9 in Germany. Thus,in 1847, Socialism was a middle-class movement, Communism -a~orKin~ovcmen. ;m::iatlsm was, on the continent at least,"respecta@e~;--COmmuntsm was the verr opposite. And as ournotion, from the very beginning, was that "the emancipation of theworking class mllst be the act of the working class itself," therecould be no doubt as to which of the twO names we must take.Moreover, we have, ever since, been hr from repudiating it.

he Manifesto being our joint production, I consider myselfbound to srate that the fundamental ro sition which forms itsnucleus, belongs to Marx. at proposition is: That in every hirrorical epecA, rhe prevailing mo e of economic production andexchangll, !lAd the 5e~ialQ.umQization necessarily following fro~it,for!!!-the basis YP'Qr:l...w.b..i.Eh is built up, and from which alone canbe explained, the political and intellectual history of that ~h;that-consequently the whole history of mankind (since the dissolu­tion of ptlmltlve ttlbal society, holding land in common ownership)has be hi of class struggles, contests between ex Ioiting andexploited.... ruling and oppressed classes; that the hiSto; 0 thesec1a~uggles FOrm a series of evolu~in whi;h, now;l;ys, asta~as been reached where the exploited and opwe~ c1ass-tbe

roletariat-cannot attain its emancipation from the swa of theex~ and r lass-the b~-Eeoisie--withoutat the same~ime, and once and f9r society at large from~Ux 10' e-ssion,- c1ass-disti.nc.ti.Qns and class strugg!es.

This proposition, which, in my opinion, is destined to do forhistory what Darwin's theory has done for biele&y, we, beth e£ us,had been gradually approaching for some years before 1845. Hewfar I had independently progressed towards it, is best shown by myCondition of the Working Class in England.1O But when I againmet Marx at Brussels, in spring 1845, he had it already worked out,and pur jt before me, in terms almost as clear as those in which Ihave stated it here.

From our joint preface to the German edition of 1872, I quote:

Page 8: K. Marx, F. Engels - Manifesto of the Communist Party. Ed1948

"However much the state of things may have altered during thelast 25 years, the genetJ.I principles laid down in this Manifesto are,on the whole, as correct t a as ever. Here and there some detamight be improved. The r a of the principles willdepend, as the Manifesto itself states, everywhere and at all times,on the histOrical conditions for the time being existing, and, forthat reason no s cial stress is laid on the revolutionary measuresproposed at the en 0 ecHon That passage wou ,in manyrespec;-s, be very differently worded today. In view of the giganticstrides of modern industry since 1848, and of the accompanyingimproved and extended organization of the working class, in viewof the practical experience gained, first in the February revolution,and then, still more, in the Paris Commune, where the proletariatfor the first time held political power for cwo whole months, thisprogram has in some details become antiquated. One thing espe­cially was proved by the Commune, viz., that 'the working classcannot simply lay hold of IDe-c.eady,;roade. stat~ riladiTnery, andwield it for its own purposes: (See The Civil War in France;AddreJJ by the General Council of the International Workingmen'sASJociation, 1871, where this point is further developed.) Further,it is self-evident, that the criticism of Socialist literature is deficientin relation to the present time, because it comes down only to 1847;also, that the remarks on the relation of the Cem.munists to thevarious opposition parties (Section IV), although in principle stillcorrect, yet in practice are antiquated, because the political situationhas been entirely changed, and the progress of history has sweptfrom off the earth the greater portion of the political parties thereenumerated.

"But then, the Manifesto has become a historical document whichwe have no longer any right to alter."

The present translation is by Mr. Samuel Moore, the translatorof the greater portions of Marx's Capital. We have revised it incommon, and I have added a few notes explanatory of histOricalallusions.

London, January 3D, 1888.

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Page 9: K. Marx, F. Engels - Manifesto of the Communist Party. Ed1948

MANIFESTO OF THE COMMUNIST PARlY

By KARL MARX AND FREDERICK ENGELS

A specter is haunting Europe--the specter of Communism. Allthe powers of old Europe have entered into a holy alliance to exor­cise this specter: Pope and Czar, Metternich and Guizot, FrenchRadicaIsll and German police-spies.

Where is the party in opposition that has not been decried ascommunistic by its opponents in power? Where the Oppositionthat has not hurled back the branding reproach of Communism,against the more advanced opposition parties, as well as against itsreactionary adversaries?

Two things result from this fact:1. Communism is already acknowledged by all European powers

to be itself a power.II. It is high time that Communists should openly, in the face of

the whole world, publish their views, their aims, their tendencies,and meet this nursery tale of the specter of Communism with amanifesto of the parry itself.

To this end, Communists of various nationalities have assembledin London, and sketched the following manifesto, to be publishedin the English, French, German, Italian, Flemish, and Danishlanguages.

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Page 10: K. Marx, F. Engels - Manifesto of the Communist Party. Ed1948

BOURGEOIS AND PROLETARlANS12 (

1)le history of all hhherro existing sociery13 is the history ofclass struggles.

Freeman and slave, patrician and plebeian, lord and serf, guild­master14 and journeyman, in a word, 0 ressor an<! oppressed, stoodin "'CeQSt2Qt opposition to OAe another, carried on an unInterrupted,now hidden, now open fight, a fight that each time ended, either ina revolutionary reconstirution of sociery at large, or in the com­mon ruin of the contending classes.

In the earlier epochs of history, we find almost everywhere a com­plicated arrangement of socie into various orders, a manifoldgradation of social rank. In ancient RoriiJwe have patricians,0knights, plebeians, slaves; in the Middle Ages, feudal lords, vassalsguild-masters, journeymen, appre ICes, serfs; i~ almost all of thesec1asses~aain, sUbordina~radations.

The modern bourgeoisJociety that has sprouted from the ruinof feu a society, has not aone away with class antagonisms. It hasbut established new classes, new conditions of oppression, new formsof struggle in place of the old ones.

Our epoch, the e ch of the bourgeoisie, possesses, however, thisdistinctive fearure: It has simplified the class antaA<?nisms Societyas a whole is mo e and more splitting u inco ilec~ps, lOtO two great c asses treed facin each ocher-bour­geoisie andp~

m e serfs of the Middle Ages sprang the chartered burgh­ers15 of the earliest tOwns. From these burgesses the first elementsof the bourgeoisie were developed.

The discovery of America, the rounding of the Cape, opened

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Page 11: K. Marx, F. Engels - Manifesto of the Communist Party. Ed1948

up fresh ground for the rISing bourgeoisie. The East Indian andChinese markers, the colonization of America, trade with the colo­nies, the increase in the means of exchange and in commoditiesgenerally, gave to commetce, to navigation, to industry, an im­pulse never before known, and thereby, to the revolutionary ele­ment in the tottering feudal society, a rapid development.

The feudal system of industry, in which industrial productionwas monopolized by closed guilds,16 now no longer sufficed for thegrowing wants of the new markets. The manufacruring systemtook its pl~ce. The &!i1d-masrer$ wer u hed u­facrurin - middle class; division 0 a r betWeen the differentcorpo vanlS ed in the face of division of labor in eachsingle workshop.

Meantime the markets kept ever growing, the demand ever ris­ing. Even manufacrure no longer sufficed. Thereupon, steamand ~achinery 1- lutionized-0-IDIStrial pro@ction. The place ofmanufacrure was taken y the giant, modern industry, the placeof the industrial middle class, by industrial millionaires--the leadersof whole industrial armies, the modern bourgeois.

Modern industry has established the world market, for whichthe discovery of America paved the way. This market. has givenan immense development to commerce. to navigation, to com­munication by land. This cleve opment has, in its rum, reactedon the extension of industry; and in proportion as industry, com­merce, navigation, railways extended, in the same proportion thebourgeoisie developed, increased its capital, and pushed ioro thebackground every class handed down from the Middle Ages.

e see, therefore, how the modern bomg~isie is itself the prod.uct of a long course of developmen.c.-of a series of revolutions in

-./the mo es 0 production and of exchange.G Each step in the development of the bourgeoisie was accompaniedby a corresponding political advance of that class. An oppressedclass under the sway of the feudal nobility, it became an ~med

and self-governing association in the medieval commune; 17 hereindependent urban republic (as in Italy and Germany), there

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Page 12: K. Marx, F. Engels - Manifesto of the Communist Party. Ed1948

taxable "third estate" of the monarchy (as in France); after­wards, in the period of manufacture proper, serving either thesemi-feudal or the absolute monarchy as a counterpoise againstthe nobility, and, in fact, cornerstone of the great monarchies ingeneral-the bourgeoisie has at last, since the establishment ofmodern industry ana ofthe wor market, conquered for i self,in the modern representative state, exclusive political sway. Theexecutive of the ..modern state is but a commIttee or managingth ammon affairs of the whole bourMoisie.

The bourgeoisie has played a most revolurionary role in history.The bour eoisie, wherever it has gOt the upper hand, has put an

end to all feudal, patriarchal, idyllic relations. It has pitilesslytorn asunder the motley feudal ties that bound man to his "naturalsuperiors," and has left no other bond between man and man thannaked self-interest, than carIous "cash payment." It has ownedthe most heaven y ecstasies 0 re IglOuS ervor, of ChiV rouS- en­thusiasm, of philistine sentimentalism, in the icy water of ego- ,(f...tis tical calculation. It has resolved personal worth into exchangevalue, and in place of the numberless indefeasible chartered free­doms, has set up that single, unconscionable freedom-Free Trade.In one word:1O~exploltatlon, vel e y religious and politicalillusions, it has substituted naked, shameless, direct, brutal ex­ploitation.

The bourgeoisie has stripped of its halo every occupation hithertohonQre<:L.!.nd looked up to with reverent awe. It nas c-onverredthe physician, the lawyer, me priest, the poet, the man of science,into its paid wage-laborers.

The bourgeoisie has torn away from the family its sentimentalveil, and has reduced the amI y elation ~o a mere money relation. (b

The bourgeoisie has ISC ose ow It came to pass that t e rutal tt ~ V\display of vigor in the Middle Ages, which reactionaries so muchadmire, found its fitting complement in the most slothful indolence. ~.aIt has been the first to show what man's activity can bring about. V"'(;It has accomplished wonders far surpassing Egyptian pyramids, {,Roman aqueducts, and Gothic cathedrals; it has conducted expe-

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Page 13: K. Marx, F. Engels - Manifesto of the Communist Party. Ed1948

ditions that put in the shade all former migrations of nations andcrusades.

The bourgeoisie cannot exist without constantly revolutionizingthe instruments of productIon, an thereby the relations of pro­duction, an WIt them the whole relations of society. Conserva­tion of the old modes of production in unaltered form, was, onthe contrary, the first condition of existence for all earlier indus­trial classes. Constant revolutionizin of production, uninterrupteddisturbance of aU social conditions, ever sting uncer amty andagitationdistinguls thi bourgeois epoch from aU earlier ones.AI e<:t;-fas - rozen relations, witE their train of ancient andvenerable prejudices and opinions, are swept away, aU new-formedones become antiquated before they can ossify. All that is solidmelts into air, all that is holy is profaned, and man is at last com­peUed to face with sober senses his real conditions of life and hisrelations with his kind.

The need of a constantly expanding market for its productschases the bourgeoisie over the whole surface of the globe. It mustnestle everywhere, settle everywhere, establish connections every­where.

The bourgeoisie has through its exploitation of the world marketgiven a cosmopolitan character to production and consumption inevery country. To the great chagrin of reactionaries, it has drawnfrom under the feet of industry the national ground on which itstood. All old-established national industries have been destroyedor are daily being destroyed. They are dislodged by new indus­tries, whose introduction becomes a life and death question forall civilized nations, by industries that no longer work up in­digenous raw material, but raw material drawn from the remot­est zones; industries whose products are consumed, not only athome, but in every quarter of the globe. In place of the oldwants, satisfied by the production of the country, we find newwants, requumg or i1lelr satls action tne pr uCtS of distant landsan c meso Inplace of t e old local and national seclusion andself-sufficiency, we have intercourse in every direction, universal

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inter-dependence of nations. And as 10 material, so also in in­tellecrua proauctlon. -ne intellectual creations of individual na­tions become common property. National one-sidedness andnarrow-mindedness become more and more impossible, and fromthe numerous national and local literatures there arises a worldliterature.

The bourgeoisie, by the rapid improvement of alI instrumentsof production, by-rhe immensely facilitated means of communica­tion, draws all nations, even the most barbarian, into civilization.The cheap prices of its commodities are the heavy artillery withwhich it batters down all Chinese walls, with which it forces thebarbarians' intensely obstinate hatred of foreigners to capitulate.It compels all nations, on pain of extinction, to adopt the bour­geois mode of production; it compels them to introduce what itcaBs civilization ·nto their midst, i.e., to become bourgeois them­selves. n a word, it creates a world after its own ima e.

The urgeoisle as su Jecte t e coumry to the rule of thetOwns. It has created enormOUs cltJes, as great y increased- theurban population as compared with the rural, and has thus rescueda considerable part of the population from the idiocy of rural life.Just as it has made the coumry dependem on the towns, so it hasmade barbarian and semi-barbarian coumries dependent on thecivilized ones, nations of peasants on nations of bourgeois, the Easton the West.

More and more the bourgeoisie keeps doing away with the SCat­tered state of the population, of the means of production, and ofproperty. 11 bas agglomerated population ~ eans ofprodueriop' a.ad.~oo a few hands. Thenecessary consequence of this was political centraltzatlon. Inde­penaent, or ut oose y connecte provinces, with separate imer­ests, laws, governments, and systems of taxation, became lumpedtogether into one nation, with one government, one code of laws,one national class interest, one fromier, and one custOms tariff.

The bourgeoisie, during its rule of scarce one hundred years.has created more massive and more colossal productive forces than

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Page 15: K. Marx, F. Engels - Manifesto of the Communist Party. Ed1948

have all preceding generations together. Subjection of nature'sforces to man, machinery, application of chemistry to industry andagriculture, steam-navigation, railways, electric telegraphs, clear­ing of whole continents for cultivation, canalisation of rivers,whole populations conjured out of the ground-what earlier cen­tury had even a presentiment that such productive forces slum­bered in the lap of social labour?

We see then that the means of production and of exchange,which served as the foundation for the growth of the bourgeoisie,were generated in feudal society. At a certain stage in the devel­opment of these means of production and of exchange, the condi­tions under which feudal society produced and exchanged, thefeudal organisation of agriculture and manufacturing industry, ina word, the feudal relations of property became no longer com­patible with the already developed productive forces; they becameso many fetters. They had to be burst asunder; they were burstasunder.

Into their place stepped ree competition, accom anied b a socialand po I Ica constl tlOn 0 It... and by the economic andpo Hlca sway of the bourgeois class.

A similar movement is going on before our own eyes. Modernbourgeois society with its relations of production, of exchange andof property, a society that has conjured up such gigantic means ofproduction and of exchange, is like the sorcerer who is no longerable to control the powers of the nether world whom he has calledup by his spells. For many a decade past the history of industry

and commerce is but the history of the revolt of modern pro­ductive forces against modern conditions of production, againstthe property relations that are the conditions for the existence ofthe bourgeoisie and of its rule. It is enough to mention the com­mercial crises that by their periodical return put the existence ofthe entire bourgeois society on trial, each time more· threateningly.In these crises a great part not only of the existing products, butalso of the previously created productive forces, are periodicaIlydestroyed. In these crises there breaks out an epidemic that, in all

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~~...~~..h~s""-tw:.;.;ould have seemed an absurdity-the epidemic ofucrion. ociety suddenI finds itself ut ac IOto a state

'~;;W:i:.iiiiiji13~a;ribatlsm; It a pears as if a famine, a universalwar of aevastatlon had CUt off the sup Iy of eve means of sul>­sistence; industry and commerce seem to be destroyed. And why?Because there is t u uch means of sub-

. t nee toO much industr , toO much commerce. The productiveforces at the disposal of society no longer tend to further the de­velopment of the conditions of bourgeois property; on the contrarythey have become too powerful for these conditions, by which theyare fettered, and no sooner do they overcome these fetters thanthey bring disorder into the whole of bourgeois society, endangerthe eXistenc~urgeoisproperty. The conditions of bourgeoissociety are too narrow to comprise the wealth created by them.And our eoi . t vcr these crises? On the onehand, by enforced destruction of a mass of pr6auctive forces; onthe Other, by the conquest of new markets, and by the more thor­ough exploitation of the old ones. That is to say, by paving theway for Qr extensive and more destructive crises, an y dimin-ishing the here y cr

The weapons with whJCground are now turned against the bourgeoisie itself.

But not only has..!?e bourgeoisie forged the wea ns that bringdeath to itself; it has also called into existence the men who areto wield thQ ~ns-the modern working class--the prole­taria

In proportion as the-.bou eoisie Le.. capital, is developed, in thesame ro rtion is the proletariat, the mooern workin class de­velopcd--a class of laborers, w 0 live o·nly so long as rhey-findwork, and who find work only so long as their labor increasescapital. These laborers, who must sell themselves piecemeal ara commodity, like every ocher article of commerce, and are con­sequent y exposed to all the vicissitudes of competition, to aU thefluctuations of the market.

Owing to the extensive use of machinery and to division of

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labor, the work of the proletarians has lost all individual charac­ter, and, consequently, all charm for the workman. He becomesan appendage of the machine, and it is only the most simple, mostmonotonous, and most easily acquired knack, that is required ofhim. Hence, the cost of production of a workman is restricted,almost entirely, to the means of subsistence that he requires forhis maintenance, and for the propagation of his race. But theprice of a commodity, and therefore also of labor, is equal ro itscost of production. 10 proportion, therefore, as the repulsiveness

r of--0e work increases, the wage decreases. NaY.JDoce, ia proportionas the use of machinery aa.d....division of labor increases, iD. the sameproportion the burden of roil also increases, whether by prolonga­rion of the working hours, by increase of the work exacted in agiven time, or by increased speed of the machinery, etc.

Modern industry has converted the little workshop of the patri­archal master into the great facrory of the industrial capitalist.

aborer rowded into th are organized likesol~As privates ef ed underthe command of a perfect hierarchy of officers and ser eants. Notonly are they slaves of the bourgeOJs c ass, ana 0 • the bourgeoisstate; they are daily and hourly enslaved by the machine, by theover-looker, and, above all, by the individual bourgeois manufacturerhimself. The more openly this despotism proclaims gain to be itsend and aim, the more petty, the more hateful and the more em­bittering it is.

The less the skill and exertion of strength implied in manuallabor, in other words, th~ more modern industry develops, rhe more

[l is the labor of men su.£>erseded by that of women. Differences ofage and sex have no longer any distinctive social validity for theworking class. All are instrument , ore or less expensive

J ro cordins ro their age and sex.No sooner has the laborer r . his wages in cash, for the mo-

ment escaping exploitation by the manufacturer, than he is set uponby the other portions of the bourgeoisie, rhe landlord, the shop­keeper, the pawnbroker, etc.

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The lower strata of the middle class--the small tradesshopkeepers, and retired tradesm t e anand Msants--all these sink gradually inco .th Qletar.iat rtlybecause their diminutive capital does not suffice lor the scale onwhich ..modetn indllStry is carried on, and is swamped in the compe­tition with the large capitalists, partly because their .specialized skillis rendered worthless by I) w ethod 0 oduction. Thus theproleta ·at i Ie ited from all classes of t pepulation.

The proletariat goes throu h various sta e f d v pment. Withits birr egms J stm Ie with the bou At first the con­test is carried 0 by individual laborers, then by the work peopleof a factory, then by the operatives of one trade, in one locality,against the individual bourgeois who directly exploits them. Theydirect their attacks not against the bourgeois conditions of produc­tion, but against the instruments of production themselves; theydestroy imported wares that compete with their labor, they smashmachinery to pieces, they set factories ablaze, they seek to restore byforce the vanished status of the workman of the Middle Ages.

At this stage the laborers still form an incoherent mass scatteredover the whole country, and broken up by their mutual competition.If anywhere they unite to form more c~paCt bedies, this is not yetthe consequence of their own active union, but of the union of thebourgeoisie, which class, in order to attain its own political ends, iscompelled to set the whole proletariat in motion, and is moreoverstill able to do so for a time. At this stage, therefore, the prole­tarians do not fight their enemies, but the enemies of their enemies,the remnants of absolute monarchy, the landowners, the non­industrial bourgeois, the petty bourgeoisie. Thus the whole histOricalmovement is concentrated in the hands of the bourgeoisie; everyvictOry so obtained is a victory for the bourgeoisie.

But with the development of industry the proletariat nor onlyin ease~mber; it becomes-cQncentrated in greater masses, itsstrengtb grows, and it feels that strength more. The various inter­ests and conditions of life within the ranks of the proletariat aremore and more equalized, in proportion as machinery obliterates all

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distinctions of labor and nearly everywhere reduces wages to thesame low level. The growing competition among the bourgeois, andthe resulting commercial crises, make the wages of the workers evermore flucru:ning. The unceasing improvement of machinery, evermore rapidly developing, makes their livelihood more and moreprecarious; the collisions between individual workmen and indi­vidual bourgeois take more and more the character of collisionsbetween twO classes. Thereu on the workers be in to form combi-

~ nations trade u . ns a ainst the bour e isie; they c u gether\.\ . in order to k e u . th found petma ent asso­

ciations in order to make provision beforehand for these oc asionalrevolts. Here and there the contest breaks out into tlOts.-Now and then the workers are victorious, bur only for a time.The real fruit of their battles lies, not in the immediate result, butin the ever expanding union of the workers. This union is furrhereclby the improved means of communication which are created bymodern..industry and which place the workers of different localitiesin contact with one another. It was JUSt this contact that wasneeded to centralize the numerous local struggles, all of the samecharacter, into one national struggle between classes. But everyclass struggle is a political struggle. And that union, to attainwhich the burghers of the Middle Ages, with their miserable high­ways, required centuries, the modern proletarians, thanks to railways.achieve in a few years.

This organization of the proletarians into a class, and consequentlyinto a political party, is continually being upset again by the com­petition between the workers themselves. But it ever rises up again,stronger, firmer, mightier. It compels legislative recognition ofparticular interests of the workers, by taking advantage of thedivisions among the bourgeoisie itself. Thus the ten-hour bill18 ipEngland was carried.

Altogether, collisions between the classes of the old society furtherthe course of development of the proletariat in many ways. Thebourgeoisie finds itself involved in a constant battle. At first withthe aristocracy; later on, with those portions of the bourgeoisie itself

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whose interests have become antagonistic to the progress of industry;at all times with the bourgeoisie of foreign countries. In all thesebattles it sees itself compelled to appeal to the proletariat, to ask forits help, and thus, to drag it into the political arena. The bour-~goisie itself, therefore, supplies the proletariat with its own elementSof political and general education, in other words, it furnishes the )proletariat with weapons for fighting the bourgeoisie.

Further, as we have already seen, entire scCtions of the rulingclasses are, by the advance of industry, prccipitated into the prolc·tariat, or are at least threatened in their conditions of existence.These also supply the proletariat with fresh elements of enlighten­ment and progress.

Finally, in times when the class struggle nears the decisive hour,the process of dissolution going on within the ruling class, in faCtwithin the whole range of old society, assumes such a violent, glaringcharaCter, that a small seCtion of the ruling class CUtS itself adrih,and joins the revolw:;ooaq( class, the class that holds the future inits hands. Just as, therefore, at an earlier period, a section of thenobility went over to the bourgeoisie, so now a portion of thc bour­geoisie goes ovcr to the proletariat, and in particular, a portion ofthe bourgeois ideologists, who have raised themselves to the level ofcomprehending theoretically the historic3.1 movement as a whole.

Of all the classes that stand face to face with the bourgeoisietoday, the proletariat alone is a really revolutionary class. The Otherclasses decay and finally disappear in the face of modern industry;the proletariat is itS special and essential produCt.

The lower middle class, the small manufacturer, the shopkeeper,the artisan, the peasant, all these fight against the bourgeoisie, to savefrom extinCtion their existence as fractions of the middle class. Theyare therefore not revolutionary, but conservative. Nay more, theyare reactionary, for they try to roll back the wheel of histOry. Ifby chance they are revolutionary, they are so only in view of theirimpending transfer into the proletariat; they thus defend not theirpresent, but their future interests; they desert their own standpointto adopt that of the proletariat.

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The "dangerous class," the social scum (Lumpenproletariat), thatpassively rotting mass thrown off by the lowest layers of old society,may, here and there, be swept into the movement by a proletarianrevolution; its conditions of life, however, prepare it far more forthe part of a bribed tool of reactionary intrigue.

The social conditions of the old society no longer exist for theproletariat. The proletarian is without property; his relation to hiswife and children has no longer anything in common withbourgeois family relations; modern industrial labor, modern subjec­tion to capital, the same in England as in France, in America as inGermany, has stripped him of every trace of national character.Law, morality, religion, are to him so many bourgeois prejudices,behind which lurk in ambush just as many bourgeois interests.

All the preceding classes that got the upper hand, sought tofortify their already acquired status by subjecting society at largeto their conditions of appropriation. The proletarians cannot be­come masters of the productive forces of society, except by abolish­ing their own previous mode of appropriation, and thereby also everyother previous mode of appropriation. They have nothing of theirown to secure and to fortify; their mission is to destroy all previoussecurities for, and insurances of, individual property.

All previous historical movements were movements of minorities,or in the interest of minorities. The roletarian movement is the

self-cei:;:o:.;;u:.=s,,-,-;-i;;;n;;:d;.:e:.[p:.;:e;:n:..::d:..::e;.:n:;t:...:;m::.o:.v,;.e:;m;=.:e:;:n:.:t:..-:o;f~t;:.:h.:.:e:...:i.:.:mm~:.:e:.:n:.;s;:e-=m::a~j:,:o::r;,.ity::.,inthe interest of the immense majority. The proletariat, t e oweststratum 0 our present society, cannot stir, cannot raise itself up,without the whole superincumbent strata of official society beingsprung into the air.

Though not in substance, yet in form, the stru gle of the prole-,-radat with the bourgeoisie is at firs ational gg e. e

proletariat of each country must, 0 sett e matterswith its own bourgeoisie. .

In depicting the most general phases of the development of theproletariat, we traced the more or less veiled~ragingwi~hin

existing society, up to the point where that war breaks out mto

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open revolution, and where the violent overthrow of the bourgeoisielays the foundation for the sway of the proletariat.

Hitherto, every form of society has been based, as we have alreadyseen, on the antagonism of oppressing and oppressed classes. But inorder to oppress a class, certain conditions must be assured to itunder which it can, at least, continue its slavish existence. The serf,in the period of serfdom, raised himself to membership in the com­mune, just as the petty bourgeois, under the yoke of feudal abso­lutism, managed to develop into a bourgeois. The modern laborer,on the contrary, instead of rising with the progress of industry, sinksdeeper and deeper below the conditions of existence of his own class.He becomes a pauper, and pauperism develops more rapidly thanpopulation and wealth. And here it becomes evident, that thebourgeoisie is unfit any longer to be the ruling class in society, andto impose its conditions of existence upon society as an overridinglaw. It is unfit to rule because it is incompetent to assure anexistence to its slave within his slavery, because it cannot help lettinghim sink into such a state, that it has to feed him, instead of beingfed by him. Society can no longer live under this bourgeoisie, inother words, rrs existence is no longer compatiBle WIth SOCIety.

The essential condition for the eXIstence and sway of tbl bour­geois class, is the formation and augmentation of capital' the con~tion for capital is wage-labor. Wage-labor rests exclusively oncomp;tition between the la re;;-The aavance of industry, w ose'invo untary promoter is the bourgeoisie, replaces the isolation of thelaborers, due to competition, by their revolutionary combination,due to association. The development of modern industry, therefore,cuts from under its feet the very foundation on which the bour­geoisie produces and appropriates products. What the bourgeoisietherefore produces, above all, are its own grave-diggers. Its falland the victory of the proletariat are equally inevitable.

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II

PROLETARIAN~o~D COMMUNISTS

CO. In what relation do the Communists stand to the proletarians as ')

a whole?~The C~ni;s do not form a se arty oppose~therorkin a-class arti

e have no interests separate and apart from those of theroletariat as a whole.

They do not set up any sectarian principles of their own, by whichto shape and mould the proletarian movement.

./' The Communists are distinguished from the other working-class

{

parties by this only: 1. In the national struggles of the proletariansof the different countries, they point out and bring to the frontthe common interests of the entire proletariat, independently of allnationality. 2. In the various stages of development which thestruggle of the working class against the bourgeoisie has to passthrough, they always and everywhere represent the interests of themovement as a whole.

The Communists, therefore, are on the one hand, praaically, themost advanced and resolute section of the working-class parties ofevery country, that section which pushes forward all others; on theother hand, theoretically, they have over the great mass of theproletariat the advantage of clearly understanding the line of march,the conditions, and the ultimate general results of the proletarianmovement.

The immediate aim of the Communists is the same as that of allthe other e proletariat

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The theoretical conclusiop.s of the Communists are in no waybased on ideas or principles that have been invented, or discovered,by this or that would-be universal reformer.

They merely express, in general terms, actual relations springingfrom an existing class struggle, from a historical movement goingon under our very eyes. TIle abolition of existing property relatigll5is no~ at all a distinctive feaOlre of Communism.

All property relations in the past have continually been subject to

historical change consequent upon the change in historical conditions.The French Revolution, for example, abolished feudal property in

favor of bourgeois property.The distinguishing feature of Communism is not the abolition of \ .

property generally, but the abolition of bourgeois ro~. But '"rna ern bourgeois private property is the final and most complete ---------.expression of the system of producing and appropriating products )

/'that is based on class antagonisms, on the exploitation of the many /'

by the few. ~In this sense, the th of h . summed up in

the single sentence: lition of private propertWe Communists have c e Wit t e desire of abolish-

ing the right of personally acquiring property as the fruit of a man'sown labor, which property is alleged to be the groundwork of allpersonal freedom, activity, and independence.

Hard-won, self-acquired, self-earned property! Do you mearirh-e-'property of the petty artisan and of the small peasant, a form of (property that preceded the bourgeois form? There is no need to

abolish that; the development of industry has to a great extentalready destroyed it, and is still destroying it daily.

Or do yeu mean modern bourgeois private property?ut does wa e-labor create an ro erty for the laborer? M

. bit. I.e. t at kind of ro~ertY- w Ie

wa e-- a r an w Ie cannot increase except upon con It on 0

begetting a new supply of wage-labor for fresh exploitation. Prop-erty, in its present form, is based on the antagonism of capital andwage-labor. Let us examine both sides of this antagonism.

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_T be a ca itali~.-is o.-ha:VoC-uQ onl ----L. urel~onal, but a~~dlKtiQn ,Capital is a coikCt};e-pr-Oduct, an<io y by the united action of many members, nay, in the last resort,only by the united action of all members of society, can it be set inmotion.~Ca ital is therefore not a rsonal, it is a social.....pcmrer.

When, therefore, capIta . Into common property, intothe property of all members of society, personal property is notthereby transformed into social property. It is only the social char­acter of the property that is changed. It loses its class character.

Let us now take wage-labor.The average price of wage-labor, is the minimum wage, i.e., that

quantum of the means of subsistence which is absolutely requisite tokeep the laborer in bare existence as a laborer. What, therefore,the wage-laborer appropriates by means of his labor, merely sufficesto prolong and reproduce a bare existence. We by no means intendto abolish this personal appropriation of the products of labor, anappropriation that is made for the maintenance and reproduction ofhuman life, and that leaves no surplus wherewith to command thelabor of others. All that we want to do away with is the miserablecharacter of this appropriation, under which the laborer livesmerely to increase capital, and is allowed to live only insofar as theinterest of the ruling class requires it.

In bourgeois society, living labor is but a means to increaseaccumulated labor. In Communist society, accumulated labor isbut a means to widen, to enrich, to promote the existence of thelaborer.

In. bourgeois society, therefore, the st dominates theCommunist ,e resent dominates thesociety ca ital is independent and has indo ia'ii"a iper~Qi e ent all· .n ividuali .

And the abolition of this state of things is called by the bourgeois,/<tbolition of individuality .anCL£ieea.amJ And rightly so. The abo­

lition of bourgeois individuality, bourgeois independence, and bour­geois freedom is undoubtedly aimed at.

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By freedom is meant, under the present bourgeois cond;tions ofproduction, free trade, free selling and buying.

But if selling and buying disappears, free selling and buying dis­appears also. This talk about free selling and buying, and all theother "brave words" of our bourgeoisie about freedom in general,have a meaning, if any, only in contrast with restricted selling andbuying, with the fettered traders of the Middle Ages, but have nomeaning when opposed to the Communist abolition of buying andselling, of the bourgeois conditions of production, and of the bour­geoisie itself.

You are horrified at our intending to do away with private prop­erty. But in your existing society, private property is already doneaway with for nine-tenths of the population; its existence for the fewis solely due to its non-existence in the hands of those nine-tenths.You reproach us, therefore, with intending to do away with a formof property, the necessary condition for whose existence is the non­existence of any property for the immense majority of society.

In a word, you reproach us with intending to do away with yourproperty. Precisely so; that is just what we intend.

From the moment when labor can no longer be converted intocapital, money, or rentJnro a social power capable of being monopo­lized, i.e., from the moment when individual property can no longerbe transformed into bourgeois property, into capital, from that mo­ment, you say, individuality vanishes.

You must, therefore, confess that by "individual" you mean noother person than the bourgeois, than the middle-class owner ofproperty. This person must, indeed, be swept out of the way, andmade impossible.

Communism deprives no man of the power to appropriate theproducts of society; all that it does is to deprive him of the power to

subjugate the labor of others by means of such appropriation._It has been objected, that upon the abolition of private property

all wo~will cease, and-.!!...niversal laziness will overtake us..~ccording to this bour eois socie-ty....Qught-l(){'lg-ag0 to have gone

to .the dogs through sheer idleness; for those of its members who--- - ----------

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~ ~S(?e~~

5~v-cg;r::.. "'qutte nodun .nd ,I",,, whn "'qui« ony<bing, do noowor e w ole of this objection is but another expression of the--tautology: There can no longer be any wage-labor when there isno longer any capital

All objections urged against the Communist mode of producingand appropriating material products, have, in the same way, beenurged against the Communist modes of producing and appropriatingintellectual products. Just as, to the bourgeois, the disappearance ofclass property is the disappearance of production itself, so the dis­appearance of cIass culture is to him identical with the disappearanceof all culture.

That culture, the loss of which he laments, is, for the enormousmajority, a mere training to act as a machine.

But don't wrangle with us so long as you apply, to our intendedabolition of bourgeois property, the standard of your bourgeois no­tions of freedom, culture, law, etc. Your very ideas are but the Out­

growth of the conditions of your bourgeois production and bourgeoisproperty, just as your jurisprudence is but the will of your classmade into a law for all, a will whose essential character and directionare determined by the economic conditions of existence .f your class.

The selfish misc.nce tion that induces ou to transform_into et~r·

!!..al laws .f natur and.f reason th fOLms springing rom.your present mede .f preduction and form of roperry_· OUGal

re atIons that rise an 1 appear In the pr.~ress .f pr.duct~n-this

misc.nceptien ou share 1 ever ru In class that has preceded~ What you see clearly in the case of ancient property, what youadmit in the case of feudal property, you are of course forbidden toadmit in the case of your own bourgeois form of property.

A~lition of the family!-.:..Even the most radical flare up~isinfamous proposal of the Communists.

On what foundation is the present family, the bourgeois family,based? _., ga.w. n its camp ete y eveloped~ this family exists only among the bourgeoisie. But this stateof things finds its complement in the practical absence of the familyamong the proletarians, and in public prostitution.

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The bourgeois family will vanish as a matter of course when irscomplement vanishes, and both will vanish with the vanishing ofcapital.

Do you charge us with wanting to stop the exploitation of chil­dren by their parents? To this crime we plead guilty.

But, you will say, we destroy the most hallowed of relations,when we replace home education by social.

And your education! Is not that also social, and determined bythe social conditions under which you educate, by the interventionof society, direct or indirect, by means of schools, etc.? The Com­munists have not invented the intervention of society in education;they do but seek to alter the character of that intervention, andto rescue education from the influence of the ruling class.

The bourgeois claptrap about the family and education, about thehallowed co-relation of parent and child, becomes all the moredisgusting, the more, by the action of modern industry, all familyties among the proletarians are torn asunder, and their childrentransformed into simple articles of commerce and instruments oflabor.

~u Communists V:0.uI~ _~t~ce cO.ffi!:llu.nity of women'ln.L-< AIscreams ttre-whote--bcmr~onchorus. ~W-de.f(

eJXii:iIgeois sees in his wife a mere instrument of product~.He hears t at the instruments 0 production are to be ,exploited incommon, and, naturally, can come to no other conclusion than thatthe lot of being common to all will likewise fall to the women.

He has not even a suspicion that the real point aimed at is to doaway with the status of women as mere instruments of production.

For the rest, nothing is more ridiculous than the virtuous indigna­tion of our bourgeois at the community of women which, they pre­tend, is to be openly and officially established by the Communists.The Communists have no need to introduce community of women;it has existed almost from time immemorial.

Our bourgeois, not content with having the wives and daughters (of their proletarians at their disposal, not to speak of common pros­titutes, take the greatest pleasure in seducing each (){he!'s wives.

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Bourgeois marriage is in reality a system of wives in common andthus, at the most, what the Communists might possibly be re­proached with is that they desire to introduce, in substitution for ahypocritically concealed, an openly legalized community of women.For the rest, it is self-evident, that the abolition of the present sys­tem of production must bring with it the abolition of the com­munity of women springing from that system, i.e., of prostitutionboth public and private.

The Communists are further reproached with desiring to abolishco~tries and nationality. - -.. .-

"=-' e worRmgmen have no country. We cannot take from themwhat they ~not got. Since the proletariat must -first ocau­acquire politica supremacy, must rise to be the leading class of thenation, must constitute itself the nation, it is, so far, itself national,though not in the bourgeois sense of the word.

National differences and antagonisms between peoples are vanish­ing gradually from day to day, owing to the development of thebourgeoisie, to freedom of commerce, to the world market, to uni­formity in the mode of production and in the conditions of lifecorresponding thereto.

The supremacy of the proletariat will cause them to vanish stillfaster. United action, of the leading civilized countries at least, isone of the first conditions for the emancipation of the proletariat.

In proportion as the exploitation of one individual by another isput an end to, the exploitation of one nation by another will alsobe put an end to. In proportion as the antagonism between classeswithin the nation vanishes, the hostility of one nation to anotherwill come to an end.

.. ~ The charges against Communism made from a religious, a philo­2 sophical, and, generally, from an ideological standpoint, are not\ deserving of serious examination.

Does it require deep intuition to comprehend that man's ideas,views, anq conceptions, in one word, man's consciousness, changeswith every change in the conditions of his material existence, in hissocial relations and in his social life?

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What else does the history of ideas prove, than that intellectualproduction changes its character in proportion as material productionis changed? The ruling ideas of each age have ever been the ideasof its ruling class.

When people speak of ideas that revolutionize society, they do butexpress the fact that within the old society the elements of a newone have been created, and that the dissolution of the old ideas keepseven pace with the dissolution of the old conditions of existence.

When the ancient world was in its last throes, the ancient religionswere overcome by Christianity. When Christian ideas succumbed inthe 18th century to rationalist ideas, feudal society fought its death­battle-withthe then revolutiooarcy=OOurgeoisi: ·The··-ideas-ef-fe­ligious 'i5erryandfreedom oLcon ci~nc~,...merely.gilve expression tothe sway 0 free com tition _within the domain of knowledge.-"Un oubtedly,"it ~i~l ~~aid "reli 19n, mor~, philosophical, and

juridical" ~.~~;;been modified in the course 0% historical devel­opment. ut rel.:...!..~,~o~.!...tY-,_p_lill.Qso.phy,political science, andlaw, constantly survived this cha~~:J

(. - 'There are, SI es, eterna tru s, such as Freedom, Justice, etc.,~J that are common to all states of society. But Co unism abolishes

eternal ruth' Ii hes all reli ion, and a .. tea 0

-\ ':JlJ ......., nji t. em:2~.a ne~ aSl~,; /t there ore acts in contradicr.i.0nft _ all past hIstorIcal ex enence. -- - -~

;' \~ at oes t IS accusation reduce itself to? The history of all~. past society has consisted in the development of class antagonisms, *

antagonisms -that assumed' different forms at different epochs.But whatever form they may have taken, one fact is common to l

all past ages, viz., the exploitation of one part of society by the )other. No wonder, then, that the social consciousness of past ages,despite all the mutiplicity and variety it displays, moves within cer­tain common forms, or general ideas, which cannot completely van­ish except with the total disappearance of class antagonisms.

The Communist revolution is the most radical rupture 'with tra­ditional property relations; no wonder that its development involvesthe most radical rupture with traditional ideas.

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[30 JhGl~

\fv

Bm Ie< uLe done whh <he hoo<goo;, obj"";",,, <0 Com-munism. '--- -

-wenave seen above, that th0rst step in the r~volution by the ~

working class, is to raise the proletariat to the 2QsifLon of rulingda~ estabJish.-demeera-r.r.-=--------

The pro etaralat wIll use =its political supremacy to wrest, by de­grees, all capital from the bourgeoisie, to centralize all instruments ofproduction in the hands of the state, i.e., of the proletariat organizedas the ruling class; and to increase rhe total of productive forces asrapidly as possible.

Of course, in the beginning, this cannot be effected except bymeans of despotic inroads on the rights of property, and on the con­ditions of bourgeois production; by means of measures, therefore,which appear economically insufficient and untenable, but which, inthe course of the movement, outstrip themselves, necessitate furtherinroads upon the old social order, and are unavoidable as a meansof entirely revolutionizing the mode of production.

These measures will of course be different in different countries.Nevertheless in the most advanced countries, the following will be

pretty generally applicable.1. Abolition of property in land and application of all rents of

laba to public purposes.2. A heavy progressive or graduated income tax.3. Abolition of all right of inheritance.4. Confiscation of the property of all emigrants and rebels.

~l . Centralization of credit in the hands of the state, by means of

a national bank with state capital and an exclusive monopoly.6. Centralization of the means of communication and transport

in the hands of the state.7. Extension of factories and instruments of production owned by

the state; the bringing into cultivation of waste lands, and the im­provement of the soil generally in accordance with a common plan.

8. Equal obligation of all to work. Establishment of industrialarmies, especially for agriculture.

9. Combination of agriculture with manufaeruring industries;

00 WLr "(7-)- ~Or . (tf!) {t.- ~

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gradual aboti-HQ~the-distiuctionbetween town and country, bya mor~ equable distribution of the population over the country.

;iQ.4'ree education for all children in public schools. Abolitionof;hild factory labor in its present form. Combination of educa­tion with industrial production, etc.

When, in the course of development, class distinctions have di~­

appeared, and all production has been concentrated in the hands ofa vast association of the whole nation, the.. public power will losejtspolitical character. Political power, properly so called, is m~te.ly theor~r of one class for 0 ressin anothe( If the pro­letanat uring its contest with the bourgeoisie is compelled, by theforce of circumstances, to organize itself as a class; if, by means of arevolution, it makes itself the ruling class, and, as such sweeps awayby force the old conditions of production, then it will, along withthese conditions, have swept away the conditions for the existenceof class antagonisms, and of classes generally, and will thereby have

@elished its own supremacy as a class. )/ / In place of the old bourgeois society, with its classes and classantagonisms, we shall have an association, in which the free develop­ment .@ is the cencitien fer the free develepment ef all

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III

SOCIALIST AND COMMUNIST LITERATURE

L REACI'IONARY SOCIALISM

a. Feudal Socialism

Owing to their historical position, it became the vocation of thearistocracies of France and England to write pamphlets against mod­ern bourgeois society. In the French revolution of July 1830,19and in the English reform agitation, these aristocracies again suc­cumbed to the hateful upstart. Thenceforth, a serious politicalstruggle was altogether our of the question. A literary battle aloneremained possible. But even in the domain of literature the oldcries of the restoration period20 had become impossible.

In order to arouse sympathy, the aristocracy was obliged to losesight, apparently, of its own interests, and to formulate its indict­ment against the bourgeoisie in the interest of the exploited workingclass alone. Thus the aristocracy took its revenge by singing lam­poons against its new master, and whispering in his ears sinisterprophecies of coming catastrophe.

In this way arose Feudal Socialism: Half lamentation, half lam­poon; half echo of the past, half· menace of the future; at times, byits bitter, witty, and incisive criticism, srriking the bourgeoisie tothe very heart's core, but always ludicrous in its effect through totalincapacity to comprehend the march of modern history.

The aristocracy, in order to rally the people to them, waved theproletarian alms-bag in front for a banner. But the people, as oftenas it joined them, saw on their hindquarters the old feudal coats ofarms, and deserted with loud and irreverent laughter.

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One section of the French Legitimists,21 and "Young England,"22exhibited this spectacle.

In pointing out that their mode of exploitation was differentfrom that of the bourgeoisie, the feudalists forget that they exploitedunder circumstances and conditions that were quite different, andthat are now antiquated. In showing that, under their rule, themodern proletariat never existed, they forget that the modernbourgeoisie is the necessary offspring of their own form of society.

For the rest, so little do they conceal the reactionary characterof their criticism, that their chief accusation against the bourgeoisieamounts to this, that under the bourgeois regime a class is beingdeveloped, which is destined to cut up root and branch the old orderof society.

What they upbraid the bourgeoisie with is not so much that itcreates a proletariat, as that it creates a revolutionary proletariat.

In political practice, therefore, they join in all coercive measuresagainst the working class; and in ordinary life, despite their high­falutin phrases, they stoop to pick up the golden apples droppedfrom the tree of industry, and to barter truth, love, and honor fortraffic in wool, beetroot-sugar, and potato spirits.23

As the parson has ever gone hand in hand with the landlord, sohas Clerical Socialism with Feudal Socialism.

Nothing is easier than to give Christian asceticism a Socialisttinge. Has not Christianity declaimed againSt private property,against marriage, against the state? Has it not preached in theplace of these, charity and poverty, celibacy and mortification ofthe flesh, monastic life and Mother Church? Christian Socialism isbut the holy water with which the priest consecrates the heart­burnings of the aristocrat.

b. Petty Bourgeois Socialism

The feudal aristocracy was not the only class that was ruined bythe bour eoisie not the only class whose conditions of existencepined and perished in the atmosphere of modern bourgeois society.

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The medieval burgesses and the small peasant proprietors were theprecursors of the modern bourgeoisie. In those countries which arebut little developed, industrially and commercially, these two classesstill vegetate side by side with the rising bourgeoisie.

In countries where modern civilization has become fully developed,a new class of petty bourgeois has been formed, fluctuating betweenproletariat and bourgeoisie, and ever renewing itself as a supple­mentary part of bourgeois society. The individual members of thisclass, however, are being constantly hurled down into the prole­tariat by the action of competition, and, as modern industry de­velops, they even see the moment approaching when they willcompletely disappear as an independent section of modern society,to be replaced, in manufactures, agric.llrure, and commerce, byoverlookers, bailiffs, and shopmen.

In countries, like France, where the peasants constirute far morethan half of the population, it was natural that writers who sidedwith the proletariat against the bourgeoisie, should use, in theircriticism pf the bourgeois regime, the standard of the peasant andpetty bourgeois, and from the standpoint of these intermediateclasses should take up the cudgels for the working class. Thusarose petty bourgeois Socialism Sismondi24 was the head of thisschool, not only in France but also in England.

This school of Socialism dissected with great acuteness the con­tradictions in the conditions of modern production. It laid barethe hypocritical apologies of economists. It proved, incontrovertibly,the disastrous effects of machinery and division of labor; theconcentration of capital and land in a few hands; overproductionand crises; it pointed out the ine.vitable ruin of the petty bour­geois and peasant, the misery of the proletariat, the anarchy in pro­duction, the crying inequalities in the distribution of wealth, theindustrial war of extermination between nations, the dissolution ofold moral bonds, of the old family relations, of the old nationalities.

In its positive aims, however, this form of Socialism aspires eitherto restoring the old means of production and of exchange, and withthem the old property relations, and the old society, or to cramping

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the modern means of production and of exchange within the frame­work of the old property relations that have been, and were boundro be, exploded by those means. In either case, it is both reactionaryand uropian.

Irs last words are: Corporate guilds for manufacture; patriarchalrelations in agriculture.

Ultimately, when stubborn hisrorical facts had dispersed allintoxicating effects of self-deception, this form of Socialism endedin a miserable fit of the blues.

c. German or "True" Socialism

The Socialist and Communist literature of France, a literarurethat originated under the pressure of a bourgeoisie in power, andthat was the expression of the struggle against this power, was intro­duced into Germany at a time when the bourgeoisie, in that coun­try, had just begun its contest with feudal absolutism.

German philosophers, would-be philosophers, and men of letterseagerly seized on this literature, only forgetting that when thesewritings immigrated from France into Germany, French social con­ditions had not immigrated along with them. In contact withGerman social conditions, this French literature lost all its immediatepractical significance, and assumed a purely literary aspect. 1bus,to the German philosophers of the 18th century, the demands of thefirst French Revolution were nothing more than the demands of"Practical Reason" in general, and the utterance of the will of therevolutionary French bourgeoisie signified in their eyes the laws ofpure will, of will as it was bound to be, of true human willgenerally.

The work of the German literati consisted solely in bringing thenew French ideas into harmony with their ancient philosophical con­science, or rather, in annexing the French ideas without desertingtheir own philosophic point of view.

This annexation rook place in the same way in which a foreignlanguage is appropriated, namely by translation.

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It is well known how the monks wrote silly lives of Catholicsaints over the manuscripts on which the classical works of ancientheathendom had been written. The German literati reversed thisprocess with the profane French literature. They wrote theirphilosophical nonsense beneath the French original. For instance,beneath the French criticism of the economic functions of money,they wrote "alienation of humanity," and beneath the Frenchcriticism of the bourgeois state, they wrote, "dethronement of thecategory of the general," and so fonh.

The introduction of these philosophical phrases at the back of theFrench historical criticisms they dubbed "Philosophy of Action,""True Socialism," "German Science of Socialism," "PhilosophicalFoundation of Socialism," and so on.

The French Socialist and Communist literature was thus com­pletely emasculated. And, since it ceased in the hands of the Ger­man to express the struggle of one class with the other, he feltconscious of having overcome "French one-sidedness" and of repre­senting, not true requirements, but the requirements of truth; notthe interests of the proletariat, but the interest of human nature,of man in general, who belongs to no class, has no reality, who existsonly in the misty realm of philosophical phantasy.

This German Socialism, which took its school-boy task so seriouslyand solemnly, and extolled its poor stock-in-trade in such mounte­bank fashion, meanwhile gradually lost its pedantic innocence.

The fight of the German and especially of the Prussian bour­geoisie against feudal aristocracy and absolute monarchy, in otherwords, the liberal movement, became more earnest.

By this, the long-wished-for opportunity was offered to "True"Socialism of confronting the political movement with the Socialistdemands, of hurling the traditional anathemas against liberalism,against representative government, against bourgeois competition,bourgeois freedom of the press, bourgeois legislation, bourgeois lib­erty and equality, and of preaching to the masses that they hadnothing to gain, and everything to lose, by this bourgeois movement.German Socialism forgot, in the nick of time, that the French

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CrItICISm, whose silly echo it was, presupposed the existence ofmodern bourgeois society, with its corresponding economic condi­tions of existence, and the political constitution adapted thereto,the very things whose attainment was the object of the pendingstruggle in Germany.

To the absolute governments, with their following of parsons,professors, country squires, and officials, it served as a welcome scare­crow against the threatening bourgeoisie.

It was a sweet finish after the bitter pills of floggings and bullets,with which these same governments, just at that time, dosed therisings of the German working class.

While this "True" Socialism thus served the governments as aweapon for fighting the German bourgeoisie, it, at the same time,directly represented a reactionary interest, the interest of the GermanPhilistines. In Germany the petty bourgeois class, a relic of the16th century, and since then constantly cropping up again undervarious forms, is the real social basis of the existing state of things.

To preserve this class, is to preserve the existing state of things

in Germany. ~he industrial and political suprema~ :f ~h~ ~our­

geoisie threatens it with certain destruction===Clo rbeJUlelJand,lrom~ concentratlon of capital; on the other, from the rise of a reyo-.::...

lutionary proletari~'-SOOalismappeared to kill these twobir s WIt one stone. It spread like an epidemic.

The robe of speculative cobwebs, embroidered with flowers ofrhetoric, steeped in the dew of sickly sentiment, this transcendentalrobe in which the German Socialists wrapped their sorry "eternaltruths," all skin and bone, served to increase wonderfully the saleof their goods amongst such a public.

And on its parr, German Socialism recognized, more and more,its own calling as the bombastic representative of the petty bourgeoisPhilistine.

It proclaimed the German nation to be the model nation, and theGerman petty Philistine to be the typical man. To every villainousmeanness of this model man it gave a hidden, higher, socialisticinterpretation, the exact contrary of his real character. It went to

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the extreme length of directly opposing the "brutally destructive'tendency of Communism, and of proclaiming its supreme and im­partial contempt of all class struggles. With very few exceptions,all the so-called Socialist and Communist publications that now( 1847) circulate in Germany belong to the domain of this fouland enervating literature.

2. CoNSERVATIVE OR BoURGEOIS SOCIALISM

A ~rt of the bourgeoisie is desirous of redressing social griev-~s, in order to secure the continue eXIstence 0 urgeois soCie

To this section belong economists, philanthropists, humanitarians,improvers of the condition of the working class, organizers ofcharity, members of societies for the prevention of cruelty to ani­mals, temperance fanatics, hole-and-corner reformers of everyimaginable kind. This form of Socialism has, moreover, beeworked out into complete systems.

We may cite Proudhon's Philosophy of Poverty as an example ofthis form.

The socialistic bourgeois want all the advantages of modern socialconditions without the struggles and danger;- necessarilY resulting~frorIr. They desire the existing state of society minus itsrevolutionary and disintegrating elements. They wish-£or....a bour-

eoisie without a proletariat. The bourgeoi~ie naturally conceivesthe wor In w IC it is supreme to be the best; and bourgeoisSocialism develops this comfortable conception into various moreor less complete systems. In requiring the proletariat to carry oursuch a system, and thereby to march straightway into the socialNew Jerusalem, it bur requires in reality, that the proletariat shouldremain within the bounds of existing society, but should cast awayall its hateful ideas concerning the bourgeoisie.

A second and more practical, but less systematic, form of thisSocialism sought to depreciate every revolutionary movement in theeyes of the working class, by showing that no mere political reform,but only a change in the material conditions of existence, in eco-

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nomic relations, could be of any advantage to them. By changes inthe material conditions of existence, this form of Socialism, how­ever, by no means understands abolition of the bourgeois relationsof production, an abolition that can be effected only by a revolution,but administrative reforms, based on the continued existence ofthese relations; reforms, therefore, that in no respect affect the rela­tions between capital and labor, but, at the best, lessen the cost, andsimplify the administrative work of bourgeois government.

Bourgeois Socialism attains adeguate expression, when, and only~=-~-- ~ -wen, It oecomes a mere figure of speech.Free tra-de: For t e benefit of the working class. Protective duties:

For the benefit of the working class. Prison reform: For the benefitof the working class. These are the last words and the onlyseriously meant words of bourgeois Socialism.

It is summed up in the phrase: the bour eois are bour eois-forthe benefit of the working class:...-

3. CRITICAL-UTOPIAN SocIALISM AND COMMUNISM

We do not here refer to that literature which, in every greatmodern revolution, has always given voice to the demands of theproletariat, such as the writings of Babeuf25 and others.

The first direct attempts of the proletariat to attain its own ends-made in times of universal excitement, when feudal society wasbeing overthrown-necessarily failed, owing to the then undevel­oped state of the proletariat, as well as to the absence of the economicconditions for its emancipation, conditions that had yet to be pro­duced, and could be produced by the impending bourgeois epochalone. The revolutionary literature that accompanied these firstmovements of the proletariat had necessarily a reactionary character.It inculcated universal asceticism and social levelling in its crudestform.

The Socialist and Communist systems properly so called, those ofSt. Simon,26 Fourier, Owen, and others, spring into existence in theearly undeveloped period, described above, of the struggle between

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proletariat and bourgeoisie (see Section 1. Bourgeois and Prole­tarians) .

The founders of these systems see, indeed, the class antagonisms,as well as the action of the decomposing elements in the prevailingform of society. But the proletariat, as yet in its infancy, offers tothem the spectacle of a class without any historical initiative or anyindependent political movement.

Since the development of class antagonism keeps even pace withthe development of industry, the economic simation, as suchSocialists find it, does not as yet offer to them the material condi­tions for the emancipation of the proletariat. They therefore searchafter a new social science, after new social laws, that· are to createthese conditions.

Historical action is to yield to their personal inventive action;historically created conditions of emancipation to fantastic ones;and the gradual, spontaneous class organization of the proletariat toan organization of society specially contrived by these inventors.Future history, resolves itself, in their eyes, into the propaganda andthe practical carrying out of their social plans.

In the formation of their plans they are conscious of caringchiefly for the interests of the working class, as being the mostsuffering class. Only from the point of view of being the mostsuffering class does the proletariat exist for them.

The undeveloped' state of the class struggle, as well as their ownsurroundings, causes Socialists of this kind to consider themselves farsuperior to all class antagonisms. They want to improve the condi­tion of every member of society, even that of the most favored.Hence, they habitually appeal to society at large, without distinctionof class; nay, by preference, to the ruling class. For how canpeople, when once they understand their system, fail to see in itthe best possible plan of the best possible state of society?

Hence, they reject all political, and especially all revolutionaryaction; they wish to attain their ends by peaceful means, and en­deavor, by small experiments, necessarily doomed to failure, and bythe force of example, to pave the way for the new social gospel.

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Such fantastic pictures of future society, painted at a time whenthe proletariat is still in a very undeveloped state and has but afantastic conception of its own position, correspond with the firstinstinctive yearnings of that class for a general reconstruction ofsociety.

But these Socialist and Communist writings contain also a criticalelement. They attack every principle of existing society. Hencethey are full of the most valuable materials for the enlightenmentof the working class. The practical measures proposed in them­such as the abolition of the distinction between town and country;abolition of the fa.r;nily, of private gain, and of the wage-system; theproclamation of social harmony; the conversion of the functions ofthe state into a mere superintendence of production-all these pro­posals point solely to the disappearance of class antagonisms whichwere, at that time, only just cropping up, and which, in these pub­lications, are recognized in their earliest, indistinct, and undefinedforms only. These proposals, therefore, are of a purely utopiancharacter.

The significance of Critical-Utopian Socialism and Communismbears an inverse relation to historical development. In proportionas the modern class struggle develops and takes definite shape, thisfantastic standing apart from the contest, these fantastic attackson it, lose all practical value and all theoretical justification. There­fore, although the originators of these systems were, in many re­spects, revolutionary, their disciples have, in every case, formedmere reactionary sects. They hold fast by the original views of theirmasters, in opposition to the progressive historical development ofthe proletariat. They, therefore, endeavor, and that consistently,to deaden the class struggle and to reconcile the class antagonisms.They still dream of experimental realization of their social utopias,of founding isolated phalansteres, of establishing "Home Colonies,"or setting up a "Little Icaria"27-pocket editions of the New Jeru­salem-and to realize all these castles in the air, they are compelledto appeal to the feelings and purses of the bourgeois. By degreesthey sink into the category of the reactionary conservative Socialists

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depicted above, differing from these only by more systematicpedantry, and by their fanatical and superstitious belief in themiraculous effects of their social science.

They, therefore, violently oppose all political action on the partof the working class; such action, according to them, can onlyresult from blind unbelief in the new gospel.

The Owenites in England, and the Fourierists in France, respec­tively, oppose the Chanists28 and the Rejormistes.

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IV

POSITION OF THE COMMUNISTS IN RELATION TO 11-IEVARIOUS EXISTING OPPOSITION PARTIES

n II has made clear the relations of the Communists-to theexisting work in -class arties s ch as the Chartists in England andthe Agrarian Reformers in America.29

The Communists fight for the attainment of the immediate aims,for the enforcement of the momentary interests of the working class;but in the movement of the present, they also represent and take careof the future of that movement. In France the Communists allythemselves with the Social-Democrats,30 against the conservativeand radical bourgeoisie, reserving, however, the right to take up acritical position in regard to phrases and illusions traditionallyhanded down from the great Revolution.

In Switzerland they support the Radicals, without losing sight ofthe fact that this party consists of antagonistic elements, pardy ofDemocratic Socialists, in the French sense, pardy of radical bour­geois.

In Poland they support the party that insists on an agrarian revo­lution as the prime condition for national emancipation, that partywhich fomented the insurrection of Cracow in 1846.

In Germany they fight with the bourgeoisie whenever it acts in arevolutionary way, against the absolute monarchy, the feudal squire­archy, and the petty bourgeoisie.3!

But they never cease, for a single instant, to instill into theworking class the clearest possible recognition of the hostile antago­nism between bourgeoisie and proletariat, in order that the Germanworkers may straightway use, as so many weapons against the bour­geoisie, the social and political conditions that the bourgeoisie must

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necessarily introduce along with its supremacy, and in order that,after the fall of the reactionary classes in Germany, the fight againstthe bourgeoisie itself may immediately begin.

The Communists turn their attention chiefly to Germany, be­cause that country is on the eve of a bourgeois revolution that isbound to be carried out under more advanced conditions of Euro­pean civilization and with a much more developed proletariat thanwhat existed in England in the 17th and in France in the' 18thcentury, and because the bourgeois revolution in Germany will bebut the prelude to an immediately following proletarian revolution.

~In short, the Communists everywhere sUpPOrt every revolution~

ovement against the existin social and litical order of things.In all these movement~ they bring to the front, as the leadin~-question in each case the ro er question, no matter what its

degree of development at the time.Finally, they labor everywhere for the union and agreement of

the democratic ar ntries.The Co nists disdain to conceal their views and aims. They

oR.:nly declare that their ends can be attained only by the forcib eoverthrow of all existing social conditions. Let the ruling classesremble at a Communist revolution. The roletarians have nothing~Theyhave a world to win.

Workingmen of all countries, unite!

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NOTES

(All unsigned notes ate those made by Engels in the English edition of1888; all others were prepared by rhe editor and are so marked. Where itwas found necessary to enlarge upon Engels' notes, the additions appear inbrackets.)

1. King Louis Philippe was deposed and a republic proclaimed as result ofthe revolution in Paris, February 22-24, 1848.-Ed.

2. The rising of the Parisian workers, June 23·27, 1848. The insurrectionwas suppressed by General Cavaignac with great slaughter.-Ed.

3. Pierre Joseph Proudhon (1809-1865) .-French publicist and politicaleconomist; leading exponent of petty-bourgeois Socialism.-Ed.

4. Lassalle [Ferdinand Lassalle, 1825-1864] always acknowledged himselfto us personally to be a disciple of Marx and, as such, stood on the groundof the Manifesto. But in his public agitation, 1862-64, he did not gobeyond demanding cooperative workshops supported by state credit.

5. The Russian version published at Geneva in 1882 was made by Plek­hanov not by Vera Zasulich. Bakunin's translation appeared in 1870.-Ed.

6. The followers of Robert Owen (1771-1858), leading English utopianSocialist. He envisioned a collective economic and social life organized insmall communist communes, where property would be owned in com­mon.-Ed.

7. The followers of Francois Charles Fourier (1772-1837), leading Frenchutopian Socialist, who urged a system of colonies on a socialist plan. Hiscriticism of bourgeois society was recognized as basic both by Marx andEngels.-Ed.

8. Etienne Cabet (1788-1856) .-A French utopian, exiled to England forhis participation in the July Revolution of 1830. In his book, Voyage en[carie, he picrures life in a Communist society.-Ed.

9. Wilhelm Weitling (1808-1871) .-A German utopian Socialist who tookpart in the revolutionary movement of 1848 and exerted great influenceamong the German workers. He came to America where he carried onsocialist agitation among German workers.-Ed.

10. The Condition of the W01'king Class in England in 1844, by FrederickEngels, translated by Florence K. Wischnewetsky, who later assumed her

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maiden name of Florence Kelley and was a well-known social worker inAmerica.-Ed.

11. Metternich (1773-1859) .-Chancellor of the Austrian empire andacknowledged leader of the Europe»n reaction. Guizat (1787-1874) was theFreoch intellectual protagonist of high finance and of the industrial bour­geoisie and the irreconcilable foe of the proletariat. The French Radicals,Marrast (1802-1852), Carnot (1801-1888), and Marie (1795-1870) wagedpolemic warfare against the Socialists and Communists.-Ed.

12. By bourgeoisie is meant the class of modern capitalists, owners of themeans of social production and employers of w»ge-Iabor; by proletariat,the class of modern wage-laborers who, having no means of production oftheir own, are reduced to selling their labor power in order to live.

13. That is, »11 written history. In 1837, the pre-history of sdciety, thesocial organization existing previous to recorded history, was all but un­known. Since then Haxthausen [August von, 1792-1866] discovered com­mon ownership of land in Russia, Maurer [Georg Ludwig von] proved itto be the social foundation from which all Teutonic races started in history,and, by and by, village communities were found to be, or to have been, theprimitive form of society everywhere from India to Ireland. The innerorganization of this primitive communistic society was laid bare, in itstypical form, by Morgan's [Lewis H., 1818-18811 crowning discovery of thetrue nature of the gens and its relation to the tribe. With the dissolutionof these primeval communities, society begins to be differentiated into sepa­rate and finally ant»gonistic classes. I have attempted to retrace thisprocess of dissolution in The Origin 0/ the Family, Private P.'operty andthe Stdte.

14. Guild-master, that is a full member of a guild, a master within, not ahead of a guild.

15. Chartered burghers were freemen who had been admitted to the pnVl'leges of a chartered borough thus possessing full political rights.-Ed.

16. Craft guilds, made up of exclusive and privileged groups of artisanswere, during the feudal period, granted monopoly rights to markets bymunicipal authorities. The guilds imposed minute regulations on theirmembers controlling such matters as working hours, wages, prices, tools, andthe hiring of workers.-Ed.

17. "Commune" was the name taken in France by the nascent towns evenbefore they had conquered from their feudal lords and masters local self·government and political rights as the "Third Estate." Generally spe»king,for the economic development of the bourgeoisie, England is here taken asthe typical country, for its political development, France.

18. The lO-Hour Bill, for which the English workers had been fighting for30 years, was made a law in 1847.-Ed.

19. In July 1830, the Parisians rose in revolt against Charles X. The elder

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branch of the Bourbon family was driven out, and Louis Philippe, of theyounger or Orleans branch, became "King of the French."-Ed.

20. Not the English Restoration, 1660 to 1689, but the French Restoration,1814 to 1830.

21. The French legitimists favored the claims of the elder branch of theBourbon family, as against the Orleanists, the younger branch.-Ed.

22. "Young England" included a group of philanthropic tories and youthfulsprigs of the British and Irish aristocracy, who strongly opposed industrialcapitalism and wished to restore feudalism.-Ed.

23. This applies chiefly to Germany where the landed aristocracy andsquirearchy have large portions of their estates cultivated for their ownaccount by stewards, and are, moteover, extensive beetroot-sugar manu­facrorers and distillers of potato spirits. The wealthier British aristocratsare, as yet, rather above that; but they, too, know how to make up fordeclining rents by . lending their names to floaters of more or less shadyjoint-stock companies.

24. Jean Charles Leonard (Simonde) Sismondi (1773-1842).-French his­torian and economist.-Ed.

25. Francois Noel Babeuf (1764-1797) .-A radical republican (Jacobin)in the Great French Revolution who was guillotined for plotting a revolu­tion aiming at the overthrow of the bourgeois state and the creation of aCommunist state.-Ed.

26. Claude Henri de Rouvroy Saint-Simon (1760-1825) .-French utopianSocialist who saw the labor question as the prime social question of thefurore and proposed as a solution the organization of production by "asso­ciation."-Ed.

27. Phalansteres were socialist colonies on the plan of Charles Fourier;Icaria was the name given by Cabet to his Utopia and, later on, to hisAmerican Communist colony.

28. Chartism lasted as a more or less organized radical political movementof the British workers from 1837 to 1848. The People's Chartet, for whichthe Chartists fought, demanded an immediate improvement in the workers'conditions as well as legislative reforms.-Ed.

29. Reference is made to the leaders of "Young America" who, during thestruggle of the New York farmers against high rents, demanded the nation­alization of the land and limitation of farms to 160 acres. After a fewpaltry reforms had been obtained in the field of agrarian legislation, themovement petered out.-Ed.

30. The party then represented in Parliament by Ledm-Rollin, in literaroreby Louis Blanc [1811-1882]' in the daily press by the Re!orme. The nameof Social-Democracy signifies, with these its inventors, a section of theDemocratic or Republican Party more or less tinged with Socialism.

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31 Kleinbiirgerei in the German original. Marx and Engels used this tetmto describe the reactionary elements o'f the urban perry boutgeoisie whosupported the rule of the feudal nobility and the absolute monarchy. Theideal of these elements waos the guild system of the Middle Ages. In Ger­many this section of the population was very numerous in most of the citiesand rowns.-Ea.

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I

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