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8/19/2019 Malaspina at Port Mulgrave-Poupeney Hart 1992
1/8
I
MALASPINA
AT PORT
MULGRAVE:
AN EXAMINATION
OF
THE
TEXTS
Catherine ouparcy
Hart
The
Visit
The landing at Port Mulgrave
was the
first of
two
calls
made
by the
Descubierta nd
the
Atrerridt on the Northwest
Coast
of
America,
he
second
being that
made
at Nootka. The
excursion
up this
coast,
eferred o as he
Northern
Campaign,
was
organizedas a resultof precise
rders
rom the sovereign or the specificpurposeof
finding the
"GreatPassage", nd followed the exampleof a series f scientific oyagesof discovery basedon the llustrious
pattern
of thoseof Cook
and Lapérouse.As such,
he excursion an
be seenasa sort
of
parenthesis ithin
a much
larger
expedition
which its
leader,AlejandroMalaspina, aw
rather asbeing political n nature, ntended
o study and
examine
he
stateof the Empire
and the relations
etween
he
mother
country
and
ts
colonies.
We
shall see
hat
these
arger preoccupations
were
also o be
present n the Northern
Campaign.
Undertakenat a time
when
Spain
had
ust
renounced, nder the terms
of the first
Nootka Convention,
ts
exclusive
territorial claims, which
were
assumed o
extend
rom
Terra de Fuego to
the
entrance
of Prince William Sound
n
Alaska,
he
presentexcursion
would
alsoseem o mark
the
conclusion
f
an
expansionist
ream which
had started
with
theColumbus voyages
nearly
three hundred years earlier.
In the
case
of this
excursion
rival powers
and indig-
enousPeoPlewere not alone n offeringsome esistanceo theseexpansionist mbitions.The American andscape,
with
its
ice-covered
ocks
constituted
another ormidable barrier
to the quest
for a
continental
breakthrough.
To me,
the call
at Port Mulgrave best
symbolizes he
end
of this
expansionist
dream.
Leaving
Acapulco
on May
'[,st,7791,
the
membersof the
expedition
headed
North, sailing a
considerable
distance
from the coast
which
they caught
sight of only
at %o lT latitude on
June
23rd.
They ntended o reach he
60' mark
as
quickly
as possible,
s
they
understood
his to be
the atitude
of the Strait
of Anian of Lorenzo
Ferer Maldonado.
It
seemed
hat this
strait
-
the
Northwest
Passage had been
specifically
ocatedby the
French
geographer
Buache e
Neuville
on the coast
near
Mount
SaintElias.
Since heir plan was
to perform
a
comprehensive
nvestigation
rom the
long boats,while
the
corvettes
were
getting
e-supplied
with wood, water
and ballast, he
captains
started o
steer
the vessels
owards Port
Mulgrave, which theywere awareof from the ournalof the EnglishmanGeorgeDixon.
Suddenly
on
June
27th,
an
"opening"
was
spotted
n the
mountain range:
[...]
at six a.m. w_e
had drawn
alongside
this very
point, and
were
examining with
care the entrance to
Port
Mulgrave,
whery
away in the
mountain
range whose
slopes
drop
into the sea,
deep
in the Bay of Almirantazgo, there
appàared
an
opening.
Its entrance
and winding
line towards
the
interior
seemed to
correspond to the
lands of Ferrer
Maldonado:
at
onc€ our
imagination
fed our desire with
a thor:sand
opportune
considerations:
we were
gazingal
everything
which
seemed to crcmbine
with the
description
of
the
passage
[...]
I
For a
moment,hope was
kindled
of fulfilting
the old
European
dream
of finding a
direct sea
oute to
China. It
was
decided
o go on
a
reconnaissance
xploration
of the opening
aboard ong boats.
As result,
n order to
do so, he
navigatorswere to stay n the bay fromJune27thto fuly 6th, 1791. \eir hopesof a greatdiscovery ed to disappoint-
menÇ
however,
and
exploration
of
the
coast
Northward
was
resumed.
The namePuerto el
DesenganoDisenchant-
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Bay)
was
given
o the
opening
to
describe
heir
disappointment.
t
was
Malaspina
imself, ccompanied
y
Bauzâand
by Tova
Arredondo,
who
explored
he bay,
and
it was
he
also
who
claimedsovereignty
over
t in
name
of Spain
hrough
he
only act
of possession
arried
out
during
he
Northern
Campaign.
irst
landing
by the
corvettes
occurred,
herefore,
n present
Yakutat Bay
from
which the
excur-
nto DisenchantmentBay ook
It had been
christened
Port
by
George
Dixon
in 1787
n
of
Constantine
ohn
PhiPPs,
Mulgrave.
From
reading
Dixon's
ournal,
Malaspina
egarded
he En-
lishman
as
he
discoverer
of the
place
nd
himself
as
the
immediate
successoç
thus
he
retained
the
toponYm
"Mulgraveo
without
knowing
that,
before
Dixon,
Lapérouse
ad
christened
the siteBaie eMonti after he officer
who had
anchored
here
briefly in 1786.
Later
on,
James
Colnett,
n 1788,
apparently
called t Foggy
Harbour.2
A
fair
number
of
Europeans,
herefore,
visited
his port,
and
undoubtedly
some
Russians
id also.
Yet, no
expedition
r.a
generated
s many
documents,
s
complexand
varied, as
he Spanish
nterprise.
Their
contacts
with
the native
people
called
tejunææby
he
explorers,
and
later
dentified
as
ingiÉ
-
were particularly
eventful and
rich
as
a
result
of
observations
meticulously
ecorded.
TheTests
Among the
numerous
exts
which record
he anding
made
by
the Malaspina
expedition
at Port Mulgrave
we find,
first, wo
written
works that
can
be
considered s
he
official
account
of
the
voyage.
They
are the
result
of a
work of
collaboration
arried
out
under
the
direction
of Malaspina
himsell
the
commander
of
the
expedition.
We
can
efer
on
one hand to
manuscript
753 n
the archives
of the
Museo
Naval,
n Madrid
as
t was published
n
1885
y
Pedrode
Novo
y Colson
and
in lg8/-by
Mercedes
Palau{
and,
on
the
other,
o the
"Descripcitin
fsica
de las
costas el
Noroeste
de
a América
visitadaspor
las
corbetas'*published
n
the same
edition of
Novo
y Colson.
These
exts
it
the
two
typesof discourses the chronicles f the eventsand the synthesis
f information
which are
usually
integrated
n
voyage
ournals
and
placedside
by
side.
Here,
however,
hey
are quite
separate.6
Apart
from
the
ournals
of a technical
nature
kept by
the pilots,
7
he accounts
f
several
of the officers
ecall
at
length
the
visit to
port
Mulgrave:
a great
similarity
in
the recording
and in
the
analysis
f
events s observed
not
only,
on
the
one hand,
between
he officers
of. tratida,like
Francisco
avier
de
Viana,sAntonio
de Tova
Arredondoe
nd
fuan
Gutiérrez
e a Concha;ro
ut also,
n the
other
hand,between
he account
f
a
companion
f Malaspina
n
Descubierta,José
e Espinosa,rrand
he
one
written Malaspina
imself.
Finally,
we have o
mention
an
exceptional
document:
he
Nofebook
scratch ad)
kept
by
a
civilian participant
n
the
Northern
Campaign,
he
engraver
Tomâs
de
Suria.
I
believe
hat
this small
ournal,
fifty pages ong
and
illuminated
with
sketches,
orv
n the
collection
of the
Beinecke
ibrary
at Yale
University,r2
lays,
comparatively
speaking,
a
similar
role n
relation
o the
"official"
version,
as hat played by BernalDiaz del Castillo's Historia ardaderaith respect o the Cartas e elaciônof HernanCortés:
José
Cardero's
drawing
of native
canoes
clustered
around
the Expedition's
ships
anchored
at Port
Mulgrave.
Museo
de Amdca,
Madrid
*'Physical
desciption
of the Northwest
coast of
America
visited
by the
corvettes"
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Suria
contrastshe dimension f daily humanactivity
against hatof an
epic
or more
exactly,
t is utopia
against
which
he
builds
a
comparison. hus, heNolebook
ecomes
kind of
counter-discourse.rJ
These
accounts eflecta
complex
dialogue. This
dialogue
concerns
he environment,naturally,and also its
occu-
pants
whose
signs he navigators
strove
o decipher.
But they
also
eflect he
complexity
of the
dialogue
existing
:rmong
hese
contemporaneous
ccounts
hemselves s
well
aswith
a
much
wider intertext,
historical,philosophical
and
political
n nature. Indeed, he
wridngs
mentioned
above
are not
mere sea
ournals,
but
travel iteraturedevel-
opedalong the ines of the national hadition of the"lndies Chronicles" a prestigiousbut controversial radition.
They
are
developed,aswell, in relation o models
ust
asstimulating
such as he reportsof Bougainville
or
Coolç
accounts
f no
small nterest o philosophers,
radesmen
nd gentlemen
alike.
Thus, t appears, or instance, hat these exts
pursue a
direct
dialogue,
f not an
explicit
one,with
the
ournal
of
GeorgeDixon's voyagepublished
almostsimultaneously
n English
and French n 1789, hereby
allowing
Malaspina
and his
companions
ime to
consult
t. The
composition
of the
report presents tself
n a etter-writing
style: t comes
in the
very
pleasant orm of
49 letters wriften by
William
Beresford,
supercargoon the
Queen
Charlotte,o
a man
namedHamlen. Howeveç
Dixon makeshimself responsible
or the
accountby way of
his dedication
o
Joseph
Banks, n
which
he authorizes
he
version
n the
lettersand, also,
by
way
of an ntroduction
which
he signs.
The
introduction reveals
an over-simplification
n its perspective:
In the early
periods
of
Navigatiory
it
does
not seem that the extension
of
Commerce
was
altoçther
the
aim of the
enterprising Adventureç
and though
çnerally
patronized by the
reigning Powers,where
these
designs
origi-
nated,
yet a
thirst
after
glory, and a
boundless ambition
of
adding
to the
strength and extent
of territory,
o[one
hand,
or a rapacious
desire
of
accumulating wealth
or,
perhaps
the
fame of
making discrcveries,
on the other,
appear to
have been the only
objects in view.
There cannot
be a
greater
proof
of
the
truth
of this
position
than the
uniform behaviour
of the
Spaniards
in the
whole
course
of
their
almost
unbounded
acquisitions of
discovery, conquest
and wealth.
The
shocking barbari-
ties
practised
by them when
they
conquered
what
was
then
called the
New
World
cast
such an
indelible stain on
that
period of their annals
as time
can never obliterate.
r{
From the outset,
he Spaniards
re depicted
as
committing
"cruelties"
(shocking
barbarities),
stereotype
gainst
which
Beresford,
s narrator
of the
ournal
procedes
o build
for Britain
a reverse
mageof
sympathy
and
commisera-
tion; thus
there
are
condescending
erms
-
'poor
Savages",
poor
ellow'
-
which
the
ournal,
uses n
reference
o the
natives
encountered.
To
conhadict
such a final
and consistent
haracterisation
f the
Spaniards,
he
Malaspina
explorers
are
ready
to
answer
by word
and,
so they tell
us, by
deed. Their
stay at
Port Mulgrave
was to
reflectnot
only the
tenseness
n
relations
between
armed
men on
both
sides
concerned
with
their prerogatives,
ut also, rom
the Spanish
point of
view,
their obsession
ith
avoiding
a
disaster
uchas he
murder of
one of their
party, which would
revisit
the
hagedy
of CooKs
ast voyage
or,
perhapseven
worse,
hat
of a native,
hus giving
new
credence
o thosewho
would
promote he "Black Legend". Thebalancingact seemsprecarious etween he sailors,whoseofficersare constantly
striving
to
hold violence
n checlç15
nd the
natives,
always ready o
pull out their
daggers:
Once
those of the
watch wer€
on board
[...]
it
wasn't
so
much a matter of being
mindful
of our own
safety,
as of
preventing one
or other
of the
natives
from seeking
death himseU
Eunong our
guns
and bayonets.
Therefôre,
we
arr:anged
fgr a few
soldiers
to embarl
then carried
out the
duty
ourselves. We
considered ourselves
luckv when
we
had
avoided
any bloodshed
in a
situation where
it
was
so ciose
to happening.16
The officers
of theAtranida
nderline
at length
he sameconcern
and
answerexplicitly
the
accusations
rising
rom
the
"Black
Legend",which
Dixon
had
echoed
o
orcefully:
Thus, ollowing a stop, short but full of interestingevents,we left this rustic place behind, with the true satisfac-
tion
of not
having caused
he
slightest
prejudice to the
inhabitants.
They always
got
usury
prices
for their
knick-
knacks;
we
respected
heir
custorns
n as
much as
we
czune o
know them;
we
p"i"p
with
tireir
thefts, their
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dishonesty
and their irsults.
Above
all, by repressing
our feelinç
and natural
attachment
to
self-preservatiory
we endangered
our lives several
times in order
lo avoid any bloodshed.rT
Such behaviouç
in keeping with the
humane
and beneficial nature
of the
Spanish
people,
will one day confound
a
certain category of
writers
whose
motivation
has been lo denigrate
a respectable,
illustrious
nation
which in
spite of their
ridiculous and extrava-
gant
statements,
will always ocorpy
a choice place
among
the
splendours
of
the universe.r8
Dualistic Patternle
fact, ar more than at any otherport of call, that at Port Mulgraveoffersa contrasted ision of the "other", which
o
fit into
what
can
be
considered s
a two-part Western radition
n
dealing
with cultural
otherness;
n the
hand dealizing
he
"Noble
Savage",
while on the other urning
him
into a devil; or, as
we
see Ç by simply
him as a
"Wild
Mano.æ
the first line of approach,
he
dealistic
construction
s already
present n
Dixon's
ournal,
where,
at the very end of
descriptionof
the nterior of Mulgrave
dwellings,he
evokes he themeof
Beûus
IIe.:
The irside of
these dwellings exhibits a
complete
pictu-ne
of dirt and filtlç
indolence
and laziness; in one corner
are
thrown the bones, and remaining fragments
of victuals
left at their meals; in
another are heaps of fistç
pieces
of
stinking flestç grease,
oit etc. In short,
the whole served
to
show
us in how
wretched a state it is
possible
for
human beings to exist; and
yet
these
people
appear crcntented
with their situation,
and
probably
enjoy a much
greater portion
of happiness and
tranquility than is to be found under the gilded roofs of the most despotic
mona.nch.2t
iterary
motif is
later picked up by Espinosa nd
by Malaspina. They
go on to develop t
within
an
environment
rom
the outseÇ
s
presented s hospitable, ll in all a
locus tnocnusl
On a
vast
expanse,
just
near
the
shore
facing the snow-capped mountain
mnge descending from
Cape
Fairweatheç there lay a
piece
of
flat
land so
pleasantly
covered in
bushy
pine
trees that, had
these
been able
to
hide
the snow above for a
moment,
they
would
remind one of a
parallel
close
to the equator rather than of a
region not so far
distant
from
the
pole:
adding to such a beautiful
panoram4
there were these changng
patches
of
snow on
the
protruding peala. The
snow
patches
sometimes reflected
the sun's rals and sometimes
pstled
the
imagination
with
the changing
shadows; they appeared
to be
either
like a
wide
path
or
perfectly
level
fields.z
ithin
this
environment,
Mulgrave socie$r s perceivedas he
vestige
of an ni tial,
enviable
state,a true Golden
Age:
[-.]
*.
cannot but envy that primitive state of nations
wlære the very absence f
owned
property
leads man
to
labour
for the whole and to be trseful to
all. How
even
more pleasing
would such a stateappear
when either
bringing back to the
philosopher's
memory the unanimity
which the entire tribe used
to
show
when trading
[...1
or the tranquility and
good
harmony
which was
apparent
in all their activities as
well as n their unremitting,
private,
family labour.a
Such a portrayal in the official version is in
clear contrast
with
the
statement
of
Suria, the
engraver.
He
comments
as
follows:
[...]
"1.
truth my opinion is very far distant f rom that
of
those
who are
writing
for
the work
[i.e.
the official
accountl
In this a sublime idea is set forth as
different
as
possible
from
that
which
is seen
by the
eyes
of
whom-
ever beholds it. In this he
will encounter
a
pleasure
which he
would not have
on looking at it".x
Whereas he official
version
or
example
speaksof the
welcoming
ceremony, ccompanied y a
"hatmonious hymn
to
peace"
and
the authoritativeappearance f. a
venerableelder who showed all
the signsof
being the tribal
chief", our
artist s sensitive
o a different aspect f the
new reality
(which he refers o
in a derogatory
ashion),one ess
political
but more
encompassingo the
eye:
'They
were dressed n skins
of various
colours, well tanned,
arge
and flexible.
...]
Their
aspectwould not be so
disagreeable, lthough always wild, but the crude colours with which they paint themselvesdisfigure them
entirely, as t seems
hat
their idea of
gala dress s
to
make themselves
ook as horrible
as
possible'.I
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Likewise,
n response
o
theunderlying
dealization
f native
people n the
Espinosa-Malaspina
ccounts,
he other
officers,
specially
Viana,but alsoTova
and Gutiérrez
de la Conchausea derisive
one,
slighty
mocking,
hrough
their
choiceof a sublime
style
of writing, that refers
specifically
o European
political
and aesthetic
ategories hich
are
obviously
nadequate.
They
thereby
convey
a
subtly
derogative one by the
use
of such phrases
s:a
"chorus
of
voiceso,
"choir
mastero
who was
"keeping
ime
with an oar'), a
"royal family",
an
"august
prince", and
a
"Minis-
ter
of State"etc..x
The
nterpretation
n the
various
ournals
of one practice
observed t Port Mulgrave -
offers
of sexual
contact
reveals
with
particular
clarity the
two irreconcilable pproaches.
As
far as he official account
the dealisticperception
is
concerned,
nd in this
instanceMalaspina
givesmore
emphasis o
it than Espinosa,
uchpractice,unanimously
designated
s
"prostitution"
elsewhere,
s described s
being imited
to
a few
oppressed lavesand
could
generally
be
understood
o be one of
those
customs
which
were alteredunder
the nfluenceof luxury, interestand
example".z
Other
officers,
ike
Viana,
Tova
and Gutiérrezde
la Concha ook upon
suchoffersas
being
a more
widespread
phenomenon,
ooted n
the
culture,
maybe ecalling
he stereotype
f
sexual
promiscuity" of
the
Savage,
hich
infringes
he
European
aboos, y displaying unrestricted
genitaland oral
"consumption":æ
1...1
t first,
we thought that only the more lowly class
of
women
prostituted
themselves,
[but]
we soon realised
that the least accommodating woman from the royal family would sell her favours at a low price.'
In Dixon's
account
he
bucolicmotif might have
been
used
o give the
ournal
a
literary dimensionso as o reach
a
larger audience, nd
to stretch
he
magination
beyond he obvious
commercial
atureof the
voyage.
Horvever, he
retention
of
such a motif,
and ts
development
nto a Golden Age
vision
by Malaspina
and
Espinosa ppears
o be
a
pretext or reflectionupon
an
ideal society, resumably inked
to an original stateof purity destined o be disturbed.
Following he
Western
pastoral radition,
often
used o
conhast
he actual
corruptedenvironment,
this
"critical
nostalgia"
would
also
be
inked
to
a picture of
discord
and
to the pursuit of individual interesthopelessly emon-
stratedby the sailors, hat is merely a reflectionof the general
tate
of the Empire:
Indeed, such a
contrast
brought little honour to European customs.
While,
on
the
Indian side, one could observe
not only the çneral rejoicing'demonstrated when any one of them achieved a favourable contract, but further-
more the approval and the
backing
that
all the others seemed
to
give
him
with a harmonic
and majestic acclama-
tion
in ard; heç on our side, one could
frequently
observe two or three
sailors
coveting the same object and
trying to
obtain it sometimes through
different,
simultaneous
proposals,
without any kind of reciprocal recogni-
tion
or
unanimity.3l
Idealizationof the Mulgrave
society s somewhat
watered
down,
of
course,
y remarks elating o the
major
problem
of
"thefts".
This matter s related o two different
concepts
f
ownership,
but
it is dealt with in the sameway
as
"prostitution"
-
from
an axiological ,
ot
a gnoseological erspective:
We
realized that
probity
was
something
totally
unknown to them and that
fear alone
could contain them within
reasonable imits.t
However,
even
someone
like
Viana,
the
author
of that
remark
tempers
his
ethnocentrism
and
derogative
view of the
native with
a
senseof curiosity
about the
people
encountered.
He
does
so, also, becauseof his sensitivity to beauty,
the beauty
of landscapes and also the
beauty of the songs. The
effect
this produces
is
to
narrow the gap
with "the
other", as well
as to add
to
the
complexity
of the
vision
of
the
Northwest Coast as
conveyed
by
the
various texts
of
the
Malaspina expedition.
Edited
rom
a translation
t'rom
the
oiginal
Frenchby Denise Goutan.
g)
8/19/2019 Malaspina at Port Mulgrave-Poupeney Hart 1992
6/8
NOTES
1.
Novo
y Colson Pedro
de, Editon
Viajepdftico cient(frco
lrcddor del ntundopor ascorbetas escubierta
Atreuidaal mando
e os
capitans
de
NavioD. AlejandroMalaspiru Don
æé
BustamanteyGuqra
dde
7789 1794.
Madrid, 18S5,
p.lS.LtSS
2.
See
Fredericade lagtura,
Unilcr Mount fuint Elias: The Historyand Culturc of the Yakutat
Tlingit. Washington:
Smithsonian
Institution Press,
1922
Smithrcnian
Contributioru
to
Anthropology, vol.7)
pp.
127and 130.
3.SeeFredericade Laguna ref. above
4.
Alejandro
Malaspina, Diariode ncjc.
Madri4
Ed.
Museo Universal
1984.
5.
Viaje
pd{tico-cient{frco,
pp.
339-374.
6.
See
PoupeneyHart, Catherine
Rdations
le
7'expéditian
Mnlaspituaux cmfrc de 'Enrpire
æWyoI.
Uehæ du æyage.
ongueuil,
[,e
PÉambule, 7987,
pp.
7L73.
7.
For
the
ournal
of
Joaqufn
Diaz Hurtado, see
PoupeneyHart, as cited above,
pp.
151154.
. Diaio
deoiajr,2 vol.
Montevideo,
Ministerio de Instruciôn
Pûlbica
y
Previsiônsocial,
1958.
.
[Diario
de viajel,
Ms., Biblioteca
de Menendez
PelayO Santander.
10.
Extracto
de los sucesos
caecidoe n
el reconocimientode la
costanoroestede
América en 1797
por
Juan
Gutiérrez de a
Concha,oficial
de la corbeta
Atrevide', in NWCoasf
of America, nconogmphic lbunr
of thc
Malaspitu
Ezpeditiot,
Madrid-
Barcrelona"
useo
Naval-Lunwerg
Editores, 191,
pp. 3&53
1.
Salida
de ambascorbetas
de
Acapulco
y navegaci6na
la
costa
NO de America
[...]',
Ms. 95, Museo
Naval,
Madrid
(9G121
vo).
2.
Quademo
que contieneel
Ramo de
Historia Natural
y
diario de
la Espediciondel Circulo
del Glovo-,
Ms., Western
America
464,YaleUniversity
Library
(New
Haven).
"Journal of Suria's Voyage to
the Northwest
Coasto,Pacific
Historical
Review, Vol
5, 7936
pp 2*/76
(lntroduction
and
Translation by
Henry Raup
Wagner)
SeePoupeney
Hart,
Catherine
"A
Personal
View of the
Northwest C-oast:he
Joumal
of Tomâs
de Suria
(7791)",
nTo theTotan
ShoreThe
Spanislt ræeace n the
Nortlwæt
Cæsf,Madrid,
Ed. El
Viso,
1986,
pp.l7 l89.
14.AVoyage round
heWorlt but
morepanicitarly
to the
North-West
Cmst
ot'
Anwica, Amsterdam:
N. Israel
-
New Yorlc
Da
Capo
Press,1968
Facsimilé
of the
1789edition),
p.
vii.
For the
French
ranslatiory
see
Voyage
utour
du monde
t
yitrcipalannt
à Ia
C6teNord-Ouætde
1'Anériquc
...],
trarslated
from English
by M. [,evas,Paris,Maradan,
1789.
Supporting
notes to this effect
are countless:
'upon
foqgetting their anger
aroused by the
risk assumed
by their officet€, our
cr,ew
could once
again be receptive to
thoughts
of compassion
and
humaneness, which
we wished
to instil
in them at all times',
Viaje
pd{t ico-cienttfrco,
. 166.
Vinjepolfrco
8/19/2019 Malaspina at Port Mulgrave-Poupeney Hart 1992
7/8
21.
Above
Ed.
p.
173.
l,ater
on"
the
pastoral
motlf
gets
stronger
n his
reporr
on
the
Northwest
Coast:
the
people
are
totally
free
l
from
that
long
caralogue
of
diseases,
wtrich
l'fury
and
tËmperance
iave
introduced
amongpt
more
civilized
nationso'
n
æ4
22.
Viaje
p
8/19/2019 Malaspina at Port Mulgrave-Poupeney Hart 1992
8/8
SPAIN AND THE
NORTH PACIFIC
COAST
Essaysn Recognition of the
Bicentennial of the
Malaspina
ExpeditiontT9t-1792
Based n Papers iuenat a
Symposium,
organizedby lu
Uniaersityof Bn$sh
Columbia
Department
f History
and
thc
Vancouaer
Maitime
Musanm,
n
V
ancoua r,
British
Columbia,
AWl LL-73,7991.
Editedby Robin Inglis