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Primary Research

Letsemot, “Togetherness”: Exploring How Connection to Land,

Water, and Territory Influences Health and Wellness with First

Nations Knowledge Keepers and Youth in the Fraser Salish

Region of British Columbia

Krista Stelkia, Lindsay Beck, Anita Manshadi, Ashlyn Jensen Fisk, Evan Adams, Annette J.

Browne, Corrine Dixon, Diane McEachern, Wendy Ritchie, Shannon McDonald, Bonnie Henry,

Namaste Marsden, Daniele Behn-Smith, Jeff Reading

A R T I C L E I N F O A B S T R A C T

Keywords:

Connection to land

Water

Territory

Indigenous determinants of health

Indigenous health

Indigenous knowledge

https://doi.org/10.32799/ijih.v16i2.33206

Connection to land has been identified as a central determinant of the health and

well-being of First Nations in Canada. The wholistic, interconnected, spiritual,

and sacred relationship that many Indigenous Peoples have with the land is an

integral part of strengthening physical, spiritual, mental, and emotional health and

well-being. However, there has been little empirical evidence on how to assess,

measure, and report on connection to land for First Nations Peoples. Using a Two-

Eyed Seeing approach, this study explores what connection to land, water, and

territory means for health and wellness for First Nations in the Fraser Salish

region in the province of British Columbia (BC), Canada. Data were collected

through a sharing circle with five First Nations Knowledge Keepers and five

youth from Stó:lō communities as part of a land-based gathering in Stó:lō

territory. Three themes were identified: (a) “the spirits of the land, water, and

territory are within us”: the intersection of cultural identity, spirituality, ancestral

knowledge, and health and well-being; (b) letsemot, “togetherness”: relationality;

and (c) disruptions and new ways of living. For Stó:lō Peoples, connection to the

land is an integral component of health and well-being. Connection to land was

found to strongly influence physical, spiritual, mental, and emotional aspects of

health while also intersecting with Stó:lō cultural identity, spirituality, ancestral

knowledge, and ways of living. The findings can be used to inform the

development of an indicator for connection to land, water, and territory as a

measurement of ecological wellness for the First Nations Population Health and

Wellness Agenda in BC.

A U T H O R I N F O

Krista Stelkia, MA, PhD Candidate, Faculty of Health Sciences, Simon Fraser University, Burnaby, British Columbia, Canada. Email:

kms16@sfu.ca

Lindsay Beck, MSc, Office of the Chief Medical Officer, First Nations Health Authority, Vancouver, British Columbia, Canada

Anita Manshadi, BA, Office of the Chief Medical Officer, First Nations Health Authority

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Ashlyn Jensen Fisk, BA, Office of the Chief Medical Officer, First Nations Health Authority

Evan Adams, MD, MPH, Office of the Chief Medical Officer, First Nations Health Authority

Annette J. Browne, PhD, MSN, RN, School of Nursing, University of British Columbia, Vancouver, British Columbia, Canada

Corinne Dixon, Regional Engagement, First Nations Health Authority

Diane McEachern, BA, Regional Engagement, First Nations Health Authority

Wendy Ritchie, BEd, LSC, Regional Engagement, First Nations Health Authority

Shannon McDonald, MD, Office of the Chief Medical Officer, First Nations Health Authority

Bonnie Henry, MD, MPH FRCPC, Office of the Provincial Health Officer, British Columbia Ministry of Health, Victoria, British

Columbia, Canada

Namaste Marsden, BA, LLB, Community Health and Wellness Services, First Nations Health Authority

Daniele Behn-Smith, MD, Office of the Provincial Health Officer, British Columbia Ministry of Health

Jeff Reading, PhD, Faculty of Health Sciences, Simon Fraser University

Acknowledgements

We would like to acknowledge the Stó:lō communities for welcoming us into their

territory. Thank you to the Knowledge Keepers and youth who shared a wealth of Indigenous

knowledge with us. We would like to thank the Fraser Salish Regional Team, who made the

land-based gathering possible, along with Keiten Brown and Jasmine Feather Dionne for

assisting with data collection and transcription. This study was funded by the Canadian Institutes

of Health Research.

Introduction

The wholistic, interconnected, spiritual, and sacred connection to land has been identified

as a central determinant of the health and well-being of First Nations in Canada (Greenwood &

de Leeuw, 2007; Labun & Emblen, 2007; Lines et al., 2019). Although conceptualizations and

understandings differ between Indigenous Nations, communities, and even families, Colomeda

and Wenzel (2000) explain that broadly, connections between land and health for Indigenous

people derive from “an ancient and deep respect for the land, embodied in the spiritual concept

of Earth as Sacred Mother” (p. 245). From this perspective, the land provides everything needed

to live a life of good health, including access to medicines, food, water, clean air, and spiritual

connections (Colomeda & Wenzel, 2000). All of these connections interact and create an

intricate foundation for health and wellness of Indigenous people.

For many Indigenous people, access to land and to traditional territories supports critical

social determinants of health, such as the ability to harvest food, be physically active, and have

spiritual connectedness (Parlee et al., 2005; Tobias & Richmond, 2014). The paramount

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importance of jurisdiction and access to lands was reaffirmed when the United Nations declared

it a fundamental human right of Indigenous Peoples “to maintain and strengthen their distinctive

spiritual relationship with their traditionally owned or otherwise occupied and used lands,

territories, waters and coastal seas” (United Nations, 2008, p. 10). As of October 2019, British

Columbia (BC) is the first province in Canada to formally put forward new legislation that will

put the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP) into action

by aligning its provincial laws with the declaration (Bellrichard, 2019; Government of British

Columbia, n.d.).

In BC, a majority of the province is located on the unceded traditional territories of First

Nations Peoples, land that was never legally surrendered or subject to treaty negotiations

(Palmater, 2019). Therefore, BC First Nations Peoples continue to live on their traditional

territories in government-defined reserves, as well as elsewhere on their traditional territories

which may include both urban and rural areas. First Nations Peoples’ relationship with the land

has been disrupted by ongoing colonialism, which continues to undermine First Nations self-

determination, dispossess people of their lands, and impose environmental degradation (Elsey,

2013; Greenwood & Lindsay, 2019). Concerns about the impacts of industrial activities are

being raised by First Nations across BC (Shandro et al., 2017). A recent example of industrial

impacts on connection to land was witnessed in the 2014 Mount Polley Mine tailings dam breach

when millions of cubic metres of mining wastewater and material waste were released into

waterways on the first day salmon fishing opened for First Nations (Government of British

Columbia, 2014). The dam failure resulted in environmental dispossession, emotional stress,

altered dietary patterns, and changes in physical activity as a result of decreases in fishing and

cultural practices for First Nations in this area (Shandro et al., 2017).

The dominant discourse of the determinants of health approach still does not fully engage

with the connections between land, identity, culture, and health and well-being for Indigenous

people. Similarly, there is limited understanding of how to define and measure the relationship

that Indigenous people have with their land, water, and territories. Connections to land are

complex, and there are different understandings between individuals, families, communities, and

Nations related to how land is valued, used, and accessed. To truly lead to First Nations health

system transformation in BC, a deeper understanding of the connections between land and health

is needed to help shift the current paradigm toward strengths-based and wholistic programs,

services, and initiatives that reflect the First Nations perspective on wellness (First Nations

Health Authority [FNHA], n.d.-a).

Due to the imperative role of land in First Nations’ health and wellness, the FNHA Chief

Medical Officer and the BC Provincial Health Officer sought to establish an indicator for

monitoring connection to land as part of the First Nations Population Health and Wellness

Agenda, a 10-year vision for measuring and tracking health of First Nations in BC. With this

agenda, there is explicit intent to shift away from a deficit-based narrative of Indigenous health

toward an approach that recognizes and promotes strengths and resilience of First Nations.

Drawing attention to the land as a key determinant of health highlights the need to promote the

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factors that revitalize and renew connection to land among BC First Nations: increased self-

determination; access to and stewardship of lands; and implementation of First Nations-driven

programs and initiatives that facilitate connection to land. Therefore, this study aimed to explore

how connections to land, water, and territory relate to health and wellness, by being on the land

and in community with Stó:lō Knowledge Keepers and youth from the Fraser Salish region of

BC.

Methods

The conceptual approach of Two-Eyed Seeing guided the study. Developed by Mi’kmaw

Elder Albert Marshall, the concept of Two-Eyed Seeing refers to seeing “from one eye with the

strengths of Indigenous knowledge and ways of knowing, and from the other eye with the

strengths of Western knowledges and ways of knowing” (Bartlett et al., 2012, p. 335). This work

is part of a larger study exploring how connections to land, water, and territory relate to health

and wellness for BC First Nations. The province of BC is made up of five regional health

authorities including the Interior, Fraser Salish, Northern, Vancouver Coastal and Vancouver

Island regions (FNHA, n.d.-b). Embodying a Two-Eyed Seeing approach and respecting the

distinct and diverse perspectives of Nations within each region, this paper will focus solely on

Fraser Stó:lō.

Stó:lō People and Territory

The research was conducted in Stó:lō territory, which is located in the Fraser Salish

region of southwestern mainland BC (FNHA, n.d.-b). The Fraser Salish people are composed of

32 urban and rural communities with a population of 9,000 registered First Nations people

(FNHA, n.d.-b). Stó:lō is the Halkomelem word for the Fraser River but is also used in their self-

identification as “People of the River” (Carlson, 2001; Schaepe, 2008). Stó:lō refer to their

traditional territory with a Halkomelem word, S'ólh Téméxw (Carlson, 2001). Mobile hunter

gatherers within the S'ólh Téméxw depended on the land by harvesting the resources of the land,

and of the rivers, through fishing, foraging, and hunting.

Recruitment and Participants

Following ethical approval from the Simon Fraser University Research Ethics Board,

recruitment of participants and data collection were conducted from May to July 2019. Using

purposive sampling, four First Nations Knowledge Keepers and five youth from the Stó:lō

communities were invited to participate in a land-based gathering to explore various sacred land

sites and partake in a sharing circle. With guidance from the Fraser Salish Regional Engagement

Team, we identified First Nations Knowledge Keepers from the Fraser Salish region who carry

extensive knowledge regarding health of the land, water, and territory, and invited them to

participate in our study. A total of nine participants were recruited, five women (three

Knowledge Keepers and two youth) and four men (one Knowledge Keeper and three youth). The

participants represented eight of the 32 First Nations communities in the Fraser Salish region.

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Data Collection: Land-Based Gathering and Sharing Circle

Data were collected through the sharing circle component of a one-and-a-half-day land-

based gathering. To support ongoing relationship development and trust-building between

participants and researchers, the first day of the gathering involved a welcoming ceremony in the

Coqualeetza Longhouse, a bus tour to four sacred sites in the area (see Figure 1), and an evening

dinner with traditional Stó:lō dancing. The second day took place outdoors at Shxwhá:y Village

Lake within Stó:lō/Ts’elxwéyeqw traditional territory, with an official welcome from Shxwhá:y

Village Chief Councillor, followed by the sharing circle. Participants and researchers then

paddled together around a lake in two traditional canoes as part of the process of building trust,

to hear the participants’ firsthand stories while on the land together, and to promote opportunities

for hearing teachings about the importance of canoeing and the waterways to the Stó:lō. The day

ended with reflections from participants and researchers and a travelling song performed by the

youth participants.

Figure 1

Youth Guiding Research Team Members and Knowledge Keepers to Sailor Bar Rock, the

Natural Boundary Between the Stó:lō and Nlaka’pamux Territories, 2019

Prior to taking part in the sharing circle, participants were informed of the purpose of the

study and had an opportunity to review the informed consent form and provide written consent.

Led by the principal researcher, the sharing circle was hosted over two hours and was video and

audio recorded. The sharing circle was guided by the following questions:

1. How does connection to land, water, and territory influence health and wellness (mental,

physical, spiritual, and emotional)?

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2. What facilitates, strengthens, or improves connections to land, water, and territory?

3. What is preventing, inhibiting, or reducing connection to land, water, and territory?

4. What signs or signals do you look to, to know or understand the strengths of connection

to land, water, and territory as an individual or as a community?

After the sharing circle, Knowledge Keepers and youth were gifted an honorarium to recognize

their participation in the study.

Data Analysis

The audio recording of the sharing circle was transcribed verbatim. A subset of the

research team was formed to complete the data analysis and consisted of seven members who

were BC First Nations and non-First Nations. Each member began by reviewing the transcript

and individually conducting a thematic analysis to identify themes that emerged related to the

research questions. Once completed, a collective review of all themes, similarities, and

differences was undertaken to identify the final set of themes. The rigour and credibility of the

analysis was assessed by sharing the preliminary findings with members of the Fraser Salish

Regional Team and broader research team. They indicated that the overall framing of the

findings resonated with their experiences and represented a coherent account of the complexity

of connection to land, water, and territory and its relationships to health and well-being for Stó:lō

Peoples.

Each participant provided consent to have their name and Nation affiliation identified

when using their direct quotes from the sharing circle. Preliminary findings were shared with

participants for feedback and validation. The validation process was a commitment to

continuously engage with participants and ensure that what was being interpreted by the research

team was accurate.

Results

Three interconnected themes about how connection to land, water, and territory influence

the health and well-being of Stó:lō participants emerged: (a) “the spirits of the land, water, and

territory are within us”: the intersection of cultural identity, spirituality, ancestral knowledge, and

health and well-being; (b) letsemot, “togetherness”: relationality; and (c) disruptions and new

ways of living.

“The Spirits of the Land, Water, and Territory Are Within Us”: The Intersection of

Cultural Identity, Spirituality, Ancestral Knowledge, and Health and Well-Being

This theme addresses the strengths of identity and profound spiritual connections of land,

water, and territory expressed by participants throughout the sharing circle. Spiritual land

practices, ceremonies, and specific resources from the land were all seen as contributing to the

health and wellness of Stó:lō people. In speaking about their personal, family, and community

connections to land, participants indicated how land is so intertwined with their lives that it

intersects with their cultural identity, spirituality, and ancestral knowledge. Therefore, the

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relationship with the land is multidimensional, and participants described the land as being part

of who they are and, in turn, they are part of the land.

When asked about connections between land and health, Stó:lō participants emphasized

that “the trees and the environment around us are alive just as the spirits within us” (Tyneshia

Commodore, Soowahlie and Lummi First Nation). They said that land forms the basis for

personal and communal identity, purpose, spirituality, ceremony, and ancestral knowledge, all of

which were felt to be central to health and well-being. One youth described the all-encompassing

role land plays for the Stó:lō ways of life:

First Nations have been connected to land for centuries over so many generations. It’s a

spiritual connection through the land, through ceremony, through ancestral grounds …

everything in the ecosystem is balanced, everything is one. Think of First Nations as a

part of that circle—of being within that as one. … We/First Nations have depended on the

land and everything for centuries. … The land has played a vital role. (Tyneshia

Commodore, Soowahlie and Lummi First Nation)

Many participants discussed the sacred role of water and cedar in their territory, saying,

“We pray every morning for the water because we can’t breathe without water, the plants can’t

breathe without water … our tree of life” (Wendy Ritchie, Skowkale First Nation) and “Wash

your walls and furniture with a cedar tea to uplift your house, and we put the cedar above our

door so when people walk through they have a good feeling” (Yvonne Tumangday, Sts’ailes

First Nation). For another Knowledge Keeper, water was described as being similar to the water

of a mother’s womb, as protective and a source of wellness. This comparison demonstrates that

the land is viewed as a caretaker, family-like and one with the Stó:lō.

In many instances, participants recounted spiritual land practice traditions, continued

from time immemorial, that provide a way to connect to sacred sites on the land and positively

influence health and wellness. A youth from Katzie First Nation explored how being in those

sacred places supports practices that encourage healing, coping, and personal development:

Being in the mountains, being at the lake, being on the canoe. These are all ways that our

people have healed over the last hundreds of years, thousands of years even. Something

that we have practised since the beginning of our time. So, I find that one of the positive,

good ways of healing, mourning, grieving, growing. (Mavis Pierre, Katzie First Nation)

Mavis Pierre further stated, “If we are not connected to the land, the water, and the territory it

affects our mental health,” showing how her journey of seeking refuge on the land, water, and

territory supported her mental well-being. Lack of connection to land was also considered a

factor in poor mental wellness “because a lot of people have a hard time understanding where

they’re from.” Lakota Julian (Skwah and Matsqui First Nation) brought up his grandmother’s

advice: “Any place you are, any place you go is a part of you, it’s a part of your story, it’s a part

of where you come from.”

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Connection to land was described as being closely linked with personal and cultural

identity. One youth participant explained, “If you don’t know where you’re from and if you

don’t know where you come from—you don’t know where you’re going” (Lakota Julian, Skwah

and Matsqui First Nation). For Knowledge Keeper Virginia Peters (Sts’ailes First Nation),

cultural revitalization including connection to land was facilitated by maintaining strong

relationships and interactions with Elders, who were able to transmit valuable teachings and

ancestral knowledge. Participants referenced how connection to land has existed for all of living

memory, passed through generations. This steadfastness of territory and connection to land over

millennia shows how deeply embedded land is in ancestral knowledge, stories, and ways of

being. Traditional practices and ancestral knowledge were described by two Knowledge Keepers

as being a part of who they are: “We have lots of stories to share and some of those stories aren’t

in a book, they’re in our hearts, they’re in our DNA” (Yvonne Tumangday, Sts’ailes First

Nation).

Without our canoes, without our dances, without our songs, without our sweat lodges,

without our longhouses, we’d be just common people like everyone else. We wouldn’t be

Aboriginal, we wouldn’t be Stó:lō, we wouldn’t be Haida, we wouldn’t be Cree.

Whatever that means to you. So, take what’s in your blood, take what’s in your heart,

take the walk and the path that the ancestors led for you because they led it for you for a

reason. They led the way for you to follow. (Wendy Ritchie, Skowkale First Nation)

Having the ancestral knowledge and a strong sense of identity was described as a great

source of wealth, beyond conventional monetary terms. Yvonne Tumangday (Sts’ailes First

Nation) described her brother speaking about the wealth of the people: “Our late brother Tim

used to say, ‘We’re really rich. We’re so rich. We’re not rich with money but we’re rich with

what we have. Our knowledge, we have lots.” Youth also spoke of the important role that family

and community members had in teaching and passing ancestral knowledge on to them, which

was critical in facilitating a direct connection to their Stó:lō identity.

Letsemot, “Togetherness”: Relationality

Participants expressed how a common belief for Stó:lō people is that everything is

interconnected, and this concept was relayed in the word letsemot. For Knowledge Keeper

Virginia Peters, “being letsemot” is “working together in a really good way to be stronger”

because the more people can “get moving together with a good heart, a good mind, [and] a good

spirit,” the more they are able to make things “smoother and [then] we can really accomplish a

whole lot more.” This interconnection is a part of the spiritual and ceremonial roots that ground

Stó:lō Peoples’ ways of living. Well-being is impacted by land for the Stó:lō because of the deep

understanding that people are connected to all things, living and not, to maintain the balance of

the land, water, territory, and self. Importantly, the land was not seen as a distinct entity separate

from the people; for them, everything is connected, and the living and the nonliving are in

balance as one.

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During the sharing circle, Knowledge Keeper Wendy Ritchie shared her origin story, as it

was told to her, to illustrate how important it is to explain letsemot by starting at the beginning.

In the creation story told by Wendy, people are created from the earth and take up their place in

the world that includes the nonhuman kin and the nonliving kin. The salmon, berries, and other

beings offer themselves to the people, rather than being considered resources to be taken and

used by humans. The people are of the land and therefore have a responsibility to do their part to

maintain balance: “There’s many stories of creation, even within our own clans we have our own

stories of creation, this is how we in return respect all that’s given to us” (Wendy Ritchie,

Skowkale First Nation).

Togetherness, or letsemot, also played a role in the way participants considered their

relationships with others as positive influences on health and wellness. For the participants, the

experience of being out on the land together with family and community members facilitated a

stronger connection to the territory. Knowledge Keeper Yvonne Tumangday expressed these

important linkages as “all the big families that get together and they can fish together and they

berry pick together and take care of their family.” Similarly, several Knowledge Keepers in the

sharing circle expressed letsemot through the concept of “all my relations”:

Where the term all my relations come from, we say ‘all my relations’ because we’re no

better than each other as we sit here equal. We’re no better than the plants and the grass

that we walk on, the trees that grow above us. (Wendy Ritchie, Skowkale First Nation)

As with the origin story, where the nonhuman kin offer themselves to the people, “we’re no

better than the plants and the grass” shows the equal footing that humans are placed on with all

nonhuman kin in Stó:lō worldview. The humility, deep respect, and lack of a hierarchy shows

that letsemot means all things must exist together in balance, as parts of the whole.

Disruptions and New Ways of Living

Examples of the impacts of colonialism and intergenerational trauma were discussed by

participants as disrupting connections between family, land, and culture, including economic

development, lack of education, children in care, loss of Elders, drugs and alcohol, and the prison

system. Knowledge Keeper Virginia Peters (Sts’ailes First Nation) said that the disruption

caused by her parents attending residential school, and the humiliation of punishment they

experienced for practising traditional culture and language, “was ingrained in their minds.” As a

result, she said that her parents “weren’t going to teach us all of our language and our ways.”

Several participants discussed the changes in the way Stó:lō people connect with the land as a

result of technology. Technology was viewed as a driver of cultural revitalization, but it was also

seen as a disruptor to the transfer of First Nations knowledge. One youth discussed how

technology, such as the use of phones and other devices, was disconnecting the younger

generation from culture, family, and learning and engaging in Stó:lō ways of living:

I find that is something we are kind of losing with our younger generations because we

are so caught up in technology … we are so caught up in our devices. … I find that it is

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one of the ways we are not being as connected [as before] because thousands of years

ago our ancestors didn’t have these devices, they didn’t have these distractions, and at

that point in time we were a lot stronger: mentally, physically, emotionally, and

spiritually. (Mavis Pierre, Katzie First Nation)

When describing the process by which technology was slowly introduced, accepted, and

integrated by Stó:lō Peoples, one Knowledge Keeper reflected on how the shared fundamental

values remained as a part of their identity and new ways of living:

Our people didn’t turn down a knife when it was presented to them to cut a fish a little

quicker. Our people didn’t turn down a gun when it was presented to them to shoot a

deer. Our people didn’t turn down a car when it was presented to them, so things change,

things evolve. … Things change, our outlook changes, but our letsemot stays the same.

(Wendy Ritchie, Skowkale First Nation)

The participants referenced multiple sources of disruption to connections to land and culture

stemming from colonialism. Despite the adversity, the letsemot and cultural values remained

throughout times of change. The preservation of these fundamental values was viewed by

participants as a core element of what keeps them healthy, strong, and uniquely Stó:lō.

Discussion

The findings suggest that for Stó:lō Peoples, connection to the land is an integral

component of health and well-being for individuals, families, and communities. Connection to

land has been described as a complex manifestation that involves personal relationships not only

with the land but with all living and nonliving things. The intricate intersections between health

and connection to land, along with cultural identity, spirituality, ancestral knowledge, and Stó:lō

ways of living, are profound. What is evident from the findings is that this complex

interconnection and relationship with the land, water, and territory cannot be comprehensively

understood using a Western reductionist framework. Connection to land is not an objective

outcome that is easily measurable, like physical activity or water quality. What Knowledge

Keepers and youth spoke of is a complex relational concept, one that is not currently captured in

the social determinants of health framework, which still tends to dichotomize the social and

biophysical spheres of health and well-being.

The three interconnected themes found in this study speak to the Stó:lō worldview, in

which identity is interwoven with the land and the ancestors. The themes are consistent with

other studies that have found land plays a sacred role in First Nations wellness beyond that of

physical nourishment and resources (Labun & Emblen, 2007; Lines et al., 2019; Wilson et al.,

2019). The source of knowledge for Stó:lō encompasses spiritual introspection and experiential

learning and how relationships with community and land must be built upon practice and

presence on traditional territories. This worldview represents a dramatic departure from Western

ways of knowing, and has been reported in other Nations including the Nuu-cha-nulth of

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Vancouver Island, for whom the spiritual world is where all knowledge originates (Atleo, 2004).

According to Schultz et al. (2016), such relational worldviews of health suggest that participation

in the social, physical, and spiritual world is a “culturally-specific pathway to health” (p. 22).

A dominant theme found in our study was the concept of letsemot, which has a profound

meaning to the Stó:lō people. In their worldview, all living and nonliving beings in the spiritual

and physical worlds are woven together. The findings suggest this relational strength of letsemot

is central to fostering resilience for the Stó:lō in spite of all the challenges posed by acts of

colonialism. Previous studies have identified the land as a commodity or source of health

through economic prosperity (Parlee et al., 2005). Economic value was absent from the

discussions of land and wellness by the Stó:lō participants in this study. Instead, ancestral and

cultural knowledge was discussed as being a source of richness with more value than monetary

wealth. Previous literature found land degradation, dispossession, and industry were contributing

factors to disrupting connection to land for First Nations Peoples (Brown et al., 2012; Shandro et

al., 2017). Interestingly, while industrial impacts on connection to land and health were not

raised by participants in this study, the ongoing impacts of colonialism and technology were

identified as disruptions to the transfer of ancestral knowledge to the next generation.

Limitations

Several limitations of the study should be noted. First, the knowledge gathered in this

study only represents the thoughts, perspectives, and stories of the participants who attended the

land-based gathering. Participants did not represent all 32 First Nations communities in the

Fraser Salish region, only eight communities. As the nature of this event was intimate, it

consisted of only one sharing circle with four Knowledge Keepers and five youth. Therefore, the

findings from this study are context dependent, and any generalizations should be made with

caution. Second, while the inclusion of both Knowledge Keepers and youth was meant to

facilitate intergenerational knowledge transmission, the presence of Elders and Knowledge

Keepers may have influenced youth participants (Andersson & Ledogar, 2008). Third, there is

difficulty and “inherent subtlety to dancing between worlds” in reconciling what is required to

bring together First Nations ways of knowing with academic/Western ways of knowing in the

Two-Eyed Seeing method, considering the tensions and power dynamics between them (Hunt,

2014, p. 28).

Future Research

Future research on connection to land, water, and territory with Stó:lō Peoples is required

to deepen understanding of the influence of such connections on health and well-being. Future

studies should aim to explore the thoughts, knowledge, and experiences of Knowledge Keepers

and youth from all 32 First Nations communities in the Fraser Salish region to better understand

the similarities and differences at a regional level. To further advance knowledge of connection

to land, water, and territory, exploring the perspectives and voices of those who live away from

home or in urban environments is needed. Importantly, to facilitate ways of acting on the

knowledge generated from this type of exploratory research, future research should focus on

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V O L U M E 1 6 , I S S U E 2 , 2 0 2 0 • 367

identifying effective, acceptable, and relevant ways of measuring the pathways between

connection to land, water, and territory and health outcomes at a community, regional, and, if

feasible, provincial level to help inform population health policy and programming. In addition,

research should explore and identify effective community-level interventions which will help to

facilitate or maintain stronger connections to land, water, and territory for First Nations Peoples.

Conclusion

This study explored connections between First Nations land and health through a land-

based gathering and sharing circle on Stó:lō territory in the Fraser Salish region of BC. The

findings demonstrate that connection to land, water, and territory is integral to all aspects of

physical, spiritual, mental, and emotional health and wellness for Stó:lō people. Stó:lō identity

exists in relationship with the land, water, and territory that is ultimately letsemot, or

interconnected with all things. Environmental dispossession and other acts of colonization have

caused disruption in the knowledge transfer from Knowledge Keepers to youth. An overarching

focus of this study was to provide intellectual space to explore these essential connections in a

way that was cooperative and co-created. By disrupting the process of traditional academic

knowledge creation, our study aimed to create an approach that was more meaningful to First

Nations, to explore what health and wellness means from their own lived experience.

This study has contributed toward a deeper understanding of how Stó:lō people view

connection to land, water, and territory and its relationships to health and wellness. The findings

help address a gap in existing literature on connection to land, water, and territory and will help

to inform the creation of an ecological wellness indicator in the First Nations Population Health

and Wellness Agenda. In focusing attention on connection to land as an Indigenous determinant

of health, we hope to catalyze a shift within the mainstream health system, which tends to view

the environment as a source of hazards or harm, toward a view of the environment as a source of

identity, healing, health, and wellness. Shifting attention from conventional social determinants

of health to ones which are closely intertwined and connected to Indigenous health and well-

being will result in more advanced thinking on how best to support Indigenous self-

determination, health, and healing.

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