Koha Digest 86 (1996)

8/14/2019 Koha Digest 86 (1996)

http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/koha-digest-86-1996 1/24

- 1 -

Koha Digest # 86

EDITORIAL

VJOLLCA IN SMOKE

by VETON SURROI

Vjollca (Violet) is attending fifth grade in a elementary school and the last thing she does

before going to sleep is not her homework or study something for tomorrow: she wanders

from a cafe to a cafe and sells cigarettes. She is one of hundreds of children, or at least they

seem hundreds to me, that I meet daily on the streets. These days of winter remind me of

images of poverty. An ever more evident Kosovan poverty followed behind by a kind of

marketing: children with their frozen hands and sacred eyes are the best way to sell, cigarettesin this case.

The same cigarettes which thanks to a superb marketing, became images of the West, are on

sale. But, at the same time, these are those cigarettes that thanks to an extraordinary

governmental and medical campaign, are being rejected by may citizens of the developed

states. That night when I saw Vjollca, American TV was broadcasting a program presenting a

cardiologist from Houston, who had convinced insurance companies to pay 50 thousand

dollars to persons who had cardiovascular problems, and who had quit smoking and opted for

sports training. This sum, according to the calculations of the doctor, would save another 50

thousand dollars that the patient would need if he/she kept on smoking and having a lifewithout any sports activities.

The banned cigarettes in the public buildings in New York are being transferred to the places

where conscience about health-care is at the end of the list of problems, at the East of Europe.

The motive, naturally, is not the macabre nature of a plotting theory which would leave the

citizens of the European east with more affected lungs and hearts than those of the west. The

motive is simply material. Producing companies are interested to sell as much as possible,

while the newly capitalized states are interested in the taxes they would collect from the sold

cigarettes.

The exclusions are Kosova, Albania and Macedonia to a certain extent. The smuggling net produces profit to some custom offices (or rather, custom officers), and the states are paid no

adequate taxes because the cigarettes are sold by Vjollcas and Fatoses on the street. All seem

satisfied, at first sight... But, I was forced to another calculation by an old friend of the family.

He was telling me about the complaints of his former colleagues at the faculty, that they had

no money to buy auxiliary means for studies, to what he had replied that all the money is - in

the cigarettes. "Any package of cigarettes represents money for education", he told them.

The dimensions of the money, I calculated recently, are really enormous. It is evaluated that

there are 340 thousand households in Kosova with an average of 6,9 members each. If one

would be the smallest number of tobacco consumers and if the price of the cheapest pack of cigarettes is 1 DEM, then it comes out that about 340 thousand DEM a day are spent in

Kosova on cigarettes. Multiply this by 30 days a month, it comes out that 10 million DEM

are spent on tobacco, or almost the double of the monthly budget for the Albanian elementary

8/14/2019 Koha Digest 86 (1996)


- 2 -

and high school education. Multiplying it by 12, it comes out that we spent over 120 million

DEM, money which would enable every fifth elementary and high school student to have a

computer and connect him/her to their mates around the world, which would introduce

Kosova in the highest rank of the states with average development in the world. Instead of

these figures, we have Vjollca a fifth grade student on the street, in the late hours of the night.

INTERVIEW

BUJAR BUKOSHI, Premier of the Republic of Kosova

WE MAY LOSE

Interviewed by BATON HAXHIU / Prishtina

KOHA: At the end of 1994 you had declared that the problem of

Kosova in the international processes on the former Yugoslavia

was vanishing. Why do you think Kosova's problem has lost the

planned and propagated continuity in the past five years?

BUKOSHI: It is true that I declared and expressed a kind of

preoccupation that Kosova's problem and Kosova proper were

being marginalized in the international peaceful processes.

But, this happened due to the warring process in Bosnia. Last

year has been a difficult year for Kosova because of theorientation of the international politics and of the states that

influenced the Bosnian peace process. Their attention was

concentrated on stopping the fighting in Bosnia. Then came

Dayton, with the end to the fighting and all this period should

be treated as a post-Dayton phase. It is an ascertainment of

the government and my own personally, this I say with deep

sorrow, that Kosova is not included in any of the international

plans on the former Yugoslavia. None of the international plans

mentions Kosova. The international factor, as we refer to it,

can ignore and is ignoring the requests of Albanians, the

legitimate demands. This is an undeniable truth which we mustnot hide. The same way we should not hide our inertia and the

low level of organization which we have. There is a real threat

that this level of organization we have, may force the autonomy

of Kosova, widely promised by the international community and

a much speculated theme, disappear even from the horizon.

KOHA: We were promised by your Party and President Rugova

that Kosova will be part of the peaceful processes. Kosova was

not in Dayton, nor Paris, nor London, nor Bonn. Nothing from

those promises became true. Why do you believe that PresidentRugova, the LDK and you as Premier were so optimistic?

BUKOSHI: We must first ask ourselves. We must not forget that

promises are only one category easily manipulated in politics,

8/14/2019 Koha Digest 86 (1996)


- 3 -

but which should not trick us easily. The promises must always

have a foundation. I think that I made myself clear. The

question is, why did it happen so? Because we can't impose

ourselves as a factor while the job of the others is to make

promises and cool you down. But we must do our job. Then theother question arises, about the optimism of some political

circles. I am not competent to ascertain why are the statements

optimistic. I would also ask you why are you optimistic or

pessimistic? But it must not be forgotten that things are clear

and can be observed only will political regularity and

precision.

KOHA: But, this reality soon became evident in the New Year's

messages of the two presidents. The first one declares that

Kosova should accept the '74 autonomy, while the other one

states that Kosova is on the international agendas and that itis heading towards independence. What is the truth about

Kosova here?

BUKOSHI: We are in a situation to speak clearly about some

things and not create a confusion. You question seems to be

confusing as well, and this I say it without any bad intentions.

It is your right to ask the question in this way. You say that

President Berisha insists on something known as the '74

autonomy. Having in mind the last statements made by Berisha

about the solution of Kosova's problem, I can say that thereare no differences in the posture of the Republic of Albania

and Berisha proper towards Kosova. And all the meetings we

have with President Berisha and the other officials in Albania,

speak of a support, even a juridical, of Albania and President

Berisha for Kosova. Referring to his last statements, these are

expression of clarifications of the postures of many western

states, which have the wish to keep the peace in the region as

a starting point - stating that the '74 autonomy is a solution

for Kosova. In this context, I believe that you agree with me,

Berisha has only good intentions. Meanwhile, some circles in

Kosova try to find a scapegoat. There are interpretationsstating that "we created and formed the republic, and now

someone comes out and ruins it, or... there comes Sali Berisha

and spoils it all". I think that all of this is self-explanatory.

This attitude is wrong. Instead we should be asking ourselves

why couldn't we move the rock, why wasn't our demand for

independence respected, ask us what did we do in these past

years. Did we really insist, or was it only declarative

demanding. Do we have just a formal government, president,

etc. All of these are to regret. All of these cause concern. Inregard to the government, everything is clear. I can say that

the Government remains consequent in what the people have

declared themselves in favor of and it has not changed its

8/14/2019 Koha Digest 86 (1996)


- 4 -

posture anytime. And this is the only and the best way for the

survival of the Albanian people. Kosovans are asked to remain

under the Serbian jurisdiction, practically under Serbian

slavery. Albanians are offered an a priori failed solution, and

I say this because Albanians will not accept it.

KOHA: You just said that the problem is worse than it really

seems. The '74 Autonomy which many mention is, according to

you, hard to achieve.

BUKOSHI: Not hard, but extremely hard to achieve.

KOHA: Then to what extent should we organize ourselves to

overcome this inertia, knowing that you are the premier of a

party which proved to be inert in the past five years?

BUKOSHI: The party which I belong to, the Albanian people I

belong to, let these sound as populist slogans, abstracting that

a premier is teaching lessons from Germany on how should the

things be run in Kosova, which is the first obstacle in the

communication with the basis, can do a lot. Even though this is

delicate situation, the things may change and could turn to the

wished direction. We must move, not escape, but move.

KOHA: This pronunciation of yours seems to dispute the

relations between the Government and you as Premier and theLDK Presidency and Rugova as President. Wasn't this evident

during Rugova's visit to Bonn?

BUKOSHI: I would not interpret this problem. It is not good to

discuss whether the relations with me and the LDK are good.

I as Premier, treat all political parties in the same way. But,

let's not justify ourselves all the time, there are problems. The

pretensions are since some time, to give the Government the

role of a political branch which must function only when money

is requested to finance something. I will not accept this and I

will not work in this way. In regard to Rugova's visit to Bonnand my non-participation in the meeting with Kinkel I must say

that I had already arranged a meeting in Tirana and I could

not give up on it.

KOHA: Don't you think that meeting with Kinkel is more

important?

BUKOSHI: I would not want to categorize the importance of the

visits. My visit had been appointed three weeks ahead in

Tirana, and I was not informed about Rugova's visit to Bonn.Don't forget that we have always gone together to all visits

with President Rugova. In all meetings that Rugova thought I

should attend, I did. I don't see anything wrong here, if

8/14/2019 Koha Digest 86 (1996)


- 5 -

Rugova came to Bonn met with Kinkel and didn't invite me.

KOHA: Nevertheless, you know well the circumstances in

Germany and you have good relations with some political

circles there. How is it possible that you didn't know of Rugova's visit to Bonn?

BUKOSHI: I am sorry if my absence from the meeting with

Kinkel has been interpreted in a wrong way. Both I and the

government didn't think of it as a serious and nasty mistake.

We also have separate activities and it is not natural to have

the premier going wherever the president goes.

KOHA: Do you think that your mandate will still last after May,

when the elections are foreseen to take place in Kosova and

when your mandate should expire?

BUKOSHI: I believe that this question is not actual at all, I am

not preoccupied by it at all. I am not worried about the

procedure for the election of the new government and what

will happen with it. There are more important things to think

about. Nevertheless, whatever is decided in Kosova, that will

happen with the Government. Another Government can be

appointed. I would make a digression if you'll allow me. The

Republic of Kosova was proclaimed. The free elections were

celebrated, the Parliament was never constituted. TheGovernment's mandate was prolonged - the provisional

government's mandate. This clearly speaks of the fact that

things are being stalled and that there is much to be

criticized. We, as it can be seen, have no political consequences

even if criticized, therefore we must concentrate on very

important issues ahead of us.

I believe this is a very dramatic situation and we, the way we

are acting, not doing a thing, could very easily lose

everything. Our policy must, from now on, adapt to new

conditions. Many circumstances in the geopolitical aspect arechanging, and thus we must set new tasks. We must find a way

to get out of this situation, from this dead-end. We find

ourselves in a big hole and we are creating the mentality of the

hole in Kosova. Harsh, but true.

KOHA: Nevertheless, the impression remains that you have

often criticized your party for its inert and negligent attitude.

BUKOSHI: I am still criticizing it. I do not claim to be the most

intelligent if I criticized the party and was right about it, but thedifficult situation in Kosova is a new challenge for us to get

our from this situation. The Government was conscious of the

function it has opposite to the situation and has asked the

8/14/2019 Koha Digest 86 (1996)


- 6 -

people, the political subjects and responsible people to

coordinate their activities. Slogans such as "let's

institutionalize life in Kosova" were ever heard in Kosova.

Rubbish. Life in Kosova will not be institutionalized with

slogans. Coordination is lacking. The communication betweenus lacks any content.

KOHA: Because of the situation we are facing, because of the

unsuccessful policy, the status-quo, Demaçi appeared with a

statement. In a meeting with President Rugova, he announced

his active participation in politics. Your comment on this?

BUKOSHI: I haven't read Demaçi's statement and I don't know

how active will he be. And it is better if all of us are political

rather than apolitical. Demaçi's statements, first of all I would

say Demaçi's criticism addressed to us - the political

leadership of Kosova, came out to be just. At least the majorityof the critiques are just. Personally, I support an eventual

political engagement of Demaçi. No one has the deeds on the

political posts. There are no institutions, personalities or

parties which can pretend to have the exclusive right,

therefore not only Demaçi but other forces and personalities,

which have remained aside so far, should get involved. Our

movement there must be revived. Slogans and talk should be

set aside and the movement should start moving. We talk a lot

and serve a lot of demagogy. I don't know whether you agree

with me.

KOHA: The impression in Kosova is that our politics is

developed on two rails: in Germany and in Prishtina. Both are

considered to be pale in Prishtina, but then, there are other

opinions which think that the politics created on Germany is

more active, more dynamic.

BUKOSHI: Something else should be mentioned first. Albanians

in Kosova must think of their existence and evade the physical

extermination by the Serbian regime. This is the priority. If

this is forgotten, then we will make a serious mistake. Fromthis perspective, the time of individuals, fathers of nations,

etc. has died. It is the time for institutions and

professionalism. Teams should work, things must become

transparent and people should be held responsible for their

work. The situation in Kosova is depressive. People rather deal

with themselves and forget the fact that they are under

occupation and that we must do everything to become free, and

our whole preoccupation is how to manage in these

developments and tectonic changes in politics and diplomacy.

Our policy often resembles what I as a physician repeat so

often: that in times of laser medicine, we melt lead on our

patients. Whatever is happening there reminds us of the past

8/14/2019 Koha Digest 86 (1996)


- 7 -

times. Take a look at information. It's catastrophic. Kosova

Information Center (KIC) is especially catastrophic.

KOHA: We often listen to your communiques only on satellite TV.

Does this mean that you have a media blockade in Kosova?

BUKOSHI: I don't know. And if they do this, they are blocking

themselves, because all of us are in this game.

KOHA: What is expecting Kosova in this year?

BUKOSHI: I don't like the prognoses, because I am not suppose

to give them. I repeat it again: we must move. Let's mobilize,

let's enliven, for we are the same Albanians from 1981 and 1989.

Let's make this defeatism, successfully imposed by the

opponent, disappear.

KOHA: We have helped it a bit...

BUKOSHI: We are the main ones to blame. I wouldn't want to

finish this interview and give the impression that the Premier

is a defeatist, for there is no reason to be pessimistic, only if

we adapt to the new circumstances. And the circumstances

which have changed, I evaluate as positive for our cause,

because the purpose is to reach a durable peace in the region.

If the attempts to establish peace in the Balkans are serious,then Kosova is sitting right on those attempts. It is not

serious, nor is it in the interest of the international community

to have Albanians remaining in Serbia, remaining slaves, but

it would be even less serious for Albanians to accept such a

situation.

KOSOVA

THE INDEPENDENCE OF WEATHER FORECASTS

by YLBER HYSA / Prishtina

The new daily 1996 calendar seems to bring a new political

"calendar" in the Albanian space. Seemingly all - the

"fatalists" and the "realists" i.e. the "rational optimists" -

agree that our issue will be discussed this year in its

"degraded" option or as "at the top issue of the international

agendas". Therefore, agreeing upon this issue is evident - the

question of Kosova is going to be discussed seriously duringthis year, that it will be solved as Clinton, Berisha or Kinkel

say, or as Rugova and KIC's and Albanian TV's commentators

say!

8/14/2019 Koha Digest 86 (1996)


- 8 -

But, besides this coincidence, it seems that none of the other

pronouncements and analyses have anything in common in

respect to those who speak of "autonomy" and those which

refer to the "republic and statehood...". The new rhetoric

which has started being applied in regard to Kosova since theend of the last year is new and old at the same time. The word

which is the least liked by the Albanians was first used by the

former American ambassador, Zimmerman, in 1992 in a

interview by BUJKU, and many politicians and statesmen as

Herzog, Dole, Hogg, Koemans and many others, as well as the

Americans and Germans in the last visits of Berisha and

Rugova, declared themselves in favor of the autonomy (large,

maximal, territorial, political, or whatever kind).

Nevertheless, the Albanian media keep on treating Kosova as

"an independent state" and as the "Republic of Kosova", etc.and this became clearly evident in the Rugova's New Year

Message transmitted by (satellite) TV Albania. On the other

hand, the same media, in the 17 minutes' long message of

President Berisha, there was no mention of any "Republic of

Kosova" nor similar terms. Berisha's careful vocabulary when

it comes to the declaration about Kosova's status, has been

noticed since some time now, even the Serbian state TV has

repeated his statement about the respect of the non-alteration

of the borders. The clear statements about the "autonomy of

Kosova" by the Albanian President which was heard also in themeeting with the high ranking German officials, were

transmitted by Albanian state TV on the central news hour.

This is where the question arises: how will the collision in the

Albanian TV and other media be overcome when the Albanian

president speaks of the autonomy of Kosova, the President of

Kosova talks about the realization of Kosova's statehood and

commentators from Prishtina speak of the Republic of Kosova?!

If any parallels can be established, then this situation reminds

us of the Serbian TV which continues presenting the weather

forecasts for the "RS" and "RSK", while the Krajina peoplehave become refugees and the Serbian President has signed

the Dayton agreement! The same thing can be noticed in

"Politika", a newspaper which never forgets to put the maps

of these two Serb "republics" on the last page where the

weather forecast is. The same thing happens with HRT,

Croatian TV, which starts the weather forecast in this way: "In

the B&H Federation, the weather will be..."!

It seems that the weather forecast is the ideal space to keep

the "national political programs" alive, and is also a vent whichregulates the discrepancy between the wished and the

achieved. Albanian TV does not give any forecasts on the

weather throughout the Albanian space, but it seems that in

8/14/2019 Koha Digest 86 (1996)


- 9 -

1996 it will have to conciliate the big gap between the

"Republic" and the "Autonomy" of Kosova. This conciliation has

also a very economic tone because the Albanian satellite TV is

financed directly by Kosova Albanians living in the West and

"autonomy" is not a very musical word to their ears (and thiswould also directly repercute in their 3% contribution).

Nevertheless, the political tone gives the main accent to the

whole problem. Therefore, those who listen to Albanian state

TV still have the hope that during 1996 they will not listen to

the meteorologic news from the ethnic lands...

KOSOVA

HAPPY WHAT YEAR?

by ASTRIT SALIHU / Prishtina

The year we just left behind was for many reasons a year of

disappointments, especially political ones. After the Dayton,

London and Paris Conferences, where the Albanians didn't

participate, which means that the political process on the

Former Yugoslavia doesn't involve Albanians, we enter 1996.

Separation from last year didn't take place without firstlistening to the messages sent to us by the two presidents, Sali

Berisha and Ibrahim Rugova. Just several days before New

Year's, transmitted by Euronews and later confirmed by

Albanian TV, Berisha had declared: "There is no secession. A

solution for Kosova within the framework of the '74 autonomy

should be found". I remember the reaction of a simple man:

"Maybe he hasn't said so, maybe it was only a

misinterpretation". The days before the new year came were

full of tensions created by the comments about Berisha's

statement. But not long after, Berisha and Rugova addressed

the public with their messages for the New Year.Berisha, after talking broadly about the reforms in Albania,

about the achievements of the state, democracy and its

perspectives, also mentioned Kosova and he said: "The real

perspectives for the just solution of Kosova's question were

open. During this year, this question was broadly discussed at

the White House, the chancellories and large institutions of

Europe. The Resolution about the support for Kosova which we

managed to adopt this month in the general Assembly of the UN

with the support of 150 states, is the real proof of the

international support this just cause has today". If we would briefly analyze what Berisha said, then some unfavorable

postures for the Kosova Albanians appear. First, Berisha

refers to "the real prospects" and the "just solution of

8/14/2019 Koha Digest 86 (1996)


- 10 -

Kosova's problem". These two aspects do not meet, for

according to Berisha the prospects are "no secession and a

solution according to the '74 Constitution". On the other hand,

it is not that easy to conclude that this would be a just

solution for the Kosova Albanians which make up the majority.Therefore, the just solution, grounded on real perspectives,

as offered by the international factor, is only a political

phraseology, an euphemism for all what Berisha had declared

so far, no secession.

The continuation of the message is also indicative. If 1995 was

the year of successes and the international support for its

solution, according to Berisha, it is all crowned with a

Resolution of the General Assembly of the UN which is related

to the violation of human rights and not with a resolution of

political consequences, then the solution of Kosova's questionis not the luckiest, and again it will be made within the frame

of the real perspectives.

The last part of the message says:" I express my opinion and

conviction that 1996 will witness the advance of the important

covenants in establishing the dialogue between the legitimate

Albanian leadership of Kosova and Belgrade in the presence of

a third party and the realization of the human and national

aspirations of the Kosova and all other Albanians". However,

any Albanian-Serb dialogue, prejudiced or a priori set withinthe frames of the autonomy and the "real perspectives", as

Berisha says, is not accomplishable, because here you won't

need a third party. This closes the dialogue as an internal

affair of the Serbian or Yugoslav state. The consequences

would be as the precedent of the Serb Krajinas in Croatia,

when before they disappeared, dialogue in the presence of the

third party took place. Now, this issue has become an internal

affair of Croatia and there are only issues of violations of

human rights which aim to be guaranteed to the Serbs refuged

in Serbia.

The most concerning is the difference in the contents of the

messages of the two presidents. Rugova's message is much

shorter, probably because free elections are so far away that

he needn't use the message as a pre-electoral spot. Not only

this, but the opinions expressed about Kosova are diametrally

opposite. But, let's start from the beginning. Rugova says:

"The year we are leaving behind, despite the violence and the

occupation of Kosova, was a important year, the year of

further affirmation of the question of Kosova, of the

affirmation and recognition in international instances, a year when Albanians and citizens of Kosova continued further on

the organization of life in the institutions of their state which

is ever more becoming a reality". The Rugovian reality in this

8/14/2019 Koha Digest 86 (1996)


- 11 -

message, differing from Berishian real perspectives, means a

state and not autonomy. Without analyzing which is really the

reality for Kosova, the state or autonomy, this fact speaks

clearly that the Albanian politics is not coordinated and has no

consensus about what reality is, whichever it may be.

In the second part of the message, Rugova says: "We hope and

we are convinced that in the coming year many problems of

Kosova and of the Albanian question in general will be solved.

We also hope and we are working determinately for this, that

the Kosova question will be solved according to the political

will of the people". While Berisha declares that 1996 "will

register the realization of the human and national aspirations

of the Kosova and all other Albanians", Rugova expresses his

reserves, because he says that he is convinced and hopes that

the coming year will solve "many of Kosova's problems" andnot the question of Kosova. He characterizes the new year as

an important but not historical. If nothing else, 1996 will

deepen the divergencies appeared since some time between

Kosova and Albania.

In this context, the last meeting of Rugova with the

representatives of the political parties and associations of

Kosova should be mentioned. In the atmosphere created after

Dayton and finally Paris, as well as Berisha's statement about

no secession and autonomy, it is interesting to outline Demaçi'sstatement, as an oath in front of the President: "I have come to

tell you that I am not only a symbol of resistance, but I am also

a power of dynamic resistance at the disposition of these

people and I will not be satisfied to only head the Council (for

the Defence of Human Rights and Freedoms)". The fact that

Demaçi considers himself to be the "power of dynamic

resistance" means that this year could evidence many political

breaks. On this occasion, Demaçi expressed his willingness to

get actively involved in politics in order to make it more

dynamic, meaning that the directions of the present politics

may change. He continues by addressing the presidentdirectly hoping that "they will walk together towards the

mobilization of all the forces in the function of freedom".

However, the most "offensive" part of Demaçi's statement is

that he believes that "the president will be even more dynamic,

engaged and will be forced to make even some quicker

movements in order to create the preconditions to be

successful in the conversations that could expect us". The

preconditions that Demaçi mentions, and which are a

consequences of the dynamic engagements and movements, arecontrary to a part of Berisha's message, stating: "Never before

has the engagement of the international community been so

responsible, while Albanians remained determined in their wise

8/14/2019 Koha Digest 86 (1996)


- 12 -

politics which made them evade the conflict, and this same

politics is leading them towards the solution of their big

question". The differences are evident, the same politics

considered by Demaçi as lacking dynamics can't create the

preconditions to start the eventual dialogue. The politics leadso far, and the messages explain what can they lead to if

continued, brings nothing else but the deepening of political

contradictions. The fact that Demaçi is addressing President

Rugova hoping that the mobilization of the Albanian potentials

and forces will take place, only expresses the concern for a

general demobilization reigning in the Albanian political scene.

1996 is not the year of the Albanian impositions for the solution

of their question. If inside the Albanian politics there is no

consensus about what is the real political reality and which is

the just solution, if there is no agreement about what is the

real and what the dynamic politics, if it is not certain whatshould be the Albanian strategy for acute issues as is the

solution of the status of the half of the people, then the

suppositions can be really morbid. But these do not belong in

these analyses, but rather in the analyses which should be

done by its decision making centers. All what is said in the

messages of the Albanian presidents, will not leads towards

1997, as the year of free, independent and democratic Kosova.

The educational and scientific program "Beyond 2000" is full

of scientific and technological achievements which are to be

applied in the 21st century. Albanians, with the politics theyare leading, can enter that century again with the messages of

the presidents and maybe those of their opponents for the

hopes for the year 2001, in the two hours' long satellite New

Year's Eve TV program.

A KOHA EXCLUSIVE

THE COW THAT ATE THE SERBIAN LETTUCE

by GORAN MILIC / Zagreb

Goran Milic was TV Belgrade's correspondent in New York for

many years. Coming back to Belgrade, he became one of the

best editors of the evening news. Milosevic's arrival to power

removed Milic from the house that had produced him as a

journalist and soon Milic became the Director of YUTEL (seated

in Sarajevo), the alternative to the state TV, established by

the then federal premier Ante Markovic. The beginning of war

in the Former Yugoslavia ended with YUTEL's life and sincethen Milic has been living and working in Zagreb as a free

lance journalist.

8/14/2019 Koha Digest 86 (1996)


- 13 -

I believe it was January 1989. I was in Prishtina, then as a

journalist of TV Belgrade, trying to understand the roots of

the Serbian-Albanian conflict and put in some optimism for the

peaceful solution.

Differing from my Belgrade colleague who were poisoning the

public through the TV screens and the "Echoes and Reactions"

rubric, inventing the rapes of (Serb) young girls and old

women, publishing inscriptions "House on sale" and by

"discovering" the links of separatists, irredentists,

fundamentalists, cleric-Catholics to the world's anti-Serbian

centers - I was trying to find the small examples of human

harmony and good neighborhood. This is how the TV story

about an unfortunate cow was made...

In a lecture about the US and the situation in the world, whichI gave to both Albanian and Serb students, an Albanian youth

presented a very interesting example:

- Why does the Belgrade TV always present Albanians in the

negative context? As rapists, as chauvinists, as primitive...

See, my Serb neighbor killed by cow. If you kill someone's cow,

that is a very serious thing in Kosova. And, nevertheless,

because of the general situation, because of the good relations

with my neighbor, I pardoned him. And you never wish to

present these kind of cases...

I immediately organized the shooting of the reportage, I

brought the young Albanian and his Serb neighbor together,

and I invited them to have a drink in front of the cameras.

Spontaneously, the Serb commented:

"These were cows coming into my garden every day. One

morning, I went crazy. I took the axe, to tell you the truth, I

didn't know it was the cow, I hit it on the head... And then,

after I cut it, I found the cabbage, the lettuce and everything

it had eaten, inside it's stomach...

The reportage was transmitted on TV Belgrade, with the

participation of my colleague Mihailo Kovac, while my final

comment was the following:

"There are not many examples of such reconciliation between

Albanians and Serbs, and there are not many to affirm them.

But, they do exist and they prove that the other kind of life is,

nevertheless, possible..."

Immediately the next morning, one of the directors of TV

Belgrade called me at the hotel:

8/14/2019 Koha Digest 86 (1996)


- 14 -

"Listen, forget the reportage about the cows and good

neighborhood. The guys from the Central Committee have gone

crazy! I barely defended you. I have told them that you don't

know the situation in Kosova, that you perceive it with the

eyes of an American reporter. But, don't make the same mistakeagain!"

- Where did I go wrong?, I asked "naively".

- This is are not times of reconciliation, but times of conflicts.

And now you, whom the public trusts, place the Albanian and

the Serb one beside another to have a drink together!"

Thus, you are destroying all what we have been constructing

from here. The message is clear, and it can't be clearer. The

tense atmosphere had to be created, the Serbian public had to be exalted and thus allow the abrogation of the autonomy and

the arrest of the Albanian leaders. The unfortunate cow whose

life was pardoned to the raged Serb, couldn't be incorporated

in that scenario.

In that time, in 1989, I thought that there was no Serb that

would perceive Kosova differently but as an Serbian exclusive

property in which the Albanians could live as second rated

people or rather not live at all. Nevertheless, I found an

exemption in the former President of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Serbia, Marko Nikezic, whose story has

an actual value:

"Milosevic's movement has thrown to the surface all the evil

the Serbian people has" - Nikezic told me in midst 1989.

"Besides this, it is a catastrophic mistake of the Serbian policy

to hold Kosova under seige. They don't see that since ever, the

old rule of the emigration and of movement of population from

the south to the north and from the east to the west has

existed and has worked. Kosova is lost for the Serbs. But, this

is why Vojvodina was won. According to me, Serbs should getinvolved in European flows and think about their west, and not

about the south, about Kosova. After all, Serbs live as far as in

Knin, in Zadar..."

I was happy to know that such an intelligent person, and

intellectual as Marko Nikezic, thought so realistically, not

showing any hatred towards Albanians and by respecting their

rights in Kosova. But my father Marko, who was perceiving the

whole thing also from the Croatian perspective, warned me:

"Nikezic said wise things about Kosova. But, you missed thesentence about Serbs living as far as in Knin and Zadar. In

Serbian politics, the maximalist theses are still hidden. If

Kosova is lost, that territory must be compensated elsewhere,

8/14/2019 Koha Digest 86 (1996)


- 15 -

by all means. And this is not only Vojvodina. Nikezic didn't

mention Knin and Zadar casually..."

My father died in December 1990 and I will suffer for the rest

of my life for not having understand his wise forecast.

Because, this determination of the Serbian policy, the

combination of strength and self-consolation, that collective

self-confidence about domination over all neighboring states,

confused all political horizons for a long time.

In the clear example of the suffocation of the autonomy of

Kosova, I still tried to find a "balance" of guilt, thinking that

one party couldn't be blamed alone for the inter-ethnic

conflict.

The barbaric destruction of Croatia, including the burning of

my familial house in Dubrovnik, wasn't identified by me as a

Greater-Serbian project "as far as Knin and Zadar". When

Bosnia was massacred, although it gave no reasons for the

genocide it suffered, I had it quite clear that two parties were

not needed to have a war. One was enough.

Nevertheless, Serbs didn't manage to create Serbia up to

Zadar. They got hold of less of Bosnia than they had thought.

If the Croats and the Muslim-Bosniacs determine a seriousalliance, Serbs will lose even Banja Luka and Bosnian Posavina.

Does this mean that Kosova will be held even under a harsher

occupation? Will the wounded beast get depressed and free the

land giving it back to its original owners, or will it seek bloody

revenge from the weak, in this case the Albanians? Will the so

called international community reward the "peacemaker"

Milosevic by closing the eyes before the occupation of Kosova,

or will it force weakened Serbia to finally stop oppressing the

small people?

Right now, these dilemmas have no clear answers. But, someattitudes can be noticed.

The Croatian logic in the government lead by Franjo Tudjman,

is satisfied with the solutions "Croatia without the Serbian

question", therefore it is not willing to help or incite the

Albanian uprising in Kosova. This is why Albanians in Zagreb

can only gain verbal sympathy, more from the opposition than

the government. It is a real rarity to find an article about

Kosova these days.

Macedonians who don't differ much from the Serbs in their

attitude towards Albanians, are no possible partners either.

Unless they come to the situations Albanians are in now, but

8/14/2019 Koha Digest 86 (1996)


- 16 -

then it will be late. Bosnian-Muslims, by all means, have the

same enemy as Albanians, but also have more serious problems

to think about than the Kosovan problem. Alija Izetbegovic

can't patch the integrity of B&H by disputing the "RS" and

supporting the "Albanian Republic" in Kosova at the same time.This means that, if we forget the demoralized Vojvodina

Hungarians, who wish to emigrate or assimilate rather than

fight for their rights in Vojvodina, Albanians have no secure

ally in the Former Yugoslavia.

Albania remains, as a state, but militarily a weak one and

demolished from the post-Communist difficulties, it has no

strength to help the Albanians in Kosova.

America? Where are the times when the republicans and Robert

Dole spoke of the difficult position of the Albanian people inevery public presentation? In the Dayton and Paris

agreements, the protesting rallies of the Albanians seem to

have annoyed even the proven Albanian friends.

James Baker's counsels to the Kosova Albanians that patience

will be rewarded, disappeared as he departed from office. Was

all of this in vane, was this all a deception which will be paid

by the Albanian people?.

Now it seems that Kosova has no perspectives and that theworld would rather forget its existence. What seems to be

hopeless today, becomes possible as of tomorrow.

My conviction is that the Americans wish to involve the whole

former Yugoslav space in "Partnership for Peace". They don't

want the division of Bosnia according to some Yalta agreements

line, nor the confrontation line with the Russians which would

lead to the restart of the cold war. If it weren't so, would it

leave Serbs in the Banja Luka pocket, when they had already

lost the situation and were willing to escape to Serbia? If the

Americans weren't convinced that Milosevic is more pro-Westerner that pro-Russian, would they have amnestied him

from all war crimes?

If Americans achieve their goals, and with the help of the

Europeans, attract the whole of the Balkans towards Europe,

Kosova Albanians will gain a new historic chance. The same way

Washington managed to separate Greece and Turkey by

evading their mutual conflict, it will be forced to impose a new

relationship between Albanians and Serbs if it wishes to

escape the war within the NATO alliance. Kosova Albanians inthis case, would face equality and the longed peace, regardless

of how will it be expressed formally. In the form of a

constitutive autonomy, similar to the 1974 Constitution, in the

8/14/2019 Koha Digest 86 (1996)


- 17 -

form of a Republic, within the "FRY", or as an independent and

free state to unite with whom it wishes.

Time has so far been working against Albanians and the

passive resistance, but the arrival of NATO forces in theBalkans have opened the path to the better perspectives. The

Serbian policy is now under surveillance and any incident, any

violation of human rights which is documented to the world,

takes back the Kosova question on the agenda. This is the

moment in which the Albanians must request the return of

their legitimate institutions or new free elections in Kosova,

under international observation. Crimes committed against the

Albanian population are part of the total tragedy in the area

and must be discussed in The Hague by all means. Kosova had

concentration camps, i.e., "massive isolation" when people

were disappearing, beaten, mistreated, not to mention thearbitrary confiscation of property and the "racist laws" in the

area of employment, education, health-care, etc.

The same who committed the massacres in Bosnia and Croatia,

first trained their crimes on the Albanian people in Kosova; the

genesis of the crime is in Kosova and this must not be

forgotten.

It is clear that Albanians should reorganize and convert the

passive resistance into an active one, with clearly formulatedrequests - nothing less than equality and the right to be their

own masters.

Don't let "internationalists" trick you. They are always

bothered by the emancipation of small people, and always have

their mouths full of "United Europe" and the "World without

Borders". When the UN organization was established in 1945,

there were only 50 founding countries. Now there are 186

states members of the UN and all of them know where their

borders are. If Gambia, with one million inhabitants is an

independent state, an equal member of the UN, why should thisright be denied to the other people? The universality of the

world is reflected in computerization, science, medicine, air

companies, but it has always more national groups which want

to crown their differences with their own administration.

Whether someone wants it or not, the Basque, the Catalan, the

Chechen, the Kurd will win their self-administration one day,

as Quebec missed half a percentage point to gain it.

In the hardest times, Alija Izetbegovic always used to repeat:

"Since World War II and up to now, no people that has foughtfor its freedom has disappeared...".

8/14/2019 Koha Digest 86 (1996)


- 18 -

UITUK

RAISED HANDS

by IBRAHIM REXHEPI / Prishtina

Despite the fact that there was no permission for the

celebration of the Second UITUK Congress, it took place

without any major problems. Even if its efficiency can be

evaluated with its longitude, then it can be said that this was

the shortest congress ever celebrated. It started with a 40

minutes delay, and without counting the break, it lasted only

six hours. During this period, the delegates and guests had no

need to enter deeper discussions but speak of "the

consequences and the tortures Serbia commits" i.e., to repeat

what was said in the first Congress, almost five years ago, andin the meantime, as needed, to raise the hands up, vote or

applaud. The guests wished "all the best to the UITUK and

expressed their hopes that it will not change the course of the

chosen path" but there were also evaluations that "whoever is

against Hajrullah Gorani is against the Albanian people too".

Even despite the remark that "we shouldn't deal with the past

in this convention but rather we should concentrate on the

tasks that expect us", the old story was repeated again even

with evaluations that "whoever is absent today, hasvoluntarily quit the UITUK". It remained unclear whether this

referred to Agim Hyseni and Xhafer Hyseni as individuals, or

branches that didn't have send delegates. If this refers to the

branches, then this means that the UITUK lost half of its

membership, because according to the verifying commission

there were a total of 227 delegates participating, meaning some

125 less than foreseen. This structure was enough to make any

decisions. However, it was very unclear what branches were

participating and which were not, for UITUK is composed of 21

branches and 17 of them were present, but high and superior

education were presented as separate branches, so wasFerronikel and the Driving schools. According to this, there

were four new branches, and thirteen of the old ones there.

Seeking for some explanations, some of the responsible in the

organization of this event said that the data provided by the

verifying reporter represented a lapsus, "for there are two

branches in education, one participating and known as

Mejreme Shema's wing and the other branch identifying itself

with Agim Hyseni, that declared not willing to assist the

Congress, although some of their delegates did come, and then

"Ferronikel" is not a singular branch, while the DrivingSchools' branch is new in the organization of the UITUK and is

presented by one delegate".

8/14/2019 Koha Digest 86 (1996)


- 19 -

If someone has expected something spectacular to happen in

this Congress, that the atmosphere of the Fifth and Sixth

Conventions will be repeated, he/she was really disappointed.

The problem could have appeared only if the Serbian police

would have intervened, for the present structure of thedelegates couldn't cause "divisions and confusion", and the

absences of the two Hysenis promised a "strong unity". Even

during the break, one of the delegates commented the flow of

the Congress with these words: "Since Mejreme Shema didn't

have to discuss, nor to have a polemic with anyone, this proves

how constructive the whole event is".

The attempt of Qazim Musa, delegate of the Administration and

Judiciary branch, to dispute the right of this Congress to elect

the chairman found no support, while Ibrahim Maxhuni, the

most competent to give juridical explanations, added that "thisis a vacuum legis which, if you remember, was interpreted at

the Fifth Convention. The dilemma is about who elects the

chairman: the Congress or the Convention. Since the First

Congress chose the chairman, logically, the Second Congress

should do the same and all the other staff will be elected by

the regular conventions".

This disagreement was overcome with the majority of votes.

The election of the chairman was done according to the motto

"the trade-union is the school of democracy". There was noother candidate but Hajrullah Gorani, elected by acclamation.

The way the Congress was prepared and was celebrated can be

disputed, but it is true that it took place, and according to the

statements of the participants, there were no big defects

which would devaluate the achieved work. Not even the

remarks of a delegate that the report on "income and

expenses" wouldn't match and that "it is absurd how three

times more money is spent on something else rather than

assisting the dismissed workers". Nevertheless, the strong

support Gorani got from the delegates and guests was evident.

This was especially noticed in the statement delivered by

Xhavit Bicaj, from the University Workers' Association who,

according to him, oppose Agim Hyseni's wing. He said: "I come

from health-care, I am not a delegate but neither a guest. You

can qualify me as you wish". He continued by disputing many

decisions made "on behalf of the health-care branch which in

fact are only of a small group of individuals". The truth is that

this branch hasn't been functioning for so many years.

The absence of those who were qualified as willing to dividethe UITUK, Agim Hyseni and Xhafer Hyseni or the delegates of

the branches of science, culture & education and health-care

contributed to have the dilemmas still open. Since their

8/14/2019 Koha Digest 86 (1996)


- 20 -

presence and statements were missing in the highest organ of

the UITUK, none of the future conventions will be able to

overcome the contradictions which appeared some time before.

Maybe there will be no contradictions. After the Congress each

group could follow its own path. The ones that supported theCongress will strongly remain behind Gorani and the UITUK,

while the others who were not assisting the place "the men

speak" remain faithful to the UITUK. But it is really

inconceivable how can these branches function within the

UITUK, while it is lead by the most disputed chairman of many

Albanian trade-unions on both sides of the border.

UITUK

"PROSPEROUS NEW YEAR" FOR 100 DEM

by I.R. / Prishtina

Prishtina was the same as in the last days of the other years.

Maybe there were less decorations. The largest crowd was

always found in areas where food and drinks were sold. Only

the strongest could break through the crowd at the market

place.

These are all normal images during festivities in Prishtina.

Nevertheless, the happiest evening of the year, as we used to

call it before, was characterized by tremendous expenses, for

besides the immense consumption of goods, the prices had also

increased in those days. UITUK was quite annoyed with some

businessmen who even doubled the prices of the articles at the

eve of this holiday. These days will also remember the most

expensive TV set that has ever come to the market in Prishtina

- 13 thousand DEM. Even though the price was astronomic, it

really deserved the money. The price was not high for an

Albanian businessman. Maybe he didn't make this investmentonly to follow the Albanian satellite TV program, as some did.

Hoping that they would have a chance to watch a New Year's

program on Albanian TV, a number of people hastened to buy

satellite dishes, which were cheaper than in the previous

years. Many of them were disappointed, for "good night" just

came too soon (at 8:30 pm).

Looked upon the economic aspect, this night caused more

expenses than the Kosova Albanians can really afford. It is

easy to understand where do the businessmen, the merchantsand salesmen get the money from, but if we ground our

conclusion on what an owner of soft drinks store said, that he

had sold more in one day than in the past three months, then

8/14/2019 Koha Digest 86 (1996)


- 21 -

we could say that all invested more than they had counted on.

It is hard to calculate how much did the celebration in family

cost, but it can be said that some 100 DEM was the minimum.

Some motels and restaurants offered their services for that

same price (per person). And the fun, depended from the placevisited. Some of them calculated only dinner in the price,

others soft drinks and spirits. But, there were also

restaurants which offered "meat as much as you can eat" a

bottle of whisky and four liters of wine. Famous restaurants

such as "Show", "D'ora", "Breta". "Holliday", "Hani i Dy

Robert‰ve", "Syri", "Dea"... contracted the most famous

soloists of popular music Kosova has today. And the fame of the

soloist and the orchestra determined also the price of the

"ticket" for that night. Rumors say that the owners of the

restaurants had to pay up to 23 thousand DEM to the orchestra

for their service during three evenings. One soloists evenrequested 1000 DEM per night. And, it is well known that no

one pays taxes, nor the 3% out of this money, therefore the

profit is good. Better than any other night.

This is what is supposed the fun in restaurants cost. But no

one knows how much money was spent in petards or bullets.

Not even the army or the police. But, if one bullet costs one

DEM, then according to the shots heard all over, thousands of

DEM flew over town that night.

MACEDONIA

A LOT OF SMOKE INSIDE - THE WIND BLOWS OUTSIDE

by KIM MEHMETI / Shkup

The political strategy "given them, bit by bit", and "let's

exhaust them with basic requests while we finish up the main

job", has given the expected results to the Macedonian side;Albanians, when it comes to their reasonable demands, are

almost where they were when Macedonia was becoming

independent. And now they feel exhausted and facing the

issue: "Where and what next?"

And really; what political strategy is the most optimal

necessary to develop in circumstances when the participation

in the government and the parliament doesn't give the

expected results. Or in circumstances when in the global

aspect Albanians have quite some unresolved problems,headed by the Kosova problem. These dilemmas, certainly,

preoccupy the PPD leadership the most; its ministers

participate in the government not to the satisfaction of the

8/14/2019 Koha Digest 86 (1996)


- 22 -

Albanians and who have no reasons to be satisfied with. Maybe

what Albanians achieved with the participation in the

government could have been achieved anyways, but it is

undeniable that the PPD leadership proved in all ways it could

that it is tolerant and that it is willing to contribute to thefuture of Macedonia. Why the other party didn't take

advantage of this tolerance, could be discussed in many ways:

depending on the viewpoint and the affinities of the analyst.

One of the explanations could also be that the Macedonian

party wasn't even interested to reach an agreement with

Albanians, or it is simply "buying time" knowing that the

"directives" coming to the Albanians from abroad suggest them

not to interrupt the institutional dialogue which so far, hasn't

given the possible results. Such suggestions come occasionally

also from Tirana. The international factor also supports the

participation of the Albanians in the statal system, as the bestway to see their demands fulfilled.

Between these suggestions and counsels remains the truth

that Albanians are almost just a decoration of "democracy" in

Crvenkovski's cabinet, while the Albanian MPs are only

"witnesses" of the personal political failures. Simply, the more

consolidated becomes Macedonia, the deafer it becomes in

regard to the demands of the Albanian citizens. This can be

best proven in the area of superior education, with the

adoption of laws and regulations which even restrict therights Albanians were guaranteed in times of monism.

Maybe all of this has forced the PPD chairman Aliti, to warn the

public about the "end to the patience", about the fact that the

members of his party can resign from the government and

withdraw from the parliament. Who knows whether any other

solution remains from this party in order to defend its political

being but withdraw the ministers, who for the time being seem

to achieve only one purpose - be still employed and receive

high salaries. It seems that in Crvenkovski's cabinet there is

too much smoke which doesn't allow anyone to see the Albanianministers and the threats in the style "we're leaving" are not

taken seriously by anyone knowing that outside it's "cold" and

that "the wind is blowing". There are even rumors that when

Albanian ministers argue their demands, some of their

Macedonian colleagues leave the meeting and take a coffee

break.

The decision - leave the parliament and government, can also

be the only alternative which remains from the Albanian party,

but this decision forces another question out: "Where andhow?". And "where and when are you coming back?". Of

course, there is also the dilemma of the effect of one political

decision of the kind. Albanian MPs and ministers will not be

8/14/2019 Koha Digest 86 (1996)


- 23 -

able to go further than Tetova. And there they can wait for the

Macedonian party to adopt any laws and create a state as it

suits it. Something that will save the government from all the

mistakes so far and that will finally reveal the guilty for the

existing misunderstandings. Therefore, Albanians should makea clear difference of their conflict with the Macedonian

government from their relations with the Macedonian people

and their departure from the government should not be

allowed to be proclaimed as the creation of a new "party " in

the Balkans.

Simply, Macedonian citizens and the international factor

should be explained that the further participation of Albanians

in the Macedonian political scene often results with an absolute

zero in regard to solving problems through dialogue. That it

is vane to knock on the door of the deaf. That there is no other way for them to prove that they are in favor of the stability of

this state, but leave the parliament and government and thus

"allow" their Macedonian colleagues to "strengthen" the "rule

of law".

In the meantime, President Kiro Gligorov is recuperating well

from the attempt against his life. He will soon take over the full

responsibilities. And maybe he will invite the Albanian leaders,

as many times before, and "arm" them with patience. Humorous

analysts of the situation in Macedonia claim that each one of Gligorov's promises lasts six months: until nervousness

captivates the Albanian leaders again. And they adds that all

Albanians in Macedonia suffer from diabetes as a consequence

of the sweet words of the President. Anyhow, "times of

(political) calculation" in Macedonia have not ended yet.

Therefore, any action of the Albanian political parties must

have in mind the political environment in the Balkans actually.

Especially the question of Kosova. or said in other words; the

pro-Serbian factions in Macedonia which would profit on the

deterioration of the Macedonian-Albanian relations, so Kosovawould be "covered" a bit and thus Serbia would be "helped".

Before any political steps are undertaken, a global solution of

the problem should be taken into account, but none of the

Albanians in Macedonia can be asked to forget oneself. Today,

more than ever, the Macedonian party is strengthening the

conviction among its population that "the Albanian is an

Albanian" and that "when you give him the finger, he will take

your arm", always aiming at holding the tense inter-ethnic

situation so far. Forgetting that this state is facing the threat

of eliminating the cohesive inter-civic element as a precondition for the existence of a multinational,

multiconfessional and multicultural state, as Macedonia is.

8/14/2019 Koha Digest 86 (1996)


Albanians have since long ago paid the price of tolerance and

loyalty. All of those who have eyes and want to see can notice

this. The others, anyways, don't care about any proof. It is

vane to convince them that the state can't be built only with

words and that the policy of empty promises resembles a rainof autumn leaves in a field - one day you'll remain totally

naked.

Documents

Koha Digest 86 (1996)