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The weekly Koha (The Times) was published in Prishtina (Kosovo) between 1994 and 1997. Edited by VetonSurroi, a young Kosovar jou rnalist and one of the pioneers of democratisation in former Yugoslavia, Ko hasoon becam e a symbol of quality among the region's media. In 1997 it started to be pub lished daily under thename of Ko ha Ditor. With the kind perm ission of Mr. Surroi, Koha digests were originally posted onhttp://koha.estudiosbalcanicos.org.

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Koha Digest # 103FRONT PAGE: EXPLORING THE DARKNESSDATE: 15 May 1996

EDITORIAL

CRIME IN THE BAR

by VETON SURROI

The barman filled up the mugs with beer, looked at his watch and yelled that time had comefor, according to the Dutch tradition, two minutes of silence. In the relaxed atmosphere of a

bar in Amsterdam, half of the consumers looked at him jokingly, expecting the prank to

follow, however, three Dutch couples stood up, put their heads down and at exactly eight inthe evening the long 120 seconds of silence started. Then rose two Brits who could hardlystand on their feet, and two Arabs from the Magreb who were known in that part of theneighborhood for stopping all passers-by and offering them "happy goodies", drugs. The restof us stood up to.

Moments of the long silence passed in Amsterdam for the 51-st time, and served, as in everyprevious occasion to remember the deaths of the Dutch in WWII. They served to remind ofthe crime caused by the lack of freedom. And the value of freedom. After two minutes, thewhole of Amsterdam was on the streets, as usual, a large part of people was in the central

square, where the Queen was expected to arrive. It was not a manifestation of the VeteransLeague, nor the pioneers taken out to the streets "in an organized way", nor activists of theYouths' League carrying ties, imitating former anti-Fascists and converted in governmentalapparatchiks. But, there was no omission either: on the contrary, it was a collective memoryof a people that wakes up from the sleep of calmness and prosperity every year at the sametime, in order to show itself that there were other kind of moments, moments underoccupation.

While we go turn to the bar, we come back to our constant state. The Dutch to their partyingatmosphere, the two Brits to their excessive consumption of beers, the Magrebi to theapproach of tourists - potential consumers and I to my stool which is free only in alien soil.

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KOSOVA

STATE SILENCE AND NATIONAL DESPERADOS

by DUKAGJIN GORANI, ASTRIT SALIHU, BATON HAXHIU / Prishtina

"The Democratic League of Kosova has no information on theexistence of the Kosova Liberation Army; it has no information onthe details of the attacks and the killing in Lummadh (VelikaReka), and, it does not exclude the possibility that the attackshave been organized by some Serb extremist organization, insideor outside the statal umbrella", claims Hydajet Hyseni, LDK vice-chairman following the latest incidents in Kosova.

Thus, what the LDK knows so far about the mysterious attacks and

killings of Albanians and Serbs in Kosova at the end of April,remains rather dull. The information handled by the KosovaAlbanian political leadership can be read in any Albanianmagazine and can be heard in whichever cafe in town.

"We have no information and every speculation can be consideredand rejected, at the same time", continues Hyseni, asked aboutthe possibility that the attacks were organized by Albanians,since few days after the killings of Serbs in Kosova, theresponsibility was claimed by, until now, unknown and militant

subject - Kosova Liberation Army.

Three weeks have passed since the killing of two Albanians andfive Serbs in Kosova. Except that of Nexhat Hetemi in Lummadh,all of them occurred within a single night: in Prishtina, Dean,Shtime and Mitrovica. In Prishtina, around 4 in the morning,student Armend Daci is killed behind the back and with no

pretext. In the aftermath, less than 24 hours later, in cafe"Cakor" in Dean Stana Radusinovic, a Serb refugee from Albaniaand Blagoje Okulic, a Serb refugee from Knin, Croatia, werekilled. In Peja two policemen get wounded: Zoran Dasic and Safet

Kocan, while in Shtime, Miljenko Bucic, another Serb policemandies as a consequence of the wounding caused by a firearm. Twodays later, under quite unclear circumstances, a hand-bomb(dropped from the car, or found on the ground - versions arevarious) kills 12-years old Nexhat Hetemi, wounding several otherkids, in Lummadh, a village near Vushtrri.

Today, it remains difficult to clarify what is more scandalous:the killings as they were, mysterious and apparently well-organized, in some of the most explosive centers of Kosova - or

the complete silence of the Serbian political leadership, of theSerbian statal media, and the police communiques, almostunbelievably short and indifferent, about the mentionedincidents. Of course, here we are not referring to the official

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comments on the killings of Albanians, that were and will remainthe silenced common-practice of violence in Kosova. On thecontrary, the Serb victims, the killed policemen and refugees,were the ones whose destiny occupied no more space than a short

information in state radio-television broadcast. Any parallelismof these with the notorious "cases" Martinovic in Gjilan (1989),or earlier of Aziz Kelmendi (1987) and the bewildered campaignsthat followed, illustrating the collective criminality ofAlbanians - will traumatize the careful analyst of the events inthe region, who would likely orientate towards the usual Serb

practice - that of initiating and the maximal manipulation withthe statal provocations for the demonization of Albanians.

If the critical interest of the international media, the video-clips from Kosova on numerous world renowned TV stations, and the

statements of the Albanian leadership on both sides of the borderare added to this - then the dictatorial silence of Belgradeappears far more interesting.

In brief, there have been no broader analyses of the recenthappenings in the Serbian media - moreover, besides not beingcommented, they were not even evidenced as political events.According to the routine of exaggerating such happenings, oftheir manipulation and their use for political purposes, thetotal silence today seems to speak for itself. The continuation

of the demonizing practice, which this time doesn't seem to bethe Serbian statal aim, and in which Kosova Serbian daily"Jedinstvo" and Belgrade weekly "Telegraf" are engaged in,clearly reveals the dilemma of the political appertaining ofthese two media. Since, the statal silence about the mentionedkillings - silence that determines the importance and the non-importance of every incident in the region - creates theimpression that, perhaps, for the very first time, not even the

pro-governmental media were `well informed' about the publicattitude they should have in regard to, to be frank, the best

prelude so far for applying the severe anti-Albanian campaign:

the killing of two public officers and two serb refugees - theover-suffered victims of "the world inequity and ethniccleansing". The previously set routine that "everything isAlbanian terrorism", this time appeared only inside the - itseems, authentically chauvinistic magazines - among others, showsthat this time they were not very close to the leading anddecision-making circles. That remain quiet intentionally. Andwhich intentionally avoided whatever anti-Albanian invasion.The opposition and their media, though, were not quiet.

And there were things to read: "Get ready, Albanians!", Kosovanswere advised by Tomislav Nikolic of the Serb Radicals, alludingto the notorious Chetnik anthem; the latest issue of "Vreme"

published an interview with Fehmi Agani, vice-chairman of the

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LDK; "Srpska Rec", SPO's weekly published the - sincere orplanned, as you like - but undoubtedly brave article of DanicaDraskovic, the wife of Vuk Draskovic and member of SPOleadership, titled "Albanians approaching victory".

And, while Agani, being asked whether the latest incidents inKosova prove the loss of LDK's political control of Albanians,replies "Serbia has taxed Albanian merchants with tariffs tentimes higher than those in Belgrade, therefore who could controltheir revolt and justifiable disobedience? And, what sense wouldthat `control' make?" - Danica Draskovic, in her justification ofthe Albanian non-participation in the political elections inSerbia, reveals the testimony of a Serb policeman from Sumadijawho spent three months in Kosova: "If I were an Albanian, I wouldnever stand the brutalities of the Serbian police there. I would

take revenge in every possible way for their crimes."

What is happening? Incidents as those that took place three weeksago were not that often - more precisely they never happened,since those as the alleged ambush in Gllogovc in 1993, etc.,

proved to have been either a planned provocation, either aninternal settling of dues among policemen, which are said to berecruited among the imprisoned Serb criminals.

As for the silence of the Serb statal leadership - for Kosova

Albanians, the source of all their problems - within the localbackdrop one can encounter two main and opposite speculations:first, that Belgrade is unprepared for resolving (read: changing)the situation in Kosova and, the second, that the very ignoringof events testifies its readiness for preserving the inter-ethniccalm, so badly needed for the future negotiations, badly waitedfor by all in Kosova.

Furthermore, from now on, the visits of the State Departmentrepresentatives, whenever something alike the iceberg of thefuture escalation of violence takes place in Kosova, can hardly

be labeled a mere "coincidences".

Thus, two days after the incidents, Kosova was visited by the USAssistant to the Deputy Secretary of State Rudolph Perina, theformer Charge D'affaires to Belgrade, well-informed on Kosova.The visit of Perina was qualified as anticipated. As circlesclose to the LDK state, Perina spared no advice to the Albanian

political leadership, that from many analysts were qualified tohave been an "ultimatum", since he "revealed clearly" to Rugovathat the latter "must change something in his rhetoric".

According to Perina, the Albanian side must be the first toreconsider its policy, abandoning the proclaimed posture on theindependence of Kosova. "Realistically", it is said that Perina

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told Rugova, "you have to be more realistic in your views andevaluate again the present positions, since this is the only way

proper space for initiating the Serb-Albanian talks can becreated".

Bildt's assistants David Austin and Martin Lutz also qualifiedthis visit as an "early one". It is claimed that Austin and Lutzdidn't come to offer concrete proposals for the solution ofKosova's problem, but to announce the forthcoming visit of their

boss, Carl Bildt, which is supposed to happen this week. What hasbeen said of the visit of the High Commissioner? So far, onething can be claimed with certainty: Carl Bildt will come toKosova with a diplomatic package, a concept-framework forresolving the Kosova issue through negotiations.

Finally, announced this time, Elizabeth Rehn, the UN SpecialRapporteur on Human Rights, visited Kosova. Besides the meetingswith the Albanian leadership, Rehn visited the city of Dean andthe Daci family, to who she expressed her condolences, terrified,since, she is herself "the mother of four children andgrandmother of ten grandsons and granddaughters..."

A week later, in her interview given to the Belgrade weekly"NIN", Rehn emphasized the unsolved problem of Kosova as thegreatest danger in FRY today, remarking the meeting with the

Kosova political leadership and her polemics with the KosovaCDHRF chairman - Adem Demai, who insisted on greater attentionand awareness of the UN upon the Serb terror in Kosova.There is something else to this. Bajram Kelmendi, member of the

presidency of the CDHRF, declared that Rehn had been harshlycriticized by Demai: "Your report has disappointed us quitemuch, for it is not true that Albanians are boycotting theeducational and health systems", said Demai, referring to thelast report of the Special Rapporteur. Rehn replied that this wasnot the case, for she doesn't recall having written that, andthat "all could be a misunderstanding or a misinterpretation".

When she was shown a copy of the report of this content, Rehnapologized, to what Demai said that "big harm was done, and thatthis will be very hard to emend".

Considering the Serb silence, the increased interest and frequentwestern visits to Kosova, the visit of Bildt seems rathercontrived. After all the recent events, however, the specificweight of every visit would increase the general psychosis, inthe moments when "tomorrow" immediately acquires the meaning of

the weekdays, not the decades ahead.

As for the psychosis and the daily fears upon the recentkillings, it suffices to state that on the night of Kurban Bayram

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feast, the night after the student Armend Daci was killed, it waseasy to count passers-by in Prishtina, not to mention the rarevisitors in pubs, who disappointed their owners, who wereapparently expecting a profitable crowd characterizing the so

called "Bayram Parties", which along with the Christmas Eve,since five years now, have become traditional annual events.

Peace in Kosova is a compromise value - maybe a choice betweenwar and freedom - utterly shuddered with the latest incidents.And, in the sense of the national pulse, the shuddering wascommon: both Albanians and Serbs were terrified. The fear ofKosova Serbs, evidenced vividly, should be attached to thesilence of Belgrade, since the Serb population in Kosova neverreached the level of the opposition viewpoints about Milosevic'sregime - therefore its every reaction can be logically perceived

as the reflection of the official mood.

There is more on shuddering. A need for it could be compiled asthe key message of Adem Demai's conversation with the (Albanian)correspondents of foreign media in Prishtina, published in thedaily "Bujku" of the May 7th. "We have to shudder, very much andtoday", claims Demai, "and start from little things: to put ourtactics before our strategy and to start liberating our schools,hospitals, cultural institutions...". Kosova Albanians arefacing the tendency of non-shuddering'. Our views are so

detonated that no one can dispute them. I fear this will cost ustoo much."

Thus, peace in Kosova, as it is or as it was, appears as aparadoxical congruence between Milosevic and Rugova. We would addthat none of them agrees with the "non-institutional" behavior.Besides that, in the case of the first one, the institutions havea strategic performance, while those of the latter existvirtually.

BOX

SEJDI VESELI:

"WHEN WE'LL CALL REBELLION, EVERYONE WILL KNOW!"

Sejdi Veseli, an Albanian ex-political prisoner, is the port-parole of the Movement for the Liberation of Kosova. Last week wecontacted him about the recent developments in Kosova,

respectively the acts of violence, the responsibility for whichwas claimed by the Kosova Liberation Army. Veseli promised thatvery soon he will elaborate the political vision of hisorganization. For the time being, he offered these answers:

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- THE CONNECTION WITH THE KLA: The Movement for the Liberationof Kosova claims no responsibility for the acts of others.We have no connections with the acts that KLA claimedresponsibility for;

- ORGANIZATION OF MLK: Our organization is extended in Kosova,where our leadership and activities are;

- THE AIMS OF MLK: We are preparing for the all-nationalrebellion inside the occupied Albanian territories,comprising the territory from Pespa (FYROM) to Tivar(Montenegro). This will be known as soon as we call forrebellion, and then, the whole nation will rise.

- THE RELATIONS WITH POLITICAL SUBJECTS IN KOSOVA: We have no

relations with the political subjects in Kosova. We do notconsider them hostile.

WHY ARE MURDERS MULTIPLIED?

A week ago in Lummadh, a village along the Prishtina-Mitrovicahighway, ensued the fifth death in Kosova during the month ofApril. The killing of the 12-years old Nexhat Hetemi marked the

culmination of the political and emotional quakes in Kosova andthe so-called FRY.

According to the official version of police organs, the killingtook place while children were playing with an explosive device.While, the Albanian version, according to the witnesses, revealsthat "the bomb was thrown from a red vehicle, killing Nexhat andwounding three other children". The interpretations and the truthcan hardly be known, because the actors are missing. But,according to the witnesses, the case of Lummadh followed thiscourse of events:

"Around 18:00, near the location where children were guarding theanimals, something was thrown from a red vehicle running towardsPrishtina", explains Nuhi Shala, witness. "I heard a blast, alikethat of a blowing truck wheel. I ran in that direction. I couldhear the screams of the children. I stood over Nexhat lyingcovered with blood and the face turned grim. I carried him andstopped the first car approaching. I took with me another woundedkid, Xhavit, who was crying all the way".

Another witness, wounded, Fatmir Hetemi, confesses: "We wereguarding cows and Nexhat went to look for the one that moved on.Then, I heard him shouting and calling me, to see something thathe found. As we approached, something exploded. I felt pain..."

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The testimony of Afrim, another heavily wounded boy, is rathersimilar.

This is are the versions of the killing in Lummadh.

Following the events, one could hear endless versions andinterpretations. As a result, the general psychosis invented manyother "murders": assassinations, police raids, killings in theGreen Market and other numerous rumors that were impossible tohalt.

It was alike the story of a man that told a lie and while he wasreturning home, he actually started believing his own lie,exaggerated and enriched endlessly.

This is how Kosova was like in April.

REPORTAGE

"I WILL MEET JOURNALISTS ALONG THE WAY"(Journeying with Elizabeth Rehn)

by ISMET HAJDARI \ Prishtina, Sandzak

FRIDAY, 3 May 1996

I was preparing for the trip to Novi Pazar and further to themunicipalities of eastern Sandzak, near the borderline withBosnia, that failed to avoid the stormy years of war in Bosnia.My assignment was to accompany Mrs. Elizabeth Rehn, the UNSpecial Rapporteur on her first visit ever to Sandzak, since herassignment to this mandate.

We departed to Novi Pazar around 13:00, leaving Rehn in Prishtinaand expecting her arrival in Novi Pazar later this afternoon.

While driving with the colleagues from Associated Press, who arefollowing the Balkan tour of Mrs. Rehn, I think of how much couldRehn perceive the situation in Sandzak for less than two days'visit. Since the very "happening of the nation", Mrs. Rehn is thefirst western high diplomat to visit Sandzak, and I suppose thather impressions here will affect the decision on eventualevaluation regarding the need of international involvement in the

region.

I have enough time analyze Rehn's visit to Kosova. At the end ofher voluminous program in Prishtina, last night she held a press-

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conference in the "Grand Hotel". At the beginning, the hotelmanagement disallowed her to address the journalists inside oneof the hotel's rooms, because besides asking for a high sum forthe rental of the conference room, the management conditioned the

press-conference with the non-participation of "Rugova'sjournalists"!?

Nevertheless, they had to give up, moreover allowing a completehallway to serve as a press-conference room, after Mrs. Rehnthreatened the management that she will meet journalists on thestreet.

A brave lady, you'll say.

While reaching Novi Pazar, I have in mind her impression from the

visit to Prishtina: "I think that the international communityshould be much more present in Prishtina". Reminding all foreigninterlocutors that "the world must not forget Kosova", she drew a

parallel between Prishtina and Sarajevo, that, as she puts it,swarms with international representatives. "The same thing should

be done in Prishtina, too" - she concluded.

Will the world acknowledge her appeal, while it is not too late?The very essence of her message, particularly for those with agood memory, is quite clear. Rather analogous with the embark of

the war in Bosnia, when the leadership of this country insistedpersistently in the preventive deployment of the UN troops,parallel to the deployment of Blue Helmets in Croatia where thewar was raging already. They were replied that a similaroperation in Bosnia would be very expensive, since there was noongoing war.

What destiny will Kosova face? That of Muslim-Bosniacs, or theworld suffices Bosnia alone?

We enter Novi Pazar encountering no problems, so far. There were

some police checkpoints where we had to stop on the way here, butsince the vehicle had US registration plates, we were likelyconsidered to be part of the convoy. This is a sort of place wereone is safe only if he/she is a foreigner.

NOVI PAZAR, 3 May 1996

Afternoon. We wait for Mrs. Rehn inside the premises of Sandzak'sCouncil for Human Rights and Freedoms.

Finally, she arrives with a two hours' delay. Inside the tightoffice of the council's chairman, Safet Bandzovic, we managed tosit near the delegation and the local crew lead by Bandzovic.

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In his introduction, Bandzovic presented, in a rather complexmanner, the situation in the region. He talks of the position ofMuslim-Bosniacs today, treated as a second-hand citizens. Hefocuses particularly on the situation along the borderline of

Sandzak with Bosnia. His main evaluation is that the expulsion ofthe Muslim-Bosniacs from this side of the Yugoslav-Bosnian border(fifty villages and settlements were completely cleansed) and theethnic cleansing of Muslim-Bosniacs in eastern Bosnia, are a partof the same policy which aims at the creation of the distinctethnic situation in both sides of the border.

After Bandzovic, other activists of the Council speakconvincingly: Sefket Brkovic from Pljevlja, and Dzemal Halilagicfrom Priboj. After the meeting in the Council, Mrs. ElizabethRehn addresses to the journalists. With a diplomatic manner she

avoids the journalists' scissors in order to announce her firstimpression from Sandzak. "I had numerous preceding information onSandzak, therefore I came personally to see for myself" - sheconcluded.

At the end of the official part of the meeting, we went to havedinner in one local restaurant, where a Russian gypsy band was

playing its traditional music. Around the table, somebody revealsthe dilemma of what would Rehn think after entering thisrestaurant? A good question? The answer would seem identical with

that in Kosova: neither Prishtina nor Novi Pazar are thebarometers of the real situation - it is the regions withoutglamour, without public opinion, journalists, diplomats andlights...

PRIJEPOLJE, 4 May 1996

We arrive here in the early morning hours. It was the danger ofapproaching the war zone, the reason why we travelled from NoviPazar in two jeep-vehicles with Mrs. Rehn. Just in case!

At ten o'clock we participate in the meeting with the families ofMuslim-Bosniacs who were kidnapped in Sjeverin, Strpce and Bukovici.The abductions took place three years ago in the area near Bosnia

border. It is supposed that the authors were the formations ofKaradzic's Serbs. Since then, nobody knows what happened to them.The huge hall of the municipality assembly is loaded withsuffered people, despaired mothers and sisters. One wanders whatwere they expecting from this meeting. Do they still hope to seetheir closest alive?

Rehn is firstly addressed by the organizers of the meeting. Oneafter another, four activists of the Council speak about theabductions. Rehn intervenes following this parade of bureaucracy

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on collective tragedy, insisting on listening to the members ofthe families of the kidnapped persons. "I want to hear the women"- she said.

Dzamila Bajramovic, sister of the one of the kidnapped, fromSjeverin, reads the painful letter full of grief and fragilehopes.

Despite her diplomatic behavior, Mrs. Rehn is deeply touched.In her word to the families, she pointed that she revealed theissue of the kidnapping to Milosevic. "He was not pleased when Iexposed this as an issue that demands an answer". At the end, sheconcludes that prior to the serial of unclarified kidnappingshould be formed the international commission that would engageon highlighting the very truth of them.

This was the main conclusion of the meeting.

I leave the hall among the last ones. Walls were covered with thephotos of Milosevic and posters of SPS! Perhaps organizers had noother choice, perhaps the Big Brother could not be avoided evenin the most important international contact - but was itnecessary for this meeting to be held in this very hall?

PRIBOJ, 4 May 1996

We arrive in Priboj around 13:00. Here, the journalists fromKosova separate from the convoy of the UN Special Rapporteur. Itis not a precaution measure; our offices insisted on this.

Rehn left accompanied with the colleagues from Associated Press.In spare time we talk with the refugees who penetrated the siegeof the war and reached Priboj. Terrifying confessions of thoseescaped from Kukurovica and Sjeverin picture a sad evidence ofhuman tragedy - this time, covered with the national piracy that

turns into the universal by its essence and durability. After thefrequent pressures and raids by the criminal gangs from Bosnia intheir villages, they were forced to abandon their homes and toturn refugees in their own country, which does not recognize themany status, thus they are cut off any aid. Even the internationalorganizations do not respond, because the international law didnot absolve normatively the one among many Balkan patents,invented after the dissolution of Yugoslavia: wandering insideyour own country.

During the break I try to conceptualize today's report. I havenever been in such situation, to compile four important dailyevents within two minutes of the report.

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Afterwards we approach the cultural center of Priboj where themeeting with Mrs. Rehn is expected to take place, after herreturn. While staying about one hour with the refugees in frontof the house, I feel a pressure in the air, an undefined danger

that suffocates, something I have never felt in Kosova. Perhapsthis impression is contributed by Priboj's geography, settleddeep in the valley of the river Lim, 500 meters far from the

border with Bosnia. The people in front of the house arerestrained, it is impossible to make them talk.

Mrs. Rehn and her crew arrive at 18:30. The exhaustion is vividon their faces. Meeting with the refugees starts. In the openinginformation she reveals her impressions. During the bordercrossing she was stopped for more than an hour, by the troops of"Republika Srpska". "It seems good that I came and experienced

all this" - she said. She describes the way that near Kukurovica,the village for which she said to have been burned to the ground,the mission encountered the police checkpoint that wouldguarantee them no security, if they decide to go further. To herquestion whether there are any Muslims remaining, the policemenrepled: "No Muslims, only a few Serb families!"

After the meeting there is another press-conference organized inhotel "Lim", that will officially conclude the visit to Sandzak.At the entrance we experience something uncommon. The personnel

of the hotel asks for our ID cards!? Precaution, pressure or justthe line of the duty for the invisible, but present, "service"?Or the three of them?

The main message from Rehn's very brief opening speech was heropinion that Sandzak deserves far more important mediation of theinternational community. This is justified with the attitude thatevery potential area of crisis in the Balkans demandsinternational prevention. Rehn also thinks that the main problemsin Sandzak are of political content and that they should "be

placed within Bildt's umbrella".

After the press-conference, we leave Mrs. Rehn and her mission.She will continue for Bosnia tomorrow, this time the Balkan tourwill start from Banja Luka. We head towards Prishtina around21:00. Except the car's lights, there is no other in the area.Only the moon. The only light above Sandzak.

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INTERVIEW

DORIS PACK, MP - European Parliament

THE RETURN OF THE AUTONOMY, AS A START!

Interviewed by AFRIM GJONBALAJ \ Brussels

KOHA: The majority of the EU members recognized the FRY; do youthink of this a premature decision, considering the complexsituation?

PACK: I claimed this consistently - that we are rushing. Therecognition of Serbia and Montenegro left a huge emptiness in theEuropean political force, because all possibilities to force the

Milosevic's regime to change his policy towards Kosova, seem tohave vanished.

KOHA: Europeans followed this pattern, the EU is close to do it,meanwhile Americans raised their voice and depicted the prematurerecognition as fatal.

PACK: It is not true that the EU recognized the FRY, as widelyexpressed in the media. However, it is true that, whileestablishing the diplomatic relations with Belgrade, the

recognition was exercised by the majority of member states:France and the Great Britain, that at some point, neverdisconnected completely their relations, even during the conflictin the Former Yugoslavia. Particularly the French.

What relations will they have with the third countries - thisremains the right of the member states. This is where the clearabsence of the joint foreign policy of the EU appears. Thissituation is not new, and I suppose changes will follow in thefuture. A joint policy is vital for the future of the EU.It is true that the Americans did not recognize FRY, and I remain

hopeful they will persist in this. Thus, we could have a strongdiplomatic element to force Belgrade to change its policy towardsKosova.

KOHA: Do you share the opinion that Americans can influence thechange of the situation?

PACK: As long as there is no war in the region, Americans willnot move, really - they will speak of the difficulties due tothis or that situation. This is what they always did, as far as

their interests were untouched: until this evolves into a strongmedial situation, Americans will remain inert. The issue here isthat the EU should carry more responsibility in this matter, i.e.not to rush the diplomatic relations with Serbia and Montenegro -

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to refuse any kind of assistance - until the issue of Kosova isnot properly solved.

This decision is been agreed in the European Commission and the

same decision was announced before the Council of Ministers.In other words, the recognition by the EU member states hasnothing to do with the EU, that still has the diplomatic force,whenever regarded the money and the loans for Belgrade. This isthe signal we sent to Belgrade, and they are well aware of this.

KOHA: In the last meeting of the Council of Ministers held inLuxembourg, after meeting Milosevic, Belgian foreign ministerDerycke stressed that the issue of Kosova is an internal issue ofthis newest Yugoslavia.

PACK: I believe you know that the majority of people are hardlyaware of what they speak. He forgot that, during the FormerYugoslavia, Kosova enjoyed the equal status with other republics.If Yugoslavia no longer exists, this means that Kosova is nolonger an internal issue of Serbia.

Milosevic is the one who abolished the rights that Kosova enjoyeduntil 1989, declaiming to the world that "it is a province ofminorities, of no importance for any European political

participation". The gentleman you are referring to has no right

to speak in this manner, because in Kosova we are dealing withthe human rights that are, unfortunately, being severely abused.The mentioned gentleman obviously doesn't know much on the courseof happenings there.

KOHA: What is your opinion on the relations between the EuropeanParliament and the Council of Ministers. Agnelli stated recentlythat Kosova is not a main factor that could halt the recognitionof Belgrade...

PACK: I cannot say to her what she should speak of, she has the

right to express her opinion, however it is not correct to forgetthe fact that the first problems in former Yugoslavia started inKosova, with the Milosevic's verdict to suppress its autonomy.

All others, the Croat and Slovene reactions were related to thisparticular event, this decision of Belgrade. Kosova should begiven a special place inside the international agendas, otherwisethe wars in Balkans will never stop.

KOHA: It appears to be a confusion among institutions here in

Brussels, for this issue was evaluated by the Parliament to beurgent, while the Council of Ministers decided somethingcompletely different.

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PACK: I did point out that today the EU lacks of joint foreignpolicy. It depends from one government to another. This weakness,among others, is revealed through the issue of Kosova. There isno joint policy in this aspect, and this is unfavorable for

Kosova.

KOHA: At the beginning of the dissolution of Yugoslavia, everyonethought that if there is a conflict about to take place, it wouldstart in Kosova. However, the opposite happened there. Albanians"performed" calmness, so far.

PACK: It is really miraculous and astonishing the way how KosovaAlbanians succeeded to avert the open conflict with the Serbs.Rugova is the one to be expressed gratitude for the way Albaniansreact today, alike no other nation under the similar conditions.

There is no peace in Kosova, and for this reason they must behelped to finally gain the rights that every other nation enjoy:to be respected as human beings.

KOHA: How was the meeting of Rugova in Strasbourg?

PACK: Firstly, he expressed all of his and his nation's viewsregarding the disastrous situation in Kosova. He insisted on fullindependence. However, my colleagues and I, stated clearly thatwe are willing to help him in the efforts for returning the

suppressed autonomy. We stated that he has to follow the idea ofnegotiations and that in this, he has the strong support from ofall of us.

KOHA: What were his views on this?

PACK: Rugova refused the proposal and I understand him - thereturn of the suppressed autonomy is an inadequate solution. Iunderstand him emotionally, however, we should be rational and

perceive the reality.

I met him seven years ago, and, at the beginning, very fewdeputies understood the real importance of Kosova. To tell youthe truth, I share his views, however, I have to repeat that wehave to be aware of the reality, in terms of seeking the peacefulsolution for that part of Balkans. I told him that we shouldengage our utmost for initiating the dialogue with Belgrade:initially, for the return of the autonomy.

KOHA: What would be the first step?

PACK: Negotiations with Belgrade must start. Very soon, I willvisit Belgrade and afterwards Prishtina, because of these issues.I entirely respect all of Rugova's views, but I do not want tosee a possible war there, since I doubt that it could remain a

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local one. I believe that Belgrade will start moving towardnegotiations. I cannot say when will they start, but it will besoon...

INTERVIEW

ARBN XHAFERI, Chairman of PPDSH

WE DID NOT CAUSE THE DISSATISFACTION

Interviewed by ISO RUSI, SELADIN XHEZAIRI \ Tetov

KOHA: Let us open this conversation with a short commentary of

yours on recent elections, which, according to some evaluations,speak a lot of the level of political organizing of Albanians inMacedonia.

XHAFERI: I will not evaluate with tragic marks the phenomenonsthat do not have that dimension, however, I could say that theseelections manifested a huge struggle of Albanian political forcesin Macedonia. There was an extremely important mark given tothese elections, almost as if the entire destiny of Macedonia wasdepending on them. Anyway, these elections, I believe,

demonstrated a new quality of the Albanian political subject; theincrease of a collective political conscience. The populationtook into account the thesis introduced by the political parties,and, in all dimensions, the positive effects were reached, I

believe. We have created a great political penetration on groundsin which we lacked our presence; independently of the results, weestablished there our own political structure and attracted theattention to some important issues inside a certain strata of the

population that was in political apathy.

KOHA: Two moments appear in this plane: the first one is your use

of religion, and the second is the Macedonian position, withunsatisfactory results in the elections?

XHAFERI: I spare no effort to analyze this from the inside: therecan be no talks on the implication of religion, but only thedirect implication of the statal structures, the capital, thefinances, the use of forces and other manipulations. The religionitself is not questioned, because it has all possible advantages.

The Albanian national question was disputed here, because

religion can have the governmental structure too, since it alsocollects money. Therefore, we believe that it was not the matterof religion, but the transmission of the national phenomenonexposed to blows, it was the need to strike someone that would be

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identified by fundamentalism, with various partitions - in orderto reach a political effect. Essentially, it was the struggle

between the structures and those who contest that structure.As for the second segment, I believe that the relations between

Macedonians and Albanians are not similar, since Albaniansstruggle for as humane positions within the system as possible.

This means that they do not struggle for extreme nationalpositions that would suffocate the Macedonian space. While, onthe other hand, the Macedonian side faces the rivalry between theextreme national forces and those which more sophisticatedlyrealize national objectives. I believe that we survived andcontinued to develop, creating structures where we did not havethem, while the Macedonian opposition continues to fade.

KOHA: Nevertheless, how did it happen that you posted atheologist as a MP candidate? It seems that this does notcorrelate with your electoral motto: "We are the patrioticforce!"

XHAFERI: It is hard to speak of some incompatibility, because ourcandidate was not in religious functions; he is a person of agreat moral credibility, with a considerable intellectualcapacity, who has completely acknowledged the framework of our

programme determination. It appears strange that when other

parties, particularly PPD, posted the candidature of anytheologist, there was no noise raised. In our case, it was raisedbecause of our big chances to win in that electoral unit, and,the truth is that we won it because the majority of ourelectorate voted for our candidate. The issue of the theologistis the issue of entitlement; they could say that it isseparatism, as before, as well as radicalism - they could namenumerous epithets. Finally, he was the representative of twoAlbanian political parties that accepted their programmedeterminations. Nothing more, nothing less.

KOHA: It seems that such inter-party relations, loaded withfrictions, divide the Albanian political factor?

XHAFERI: You are very right, we are often told that we divide theAlbanian population; however, we sincerely think that they arethe one to do this, because their positioning within the statesystem is weak. So, the division inside the Albanian politicalsubject happens due to the dissatisfaction with the Albanian

position within the system. This dissatisfaction is addressed tothose inside the system and through them, to those responsible

for the system, i.e. the Macedonians. These are, sort to say, themechanisms that generate the divisions inside the Albanianpopulation; the main generator is the dissatisfaction with thesystem. If they overcome this dissatisfaction, solve it and

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satisfy the Albanian population, this phenomenon would cease toexist; the opposition parties would merge, because people would

be satisfied with the results of the party in power.

KOHA: How do you look upon the position of the Albanian party inpower? For many key issues, it shares opinions with your party -as in the case of the University, the education, the use ofAlbanian language...

XHAFERI: When it comes to verbal grounds, we could findconcordances even with Milosevic, because inside the verbaldimension he appears very sophisticated, with an image of ahumanist. However, things split in acts - who wins and who loses.We should conclude that the state or the Republic of Macedoniawas a joint republic of Macedonians and Albanians. Now, it is

exclusively Macedonian. Also, in this state we had the right toour flag, a right we do not have today. In other words, we lostmany positions in the system: we are not represented

proportionally inside the statal structures. I would offer agradation: we represent one third in the ministry staff; onesixth in Parliament, while in the public life we make thethirtieth part. This means that we were tricked by the offered

political posts. Dissatisfaction was not produced by us, itexists in the population. There is only one dilemma remaining todiscuss: whether we should be the bearers, the articulators of

the existing dissatisfaction, or should it be some otherpolitical subject. This is where the division should be drawn,while the dissatisfaction exists as a reality.

KOHA: Meanwhile there are optimistic evaluations of Albanianpoliticians, as that of Rugova, that in these matters things aredeveloping positively...

XHAFERI: Such judgments are absurd. Someone says that problemscould be solved step-by-step. I believe that step-by-step couldtake us up, but also down. Actually, in Macedonia, we are going

down. That means that, step-by-step, we were taken away thestate, the municipality, the societal property, the flag; oursschools were closed step-by-step, and so on. Shortly, this policycan also be judged negatively, because here in Macedonia - sincethe times of sworn communists as Kolisevski, Mojsov and othersthat inherited their political space - exists a constant will forsuffocating completely the Albanian social space. This is a step-

by-step policy. There are no contrary arguments.

KOHA: How would you conceptualize a crisis your party is

advocating?

XHAFERI: The political option that we have chosen, and here Ispeak as an Albanian and not as a representative of some

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political party, we could lose all possible spaces step-by step.And we are losing them.

We could gain an impression that people are living freely, but

the economic, political and cultural situation is degenerating.This situation can be changed only through the cracking of theMacedonian will for domination. This cannot be achieved onlythrough our positioning in opposition to their will. This

positioning automatically creates the political crisis thatitself represents a democratic phenomenon, not radical orrevolutionary. Crises, exist in every democratic system, when a

party or a political subject disagrees with the solutions offeredby the other. We wish to, through the structure of Albanianrepresentatives, ministers, deputies and advisors, but notthrough the population, generate that crisis, manifesting our

objective dissatisfaction. Only then we could start the genuinedialogue between us and Macedonians, as well as the third part,on the grounds of our dissatisfaction. Without this politicalcrisis, the phenomenons will not shift, and our historical defeatin this region would be sanctioned elegantly. This is not a

product of a mind that exaggerates the political phenomenons, itis the historic timing when the national rights can be won orlost. So far, we have lost them.

KOHA: How do you comment the statement of the vice-chairman of

your party, on the "revolutionary means" that would cause thefall of the government, if it continues the suffocation ofdemocracy?

XHAFERI: I have read your comment on this statement in KOHA. Hedoes not say "it must be used", but (I was present when he saidit) that usually, if the democracy is suffocated, the power can

be gained only through revolutionary means. By this, he meant tocarry the responsibility on the structures that follow this

policy, the structures that suffocate the political space inMacedonia, not only that of Albanians, but also that of

Macedonians.

KOHA: So, things can get tough, as a result of thedissatisfaction?

XHAFERI: We should clarify the phenomenons: we have ministers,but they are civic ministers, they are in the function of solvingthe civic issues. Foreign minister, Frckovski, did not avoid thisformulation when he said that the agreement was reached betweenthe Republic of Macedonia and FRY, achieving thus certain

objectives: statal, national and the civil ones. We are the civilclass and these ministers will have effects only within the civildimension. National questions remain a matter of agreement

between us and Macedonians. Disorganized, we cannot force the

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Macedonian side to sit and negotiate. As a political party weengage maximally to create stronger organizing of the Albanian

political subject, within the position and the opposition, withintention of joint positioning of Albanians towards the strong

bloc of Macedonians. We aim, therefore, at motivating thecollective rights of Albanians in Macedonia. If something alikedoes not happen, and facing the absence of results, the very aimof existence of Albanian political parties would devaluate. Thefailure of parties could easily bring to the scene the realradical groups; those believing that the present manner ofrequests and servilism can not develop the Albanian national

phenomenon in Macedonia - so they could undertake steps outsidethe sterile juridical framework. This could be the end ofdemolishing the political bureaucracies that achieved no results.

KOHA: What happened with the reconciliation of Albanian politicalparties, the "wise-heads installation" as you stated?

XHAFERI: The project offered by us is perhaps unstable for one oranother side. We have to analyze the procedures we have developedso far and their carriers. Let us see whether we were valid. Letus see, and change more or less our approach to the solution ofthis problem. Naturally, we think that without the installationof the board that would decide for numerous political, economic,cultural and sports phenomenons, Albanians in Macedonia will not

function as a collective, while on the other side, Macedonianswill function as an over-organized collective and will achievegreat results in social life. If we, as a political subject, failto carry this responsibility of organizing the Albanian

population as a collective, then we would accept a priori ourdefeat to those willing to dominate us. Because of beingdisorganized, unstructured, we cannot face a system and thestatal administration as that of Macedonia. Because, for the time

being, Albanians have no mechanisms that could preserve theirnational interest inside the system. And, if we do not reachthese mechanisms, then the creation of our political parties

seems useless - then we have to accept the fact that we areforeigners in our own country, civilians, just as in every otherEuropean country.

KOHA: Does this mean the creation of the so-called "shadowgovernment"?

XHAFERI: We believe that the efforts for the unification of theAlbanian political subject, the installation of the board thatwould decide about many phenomenons, would definitely create a

sort of a shadow government, but a functional one. VMRO andothers have their shadow governments, but they are persons thatde facto hold power, being ambivalent: they serve the regime andthe opposition. This is the power of the Macedonian

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administration. On the other hand, we have to create thatadministration, so we cannot build a shadow governmentfictitiously, because thus we would create an illusion that wouldhave no real function. If we succeed to create that decision-

making board, then we would have an efficient shadow government,we would have the administration, our own project and thestrategy.

KOHA: According to our sources, you met with Aliti, PPD'schairman, several times. What is the outcome of these meetings?

XHAFERI: I believe that there is nothing irrational in meetingwith an Albanian political representative, despite the agreementor disagreement with his policy. Finally, even the sworn enemiesmeet, sit around the table and discuss the problems. In this

logical line, I never avoided meetings with Abdurrahman Aliti. Ibelieve that these meetings would be much more productive if wecould meet inside the framework of the Albanian system. However,all these meetings are in function of creating the Albaniansystem here. This means that they are not private meetings, butrational and in the function of creating the new, durable values.

KOHA: Let's talk about the conversation on Kosova. How do you seethe development there?

XHAFERI: Those who expected Kosova to be an easy problem will bedisappointed. However, in Kosova and in this area there arepeople that acted politically in much worst times than today. Ibelieve that from now on, the banner of independence of Kosovawill be carried only by those deeply convinced in the Albaniancause, and they will be the backbone of the future struggle ofAlbanians for independence of Kosova and other regions inhabitedwith Albanians. So, the cause exists and its bearers exist too.The ones who will be disappointed are those who thought that thiscomplicated issue could be solved easily. They will, naturally,abandon the political scene, and their place will be taken by

those with stronger substance.

KOHA: Can this be understood as a criticism addressed to theactual political leadership lead by Rugova?

XHAFERI: No. However, I speak about the mood of the Albanianpopulation there. Naturally, I communicate with those circles andI can see disappointed people. Nevertheless, those that will fallinto despair, I repeat, will be only those expecting easysolutions.

KOHA: Albania is approaching the elections. Your prognosis?

XHAFERI: We evaluate that the Democratic Party will win the

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elections, and we believe this to be a good thing, the completionof a historical process, that of installing Albania inside theeconomic, political and military structures of the West. This isour objective, and, I believe, the objective of the majority of

Albanians. It is a great national need, to be within a globalsystem as is the West.

KOHA: The Commission for Immunity and Mandate of the MacedonianParliament, proposed last week that MP Arbn Xhaferi should betaken the mandate because of his permanent absence from thesessions of the Parliament!

XHAFERI: I wanted to stress my enormous dissatisfaction with theprocedures: somebody thinks that the Macedonian Parliament is thebattlefield for solving the Albanian issues. As a matter of fact,

it is a front where the rights and the aspirations of Albaniansare lost a priori. Naturally, I am aware that this will not betragic for Macedonia, however I wish this to be a sample of whatreally happened in past five years, what are the results of ourinfinite cooperation with the system. Albanian verbalism gave noresults. We are in a need of positioning our strategy and the

political tactics.

KOHA: Macedonian president Gligorov stated in the German daily"Frankfurter Allgemaine Zeitung" that the majority of Albanians

consider Macedonia their homeland and among them there are veryfew separatists. He added that the University of Tetova has beenestablished by the separatists and that it is an illegalinstitution. How do you comment this?

XHAFERI: There are persons that evaluate this statement as aweakness of an aged man, however I think that the statement was

planned well and it contains some messages worth of analyzing:

- the statement is given immediately after the normalizationof the relations with the FRY where Kosova is treated as an

integral part of FRY. Whenever Macedonia feels secure insidethe Serb embracement, it increases the dose of hostilityagainst Albanians;

- in this interview, concerned about the further tensions ofthe situation in Kosova, Gligorov suggests the directagreement between Prishtina and Belgrade, eliminating thusflagrantly the international factor;

- he imposes the conclusion that the processes in Macedonia

have ended, although he knows that there is a deepdissatisfaction of the Kosova Albanians with their statuswithin all parameters of the system, therefore they cannotconsider Macedonia as their homeland;

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- according to the old schemes, he divides Albanians in thosesatisfied and separatists, wishing to create the illusionthat in every society there are dissatisfied groups, andconcludes by saying that the University of Tetova was

established by a bunch of separatists, with political aims.

With these statements, in a very dangerous manner, Gligorovignores the decision, so far unanimous, of the Albanian politicalsubject, of the three Albanian municipalities, of the all-national, all-Albanian support, as well as that international -to announce explicitly that no Albanian demand will from now betaken into account, and if there is a need for it, such a thingwill be punished.

Surely, this challenge has its own background or, at least,

Gligorov is cynical when uncovering that he managed to swindlehis Albanian collaborators first, and then the whole nation, thusstrengthening his reputation within the Macedonian opinion andinside the party that elected him in this post.

MACEDONIA

THE DIVISION IS INEVITABLE

conducted by ISO RUSI / Shkup

KOHA: Does your party still support the University of Tetova - isthere any change of posture in this regard?

ALITI: There are absolutely no changes in our posture. We fullysupport the platform of the University of Tetova. We alwaysreiterate that the education of Albanians in their mother tongue,

particularly superior education, is a necessity. We will continueto support the existence of this university.

KOHA: Does your party still participate in the Macedonianparliament and the government?

ALITI: Yes! Our MPs participate regularly the parliamentarysessions. We still have five ministers in the government. In thismanner, there are no changes of the attitudes.

KOHA: Are all five ministers also members of your party?

ALITI: They were always members of our party. They would not beappointed ministers otherwise.

KOHA: Could it be said then that President Gligorov, in his

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interview given to the "Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung", declaresthe members of your party, the MPs from your party, the membersof government from your party - Albanian separatists.

ALITI: Undoubtedly. This is the mildest qualification one couldmake of such attitudes of the president. On the other hand,personally, I believe that with such formulation, the presidenthas marked the majority of Albanians as separatists, since thegreatest part of them supports the University of Tetova.

KOHA: Does this occasion evidence your statement, in one of yourinterviews given in the aftermath of the elections, that thereare some strategic changes exercised in the region regarding theAlbanian issue?

ALITI: As a political party, we issued a communique in regard topresident Gligorov's postures, stating that we have noticedstrategic changes in regard to inter-ethnic relations in therepublic. I support this evaluation, that his policy iscompatible with the present nomenclature in the Balkans. I amready to conclude that since Macedonia improved its relationswith Serbia, respectively with FRY, it changed its attitudetowards Albanians.

KOHA: It seems that among all other Albanian political parties in

Macedonia, you are facing the most difficult position. Do youfeel misused or cheated?

ALITI: Everything we undertook as a party, including ourparticipation in the government, was done consciously and with aclear determination towards local and foreign opinion - ourdetermination for a policy supported by the principles ofcooperation and mutual respect, including the respect ofdifferences and particularities. Slowly but surely, we realizethat our determination is not supported by our coalition

partners. We will be forced to declare that we have offered the

chances and the possibilities according to our visions, thatshould be collective. However, we have to reconsider ouractivities.

KOHA: It seems that the key issue will be the Law on SuperiorEducation. There exist two contradictions, two irreconcilable

positions.

ALITI: Personally, I expected that the democratic conscience ofthe Macedonian political establishment would timely change.

Unfortunately, I have to notice that this never happened, and itwill hardly happen. I can conclude that the issue here is about aconceptual disagreement between us and the SDLM. I wouldn't liketo make any prejudgments, but it seems that the separation is

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inevitable.

MACEDONIA

THE ROUGH MINISTER!

by ISO RUSI \ Shkup

On the month in which UNESCO marks the Day of IndependentJournalists, during the solemnity of the Macedonian Police Day,May 7th, in the presence of the Prime Minister and some leadingministers, the new Minister of Interior, Tomislav Cokrevski, -stated something that stirred the Macedonian (in)dependent media

and journalists.

Shortly, Cokrevski used the presence of the prime minister andhis colleagues to announce that "recently, we are witnessing adifferent posture towards the Service, particularly of the mediathat have opened the front against the Macedonian Ministry ofInterior - MMI". Due to that, the minister stated that he "wouldlike to reiterate" what he said to the President Gligorov: "I amthe type of person that will either hold his tongue, or speak-outstraight. I told the President that he underwent an assassination

attempt, and its revolving on media and in some politicalstructures is serving the political function, surely not apositive one. It was the assassination attempt aiming at shakingMacedonia's stability. This is my opinion, and if someonedisagrees with it, let him be. What is being written againstministry today is also an assassination attempt against theMacedonian state and the services defending the vigorous cells ofMacedonian society. I feel sorry that the largest number of

journalists do not realize this, or they just misuse it for someother purposes. I wanted this to say loud and clear."

This emotive performance, the very first one ever, of the newminister was motivated by a comment broadcast on Saturday, inwhich a journalist of Radio Shkupi revealed some details relatedto the assassination attempt against president Gligorov.

The commentary itself was not spectacular, but because of somedetails (even if they are half-true, as minister would put) itwas followed with great attention, taking into account that after

being broadcast, it was distributed by the agency "Mak-Press" andlater, the information was published in the daily "Vecer".

Undoubtedly, the commentary confirms that the recent suicide ofthe chief of the large company called "MultiGroup", (allegedly acover for former members of Russian and Bulgarian intelligence

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services) is connected to the assassination, relating this withanother victim, a female who allegedly died in Bratislava - andwho was the alleged driver of the car-bomb, previously identifiedthrough the photo; the commentary states her numerous plastic

operations and rapid changes of personal image (the referral ismade to a cafe singer!) and her immediate release from prisonwhen arrested; also, it states the existence of another car-bombthat was located at the front of a building which Gligorov was toenter for the meeting he postponed because of his trip toBelgrade; then the investigation failures...

In other words, the commentary of Radio-Shkupi emphasized betweenthe lines, that the local political forces are likely implicatedin the whole assassination case; they even fear the photo-robotof the potential assassin could uncover them.

Cokrevski, claimed during the solemnity that "all issues linkedto the assassination will be, as they are, clarified to the

public opinion". However, he added: "I am a man close to themedia, I was close as is the professor who teaches journalism andI wish a fruitful relation between us and journalists. However,always resting on the ethics, sincerity and professionalism. Thisis the sort of relation for which I plead, to talk continuouslyand about everything".

But, professor Cokrevski addressed this advice to his students,as well: "Various comments that appear unverified, the half-truths, bring damage to the Ministry". Complaining that the mediashow no respect in terms of "holding their tongues, keeping calm,in order to create grounds for stating things professionally. Itis a permanent competition on sensations, clarifications of half-truths, there is an atmosphere of great nervousness".

Adding that, perhaps, this is not the case that would regard alljournalists, Cokrevski announced that since that very day hedeclared the offensive, pointing his "powerful weapon that most

of them do not have - the truth and sincerity". And this, hewould prefer to his students of journalism: "Time has come forthe greatest part of my journalists, excellent students, etc., to

be given other marks according to the ethics, moral,professionalism.

It is clear that minister Cokrevski, wishing to supervise thesituation, to avoid saying that the mentioned commentarydisturbed him deeply (that nevertheless, reveals manyuncertainties of the case itself), "generalized" his reaction by

such addressing to media and journalists. The reactions - evenfor an environment as Macedonia, where it is so difficult tospeak about the media and its corrective reactions - wereexpected.

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The opposition Democratic Party noted that this case is proof ofthe existence of the Latin American type of junta, while the"reconstructed" Liberal Party replied to Cokrevski consideringthat, despite all, he has no place inside the incompetent

government. As for the reactions of media, it suffices to mentionthe re-evoking of the previous interviews of Cokrevski in thedaily "Nova Makedonija" where he talks of the government and itsministers who no longer identify themselves with the state("because it is absolutism - the state am I!"); the publicopinion, that should not serve as an umbrella for the statalideology; independent journalism ("giving up free and independent

journalism means the political suicide for the one rebelledagainst media!")

Confused by the reactions, with additional justifications to his

speech, Cokrevski falls further: "Most of the journalists shouldnot be worried, only those I have in mind. (!?) My estimationdoes not deal with all journalists... And those accented arelikely to know: it is the ones who have written and said thingsthat caused this atmosphere inside the ministry and the publicopinion, that I reacted against."

Further more: "I have said that it can be supposed that somejournalists are being paid for the texts they have written. Asfor some wider justification and direct analysis of some texts,

there is enough time, so there is no need for disturbance."It seems that "Cokrevski case" will remain at the very center ofthe future happenings inside the Macedonian political scene.Whatever the result, Cokrevski, who is allegedly chosen thecandidate to inherit Kiro Gligorov by the ruling SocialDemocratic League, did the worst possible service to himself andto his followers. On the other hand, the case itself remains the

best illustration of what is known here as arrogance, thediabolic, or, simply, a comfortable rule of the actual regime.