Israel; The Will to Prevail

7/31/2019 Israel; The Will to Prevail

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FIRSTREAD IT


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Israel

Copyright Danny Danon, 2012.

All rights reserved.

First published in 2012 by PALGRAVE MACMILLAN in the U.S.a

division of St. Martins Press LLC, 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, NY

10010.

Where this book is distributed in the UK, Europe, and the rest of

the world, this is by Palgrave Macmillan, a division of Macmillan

Publishers Limited, registered in England, company number 785998,

of Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire RG21 6XS.

Palgrave Macmillan is the global academic imprint of the above

companies and has companies and representatives throughout the

world.

Palgrave and Macmillan are registered trademarks in the UnitedStates, the United Kingdom, Europe, and other countries.

ISBN: 978-0-230-34176-0

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Danon, Danny.

Israel : the will to prevail / Danny Danon.

p. cm.

ISBN 978-0-230-34176-0

1. Arab-Israeli conflict. 2. Arab-Israeli conflict.Causes. 3. Arab-Israeli conflict.Influence. 4. Arab-Israeli conflict1993Peace.

5. Middle EastForeign relationsIsrael. 6. IsraelForeign

relationsMiddle East. 7. IsraelHistory. I. Title.

DS119.7.D2574 2012

956.053dc23

2012010454

A catalogue record of the book is available from the British Library.

Design by Letra Libre, Inc.

First edition: September 2012

10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1

Printed in the United States of America.


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CONTENTS

Acknowledgments vii

INTRODUCTION Standing on a Precipice 1

PART 1 Danger and Opportunity:

The Current Landscape 11

PART 2 How Israel Arrived at the

Crossroad 93

PART 3 A Road Map for Jewish Victory 145

Appendix A 189

Appendix B 191Appendix C 201

Appendix D 202

Appendix E 205

Notes 207

Index 223


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INTRODUCTION

STANDING ON A

PRECIPICE

I REPRESENT A NEW GENERATION OF LEADERS WHO SEE

Israel taking a different and more autonomous path than it has over

the past several decades. In many ways, our outlook echoes that of

the founding generation, who understood that we may have to en-

gage, albeit reluctantly, in armed conflict to secure a Jewish state.

Ive lived through years of terrorism and war and have seen the toll

they have taken on my own family and on my neighbors, friends,

and colleagues. As deputy speaker of the Knesset, my goal is to

protect the people I serve and the land I love. In both roles, citizen

and public servant, Im fully cognizant of the dangers threatening

our society. But I also see a tremendous opportunity for Israel to

realize a vision of lasting peace and stability for its people and the

region, one we must take advantage of now.Throughout its history, Israel has conducted its affairs with

the aim of pleasingor at least not offendingits strongest part-

ner and closest ally: the United States. American support for our


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2 ISRAEL

fragile and fledgling nation has been crucial to our success as a

nation, and for that, all Israelis are blessed and eternally grateful.

However, history shows that when we act on our own, accordingto our own best interests, the results are better not only for Israel,

but for world peace as a whole.

We are now at a critical juncture in our brief but momentous

history, and our very survival is once again at stake. This is also a

watershed moment for U.S.-Israeli relations. The Obama adminis-

tration has sent mixed signals to the Arab world. On the one hand,

the president left troops in Iraq and Afghanistan longer than was

initially expected. The administration has also killed several ter-

rorists, many of whom are seen as heroes in the Middle East, in-

cluding Osama bin Laden, acts that I applaud. On the other hand,

Obamas Cairo speech extended an olive branch further than

previous presidents had done. Moreover, the Obama administra-

tion support for the Palestinian position and their engagement of

the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt call the strength of its support

for Israel into question. For example, as a consequence, many

Palestinian leaders believe they can achieve statehood now with-

out granting any concessions.

Even the little-reported reversal of Secretary of State Hillary

Clintons position on Jerusalem as the capital of Israel, which con-tradicts her statements as New Yorks junior senator, is a startling

reminder of the growing rift between the United States and Israel.

In a brief filed with the Supreme Court in September,1she wrote

that any American action, even symbolically, toward recognizing

Jerusalem as the capital of Israel must be avoided because it might

jeopardize the peace process. She may be following the presidentslead on this, because she is carrying out his wishes on foreign

policy. I can only speculate as to her motivations, but the formal

move indicates a strategic reassessment going on in Washington


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STANDING ON A PRECIPICE 3

today that may well end by downgrading the importance of Israel

in U.S. policy.

Indeed a U.S. jurist has also sent such mixed signals, show-ing that the U.S. political left wing feels particularly comfortable

advising those who may not have our best interests at heart. In

an Egyptian interview with President Clintonappointed U.S.

Supreme Court justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg, which aired on

Al-Hayat TV on January 30, 2012, she advised the new Muslim

Brotherhood government, You should certainly be aided by all

the constitution-writing that has gone on since the end of World

War II. I would not look to the U.S. constitution, if I were drafting

a constitution in the year 2012. I might look at the constitution

of South Africa.2This may seem benign to some, but to me such

advice reads as a trivialization and disregard for a document Judge

Ginsburg has sworn to protect. What message does this send to

those listening? Ultimately, it can be read as U.S. weakness by

those in the Middle East.

Many in the region interpret the growing irrelevance of U.S.

policy, in the face of mounting protests and revolutions through-

out the Middle East, as a sign of U.S. weakness. Confidence in

the United States as a stabilizing force is eroding, particularly in

Egypt, while more traditionally hostile entities, like Iran and thePalestinian Authority, are becoming increasingly emboldened.

This dramatic turn of events casts the U.S. role of peacemaker in

grave doubt. That is but one reason why Israel must take firm hold

of its own destiny, with a ready willingness to act decisively on its

own behalf.

Israel: The Will to Prevail is a concise but detailed responseto these events, including an analysis of the position Israel finds

itself in today and an argument for the United States to reassert

support for the State of Israel; an illustration of how history shows


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4 ISRAEL

us Israel is often better off when she acts on her own behalf; and

a road map for Jewish victoryachieved with or without backing

from her allies. Its my hope that Israel: The Will to Prevailbecomesa necessary part of the debate concerning the courses both Israel

and her allies are likely to take. The book can serve as an outline

for where the future leaders of Israel must stand in order to assure

a permanent and secure Israel. The arguments presented will pro-

vide vital and practical information for every supporter of Israel.

The book is also the first to define the present moment and

describe what Israelis of my generation and the next must do to

preserve the nation they love. Israel has no choice but to act as-

sertively when necessary, even if that means doing so on its own.

A strong sense of Israeli nationalism must prevail if the state is to

successfully overcome the current chaotic situationeven if that

means contravening the wishes of U.S. administrations. Israel

needs a new vision and direction; we need to take control of our

own destiny and dictate our own history.

My own history is shaded by both conflict and a deeply rooted

love for my country. My late father, Joseph Danon, fought in the

Jordan Valley during a period of terrorists infiltrating Israel and

was severely wounded in 1969 during the War of Attrition. His

injuries contributed to his death a quarter of a century later. Iwas born two years later, 1971, the same year that the Palestine

Liberation Organization (PLO) relocated to Lebanon and estab-

lished a de facto state on its territory, which became a base for in-

ternational terror organizations. I was a toddler in 1972, when the

Munich massacre of Israeli Olympic athletes took place, and when

the 1973 Yom Kippur War began. It would be several years beforeI understood what it meant when, in 1975, the United Nations

passed a resolution defaming Zionism as racism. I consider myself


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a proud Zionist. I also know that people all over the world use that

term as a pejorativeit doesnt matter that the Zionist resolution

was repealed in 1991.While the backdrop of my childhood in Ramat-Gan was one of

ongoing external conflict, I had a loving home. My father had many

difficulties from his injuries, including complete hearing loss and

major physical issues. Despite these problems, he instilled in me

the value of Israel by encouraging me to get to know the land and

its people. Indeed, the story of my father is the story of the na-

tion. He emigrated from an Arab nation to Israel via Italy because

people could not come directly from an Arab state to Israel in the

1950s. His father ran a printing company, and his entire family fled

the Arab states to go to Israel during the massive wave of immigra-

tion that occurred after 1948, leaving behind assets and property.

The family had wanted to go before 1948, but it was impossible to

do so before the establishment of the State of Israel because of the

British Mandate, which restricted immigration.

There were two things that were fundamental in my house.

The first was getting to know the land. Despite his severe disabil-

ity, my father was successful in instilling me with the curiosity

to learn about Israels topography. I went on extensive hikes and

camping trips from a very young age. While he could not join mephysically, he interrogated me gently about what I saw and which

roads I took. He knew every path and turn in the country from

his service in the armyhe was part of a reconnaissance unit. If

I made a mistake, he would correct mehe would tell me better

paths to take, shortcuts, and so on. After each trip, he would tell

me the history of each location and what happened there a fewhundred years ago and further back in biblical times. He was in-

credibly patriotic and his injuries only made him more, not less,


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6 ISRAEL

devoted to Israel. He wanted me to appreciate the land as he did.

By the time I was 12 or 13, I knew almost as much as he did about

the land, and the stories connected with it.The second fundamental was to develop the ability to take a

stand. My father gave me the confidence to speak out at a young

age. Because of his deafness and the fact that he never learned

sign language, I often acted as translator during meetings at

government offices because we had a special relationshiphe

developed the ability to read the lips and emotions of someone

speaking in front of him, especially me. I was born after my father

had sustained his injuries, but I learned how to communicate with

him. On the way to these visits, he also told me to speak out, not to

be quiet. According to him, if I had something to say, I should say

it. Because of what his generation went through with wars, there

was a great sense of optimism for my generation to achieve peace.

Because of their own sacrifice, I think they had a nave idea that a

secure future for Israel had largely been achieved. But of course,

we now know that this struggle is far from over.

In terms of dealing with Arab nations, many Israelis today have

gone back to the warrior mentality of Ben-Gurion. Were sick of

hollow accords and grand ceremonies done for the cameras sake.

More of us are awakening every day to the fact that it takes morethan a lovely ritual at the White House, with the accompanying

smiles and handshakes and photo ops, to get anything real accom-

plished. Ben-Gurion was willing to pay a price for the security of

Israel in international opprobrium, and so it is with a new genera-

tion of Israeli leaders. We also understand the necessity of shaping

our fate by our own hands. If we have to pay a price with the UnitedNations, the European Union, and the United States, so be it.

Most importantly, Israel is a true strategic ally to the United

States. It is a known axiom that Israel is Americas cheapest and


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most effective aircraft carrier in the region. Aside from a small

number of U.S. soldiers who were stationed in Israel to operate

the Patriot air-defense system during the first Gulf War in 19901991, American soldiers have never had to deploy to defend the

Jewish State. Israel has never made demands for concessions from

the United States in return for strategic assets and access, as so

many of Israels allies have done. On the contrary, Israel regularly

supplies the United States with anti-terrorism training and know-

how and much-needed intelligence to keep the American people

safe. Examples of this type of cooperation are too numerous to

list, and mainly remain classified and unknown to most. However,

one can only imagine the threats that would be posed today to

America and U.S. interests, from both terrorist elements and bel-

ligerent states like Iran, if not for the high level of cooperation be-

tween these two allies.

I want to make a few important distinctions that you will find

as you read the book. First of all, I do not use the common expres-

sions often found in the media such as occupied territories and

West Bank. I prefer, as most Israelis do, to refer to this area as

Judea and Samaria rather than as occupied territories. Instead

of settlements and settlers I use the terms Jewish communi-

ties and residents of these communities. West Bank is in facta name that was created by Jordan after the War of Independence

in 1948 when Arab armies overran Judea and Samaria. Despite the

fact that Israel drove the occupiers back across the river during the

1967 Six-Day War, the term West Bank has entered the common

lexicon. I reject it.

Also as you read you will encounter some familiar eventsWorld War II, the creation of the State of Israeland some

lesser-known subjectsarcheological Israel, the 1920 San Remo

Conference. My intention is not to rewrite the entire history of


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Israel; the point of Israel: The Will to Prevailis to make a case for

an autonomous Israel, a secure Israel that should enjoy certain in-

alienable rightsthe right to exist, the right to security, and theright to defend herself.

Finally, and perhaps most importantly, my book is a call to ac-

tion to adopt a new, third way in dealing with the conflict we have

suffered through for so many decades: a three-state solution to

the Palestinian issue that engages both Egypt and Jordan, instead

of the failed but familiar two-state proposal. The historical points

I make are part of an effort to enlighten and to look at Israel in, for

some of you, a new way.

Ive devoted my life to working on Israels behalf, including

stints in the United States, where I worked with Diaspora Jews and

fought propaganda and anti-Semitic activities on American col-

lege campuses. Today, as deputy speaker of the Knesset, chairman

of the Immigration, Absorption and Diaspora Affairs Committee in

the Knesset, as well as chairman of the World Likud Organization,

I continue to work for a secure and peaceful Israel. Israel: The Will

to Prevailis part of that effort. I want to engage people, especially

those who disagree with me or who do not know enough about

the region or who are misinformed about it. Im not afraid to say

what I think, even though there are many, including some in theJewish community, who dont appreciate me rocking the boat. It

would have been very easy for me to spend my time in the States

talking about how nice the coastline of Israel is and how great

the oranges taste. What good would that do? For example, I was

against the Oslo accords since I believed it would be dangerous

for Israel and I said so. This view wasnt greeted with open armsamong my colleagues. But it turns out in retrospect I was right.

You cant be afraid.


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Im also an optimist and I have great clarity of vision in terms

of Israel and the Middle East. Therefore, Im fine with attacks on

my positions, even vicious ones. Ive been the target of them, manytimes, from my opponents in the political arena and by some in

the Israeli press, which, like much of the American press, leans

left. I encourage those who disagree with my positions to debate

their ideas with me. I am always willing to discuss the future of the

land I love.

At many events I often get asked the question, why isnt Israel

doing a better job on public diplomacy and public relations? I

want to thank these people, the millions of supporters around the

world who believe in and pray for us. All of the genuine lovers of

Israel feel that they need tools to stand with us and to fight back

against naysayers. I hope this book will help those who want to

deliver the message about the Zionist miracle of the Jewish people

in the land of Israel. I hope that Israel: The Will to Prevailhelps all

of those who wish to know and want to share my vision for Israel.

In order to win any fight, you first have to position yourself on the

stage. You cannot win a debate from your couch; you must speak

out and use your knowledge and skills. I hope that this book will

give you the urge to stand up and join the struggle for Israel with

more knowledge and a better understanding of the reality in Israel.What follows is a beginning.


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