37
1168 Complementation of verbs and adjectives They may be either copular (clause pattern SVC), or complex transitive (clause pattern SVOC): SVC: break even, plead guilty, Iie 101V SVOC: cut N short, work N loose, rub N dry Sometimes the idiom contains additional elements, such as an infinitive (play hard to gel) or a preposition (ride roughshod over ... ). (The 'N' aboye indicates a direct object in the case oftransitive examples.) (b) VERB-VERB COMBINATIONS In these idiomatic constructions (ef 3.49-51, 16.52), the second verb is nonfinite, and may be either an infinitive: make do with, make (N) do, let (N) go, let (N) be or a participle, with or without a following preposition: put paid to, get rid oJ, have done with lea ve N standing, send N paeking, knock N fiying, get going (c) VBRBS GOVERNlNG TWO PREPOSITIONS These are a further varíant on prepositional verbs: It developedfrom a small club into a mass organization in three years. Similarly: strugg/e with N for N, compete with Nfor N, apply to Nfor N, ta/k to N about N. Normally either one or both prepositional phrases can be omitted; eg: It developed into a mass organization in three years. Note To end Ihis survey of verb idiorns and their grammatical characteristics, mentíon may be made of rare patterns such as make surelcerrain followed by a rhar·c1ause; see jir followed by a ro· infinitive; and verb + noun combinations such as (urn rurlle and rurn ¡rairor. Verbs in relation to verb complementation 16.18 In 16.20-67 we survey types of verb complementation, before turning to adjective complementation (16.68-83), and (more briefiy) to noun comple- mentation (16.84-5). Many verbs are versatile enough to allow several complementation types (ef the discussion, for example, of get in lO.3). It is therefore likely to bemisleading to talkof'intransitive verbs', 'monotransitive verbs', 'complex transitive verbs', etc. Rather, it ís often better to say that verbs have 'monotransitive use', 'monotransitive complementation', etc. Although one verb may belong to a number of different complementation types, it is usually possible to observe a common ground of meaning in tbe various uses. For each type of complementation, we give a list of verbs belonging to that pattern. No claim of completeness i5 made for these lists; when the membership of a type is smaH, a fairly exhaustive list of verbs is given, whereas when the membership is very large (as in the case of intransitive Verbs in relation to verb complementation 11-69 verbs, or monotransitive verbs with a noun phrase object), we can give only a sample of common verbs. In any case, it should be borne in mind that the list of verbs conforming to a given pattern is difficult to specífy exactly: there are many differences between one variety of English and another in respect of individual verbs, and many cases of marginal acceptability. Note The term 'valency' (or 'valencc') is sometimes used, instead of complementation, ror the way in which a verb determines the kinds and number of elements that can accompany it in the clause. Valency, however, incIudes the subject 01' the clause, which is excluded (unless extraposed) from complementation. Verbs in intransitive function 16.19 Where no eomplementation oecurs, the verb is said to have an INTRANSITIVE use. Three types of verb may be mentioned in this category: (l) 'PURE' INTRANSITIVE VERas, which do not take an object at aH (or at least do so only very rarely): John has arrived. Your views do not matter. Examples: appear die fall happen rise come digress go líe wait (11) VBRBS WHICH CAN ALSO BE TRANSITIVE Wlm THE SAME MBANING, and without a change in the subject-verb relationship. Informally, such verbs can be described as having an 'understood object' (ef App 1.54): He smokes (a pipe). I am reading (a book). But in sorne cases the intransitive verb acquires a more specific meaning, so that a particular kind of object is 'understood'; eg: John drinlrs !u'(1/,i!y ['drinh alcoholT Examples: approaeh drive help pass win drink enter leave play write (111) VBRBS WHICH CAN ALSO BE TRANSITIVE, but where the semantic connection between subject and verb is different in the two cases; eg the intransitive use has an affected participant as subject (ef 1O.21f), whereas the transitive use has an agentive as subject (ef App 1.54): The door opened slowly. ef: Mary opened the door. The car stopped. el: He stopped the caro Examples: begin close inerease turn walk ehange drop move unite work Type (111) also includes intransitive verbs with MuTUAL PARTICIPATION (efI3.60), as in: 1 have metyou. '" We have meto The bus eollided with the caro - The bus and car collided. Intransitive verbs are numerous, particularIy in categories (JI) and (III).

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Page 1: in - UGR · (III). 11-70 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1171 Note [a] The ... In addition, we shall use where necessary the suffixes 'ph' (for

1168 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

They may be either copular (clause pattern SVC) or complex transitive (clause pattern SVOC)

SVC break even plead guilty Iie 101V

SVOC cut N short work N loose rub N dry

Sometimes the idiom contains additional elements such as an infinitive (play hard to gel) or a preposition (ride roughshod over )

(The N aboye indicates a direct object in the case oftransitive examples)

(b) VERB-VERB COMBINATIONS

In these idiomatic constructions (ef 349-51 1652) the second verb is nonfinite and may be either an infinitive

make do with make (N) do let (N) go let (N) be

or a participle with or without a following preposition

put paid to get rid oJ have done with leave N standing send N paeking knock N fiying get going

(c) VBRBS GOVERNlNG TWO PREPOSITIONS

These are a further variacuteant on prepositional verbs

It developedfrom a small club into a mass organization in three years

Similarly strugge with N for N compete with Nfor N apply to Nfor N tak to N about N Normally either one or both prepositional phrases can be omitted eg

It developed into a mass organization in three years

Note To end Ihis survey of verb idiorns and their grammatical characteristics mentiacuteon may be made of rare patterns such as make surelcerrain followed by a rharmiddotc1ause see jir followed by a romiddot infinitive and verb + noun combinations such as (urn rurlle and rurn iexclrairor

Verbs in relation to verb complementation

1618 In 1620-67 we survey types of verb complementation before turning to adjective complementation (1668-83) and (more briefiy) to noun compleshymentation (1684-5) Many verbs are versatile enough to allow several complementation types (ef the discussion for example of get in lO3) It is therefore likely to bemisleading to talkofintransitive verbs monotransitive verbs complex transitive verbs etc Rather it iacutes often better to say that verbs have monotransitive use monotransitive complementation etc Although one verb may belong to a number of different complementation types it is usually possible to observe a common ground of meaning in tbe various uses

For each type of complementation we give a list of verbs belonging to that pattern No claim of completeness i5 made for these lists when the membership of a type is smaH a fairly exhaustive list of verbs is given whereas when the membership is very large (as in the case of intransitive

Verbs in relation to verb complementation 11-69

verbs or monotransitive verbs with a noun phrase object) we can give only a sample of common verbs In any case it should be borne in mind that the list of verbs conforming to a given pattern is difficult to speciacutefy exactly there are many differences between one variety of English and another in respect of individual verbs and many cases of marginal acceptability

Note The term valency (or valencc) is sometimes used instead of complementation ror the way in which a verb determines the kinds and number of elements that can accompany it in the clause Valency however incIudes the subject 01 the clause which is excluded (unless extraposed) from complementation

Verbs in intransitive function 1619 Where no eomplementation oecurs the verb is said to have an INTRANSITIVE

use Three types of verb may be mentioned in this category

(l) PURE INTRANSITIVE VERas which do not take an object at aH (or at least do so only very rarely)

John has arrived Your views do not matter Examples

appear die fall happen rise come digress go liacutee wait

(11) VBRBS WHICH CAN ALSO BE TRANSITIVE Wlm THE SAME MBANING and without a change in the subject-verb relationship Informally such verbs can be described as having an understood object (efApp 154)

He smokes (a pipe) I am reading (a book)

But in sorne cases the intransitive verb acquires a more specific meaning so that a particular kind of object is understood eg John drinlrs u(1iy [drinh alcoholT

Examples

approaeh drive help pass win drink enter leave play write

(111) VBRBS WHICH CAN ALSO BE TRANSITIVE but where the semantic connection between subject and verb is different in the two cases eg the intransitive use has an affected participant as subject (ef 1O21f) whereas the transitive use has an agentive as subject (ef App 154)

The door opened slowly ef Mary opened the door The car stopped el He stopped the caro

Examples

begin close inerease turn walk ehange drop move unite work

Type (111) also includes intransitive verbs with MuTUAL PARTICIPATION (efI360) as in

1 have metyou We have meto The bus eollided with the caro - The bus and car collided

Intransitive verbs are numerous particularIy in categories (JI) and (III)

11-70 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1171

Note [a] The folIowing are examples of intransitive (ie Type l) phrasal verbs(cfI63) al out [quarrel] make ojlfescape] pas away[die] blowover [of a storm etc] Jali back [retrcal] catch on [understand] Come ogrsuccecd] make up cnd a quarrel] pul up estop] look up [improve] fal Ihrough [fail] crop up [occur] corneour [bloom] passour[faint] opt out [of a choice] come lO [become conscious] fall off[decline]

Further examples are to be found in 163 [b] Category (1) includes the iacutentransiti ve verbs liacutee lttnd rise which are sometimes confused by native speakers with ther transitive counterpartsuumly and raise becauseoftheir formal simiacuteladty A similar correspondence exists betweenfall (intransitive) andfell (transitive) eg They feled a Iree

~A01TICf J~Ceacutefli 0v t Types of verb complementation

1620 There are four main types of complementation to consider

[A] Copular eg John is only a boyo [B] Monotransitive eg 1have eaught a bigfish [C] Complex transitive eg She called him a hero [D] Ditransitive eg He gave Mary a doll

Although these complementation types have already been generally discussed in 216 and elsewhere it is necessary now to list the verbs of each type in more detail paying particular attention to the active-passive relatiacuteon (el 369fJ) In this survey we shaIl also list variants on the aboye patterns for example cases where the verb is foIlowed by a finite or nonfinite clause Such variants will be distinguished by numbers [Al] [B2] etc The various subshytypes of complementation under these headings are illustrated in Table 1620

In addition we shall use where necessary the suffixes ph (for phrasal verbs) pr (for prepositional verbs) and ph-pr (for phrasal-prepositional verbs) For example [B4ph-pr] will refer to a class of phrasal-prepositional verbs taking a wh-clause as prepositional object (egjind out about whether ) It is not always necessary to recognize such detailed classifications but it is use fui to be able to do so when the occasion arises Two points may be noted about complementation of multi-word verbs First a phrasal verb cannot normaIly be interrupted by a clause as object

He left off driving a ear He left driving a ear off

Second a Type 1prepositional or phrasal-prepositional verb is appropriately classified for the purposes of complementation as monotransitive since the prepositional object is analogous (eg with respect to the active-passive relation) to a direct object (efI614) In general multi-word verbs behave like other verbs of the same general type and we will make a point of mentioning them or listing them separately only when they are numerous or where there is something special to be noted about them

(Note in Table 1620 +S = with subject - S = without subject)

Table 1620 Verb complementation types

Variants Example Section

COPULAR (Types S VC and S VA) (A 1] [A2j [A3]

Adjectival Cs Nominal C Adverbial complementation

The girl seemed restless William is myfriendo The kitchen is downstairs

(1621) (1622) (1624)

MONOTRANSITIVE (Type SVO) [BI] NounphraseasO Tom caught the ball (1626)

(with passi ve) [B2] Noun phrase as O Paullacks confidence (1627)

(without passive) [B3] [B4]

That-clause as O Wh-clause as O

I think that we have meto Can you guess what she said

0630) (1635)

[B5J Wh-infinitive as O Ileamed how to sail a boato (1637) [86) [87]

To-infinitive ( - 8) as O -Ing clause (-8) as O

Weve decided to move house She enjoys playing squash

(1638) (1639)

[B8] [89J

To-infinitive ( +8) as O -Ing clause (+8) as O

They want us to help I hate the children quarrelliacuteng

(1641) (1642)

COMPLEX TRANSITIVE (Types SVOC and SVOA) [CIJ AdjectiacutevalCo Thatmusicdrivesmemad (1644) [C2] Nominal Co They named the ship Zeus 1646) [C3J O + adverbial lleftthe key al home (1648) [C4J 0+ to-infinitive They knew him to be a spy (1650) [C5] 0+ bare infinitive 1 saw her leave the room (1652) [C6] O + -ing clause 1 heard someone shouting (1653) [C7J O + -ed clause I gol the watch repaired (1654)

DITRANsrnvE (Type SVOO) [D 11 Noun phrases as Oiacute amp Od Theacutey uered her someood (1655) [D21 Wth prepositional O [D3] Oiacute + that-c1ause [D4J O + wh-cIause [05] Oiacute + wh-infinitive c1ause

Plcas~ szy SiJcthing lo USo

They told me that I was ill He asked me what time it was Mary showed us what to do

(1amp56 (1659) (1661) (1662)

[D6J O + lo-infinitive 1 advised Mark to see a doctor (1663)

Within the sub-types [A lj [A2] etc it is sometimes valuable to distinguish additional semantic sub-types for which the roman numeraIs (i) (ii) etc will be used Other distinguishing marks applied to verbs in the following sections will be explained where they occut

Copular complementation

[Al) Adjecnve phrase as subject complement 1621 A verb is said to have COPULAR complementation when it is followed by a

subject complement (C) or a predication adjunct (ef216 222 826jJ) and when this element cannot be dropped without changing the meaning of the verbo The verb in such a clause is a COPULAR (or linking) verb and is equivalent in function to the principal copula the verb be Copular verbs faH into two main classes according to whether the subject complement has the role of CURRlNT ATTRIBUTE or of RESULTING ATIRIBUTE (el 1020) Thiacutes

1172 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

distinction corresponds to that between CURRENT copulas and RESULTING

copulas (efconcusive verbs 435) Normally current copulas are stative (ef 428ff) and cannot cooccur with the progressive aspect

The diacutestinction is illustrated below with an adjectival complement the first kind of complementatiacuteon we will consider

CURRENT The girl seemed very restless RESULTING The gi rl beeame very res tless

The following is a fairly full list of verbs regularly used in this pattern together with typical adjectival complements

CURRENT RESULTING

(i) be (friendly) [N] (iv) beeome (older) [N] eome(true)appear (happy) [N] end up (happy) [N]feel (annoyed) [N] get (ready)look (pretty) [N] go (sour)seem (very restless) [N] grow (tired)smell (sweet) prove (rather useful) [N]sound (surprised) [N] tum (cold) [N]taste (bitter) tum out (fortunate)

(iacuteiiacute) remain (uncertain) [N] wind up (drunk) [N] (informal)

keep (silent) slay (motionless)

End up tum out and wind upare copular phrasaI verbs The verbs marked [N] in the list also occur with a noun phrase complement (though not all with the same freedom or acceptabiacutelity efI622) The roman numerals in the list idcntify semantic groups which are discussed in 1624 below

In aacuteddition to the copular verbs abov th~rc are vcrbs ~hich havc this function with severe restrictions on the words occurring in the complement (ef 1016) The restriction may be a lexical restriction to certain idiomatic verb-adjective sequences such as rest assured (ef 1617) or it may be a semantic restrictiacuteon (eg the meaning ofblush restricts the adjective to a subset of colour words blush searlet but not blush green) Sorne examples are given below with typical adjective complements

CURRENT RESULTING

(v) bum (low) (vi) blush (bright red) lie (flat) fall (silent) loom (large) jall down (dead) play (rough) [N] jreeze (solid) plead (innocent) run (wild) rest (assured) slam (shut) stand (firm) (N] spring (open) stand up (straight) wax (eloquent) (archaic)

Many of these verbs resemble intransltive verbs the complement being added almost as an optlona specifier

Note [a] 00 is current in go hungrylllaked but is normally resulting elsewhere as in go [= become] sourl redl wildlmad

Types of verb complementation 1173

[b] Die as in He died YOUllglpoor elc does nOI lit easily into eilher 01 the calegories Iisted The verb die ilself is conclusive bul Ihe complemenl which follows it refers lo a curren altribute The meaning is He was youngpoor etc at the lime of his death

(A21 Noun phrase as subject complement 1622 Again the verb be is the principal copula used in this pattern

William is my friendo Oslo seems a pleasant city

The verbs marked (N] in 1621 can be used with noun phrase complements as well as with adjective phrase complements The following list of such verbs is fairly full However it should be noted that especially in American English there is a tendency to avoid this construction with certain verbs Instead both AmE and BrE prefer an infinitive construction (Type (B6] in 1638 below) with lO be following the finite verb

lt appears the only solution - It appears to be the only solution

There is also especially in informal AmE a tendency to prefer a construction in which a copular verb is followed by like (ej 1624 Note [a])

It seems like the only solution

CURRENT RESULTING

(i) be (my friend) (iv) beeome (an expert) end up (her slave) (ii) appear (the only solution)

jeel (a fool) prove (his equal)

look 1 (a fine day) turn (traitor) seem (a genius) turn out (a successdisaster)

wind up (a millionaire) (informal) sound1 (a reasonable idea)

tUumlI) remain (good friends)

The classes (i-iv) match those in 1621 (On the omission of the artice in the complement in beeome president etc eI542) The superscript 1 indicates that such verbs do not often occur in this pattern but (particularly in AmE) are preferred in the construction with lO be or like (see aboye)

Note [al With a noun phrase complementfeel has Ihe meaning have the sensalion ofbeing bul with an adjective complemenl it has not only this meaning (as in She felt ill) but also Ihe meaning ofcause a sensalIacuteon as in The lablefell rOllgh (cf429fJ [b] The noun phrase foUowing ael as eount as pose as pass for and similar combinalions is in a copular relation wilh Ihe subject and these combinalions may be reasonably descriacutebed as copular preposiliacuteona verbs on Ihe analogy of inlransitiacute ve and transiacuteli ve prepositional verbs (ef 165-7 also 1647) Correspondiacuteng to Ihese constructions wilh current meaning are resulling copular prepositional verbs such as ehange inlo grow illlo and IIlTn illlO wilh the general meaning ofbecome Nole Ihe near-synonymy of He lurned Irailor and He lllrned inO a lraitor [e] Sorne verbs occur more marginally in the above pallerns eg slay in They slayed goodfriends Turn as in lurn Iraitor is formulaic and is more or less restricled lo a small numbec of combinations [di One oc two verbs such as make and parl can appear wilh a noun phrase complemenl but not with an adjective phrase complemenl

They parledlhe best offriends They make a charming couple

(In a senlence like They parled friendly onee more friendly once more would be not a complement but a verbless clause cfLO16 149)

1174 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Semantic notes on copular verbs 1623 The main verb be i8 the most central copular verb and the most neutral in

meaning It i8 also overwhelmiacutengly the most common Although it generally has current and stative meaning notice should be taken eacutel its use also in reference to events and acti vities

There was a roar as the ball bounced off the goal post Youre being very helpful (cf431)

In sorne cases be is close in meaning to become

Ann wi1 be a qualified nurse next year Cora was angry when she heard about the accident

As the list8 in 1621-2 show copular verbs apart from be fa1l into three casses First there iacutes the divisiacuteon between current and resulting verbs then the current verbs divide further into verbs of seeming (ii) (including seem appear and the perceptiacuteon verbs look sound etc) and verbs of remaining (iiiacute) such as remain stay and keep The resulting verbs (iv) are in the main verbs ofbecoming but their meanings diacuteffer in detail as we shall now briefly show

Become is a process verb (cf434) placiacuteng emphasis on the duration of the change whereas get places more emphasis on the agency behind the event or on the result of the change Get ready but not Become ready Go and turn tend to refer to changes which happen in spite of human agency and therefore are often used for deterioratiacuteons go mad go wild go sour go stale turn livid turn white [of hair turn sour Turn more especia1ly seems to apply to natural changes from one state to its opposite turn greenlbrown [of leaves] turnfinejcold [or weather] turn ripe (BrF) Grow i8 also associated with naturiexcliexcll changes especial1y with grfl(ll lth~nges (grCw od gow tall) and 15 likely to occur with comparative adjectives as in grow cooler grow more contento In many cases more than one verb can occur with the same adjective and it is difficult to give precise conditions for selecting one rather than another

Note Come is very restricted as a copular verb but it makes an interesting contrast with go in examples like go wronglcome right The association ofgo wi th deterioration (gd rollen etc) is complemented by the association of come with improvement in come true etc These aSsociations may be connected with the positive and negative direction (from the speakers viewpoint) of come and go as verbs ofmotion

IA3) Complementation by an adjunct 1624 The principal copula that allows an adverbial as complementation is once

again be The complementing adverbials termed predication adjuncts in this function are mainly space adjuncts (cf83 839ff)

The children are at the zoo The kitchen is downstairs

but time adjuncts too are common with an eventive subject (cf8 76)

The party will be at nine The outing is tomorrow

and other types of predication adjunct are grammatical (for further examples cfIOIO)

I

Types of verb complementation 1175

Get and keep are two more copular verbs which occur specifically with place adjuncts (or adjuncts metaphorically related to these)

At last we got home Get offthat chair They kept out oftrouble How did you get here

Be get and keep are clearly copular verbs in this function because of their inability to occur without the adjunct The children are At last we got They kept More marginally other verbs such as five come go remain stay stand fie belong to this category (cf827) These also occur as intransitive verbs with roughly the same locative (or abstract locative) meaning bul are in many contexts felt to be incomplete unless sorne complementation is added

My aunt lives in Shropshire My aunt lives

The need for the verb to be followed by sorne complementation is perhaps strongest in pure locative statements such as Cannes lies on the French Riviera Whereas verbs like Uve and lie show the resemblance of adverbial compleshymentation to the zero complementation of intransitive verbs verbs like remain stay come go turn and grow show its similarity to copular complementation by adjective phrases The parallel i8 brought out by pairs such as

He turned red She grew tall He turned into a monster She grew into afine woman

However for our purposes it will be preferable to treat sequences such as turn into and gmw into as copular prepositiona verbs (cfI622 Note [bJ)

Note [a] The verbs of seeming (eI 1623) seem appear look sound fee smell and laste are complemented by an adverbial clause beginning as if(or less frequently as though) in sentences such as the following

Jilllooked as ifshe had seen a ghost It seems as ifthe weather is improving

(In a similar meaning appear and seem can also be followed by a thalmiddotclause ef 1634) An alternative construction is one in which the as if clause is replacea by a phrase introduced by Iike

That music sounds like Mozar (ie like the music of Mozar] Sil looks (just) like his father

After the same verbs one also frequently hears clauses introduced by Iike but these are often regarded as nonstandard 1 seems Iike lhe wealher is improuillg lb] There is also a curious idiomatic use offeellike (cfI622 Note [a]) meaning want

iexclfeel like a cup ofcoffee Arguably this is not copular it belongs rather to (he category of monotransitive prepositional verbs [Blpr](cf1628)

More exceptional cases ofverbs with adverbial complementation are behave followed by an adverbial ofmanner

well He behaved Hlee a prisoner of conscience

(However behave can also occur intransitively or reflexively as in Why donl you behave (yourselj) )

(ji) lasl and take followed by an adverbial ofmeasure (duration)

tOOk The haymaking lasted (for) a week

1176 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

In the case of lake the duration adverbjiexcliexcll is obligatory since iexclhe verb entails the eompletion of the task In the ease of [1st the adverbial is omissible in such examples as The hOI weolher wonl [asl

Monotransitive complementation 1625 Verbs used in monotransitive function require a direct object which may be

a noun phrase a finite clause or a nonfinite clause In addition to these categories the verb may be a Type 1 prepositional verb (ef 165) or phrasalshyprepositional verb (efI69) which for our present purposes will be treated as analogous to a verb with a direct object We will begin by considering the straightforward case of verbs with a noun phrase as direct object and then continue with variants of this basic pattern

Complementation by a noun phrase as direct object

IBl1 With the passive 1626 Direct objects are typically noun phrases which may become the subject of a

corresponding passive clause

Tom eaught the ball ~ The ball was caught (by Tom)

(On the limitations of the passive transformation ef 367ff) Common examples of monotransitive verbs allowing the passiacuteve are

begin desire get love pass support believe do hear make produce take bite doubt help marr) receive use bring end hold mean remember visil eall enjoy keep meet require want carry expect know mind say wash close feel lead move see waste cut find like need start wateh describe follow lose obtain study win

Sorne of these verbs such as end and move belong to types which can be either intransitive or transitive (ef 1619) Something of the range of monotransitiacuteve verbs can be seen by dividing them into semantic groups according to the kinds of subject and object that they take

(i) Typiacutecally aniacutemate subject + typically concrete object

Professor Dobbs won the prize - The prize was won (by Professor Dobbs)

carry eover examine see throw win clean eat lower stop watch write

(ji) Typically animate subject + either concrete or abstract object

Everybody understood the problem - The problem was understood (by everybody)

abolish define explain invent report utter eover discuss forget lose rt1-le win

Types of verb complementatiacuteon 1177

(iii) Typically animate subject + typically animate object

Mrs W ood liked the new neighbours - The new neighbours were liked (by Mrs Wood)

admire despise hug kiss reject ridieule beat flatter kill meet respect supporl

(iv) Typically concrete or abstract subject + animate object The news shoeked our family

- Our family was shoeked (by the news) affeet boher fasciacutenate incense satisfy trouble appal deceive grieve please surprise upset

Note The following is a sample of monotransitive (or Type Il) phrasal verbs [Blph] with typical objects Further examples are iacutelIustrated in 164

back up [supporf someone] el down [disappoint someone] b[ow dowll (a tree) make up (a story) break off(negotiations) pass over (a questiacuteon) bring about (a change) put acros (an idea) burn down (a house) put off(an appointment) draw up (a contraet) lell off[rebuke someone] fill out (a form) lum off(the light) knock down (someone) win over [convince someoneJ

These Jike the verbs in (Hv) aboye can be used in the passive voiee

IB21 Without the passive 1627 A few stative monotransitive verbs the most common of which is have

normally do not allow a passive transformation

They have a nice house - A nice house is had (by them)

These somiddotcalled MIDDLE VERBS including have laekfit suit and resemble are discussed in detail in 1014

Note A related type ofverb is found in expressiacuteons of measure sueh as cosl len dollars weigh 20 kUos but these can equally well be analysed as having an obligatory adjunet as complementation since How much is an alternatiacuteve question to Whal in eliacuteeiting this kind of expression asa reply

A Whal d eost B Tendollars A Howmuch oes lt weigh B Twentyki[os

Variants of monotransitive complementation

Complementation by nODn phrase as prepositional object

iexclBlprl Prepositional verbs 1628 Although verbs such aslook al have been classified as Type 1 prepositional

verbs (those without a direct object efI65) in the analysis of complemenmiddot tatiacuteon they lit more happily with monotransitive rather than intransitive verbs This is partIy because of the resemblance of the prepositional object to a direet object eg in accepting a passive volee (ef 1614) though usually with some awkwardness of style

1178 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

The managementpaidjor his air rares _ His air rares were paidjor by the management

But also when a prepositiacuteonal verb is followed by a that-clause Oiacute a toshyinfinitiacuteve c1ause the preposition disappears and the prepositional object merges with the direct object of the monotransitive pattern Compare the following two series (A) with a prepositional verb and (B) with an ordinary monotransitive verb

on ~he meeting onlt

(A) The a reed lon meeting each other

y g on when to meet (that) they would meet to meet each other

the meeting it

8) Th b d meeting each other ( ey remem ere when to meet

(that) they had meto to meet each other

Ye the preposition omitted before a that-clause can reappear in the corresponding passive That they showd meet was agreed (on) even in extraposition (ef 1833ff) where the preposition immediately follows the passive verb phrase

It was agreed (on) eventually that they should meet

Examples of Type 1 prepositional verbs are

aeeountfor concemrate on ook alteratunto

addto eonformto objeet lO

adjust lO eonsen to part with

admit lO eontribute to payfor

agree withonto deal with prayfor

aim atfor decideon preaeh aboutlon

aowfor dwe (up)on providefor

applyfor enlarge (up)on quarrel aboutwith

argueabout hear aboutof read about

arrangefor hint at refer to

askfor hopefor rejoiee at

attend to insist on relyon

believe in interfere with resort to

eallfor(up)on learnabout runfor

earefor leeture abouton speak abouton

commenton listen to taketo

complain about Uve on think aboutlof

eonceiveof longfor wishfor

[a] When to precedes an infinitive it is an infinitive marker (as inforgel 10 mee her) and not aNote preposition when it precedes an -ing participle however it is a preposition (as in She consenled lO gelting engaged) Other examples of lO in a prepositional verb preceding an -ing clause are

Types of verb complementation 1179

He admitted lo doing his bit rconfess 10 telling a lie This amounts 10 doing nothing She look In playing golf

[b] Prepositions may combine with that to form complex suoordinators such as in thal saue that excepl that (ef 1412) [e] [n general choice of prepositiacuteon is the sume for morphologicalIy related verbs and nouns refer to - reference lo believe in - beliein etc There are exceptions however hope as a verb is followed by for while the corresponding noun construction has of He hopesfor suecess bu His hope ofsuecess

[Blph-prJ Phrasal-prepositional verbs [629 Type 1 PHRASAL-PREPOSITIONAL VERBS also take a prepositional object As

we saw in 169 such verbs can like prepositional verbs occur in the passive (eg She dealt with the problem ~ The problem was deat with) but many of them are awkward in fact barely acceptable in this construction The discussion was waked out on (by the principal negotiator) In the sample list below the verbs marked [Pl are among those that can fairly readily occur in the passive

break inon (someones conversation)

cateh up on (my reading) eateh up with [overtake] check up on [investigate] [Pl come down with (a cold) cut down on (expenses) do away with [abolish] faee up to [confront] get away with (a crime) gel down to (serious taik)

keep away from [a void] keep up with (the Joneses) look down on [despise] [P] look forward ro

[anticipate with pleasureJIP] look outfor [watch for] look up ro [respect] put up wirh [tolerate] run away with stand up for [defend] turn out for (a meeting)

Phrasal-prepositional verbs are rather informal and many of them have idiomatic metaphorical meanings which are difficult or impossible to paraphrase (eg run away

Complementation by a finite clause

(B31 That-clause as object [630 The conjunction in that-clauses which function as object may be zero as in 1

hope he arrives soon but when the clause is made passi ve the that cannot be de1eted and thus obeys the same rules as other that-clauses as subject (ef 154) The normal passive analogue has ir and extraposition that being again optional

Everybody hoped (that) she would sing That she would sing was hoped byeverybody ltstilted)

She would sing was hoped by everybody It was hoped by everybody (that) she would sing

That-clauses have one of three types of verb phrase depending on the governing verb in the matrix clause

1180 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

iacutes coming alone will be comin alone

(A) mdlCatIve verb 1 supposethat he fl l gWl come a one has come alone

(B) putative should I regret that he should be so stubborn (C) subjunctive verb I request that she go alone

(A) with the indicative is the most usual type The putative should type(cf 1425) (B) is more common in BrE than AmE and (C) the mandative subjunctive (cf 358-9) is more common in AmE than in BrE In BrE the 5ubjunctive 15 felt to be formal and is found typicalIy in official styles of writiacuteng Corresponding to these three constructions it is necessary to recognize only two main categories of superordinate verbs Type (i) may be called FACTUAL since it goes with the indicative verb (A) and introduces what one might generalIy describe as factual or propositional information Type (ii) may be described as SUASIVE such verbs imply intentions to bring about sorne change in the future whether or not these are verbal1y formulated as commands suggestions etc Suasive verbs can be followed in the thatshyclause by aH three constructions (A-C) but the indicative (A) construction is restricted and is not generally accepted in AmE

There are two minor categories Type (iii) emotive verbs (cf429 1023) and Type (iv) hypothesis verbs which are dealt with in 1633 These types are displayed in Fig 1630

CLASSES OF VERB VERB PHRASE IN TH A T-CLAUSE

Type (i) FACTUAL

(1631) (eg claim) ~iexcl

~ (A) indicative verb

MaJor -Type (ji) ~UA~IVE (1632) (eg suggest) (B) puta ti ve should

(C) mandative subjunctive verb Type (iii) EMOTlVE (I633)(eg regret)

Minor

Type (h) HYPOTHESIS (D) hypotheuumlcal past OR wereshy(1633) (eg wish) subjuncti ve

Fig 1630 Monotransitive verbs with a that-cause as complementation (Class [B3])

Note In terms of the speech act classes of 112 Type (iacute) (factual) verbs are associated with the expressiacuteon of speech acts concerned with STATEMEN1S while Type (ji) (suasive) verbs are associacuteated wiacuteth DIRECI1VBS

Type (i) Factual verbs 1631 We may subdivide factual verbs into PUBLIC and PRIVATE types The

former consists of speeeh act verbs introducing indirect statements

They agreeadmitclaim that she was misled

The superscripts 1-5 in the lists below are to be interpreted as follows

Types of verb complementation 1181

1middot The verb also occurs in the active with a to-infinitive directly foIlowing He promised to come (cf 1638)

2 The verb also occurs with a following noun phrase followed by a toshyinfinitive They supposed her lo be dead (cfI650)

3 The verb is also a member ofthe suasive group below inmiddotl632 4 The pro-form so can stand in place of the that-clause (cf 1228) eg 1 think

so 5 Say occurs with an infinitive as in She said to come before len in the

directive sense ofShe told us to come before ten

Examples acknowledge2 boast declareacute mention report2

add certify 2 deny2 object retort admit2

affirm2 claim l

comment disclose exclaim

predict4

proclaim2

say24S

state2bull4 agree l bull 3 complain explain2 promise l bull 2bull4 submit alege2 concede3 forecast pronounceacute suggest3

announceshyconfess2 foretel prophesy swear argue confide guarantee l bull 2 protest testify 2

assert confirm2 hint remark DOWI

bet contend insist3 repeat warn2

convey maintain4 reply write

The PRIVATE type of factual verb expresses intelIeetual states sueh as belief and intellectual acts sueh as discovery These states and acts are private in the sense that they are not observable a person may be observed to assert that God exists but not to believe that God exists Belief is in this sense pdvate Examples of such verbs are

4accept doubt imagine2bull realize anticipate dream imply reason ascertain ensure3 indicateacute recal assume2bull4 establish infer4 reckonl 4

believe2bull4 estimate2 insure recognize2

calculate expectl24 judgeacute reflect check f ancy2 know2 remember

4conclude fear l bull learn l reveaP conjecture feeP mean Lbull 2 see consider2 find2 note2 sense

4decide 13 foresee notice2bull show2

deduce forget 1 observe2 signify 4deem 2 gather4 perceive2

bull supposeacutemiddot4 4 4 4demonstrate guess presume2 bull suspect2bull

determine13 hear4 presuppose2 think2 bull4

discern hold pretendl understand2bull4

discover2 hOpemiddot4 prove2

Many ofthese verbs especially the public verbs are also used for introdueing directspeech eg

Perhaps its time to leave suggestedTim

1182 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

For detailed discussion of this use of verbs of speaking and thinking el 1430it

[al NOl induded in the first list aboye are verbs expressing manner of ulterance such as mumbe muuer5hou( imper whisper and yell These can introduce direct speech quotations (eg 1 am

Note

bull Ie muuereaacute) but they can also introduce indirect or reported speech by means of a thalshyelause She mulered Ihal she was ilI The list of such verbs is large and some verbs occur more easily with Ihalmiddotclauses than others do [b] Al the following phrasal verbs belonging lO this factual category are public verbs chime

in lel an lel OU make out poinl out repor back Tim poiacutented oUI that the train was often late

In this construction the particle has to precede the thal-clause [el Among the priacutevate verbs see suppose and assume can be uscd with a Ihal-clause in which lhe present tense rerers to future time (cfI423)

See (to iacutet) that they get somethiacuteng to eal See here means make sure [di Doubl being a verb of negative meaning is typically followed by whelherfif(ef 156 1635) Bu more especially when it is in a nonassertive context doubt occurs with a thal-clause

1don doubt (buI) thal theyJI accept a once Note hat in this construction doubl is sometimes followed by bUI Doubl canno be followed by

an altemative wh-clause (efI56) 1 doubt wheher or no theyU accept

Type (ii) Suasive verbs 1632 These verbs can be followed by a that-clause either with putative should (ef

1425) or with the mandative subjunctive A third possibility a that-clause with an indicative verb is largely restriacutected to BrE

ShOUld leave People are demanding that she leave the company

lea ves ltesp BrE)

1t is nuacutelc difficuumllt in the casc of suasive verb to rrak a subdiacute vision between PUBLICo and PRIVATE verbs for this reason we present the verbs below in a single listo Nevertheless gene rally it is usefuI to see a distinction between the public verbs which describe indirect directives (such as request ef 1433) and the private verbs which describe states of volition or desire such as intend

agree l demandl intendl 2 reeommend2

allow2 desire12 moveacute request2 arrange l

askl 2

determine I

enjoin2 ordain2 4

order require resolvel

beg2 ensure pledge 2 rule command2 entreat2 prayl 24 stipulate concede grant prefer 24 suggest24

decideacute deeree4

insist instruct2

pronounee2

propose 2

urgeacute vote 2

The superscripts 12 and 4 have the same meaning as in 1631 aboye The choice between the three constructions in the that-clause in [1] above varies between AmE and BrE For detailed discussion of these preferences ef

1425 It will be noted that the noun phrase + infinitive construction (ef1650) is

a common alternative to the that-clause for suasive verbs

Types of verb complementation 1183

d dthe news to be suppressedThe mten e y that the news (should) be suppressed ltmore formal)

With some verbs such as allow the infinitive construction is by far the more usual

Other types oC verb with that-c1ause complementation Type (iii) Emotive verbs

1633 This consists of a small group of verbs such as regret marvel rejoiee and wonder which can occur with (A) the indicative or (B) the putative should construction but not with the mandative subjunctive construction

worries about it 1 regret that she should worry about it

worry about it

Semantically this group belongs with adjectival constructions such as be sorry be anxious (ef 1671)

_-Type (iv) Hypothesis verbs The two verbs wish and (in the imperative) suppose may be followed by a that-clause containing a verb in the hypothetical past or the were-su bjunctive I wish (that) she were here She wished she hadnt spent the money Suppose (that) one of us died ef 1424 on the use of tense and mood following these verbs which may also occur in a number ofother patterns In particular for other uses of wish efI638 1641 1644 1646 1657

The modal idiom would rather (or lts contraction d rather) (ef 346) is a third example of a hypothesis verb

Id rafher you didnt mention the price Many resid1ts wotd rather that the bus service were subsidized

Complementation by an extraposed subject that-clause 1634 The that-clause in examples like It seems that you are mistaken is not an object

ofthe verb but rather an extraposed subject Nevertheless it resembles other that-clauses we have been examiniacuteng (a) in having a deletable that and (b) iacuten being semantically associated wiacuteth the preceding verbo Moreover no nonextraposed that-clause is possible in this case (That you are mistaken seems) and so it seems appropriate to include this with that-c1ause complementatiacuteon The main verbs occurring in this pattern fonn two groups of synonyms (i) seem and appear and (H) ehanee happen and transpire

It appears that Frank lost his tempero It happened that the weather was exceptionally cold

The phrasal verbs come about happen] and turn out [= transpire] also belong here Appear and seem can be followed by the pro-form so Jt seemsj appears so The adverb so sometimes occurs before happen or one of its synonyms It so happensj happened that

Note [a) A related construction with extraposed object (ef 1835) occurs in the following transitive phrasal verbs

let (il) OUI noise (it) aboutfabroad put (ie) about rub (ie) in Jack let (jI) out [= divulged] that the animal had been stolen

1184 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1185

Thc it which occurs as prcparato~y ohjcct is in this case optional although the omission is not 3 The verb can also occur with a foHowing wh-infinitive clause (ef 1637) usual In the comparable construction rake jI Ihal the il iacutes obligatory f lake ir Ihat you are eg 1 didniexcl know what to sayoenjoying yourselLes [b] Compare the complementation of seem appear etc by an as ifclause (ej 1624 Note [a)) The preposition of a prepositional verb is optionally omitted before a whshy[e) On the related constructions tI slrikes me IlwI tI (Jccursiseems O me 1iexcl111 eJ 1659 clause and hence it is convenient to include in the aboye list verbs for which Note 1660 Note

the wh-clause is basically a prepositional object For example

I inquired (about) whether the tiacuteckets were ready IB41 Wh-cause as object Theyhavent yet decided (on) which ftight they will take 1635 Many of the verbs which take a that-clause as object can also take a whshy

interrogative clause (cfI55ff) For the corresponding passive again the preposition is optional whether or not the nominal clause is in extraposition I asked her to confirm whether the f1ight had be en booked

Can you confirm which ftight we are taking Which ffight they will take has not yet been deeided (on) They havent yet confirmed how much the f1ight costs It has not yet been deeided (on) which f1ight they will take

Notice that in aH three illustrative sentences aboye confirm occurs in what Sometimes there is a slight difference of meaning if the preposition is may be described as a nonassertive context (ef 253) The use of the whshyincluded contrast interrogative clause (which generally implies Iack of knowledge on the part

She asked what he wanted of the speaker) is particularly common where the superordinate c1ause is iexcl She asked about what he wantedinterrogatiacuteve or negative Gn the other hand there are sorne verbs which

themselves express uncertainty such as ask and wonder these occur with the Whereas ask introduces the question which the speaker actually asked and wh-c1ause without this nonassertive constraint Examples of verbs taking the for which she requires an answer ask about does not indicate what the wh-interrogati ve clause are question might have been Gther prepositional verbs in this class are argue

(about) beware (01) (ef354 Note) not eare (about) check (on) depend (on) antieipate [NA] doubt note [NA]3 hear (about) refieet (on) There is also the phrasal-prepositional verb find out argue [NA]2 enquire23 notiee[NAj3 (about)arrange [NA]3 establish3 observe [NAj3

aseertain3 explain3 pereeive [NA]3 Note A few verbs are followed by a wh-exclamative clause (indirect exclamation (f I01 04) beginning

ask23 express point out [NAj with whal or hoH l realized whar aJeoll had been 1 kno hol busy Jou are These clauses are beware2 fathom [NA] ponder3

difficult to distinguish from wh-interrogative clauses Other verh in (he pttero indloe ~~rlt1im calcula te [NAP ftnd out2 3 prediet [NA] express maroel reflectlhiacutenk

care[NA] 1 2 forget 3 prove eheek23 guess realize [NA]

Complementation by a nonfinite clause ehooseacute hear [NA]2 record [NA] confirm [NA] imagine [NA]3 refieet2

Nonfinite clauses in complementationeonsider [NAP indieate [NA]3 remember [NA]3 1636 When a nonfinite clause follows the verb it is often difficult to separate three decide23 inquire23 say(NA]3

of the major types of complementation which we distinguished in 216 Thisdemonstrate3 judge3 see(NAj3

is especially true if a noun phrase intervenes between the superordinate verb depend2 knoW[NAP show3

and the verb of the nonfinite construction disclose learn [NAj3 tel [NA 3

diseover3 make out NA] think (NA]3 They like the ehildren to visit them discuss3 mind [NA]l wonder3 They supposed (he ehildren to be guilty (2]

They asked the ehildren lo bring somefood [3]The symbol (NA] after a verb indicates that this complementation is particularly likely to occur in a nonassertive contexto The superscripts 1-3 Gn the face of it aH three of these sentences conform to the same pattern are interpreted as follows (verb + noun phrase + to-infinitive ) But there are reasons for classifying

them differentIy1 This verb is part of a negative or predominantly negative construction

when combined with the wh-interrogative clause not eare not mind eant [l exemplifies MONOTRANSITIVE complementation (l638ff) fathom eant tell (ef They like the ehildrens visits - SVO)

2 The verb is basically a prepositional verb and has a preposition which (2) exemplifies COMPLEX TRANSITlVE complementation (l643ff) may be optionaHy added (see below) (ef They supposed the ehildren guilty - SVOC)

1186 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

[3] exemplifies DITRANSITIVE complementation (l655ff) (ef They asked the ehildren a question SVOO)

We will return in 1664ffto differences between examples such as these At present since we are dealing with monotransitive complementation we are concerned only with the type illustrated by [1] In nominal function only two kinds of nonfinite c1ause normally occur the to-infinitive c1ause and the -ing participle c1ause Hence nonfinite c1auses functioning as object can be distinguished for the present purposes in terms of the categories in Tabe 1636

Table 1636 Nonfinite clauses as object

Without subject With subject

lo-infinitive [B6] ack hates [B8] J ack hates to miss the train her to miss the train

-ing participle [B7] Jack hates [B9] Jack hates missing the train her missing the train

In Tabe 1636 the italicized parts are analysed as nonfinite c1auses acting as direct object The status of the infini tive c1ause and its subject in pattern [B8] is discussed in 1641 Later in 1666 we consider the arguments for considering her an object in the [B8] and [B9] examples

The fol1owing criteria confirm that the itaJicized portion of [B6-B9] is basically a nonfinite c1ause as direct object

(A) The nonfinite c1ause can be replaced by a pronoun it coreferring to a clause or by a no~n norninalizing the meaning of l clause Everyone likes it He likes her frequent visits

(B) The nonfinite clause can be made the focus of a pseudo-cleft sentence (ef 1829)

What everyone likes (best) is to tak to her [B6] What everyone likes (best) is taking 10 her [B7] What he likes (best) is for her lO eall ofien [B8]

In this version of [B8] as the infinitive c1ause is now in complement position the introductory for has to make its appearance

(C) For [B8] the introductory for itself where it appears is a marker of the construction as a nonfinIacutete clause

(D) Correspondingly for [B9] a subject pronoun in the objective case can often be replaced in formal style by a possessive pronoun (cfl46)

He doesnt like melmy coming often

This is what one would expect (ef 1 512) given that me and my can both be subjects of an -ing clause

Not all verbs that we consider direct objects satisfy al these criteria Nevertheless it is on this basis that the verbs Usted below are included in the classes [B6-B9]

Types of verb complementation 1187

[B51 Wh-infinitive clause as object 1637 It is as well to begin the survey of nonfinite c1auses as objects with c1auses

which happen to be immediately related to those dealt with in 1635 These are wh-infinitive c1auses (ef 155)

He learned how lO sail a boat as a small boy You must not forget when lO keep your mouth shut 1couldnt decide (on) whieh bieycle to buy

The last example illustrates the occurrence of the optional preposition with prepositional verbs as already observed with finite c1auses of the same type The corresponding passive pattern also occurs

The Curies discovered how to isolate radioaetive elements - How to isolate radiacuteoaetive elements was discovered by the Curies

The passive with extraposition (efI630 1635) is also sometimes possible

Early in the present century it was discovered how to isoate radioaetive elements

The verbs marked 3 in the list in 1635 aboye provide a sample of verbs occurring with the wh-infinitive c1ause as object

Note Many verbs which introduce wh-infinitive clauses rarely ir ever introduce yes-110 interrogative clauses (introduced by whelher) of the same type 1 have joacutergollell how 10 swiacutem but no iexcl have forgorten wheher lo swim Among such verbs are demostrale diacutesco~er and explain Nevertheless in unusual conexts such sentences can be found

1 have forgotten helher 10 ulljiacute-eeze thiacutesfood before cooking il

jB61 Subjectless infinitive cause as direet object f638 When a subjectless iacutenhmtlve clause is direct object the understood subJect

of the infinitive clause is always the same as the subject of the superordinate clause Verbs taking this kind of complementation are listed below subdivided into semantic categories

O) dread[B7 B8] (iv) ehoose[B7] (vi) ask (vii) affeel hate [B7 B8] hope beg c1aim like [B7 B8] intend [B7 B8] decline profess [B7] loathe [B7 B8] mean [B7 B8] demand

(viii) afford [B7]love [B7 B8] need[B7] offer attemplprefer[B7 B8] plan [B7] promise eontrive propose [B7] refuse(ii) begin [B7] endeavourwant[B7 B8] swear eease [B7] failwish [B8] undertake commenee [B7] learn

vowcominue [B7] (v) deign manage starl [B7] disdain [B7] negleet

hep [B7 B8] omit(iii) forgel [B7] scorn [B7] try [B7]remember [B7] venture [B7]

regret [B7]

1188 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1189

The symbols to the right of sorne verbs indicate that these verbs also occur Tbe lo-infiniacutetive here howcver has a resuhative meaning which makes the construction

with the subjectless -ing clause (Type [B7]) or with the infinitive clause with a subject (Type [B8]) From the latter group howeyer verbs such as ask are excluded because the construction of sentences like He asked me to help is ditransitive (el 1663) rather than rnonotransitive

We now add a list of prepositional verbs belonging lo the same pattern [B6pr] The preposition is omitted before the infinitive clause object (cI92) but is present where the prepositional object is a noun phrase or for that matter an -ingclause Compare

about the baby [Blpr]

She didnt bOlher aoout feeding the baby

to feed the baby [B7pr] [B6pr]

In the following list the verbs are placed in semantic groupings corresponding to sorne of those aboye (apart from an additional miscellaneous group (ixraquo and the omitted preposition is placed in square brackets

(i) long [for] [B8] ache (for] aim (for] [B8] aspire [to] burn(for] burst (for] (not) care (for] c1amour (for] [B8] itch (for] [B8] yearn (for] [B8]

(jiiexcl) bother(about] [B7 B8] condescend [10] delight [in] [B7] hesitate [about] [B7]

Examples

(vi) agree [tojonjabout] [B8] assent [to] consent [to]

(vii) pretend [to]

(viii) strive (for] seek (for]

(ix) arrange(forJ[B7 B8] decide ron] [B7] resolve [on] [B7] prepare [ror] [B7] serve (for] [B7]

Martin longed to leave home They sought to rnake amends 1would hesita te to interfere Weve decided to move to a new house

Note [al We distiacutenguish the verbs of Type [B6] from ltltenative verbs (el 349) of seemiacuteng and occurrence preceding infinitiacuteve clauses which ltare not diacuterect objects but whiacutech relate semanliacutecally to a Ihal-c1ause as subjecl He appears lO like Ihe sha - Tilar he likes the show appears [Irue] The verbs in Ihis c1ass correlate c10sely with those occurring with obligatory extraposition ofthe subjecl (cfI634) appcar seem chance happenlurn OUI

Jt appearedfthancedthat the children were asleep The children appearedchanced to be asleep

lb] Another group of verbs which are closely associated with a following infinitive but which do not belong to Type [B6J ioc1udes hasten conspire and set out

1 hastened lO reassure her They conspired lO murder Caesar He set out lO conquer the world

resemble on the one hand that of a catenative verb md on the other hand that of an inlransitiacuteve verb folJowed byan adjunct With pay and (to a lesser extent) woit Ihe adjunct status is more obvious as is clear from th~ possibility offroming the iacutenfinitivc c1ause

You have to pay ro go in

- (In arder) lO go in you ha ve to payo He waited lo see her

- (Inorder) lO see her he wailed Similarly unlike begin + infinitive the infinitive following SIO iacutes purposive contras

She [S] began IV] to eat lunch [O] BUT She [S] stopped [V] to eat lunch lA]

On the other hand these two verbs have matchiacuteng uses iacuten complementation Type [B7J

began She t d eatmg lunch s oppe

(B7) Subjectless -ing participle clause as object 1639 Again with this type of complementation the subject of the nonfinite verb

is usually identical with the subject ofthe preceding verb

1 love liacutestening to music The accused denied having met the witness

[The accused denied that hejshe had met the witness]

This rule accounts for the restriction that when the participle is followed by a reflexiye pronoun the pronoun norrnally has to agree (in number person and gender) with the subject of the superordinate c1ause

She herself He -iexcl enJoys smgmg to lhimselj lI

But wiacuteth one small group of verbs (rnarked 2 in the list below) it is not the understood subjectofthe particiacuteple but its understood object that is identified with the subject of the superordinate clause In such cases therefore the participle construction matches in meaning the passive of the corresponding infinitiacuteve construction [B6]

mendiacuteng painting Your shoes need to be mended That door needs to be painted

(Th~ aboye use of need iacutes often replaced in dialectally restricted usage by an equivalent use of want)

For an addiacutetional group of verbs (marked 3 in the list below) the subject of the particiacuteple is indefiniacutete and is independent of the subject of the preceding verbo For example in He recommended introducing a wealth tax it is clear that the person recommending the tax is likely to be different from the persones) who would be responsible for introducing it The meaning of this sentence is equiacutevalent to that of He recommended the introduction 01 a wealth tax

In the following list of verbs in the pattern of [B7] Types (i) and (ii) correspond to Type [B6(i)] (emotive) and Type B6(ii)] (aspectual) The verbs grouped under (iiiacute) are however in thiscase a miscellany since further sernantic grouping is difficult

1190 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

(i) (cant) bear l (not)fanci miss l

begrudge l hate l regret l bull4

detest like relish

dislike l loathe resent l

dread l love l (cant) stand 1

enjoy (not) mind l

(ii) cease quit start l

commence resume stop I

eontinue

(jii) admit4 forget l bull J4 recommend l J

avoid (eant) heli rememberl 34

eonfess4 imagine repent eonsider iacutenvolvel J require2

deny4 justifylJ risk l 3

deserue2 need l 2 save l 3 diseouragel 3 permit l ) tryS envisage l 3 propose want l

(dialectaI2)

escape reealll 34

The verbs ofType (i) preceded by a negative (such as eant bear) have a builtshyin negative bias so that they cannot occur in straightforward assertive contexts

Cora doesnt mind waiting Cora minds waiting

They can however occur in nonassertive contexts

Do you mind waiting How can anyone bear wearing clothes like that

and also in second instance contexts ie where the construction refers back to a nonassertive occurrence of the same construction earlier in the discourse

cant stand] k h h 1A 1[ d ji wor mgwlt t atglron t anc)

fd ti [stand it JB We1I 1m a ral you HAVE to ji k h h ancy wor mg Wlt ero

Superscripts in the aboye lists are interpreted as follows

1 The verb also occurs in pattern [B9] ie with a subject preceding the participle (ef 1642)

2 The participle has a passive interpretation (see aboye) 3 The participle has independent interpretation ie the subject of the

participle clause is not necessarily coreferential with the subject of the preceding verb and may have indefinite meaning

4 The participle may occur with a perfective construction

1admit having seen it (l]

But with such verbs the nonperfective construction can also be used with past meaning Thus [1] is synonymous with [2]

1 admit seeing it [2]

Types of verb complementation 1191

This paraphrase relation however exists mainly withverbs of dynamic meaning contrast verbs of stati ve meaning

I admit knowing him 1admit having known him

5 On the construction with (ry cf 1640

Examples of prepositional verbs belonging to this class ([B7pr]) are

bankonl decide on playat seeabout counton l delight in l resort to shrinkfrom

O Examples of phrasal verbs ([B7ph]) are

break off give up Jeaue off putoff takeup

Examples of(B7ph-pr] are

doaway with get around to go infor look forward fo

The following sentences ilIustrate these patterns

We counted on getting there early [B7pr] Ive taken up playing tenniacutes [B7ph] Jim is looking forward lo having the house to himself [B7ph-pr]

It IS important to notice that the lo in gel around to lookforward to and resor to is not an infinitive marker but a preposition Hence 1 am looking forward to seeing you is grammatical but not 1 am looking forward fo see you

Note [al The superscript 1 in the aboye lisU is not added lo verbs like stop although a noun phrase can be inserted between the participle and (he preceding verb in ~uch cases

They stopped (her) working all night Thiacutes ls because the construction containing the extra noun phrase (her in the aboye example) is arguably complex transiacutetive (e 1653) rather than monotransiacutetive (as is evident from the marginally acceptable passive She was slopped working all nighl) [b) Also we exclude from the aboye lists catenative verbs such as go in We wenl running and gel in Gel moving (e349)

Choice betwecn the infinitive and participle constructions (lB6) and (B71) 1640 Where both constructions [B6] and B7] are admitted there is usualIy felt to

be a difference of aspect or mood which infiuences the choice As a rule the infinitive gives a sense of mere potentiality for action as in She hoped fo leam French while the participle gives a sense of the actual performance of the action itself as in She enjoyed leaming Freneh In the case of try the double meaning is particularly clear

Sh 1 t d to bribe the jailor [1 ] el a ne b b hln mg teJa or

[1] implies that Sheila attempted an act ofbribery but did not manage it [2] implies that she actualIy did bribe the jailor but without (necessarily) achieving what she wanted With other verbs the difference is more subtle and may be overruled or neutralized by the meaning of the verb of the main clause For example the negative meaning of avoid and escape cancels out the sense of performance in He escapedlavoided being branded as a traitor

1192 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Let us consider more carefully three classes of verb which take both

constructions

(O EMOTlVE VERas (see Type (i) in the lists in 1638 and 1639) With the verbs which take both constructions (eread hate like loathe love and prefer) the bias of the infinitive towards potentiacuteality tends to fa vour its use in hypothetiacutecal and nonfactual contexts eg

Would you like o see my stamp collectiacuteon seemg

1hateto seem rude but youre blocking the view seemmg

On the other hand the particiacutepial construction is favoured where the speaker is referring to something which definitely happens or has

happened

to live Bnan loalhed 1 m the countrylUmg

(But with would loathe the infinitive is just as acceptable as the -ing participle)

Here to Uve implies that Brian could exercise choice about where to live whereas living presupposes that he actually did live in the country and probably had no choice in the matter But in other contexts there is little appreciable difference between the two constructions

tocoOk 1 [to eat JDo you prefer k for yourself or t m a restaurant[coa mg ea mg

(in ASF2C7uumlAL VERBS of beginni1g (a~ti1urng) and ending also in many cases take both constructions

Lucy startedcOntinUedceasedto W~iteWhile in hospital IIntmg

In such examples as this there is no observable difference of meaning between the constnlctiacuteons But in other cases a contrast between potentiality and performance may influerice the choice

to speak but stopped because she objected He s tarted speakmg and k ept on for more t han an hbur

The association of the -ing participle with the progressive aspect may also influence a p[ference for the participle where multiple activities

are involved

to open allthe cupboardsHe began openlflg all the cupboards

Here opening is more appropriate than to open While sorne verbs in this group (begin continue cease sean) allow both constructions others (finish stop) altowonly the participle construction (Go on and keep (on) may be classified as catenative verbs (cf349) onfinishfstop followed by the infinitive cf1638 Note [b])

Types of verb complementation 1193

(di) RETROSPECTlVE VERBS For three verbslorget remember and regret the potentialityperformance distiacutenction becomes extended into the past so that there is a temporal (as well as in part modal) difference between the two constructions The infinitive construction indicates that the action or event takes place after (and as a result of) the mental process denoted by the verb has begun while the reverse is true for the participle construction which refers to a preceding event or occasion coming to mind at the time indicated by the main verb

1 remembered to fill out the formo [1 remembered that 1 was to fill out the form and then did so]

1 remembered filling out the form rl remembered that 1 had filled out the form]

lforgot 10 go to the bank [1 forgot that 1was to go to the bank and therefore did not do soJ

lforgot (about) going to the bank [rare without about 1 forgot that 1went to the bank or that 1should have gone ]

1regret to tel you that John stole i1 [1 regret that 1am about to tel you that John sto le i1]

1 regret telling you that John stole i1 [I regret that 1 told you that John stole i1 or that 1 am now telling you J

[B8) Complementation by to-infinitive clause (with subject) 1641 The verbs in this group (as distinct from the apparently similar object +

t infinitive -o1struction el 1650) are restricted to a small numbcr chicfly denoting (nol) liking or wanting (cant) bear desire hate like iexcloLe prefer want and wish

They dont like the house to be left empty 1 wouldn t want you to lose your way

After these verbs the noun phrase preceding the infinitive cannot be made the subject of a passive main c1ause The house isnt liked to be left empty (by them)

There is moreover an alternative construction (chiefly restricted to AmE) in which the noun phrase is preceded by for which marks it as the subject of an infinitive clause rather than as object ofthe main clause

Jack prefersfor his wife to drive the truck ltesp AmE)

These two observations point in the direction of a monotransitive analysis of such verbs

In the following howeverJor has a different status and must occur in both AmE and BrE

They arranged for Mary to come at once

In this case the construction is that of a prepositional verb arrange for ([B8prl) the infinitive clause acting as prepositional object Other examples

1194 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

wherejor occurs as part of a prepositional verb are askfor eatlfor aehefor aim for bum for burst jor eare for clamour for erave for hope for iteh for long jor plan joacuter prepare for wait for yearn for

We were al achingburningbursting jor the performance to begin They plannedfor the mayor to arrive on the following day

For some of the verbs in these clauses the that-clause with should ([B3(iiacute)j) is an alternative form of complementation

They planned that the mayor should arrive on the following day

A further reason in favour of a monotransitive analysis of verbs of Type [B8pr] is the possibility (in some cases) of a passive with or without extraposition

For the administration to resign so quickly was not called foro It had been arranged for the food to be served indoors

Note [al Sorne [B8pr] verbs such as arrangefor planfor and preparefor also have a [B2] construction in which they are followed by a direct object Compare Have you arranged the meeting Have you arrangedfor iexclhe meeting Compare also She askedfor the children to leave and She asked iexclhe children O leave [b] Desire expect and intend although they tit into this category with respect to introductory for and the extraposed passive also accept the passive of the raised object which applies to [C4] (cfI650) Thus expect for example pennits two associated passives

It was nOt expected for the administration to resigno The administration was not expected to resigno

The former of these however is felt to be awkward and of marginal acceptability On such contlicts of c1assiacutefication cfI664jf

jB91 Complementation by -ing participle clause (with subject) 642 Verbs which accept this pattern comprise a considerable subset of those

verbs accepting the subjectless -ing clause as object they include the verbs marked 1 in the list of 1639 The genitive form of the subject is an option in formal English (ef 1512) but is often felt to be awkward or stilted

1 dislike him his driving my car We look forward to youyour beeoming our neighbour

In some cases particularIy when the subject of the participle is not a pronoun and does not have personal reference the geniti ve option is rare

vehicle h hPeter stoppe d te h l cras mg mto t e ence h ve lees

The genitive is also rare with a pronoun with nonpersonal reference

1 look forward to ~t geUing warmer in spring lts

The verbs of negative meaning stop prevent and prohibit have a related ditransitive construction (cfI656f) in which the prepositionfrom precedes the -ing clause as second object

They tried toacute preven the planefrom landing on the runway

Types of verb complementation 1195

Thus thefrom is optional In the very few cases where we have a choice between an -ing participle

and a to-infinitive construction there is usual1y felt to be a difference ofaspect or mood such as that described in 1640

1hate the children lo quarrel [ theyre ordinarily such good friacuteends] [1]

1 hate the children quarrelling [ all the time] [2]

focuses on the childrens potential for quarrelling [2] emphasizes their performance the point being that they do quarrel rather often in fact An aspectual difference is uppermost in

ehiming ( all night long) 1h he c oc k ate t l

to ehlme ( Just when Im gOtng to sleep)

The infinitive suggests a single chime while the participle suggests continual chiming (ef435 467f)

Note Verbs ofthe observational type eg notice in 1 noticed him writing a leller do not belong in this group and are dealt with in 1653 For such verbs the genitive is not a possible alternative iexcl noticed hiacutes writiacuteng a Jeter

Complex transitive complementation 1643 In 216 we applied the term COMPLEX TRANSlTIVE to verbs in the pattems

SVOC and SVOA In this chapter we extend the term to other clause patterns in which an object is followed by another element which is not an object (eg a nonfinite clause) A distinguishing characteristic o[ complex transitive compiemculiIacuteuacutelI j thallhe two elltments iacuteuiiuwiug the yerb (eg object and object complement) are notionally equated with the subject and predication respectively of a nominal c1ause For example

MONOTRANSlTIVE She presumed lhat her father was dead [1] She presumed her father to be dead [2]

COMPLEX TRANSITIVE Sh d h 1 h d d [3]e presume er Jat er ea

In [3J her father (O) and dead (C) are equivalent in meaning to a separate clause viz the that-clause in [l] This relationship remains where the object complement is expanded into an infinitive clause as in 2] Yet her father to be dead in spite of its clause-like meaning and appearance does not act syntactica1ly as a single constituent as is evident in the passive where the O is separated from its complement

Her father was presumed (by her) to be dead

This divisibility into two elements of a semantically clausal construction following the verb is the defining property ofcomplex transitive complementshyation

We begin with three already familiar patterns of complex transitive complementation those corresponding to [A I-A3] (ef 1621-4)

Note On the simiacutelarities between complex transitive and ditransitive complementation see 1666ff

1196 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

ICII Adjective phrase as object complement 1644 The SVOC pattern (ef216) in whiacutech the object complement is an adjective

phrase is found with verbs which like copular verbs may be divided into CURRENT and RESULTING types

You should keep the cabbagefresh (1] That music drives me mad [2]

The verb keep in [1] introduces the current attributefresh while the verb drive in [2] introduces the resulting attribute mad These two verbs therefore exemplify the two main categories ofcomplex transiti ve complementatiacuteon in this pattern The current verbs (ef1621ff) are usually staiive and the resulting verbs are always dynamic Further examples ofeach type are

CURRENT RESULTING

hod[C2] (v) drive [C4] keep [C2] get [C4] eave [C2] make [C2 C4]

prove [B3 C2 C4] (ii) eall [C2] render[C4]eonfess [B3 C2 C4] sendprofess [B3 C2 C4]

pronounce [B3 C2 C4] turn

report [B3 C4] eertify [B3 C2 C4] declare [B3 C2 C4] like proclaim [B3 C2 C4] prefer[B3]

want wish [B3 C2 C4]

(iv) beliacuteeve [B3 C2 eonsider [B3 C2 C4] deem [B3 C2 C4] find [B3 C2 C4] hod[B3 C4] imagine [B3 C2 C4] judge [B3 C2 C4] presume[B3 C2 C4] rate [C2 C4] reekon [B3 C2 C4] suppose [B3 C2 C4] think [B3 C2 C4]

Type (O is a category of current verbs of general meaning Type (ii) consists offactual speech act verbs (cf1631) Type (iii) of volitional verbs Type (iv) of verbs of inte11ectual state Type (v) of general resulting verbs and Type (vi) ofresulting verbs referring to speech acts which havethe performative force of declarations (Hod occurs twice in the aboye list as a general verb [Type (i) as in She hed her head high] and as an inte11ectual state verb [Type (iv) as in 1 hod you responsibe]) The symbols added after sorne verbs indicate other related complementation types to which those verbs belong

Types of verb complementation 1197

[B3] The verb can also be used monotransitively (el Note (a]) with a that-clause

[C2] The verb can also occur wiacuteth a noun phrase as object complement [C4] The verb can a1so occur with an object + infiniacutetive construction

Examples

The secretary eft a1l the letters unopened The doctors pronounced her conditiacuteon uttery hopeess Oi) 1want my coffee stronger than this (iii) Weve alwaysfound the assistants very frtendy (iv) The long waIk made us a11 hungry They have declared the house unfit for habitatiacuteon (vi)

Note that the adjectival complement may contain modifiers and adjectival complementation (ef1668-83) A passive construction in which the direct object becomes subject is also an important criterion

AH the letters were left unopened (by the secretary) (i) Her condition was pronounced uttery hopeess (by the doctors) (ji)

Note [a] There is sometimes a meaning difference between the object complement construction and the corresponding that-clause [B3) or objeet + infinitive [C4] eonstruction

1 imagined myself severely ill [3] p 1 imagined myself to be severely ill [4]

Sentence [3] suggests that the speaker is indulgiacuteng in a flight of faney sentence [4J suggests that the speaker is deluding himself (eg that he is a hypochondriae) A differenee is also to be observed between [5] and [6]

They gol him angry [5J p They got him lo be angry (6]

where [5J suggests made him angry in spite of himself and [6] suggests persuaded him to be angry (Yet a third meaning is represented by Donl get me wrong [Dont misunderstand me J) Two iacuteurther comrasts are

We found the ehildren undernourished [ We encou nte red them iacute n tha t cond i tiacuteon J [7] p Wefoundthe children lo be undernourished [8]

[Our examination revealed their condition] and

He declared the meeting offieial He declared the meeting lO be officiaL

where [9] has a performati ve and resultati ve force (The meeting beeame official as a result of his announeement) not regularly present in [lO] [b] Have in sentences sueh as We have IWO employees sck is not a member of the [CI] category but belongs to a special have-existential construetion lo be discussed with existential sentences in general in 1851 Since it has no passive this elause construction lacks one criterial feature of comp1ex transitive constructions Two employees are had sick [e] There is a variant order in which the object complement precedes the object eg He thought desirable most ofthe women in the room (efIS37) This order tends to occur when the object is a long noun phlase

1645 In addition to the verbs listed in 1644 aboye there are many verbs which belong more peripherally to Type [C1] Their membership is more peripheral in one or both of the following respects (a) They occur only in restricted sequences such as rub dry (ef 1617) (b) They can occur in the [BI] monotransitive construction without appreciable change of meaning iacutee the object complement is optional and resembles an optional adverbial Iil the following typical co11ocations the object noun phtase is symbolized by N

1

Types of verb complementation 11991198 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

CURRENT RESULTING

bring (a child) up health boil (an egg) 8aft 1

buy N eheapl erap (hair) shoriexcl1 return (a letter) unopened freeze N hard serve (food) hOlleold paint N redblue 1

seU N eheaplnew1 roll N flat sweep (the fioor) clean 1

calour N blueyellow 1

dye N pinklgreen 1

knock (someone) senseless polish N smooth 1

scrape N clean I swing (a door) open

For those combinations marked l the object complement could be easily omitted without a change in the basic sense of the verbo

Among resulting attributes the adjectives open loose free and clean are particularly common push N open shake N loose set N free wipe N clean

The collocations make sure and make certain are peculiar in that the object is a that-clause and always follows the adjectivaI complement

Please make sureleertain that you endose your birth certificate

There is no passive be made surecertain With other collocations the that-clause object is postponed by extraposiacutetion (ef 1835)

He found it strange that no one else had arri ved 1think it very odd that she left without saying goodbye The emperor pronounced it illegal for landlords to enfranchise their

tenants

Extraposition is optional with make N clear and therefore the preparatory it may be omitted She made (it) eear that we were regarded as trespassers

Note [al Sorne collocations require the object to be a rellexive pronoun Ilaughed myself sick They roared themselves hoarse Here the object complement cannot be omitted llaughed myself [b] The resultative pattern illustrated in thiacutes section is quite productive and occurs with rare or newly-converted verbs such as selotape and scotchtape selotape N fiat ltRrE) seotehtape N fiat (AmE) Similarly

iexclve deepfrozen the bread solido

(C21 Noun phrase as object complement 646 Most of the verbs listed in 1644 can occur also with a noun phrase

complement In addition there are a few verbs which occur with anoun phrase but not with an adjective phrase as complement eg appoint These verbs marked 1 in the list below can also occur with theobject + infinitive construction

The queen appointedWilliam Cecil (to be) her personal secretary

The list is subdivided into categories corresponding to those in 1644

(i) hold2 (iv) believe (v) appoint l2middot 3

keep2 consider2 choose 2 3

eleetl 2 3leave deem esteem l 2 3 make(ii) cal find provecanfess imagine2 voteprofess

pronounce judge2 (vi) baptize13

presume certify 23 (iii) wish 3rate2 christent bull

reckon2 erown l bull 2bull 3

suppose declare think proclaim

namemiddot23

The superscript 2 indicates that the as-construction (cf 1 647) is also possible The superscript 3 indicates that the verb is also monotransitive and that the verb retains the same meaning when the object complement is omitted Hence She appointed him secretary implies that she appointed him Examples of each sub-type follow With profess and wish which are used to illustrate subtypes (H) and (iii) respectively a reflexive pronoun as object is normal

She held her niece (a) captive for several years (i) The prince professed himself a supporter of free speech (ji) 1have often wished myself a millionaire (iii) Charles does not esteem him a trustworthy adviser (iv) The committee has elected you its chairman (v) Her parents named her Sophia after her grandmother (vi)

Some verbs in this pattem are unlikely to occur in the adive eg think beiacuteieve reckon The foilowing are exampies of the passive conslruclIacuteon

Her niece was held (a) captive for several years (i) She was named Sophia after her grandmother (vi)

As with Type (el] the object may be a clause postponed by extraposition

We have made it a condition that the new agreement be signed by all the original signatories

He has proved it a falIacy that old age brings wisdom

Note [al The zero article occurs optionally with captive and prisoner as object complements as in (i) above She held her niece (a) caplive Hold capliveprisoner and keep captivepriacutesoner are unusual in that the omitted article is indefinite rather than definite Examples of the zero article with definite meaning (eS42) are

Edgar was judged overall winner They appointed Sue captain of the athletics team

[b] The object + infinitive construction with 10 be as with Type [Gl] is not always equivalent to the pattero with a phrasal object complement For example name can be used with 10 be only if the following noun phrase designates a future role or status

Her parents named her (0 be) Gladys The selectors named her (lo be) a memberofthe touring team

As can be used with name only on the same condition as applies to lO be Her parenls named her as (adys (cf 1 647 below) [el The copular retation can obtain not only between the object and complement as in [11 bu also between subject and complement as in [21

t iexcl

1200 Complementation of verbs and adjectiacuteves

She made him iexcliexcl good husband (S V OC) [1 J She made him a good wife (S VOC) [2J

[1 Jhas the passive analogue He as gtladea good husband but in the entirelydifferentconstruetion of (2] where the copular rdation is between she and a good middotle no passive is possible Thc meuning is She Vas a good wire to himmiddot A prepositional verb 01 this Same unusuallattcrn is strike l in 101 example

He stmck me os a brilliant slralegist where a brilianl strategist is su bjcet eomplement

(Clprl and (C2prl Object complement foUowing prepositional verb 1647 The preposition as designates a copular relation particularly in specifying a

role or status associated with the direct object The ehureh eondemned the relie as a lraud Following a complex transitive verb and a direct object the prepositional complement of as functions semantiacutecally as an attribute and may be termed a prepositional object complement in the same way as the noun phrase following a transitive prepositional verb is called a prepositional object

a geniacuteus [C2] We considered him as a genius [C2pr]

tobeagenius [C4]

1 bull (as) a genius ~ He was consdered t b

o e agemus

Consider as like regard as class as etc therefore exemplifies yet another type of prepositional verb one that is followed by a prepositiacuteonal object complement rather than a prepositional object

Occasionally the prepositionlor occurs in this copular function instead of as

He took these words as evidence He took me lor a fool

In the following list for verbs in column (i) the preposition is optional where for verbs in column (H) the preposition is obligatory

(i) appoint (as) (ii) aeeept as ehoose (as) aeknowledge as eonsider (as) eharaeterize as eount (as) class as deem (as) define as esteem (as) describe as rate (as) intend as reekon (as) mistakelor report (as) regard as eleet (as) see as eertify (as) take asllor erown (as) trea as make Unto) use as proclaim (as)

Most verbs in [elpr] and[e2pr] can also introduce an adjective phrase in the function of prepositional object complement

Types of verb complementation 1201

The experts raled his paintings (as) poor bUI representalive ol their class

They classed Jane as partialty sighted The media described the situation as hopeless ~ The situation was described as hopeless

Verbs not allowing this construction are marked 1 in the aboye lists The construction iacutes exceptional in allowing an adjective phrase to occur after a prepositiacuteon A more orthodox construction is obtained by adding the word being before the adjective phrase and thereby converting the prepositional complement into a nominal -ing clause

The media descriacutebed the situation as being hopeless

Note [al Count as and rate as can also oecur in an analogous as-conslruction without lhe object as prepositional copular verbs eg This coanslraes as a tWtable success (e 1622 Note lb]) [b] Allhough as is classcd as a preposition in Ibe above pattern il in some ways resemblcs the conjunction as which introduces clauses of comparison (e15 71) Consider Ihe following curious examples in which as introduces on Ihe one hand a clause and on the other hand a noun phrase in an appositional relation lo Ihe clause

Report me as 10m - a superannuated dolt Hedescribcd her as heound her a liar

(C31 Complementation by object and adjunct 1648 Our next category Type [e3] consists of verbs which occur in the SVOA

pattern (el216) ie verbs which ha ve as their complementation an object followed by a predication adjunct The most characteristic adjuncts to occur in this pattern are prepositional phrases of space and more particularly of direction eg

1 slipped the key into the lock He stood my argument on its head [2] Take your hands out olyour poekets

The passive iacutes illustrated by

The key was slipped into the lock [1 al Sentence [2] exemplifies the abstract or metaphorical use of such verbs and adjuncts Many of the verbs which fit into this pattern are causative verbs of motiacuteon put get stand se sit lay place send bring take lead drive etc The class is open-ended since verbs normally without causative meaning can be adapted to this function eg show see elbow etc in

The attendant showed us to our seats [conducted us ] May I see you home [escort you ] He elbowed and bribed his way to fame They talked me into it [persuaded me ]

Other verbs are associated with space position adjuncts rather than direction adjuncts

They lelt the papers at my offiee Always keep your eyes on the road when driving

1

i

1202 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

The attackers eaught us ofJour guardo He wished them at the bottom ofthe sea

Again the spatial meaning ofthe adjunct rnay be understood in sorne abstract or rnetaphorical sense as in the third exarnple aboye

Adjuncts of other sernantic types are less cornrnon but instances are the adjunct of rnanner following treat

badIY Her parents treated her as ifshe were a baby

as like a small ehild

and the optional adjunct of duration following last

This rnoney will ha ve to last you laquo(for) six months)

Note [al Treot has a dilferent meaning when the adjunct is omitted Her parents treated her [= did something pleasant for her]

[b] Superficiacuteally similar to the aboye pattern iacutes that iIIustrated by remind andfurnish followed by an object and a prepositional phrase

She reminds me ofmy sister They furnished all the passengers with iexclfe jackets

These however are classed as transiti ve prepositional verbs (cfI6 7-8) and will be dealt with in 1656fbelow The difference between Ihese prepositional verbs and verbs of complemenlation Type [e3] is that in Ihe former case the lexical verb governs a particular preposition remind offurnish with (Alternative prepositional constructions are sometimes available however provide withprovide for)

Variants of complex transitive complementation 649 We now examine variants of complex transitive cornplernentation in which

thc direct object iexcls f01lowltd by ji nonfinite dau~1 acting as predication adjunct Al four kinds of nonfinite construction (ef 146-8) are possible

[C4] to-infinitive [C6] -ing participle They knew hirn to be a spy 1caught Ann reading my diary

[CS] bare infinitive [C7] -ed participle 1heard someone slam We saw him beaten by the

World Heavyweight Champion thedoor

The nonfinite clause in these patterns (in italics in the above table) has no subject itself but its implied subject is always the preceding noun phrase which is object of the superordinate c1ause This noun phrase which if a personal pronoun is in the objective case is commonly termed a RAISED

OBJECT (ef further 16640) semantically it has the role of subject of the nonfinite verb but syntactically it is raised from the nonfinite c1ause to function as object of the superordinate verbo Hence in general this noun phrase (in italics in the table below) can become subject of the corresponding passive (The passive of [C5] normaly requires substitution of a to-infinitive for abare infinitive the passive of [C7) is of marginal currency ef 1654 Note [a))

(C4] He was known to be a spy

[eS] Someone was heard to slam the door

Types of verb complementation 1203

[C6] Ann was caught reading rny diary

[e] He was seen executed by a firing squad

On the face ofit the patterns [C4] and [e6] are indistinguishable from the rnonotransitive patterns [B8] (eg She hates the train to be late) and [B9] (eg She hates the train being late) in which the nonfinite c1ause has a subject of its own The ability of the noun phrase preceding the nonfinite verb to become subject of a passive is however an important distinction between thern (see further 1651 and 1653)

These patteros [e4] and (e6] are distinguished from corresponding patterns in which the Note nonfinite c1ause is an adverbial by the raet that the iacutemplied subject of the nonfinite verb is O rather than S Note the ambiguity of

She left him to finish the jobo She lert him holding the baby

IC4J Object + to-infinitive complementation The verbs in this group are rather numerous and rnay be subdivided 1650

(vii) assist bother bribe eondemll dariquest defy encourage help induce inspire press summon

semantically into the following categories

(iacute) announee declare proclaim pronounee

(H)

reporl repute [esp P rumour (P only] say[P only] tip (esp BrEgt

assume believe eonceive (formalgt eonsider expeet feel jind imagine know presume reekon see [P only1 suppose take thiacutenk[esp P1 understand

(iiiacute) intend mean

(iv) appoint elect name vote

(v) cause drive force get[no P] lead prompt

(vi) alow authorize compel eonstrain enable entitle equip jit oblige permit requiacutere

[P = Passive]

1ZU4 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Types (i) and (ti) correspond to the factual verbs of category [B3J discussed in 1631 the nonfinite construction following these verbs can often be replaced by a lhal-clause with an indicative verbo Compare

The poli ce reported that the traffic was heavy [B3] The police reported the traffic to be heavy (formal) [C4]

JOhn believed that the stranger was a policeman [B3 = John believed the stranger to be a policeman (formal) [C4]

With factual verbs such as these the nonfinite clause normaIly contains the verb be or sorne other verb of stative meaning EspecialIy when the nonfinite main verb is other than be the finite clause (of pattern [B3]) is preferred to the infiniti ve one except that the infinitive construction provides a convenient passive form

The traffic was reported to be heavy The stranger was believed to be a poli cernan

Sorne verbs in this construction have no lhat-clause equivalent

They tipped him to be the next president (esp BrE) - He was tipped to be the next president (They tipped that he would be the next president)

Sorne verbs (marked [P only] in the list abo ve) occur only in the passive version of this construction

The field marshal was said to be planning a new strategy (Someone said the field marshal to be planning a new strategy)

Other verbs (marked [esp PJ) occur chiefly in the passive

The BroadwiY piOJutioli was inoughi to have made Maxs fortune (Newsmen lhought the Broadway production to have made Maxs fortune)

Ofthe twq classes of factual verbs Type (i) consists ofpublic verbs (cf1631) referring to a speech act and Type (ii) consists of private verbs expressing belief etc

1651 Of the remaining semantic types Type (iii) consists of verbs of intention (on intend itself ef 1641 Note lb]) Types (iv) and (v) consist of causative verls where the infinitive clause identifies the resultant state (Type (iv) verbs also belong to class [Cl]) Type (vi) cClUsists of verbs with a modal character expressing such concepts as enablement permission and compulsion and Type (vii) consists of a variety of verbs of influencing between which a common factor appears to be that the nonfinite clause has a purposive meaning Examples are

(iii) They intended Mary to sing an aria (- Mary was intended to sing an aria)

(iv) The meeting elected Mr Martiacuten to be the next treasurer (- Mr Martin was elected to be the next treasurer)

Types of verb complementation 1205

(v) This optimistic forecast led the administration to promise tax cuts ( _ The administration was led (by this optimistic forecast) to promise tax cuts)

(vi) My contract allows me to take one months lea ve (- 1arn allowed to take one months leave)

(vii) Our teachers eneouraged us to think for ourselves (- We were eneouraged to think for ourselves)

In Type (iv) the infinitive main verb is normaIly be and can be omitted They appointed her (lO be) the social secretar) This type overlaps with Type (v) 1646

Note [al There are a number of multi-word verbs in this category [C4prl counl Ofl bullbullbull lO depend Ol bullbull lo rey on lO bullbullbull [C4phl make OUI 10 bullbull [C4ph-pr] keep 01 al lo bull

(which has no passive) Examples are 1 am dependillg 011 you lO give us your fu support They malle him oul to be a monster ofdepravity Why do you keep On al me 10 work harder

[b] Sorne passives of pattem [C4] (eg be allowed be supposed) have a semi-auxiliary (cf347f) interpretation in which they lose their connection with the corresponding active construction especiay as regareis agency

(es) Object + bare infinitive complementation 1652 This pattern occurs with a relatively smaIl number of verbs

(i) have (ii) fee overhear[P] (iii) help [P] let hear [PI see [PJ know [P] rnake [PI notice [P watch

observe[P]

Typl (i) consists uf vlrbs uf iexcluiexclciacuteVI meaning Type (ii) has percepwal verbs of seeing and hearing and Type (iii) is a residual class of two verbs which are optionally followed by a to-infinitive The marker [PI indicates that the passive (normaIly with a to-infinitive) is possible [P] indicates that the passive is of doubtful or limited acceptability

(i) You shouldnt lel your family iacutenterfere with our plans We must rnake the public take notice ofuso

(- The public must be rnade to take notice ofus) (ji) Did you notiacutece anyone leaue the house

The crowd saw Gray score lwo rnagnificeni goals ( - Gray was seen lo seore two rnagnificent goas)

(iii) Sarah helped us (to) edil the seript 1 have known John (to) give better speeches than that

(- John has been known lO giue better speeches than that)

Know followed by the bare infinitive is confined mainly to BrE and to the perfective aspect have known Lel in group (i) is in other constructions cIassified as similar to an auxiliary (ef3SI) Let has an apparent passive in combination with such verbs as lel go and lel fal but these are best regarded as fixed expressions in which let has an auxiliary or particIe-like function

They let the prisoner go horneo - The prisoner was let go horneo

1206 Complementation of verbs and adjectiacuteves

Note that this apparent passive has the bare infinitive in contrast for example to make which has to have the to-infinitive in the passive

They mude him understand ~ He was made to understalld

A third verb in group (i) is have which (like have in monotransitive constructions) does not occur in the passi ve

They had me repeat the message ~ 1 was had (to) repeat the message

Note [a] The formulaic nature of let him go and similar expressions is illustrated by variants such as [1-3J which cannot be fitted into any regular complementation pattern

gothe rope [1] They lel the rope go [2]

goofthe rope (3)

[b] Of the two constructions with help tha with 10 is more common in BrE and that without 10

is more common in AmE [e] Arare verb in category (i) is the now rather archaic bid with a to-infinitive complementation in the passive

They bidbade me sil down - rwas bidden 10 sil down

[C61 Object + -ing participle complementation 1653 The verbs in category [C6] consist of verbs of perception (Type (iraquo verbs of

encounter (Type (iO) and two verbs of coercive meaniacuteng (Type

feel[C5] see[C5) (ji) eateh (iiiacute) have hear[C5) smell diseover get notiee [C5] spot find observe[C5) spy leave overhear[CS) wateh [CS) pereeive

Perception verbs marked [CS] occur also with the bare infinitive pattern [CS) Wiacuteth such verbs there iacutes an aspect difference between [C5) and [C6) as described in 461f

Tim watched Bill mendlmendingthe lampo

The bare infinitive having nonprogressive meaning implies that Bill did the wholejob while Tiacutem was watching the -ing clause with progressive meaning has no such implicatiacuteon

This complementatiacuteon pattern differs from that of [B9) not only in its progressive aspect but also in that the noun phrase following the superordinate verb cannot take the genitive (or possessive) form (ef 1642)

1 saw him lying on the beach 1 saw his lying on the beach

Another difference from pattern [B9) is that the -ing predication can normally be omitted without radically altering the meaning

1 saw him lying on the beach [entails iexcl saw him)

Contrast

1 hate my friends leaving early [does notentaiacutel 1 hate my friends)

Types of verb complementation 1207

The passive with this pattern is regular

We could hear the rain splashing on the roof ~ The rain could be heard splashing on che roof

A teacher eaughc them smoking in the playground - They were eaught smoking in the playground (by a teacher)

Prepositional verbs with this type of complementation ([C6prJ) include eome aeross eome upon listen to and look at Look at those ehildren climbing the wall But these [C6prJ prepositional verbs have no prepositiacuteonal passive

seen The guards had been spouhed searchiacuteng the building

wate e d looked at

Have in this construction (e18S1ff) also has no passive in keeping with its use in other constructions

She had us working day after day We were had working day after day

Note Feeloccurs especially with a reflexive pronoun object Shefelt herself falling in love

[C7) Object + -ed participle complementation 1654 We can distinguish three small groups of verbs complemented bv a raised

object followed by an -ed participle c1ause

(i) CAUSATIVE verbs get ha ve She gotlhad the watch repaired immediately

Oi) VOLITlONAL verbs want need like I wantlneed this watch repaired immediately

(jii) PERCEPTUAL verbs see hearJeel (oneself) wateh Someone must have seenl heard the car stolen

A fourth group is peripheral to this construction

(iv) Verbs for which the -ed participle describes a resulting statefind

diseoverleave They founddiseoveredfleft him worn out by tra vel and exertion

j In this construction as in that of (C6) have can ha ve either an agentive causative meaning or a stative meaning Hence The guard patrol had two men shot is ambiguous meaning either The patrol caused two men to be shot or

I The patrol suffered the los s oftwo men by shooting The latter meaning is that of the have-existential construction (ef 18S1ff) In general this

complementation type is semantically equivalent to one with an iacutenfinitive form of the verb be Thus in Type (ii) iexcl would like my room cleaned is synonymous with iexcl would like my room to be cleaned in Type Oiiacute) He saw the team beaten is synonymous with He saw the team be beaten

Note [al There is no passive for most verbs in pattem [e7] and at best the passive is dubious The car must have been seen stolen The acceptability of the passive with Type (iv) is exceptional

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1208 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

The car wasfound abandoned This is indeed an indication that Type (iv) may not belong here so much as with the objecl complement construction [el l iexclhe participle construclion being adjectival (cf an abandoned car) lb1In addition to the two meanings of haue + objec + -ed participle above a third meaning results ifthe -ed clause is analysed as a postmodifier of Ihe object eg She had a book (which gtvas) stolenfrom the library

Ditransitive complementation

ID11 Noun phrases as both indirect and direct object 1655 Ditransiacutetive complementation in its basic fonu involves two object no un

phrases an indirect object which is nonually aniacutemate and positioned first and a direct object which is nonually concrete The two noun phrases differ from those of[C2] in not being in a copular relationship

He gave the girl a doll --v-- --r-

S V Oiacute Od

The difference between this and complex transitive complementation is seen in

svoe He found her a loyal friendo ( She was a loyal friend)

SVOO He found her an apartment ( - The apartment was for her)

The characteristics of indirect objects in contrast to direct objects are fully disclssed in 107

Sorne ditransitive verbs have two passive analogues which we shall distinguish as first and second

The girl was given a doll [FIRST PASSIVE]

A doll was given the girl [SECOND PASSIVE]

Of these two the first passive in which the indirect object becomes subject is the more common The prepositional paraphrase is more usual as an alternative than the second passive A dol was given to the girl (For a list of verbs ofType [01] ef1657 below)

[D21 Object and prepositional object 1656 In the ditransitive category prepositional verbs fonu an important group

with its own sub-divisions and may therefore be given a separate category number D2] These verbs are those we have called Type II prepositional verbs (cfI67-8) Alongside the ordinary indirect object pattern two main prepositional patterns rnaybe distinguished _

Indirect object + direct object [D1] Direct object + prepositional object D2a] lndirect object + prepositional object [D2b]

Types of verb complementation 1209

The indirect object is normally animate and is the recipient or beneficiary of the process described by the verb (ef 1019) Unlike ditransitive verbs of category [D 1] (eg give) ditransiti ve verbs with prepositional objects nonually have only one passive

We addressed our remarks to the children [D2a] - Our remarks were addressed to the children (The children were addressed our remarks (toraquo

W e reminded him of the agreement [D2bl - He was reminded of the agreement (The agreement was reminded him (of)

-1 Sorne verbs have a11 three possibilities of construction in the active many have two forothers there is only one possibility (in sorne cases the alternatives are not identical but very similar in meaning)

tel [01 + 2a + 2b]

1

offer [01 + 2a] 1

envy [01 + 2b] I

wish [01]

bamefD2a + 2b]

say [D2a]

warn [D2b]

Mary told only John the secret DI] Mary told the secret only to John [D2a] Mary told only John about the secreto [D2b]

John offered Mary sorne help [DI] John offered sorne help to Mary [D2a]

She envied John his success [DI] She envied Johnfor his success [D2b]

They wished him good luck [DI]

Helen blamed the divorce on John rD2al Helen blamed Johnfor the divorce [D2bj

Why didnt anybody say this to me [D2a] I

Mary warned John ofthe dangers [D2b) I

The different constructional possibilities of certain verbs provide a means of achieving different focus (cfI837f) Compare the fo11owing pairsofsentences as pronounced with unmarked (end) focus

Mary blamed the broken vase on IOHN Mary blamed John for the broken VAacuteSE

(ef John was blamed by MARY)

The government supplied blankets for the HOMEless The government supplied the homeless with BLANKets

(ef Blankets were supplied by the Goacutevernment)

Note [al The aboye constructions are presented in the most typical syntactic ordering but postshyponernent of the direct or iacutendirect object may take place in contexts where end-focus or endshyweight is required (cf1837) eg John offered lO Mary Ihe help thal she needed [b] Additional prepositional verb patterns should be briefly mentioned There is for example the double-prepositional-verb pattern noted in 1617(c)

1210 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1211

1657

1 am applying lo the hospitalor ajobo There is a further possibility that two prepositional objects may follow a diacuterect object

We are paying $100 lo the garage for the repairs

Verbs of complementation types ID1 and [D2 The following list gives sorne of the verbs that occur in Types [DI] [D2aJ [D2b] organized aeeording to the cross-classifications of 1656 aboye We are interested here only in synonymous or nearly synonyrnous constructions in which the same participant roles (ef lO18jJ) oceur Hence many possible prepositional verbs are ignored Pay for for example is ignored because it introduces a further participant (the commodity bought) not incuded in pay (with) and pay (to)

Table 1657

Type [DI) Type [D2a] Type[D2b]

EXAMPLE serve (Jaek scampi) serve (searnpi) serve (Jack) to (Jack) with (scampi)

[DI + 2a + 2b) pay payto pay with provide (AmE) providefor provide with serve serve to serve with tel tell to tell about

[DI + 2a) (l) bring bring to den deny to give give lo

grant gram to hand hand to leave leave tofor lend lend to offer offer to owe oweto promise promiseto read read lo send send to show show to teaeh teaeh to throw throw to

(ii) do doacutefor find findfor make makefor order order for reserve reservefor save savefor spare sparefor

(iii) ask askof

1658

[DI + 2b]

[Di]

[D2a + 2b]

[D2a]

[D2b)

envy excuse forgive

allow eharge fine refuse wish

blameon supply forto

address to announee to eommunieate to explain to sayto

envyfor exeusefor forgivefor

blamefor supply with

advise about punishfor etc

The membership of[D2b] is numerous Here are further examples arranged by prepositions

thankfor eonvineeof robof refer to preventfmm depriacutevenf ltuspee f 9f sentenee to proleet from informof warnof subject ro imerest in persuadeof congratulate on treat to aecuseof relieveof confine to charge with convictof remindof introduce to compare with

Note that reflexive verbs (cf 625) sometirnes oecur with a prepositional object eg We pride ourselves on the serviee we ofler Sorne of the verbs abo ve (such as compare with) ean have two inanimate objects

In Table 1657 we have distinguished under[Dl + 2a] verbs taking to as their preposition from those takingfor eg

(i) She sent Paul a present She sent a present to Paul (ji) She made Paul a meaL She made a mealfor Paul

Occasionally a preposition other than to and for oceurs in this function

OiO She asked Paul a favour She asked a favour ofPaul

Distinct from [D2aJ and [D2bJ aboye is a kind of prepositional verb which has already been discussed in 167-8 a verb for which the direet object forms part of an idiomatic unit with the verb and the preposition The syntactic properties of this type which we label (D2e] have already been dealt with and it is enough here to list a further sample ofsueh idioms

1212 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1213I I

eateh siacuteght of make allowanee for put a stop to give place to make fun of set jire to give way to make afuss overabout take aeeount Ofl keep pace with make roomfor take advantage ojI lose sight of make use ojI take eare of 1

lose toueh with pay attention to 1 take note ojI lose traek of put an end to take notice ojI

Those marked with a raised 1 can take not only a prepositional passive (ef 167-8) but also can easily take a passive for which the idiomatically-fixed direct object beco mes subject eg (Some) allowanee was made for loss of eamings (Little) notiee was taken of this evento Other verbs can take the passive but with greater difficulty with these examples as with prepositional verbs in general idiomatic cohesion is a matter of gradience

Variants of ditransitive complementation

ID3J Indirect object + that-cIause object 1659 Corresponding to monotransitive verbs ofType [B3] (efI630) are ditransiti ve

verbs for which the direct object is a that-clause

John eonvinced me (that) he was right ~ I was eonvineed (by John) (that) he was right

The second passive is unacceptable when the direct object is a clause That he was right was eonvineed me Thus the first passive (ef 1655) above is the only passive that can occur with this pattern With sorne verbs such as eonvinee above it is impossible to delete the noun phrase object

John conviucJ (lhat) he was riguiacute

With other verbs such as show the indirect object is optional

The professor of mathematics showed me that Pythagoras was mistaken ~ The professor of mathematics showed that Pythagoras was

mistaken

Ditransitive verbs followed by a that-clause may be divided into a subtype introducing an indirect statement and a subtype introducing an indirect directive (ef 1433) In the indirect statement the that-clause contains an indicative verb in the indirect directive the verb may be indicative or subjunctive and often contains putative should or another modal verb (ef 1632 for the distribution ofthese options)

INDIRECT STATEMENT

May 1 inform you that your order is ready for eolleetion INDIRECT DIRECTIVE

mightbeShe petitioned the king that her father ~ould be pardoned

In the following list Type (i) verbs introduce indirect statements and Type (H) verbs introduce indirect directives The indirect directive construction is

rare and formal in comparison with the similar infinitive construction (ef 1663)

WOUldI begged her that she should help ltformal) 1 begged her to help ltmore usual)

For those verbs marked O the indirect object is obligatory foc those marked (O) the indirect object is optional for those marked laquoOraquo the indirect object is not only optional but unusual

(i) advise (O) remindO (iiacute) ask3 laquoOraquo assureO satisfyO beg3 (O) bet (O) show3 (O) eharge (O) eonvineeO teaeh3 (O) eommand laquoOraquo forewarn (O) tellO iacutenstruet laquoOraquo informO wager(O) order laquoOraquo notify 3 O warn (O) petition3 (O) persuadelO write2bull 3 (O) tellO promise3 (O)

The superscripts are interpreted as follows

1 Persuade in the sense ofconvince belongs to Type (i) but it may also be used in a Type (iiacute) sense of persuade someone to do something

2 Write is found with an indirect object + that-clause especially in AmE 3 With verbs so marked the indiacuterect object can be replaced by a

prepositional object (ef 1660)

Note Superficially similar W the [D3] pallern is lhe impersonal construction Iacutef strikeslstruck me (Ihal) asin

It strikes me this work is for his own amusement But here the Ihal-c1ause (as in 1634) is the extraposed subject of the verbo Compare He strikes me as (cf1646 Note [el) and lt occursto me that (cfI634 Note [e))

ID3prl Prepositionalobject + that-cIause object 1660 The verbs marked 3 in the aboye list can be optionally followed by a

preposition thus forming a category similar to [D2a] in 1656

He promised laquoto) me) that the debt would be repaid

For most verbs of [03] which permit a prepositional object the preposition is to

He wrote to me He reported to me that etc

Exceptions are ask and beg which (in somewhat formal usage) are followed by the preposition of

I askbegofyou that you will keep this secret ltformal)

There is in addition a group of verbs which were classified in 1631-32 as monotransitive but which optionally allow the preposition to preceding a prepositional object These may be distinguished as Type [D3pr] and subdivided into sub-types (i) and (iacutei) as in the paraUel description of [B3] verbs

1214 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Joan mentioned (to me) that her father was siacuteck [Type (O] Or Oay recommended (to her) that the treatment be continued [Type (ii)]

For elample

(i) acknowledge declare remark (ji) propose admit explain repon recommend announce mention say suggest complain pointout signal eoness prove state

As before Type (i) verbs introduce indirect statements and the less numerous Type (ii) verbs introduce indirect directives As befare too sorne exceptional verbs take a preposition other than to

She demanded ome that She agreed with me that etc

Unlike the nonprepositional verbs of [03] these prepositional verbs alow the that-c1ause to become subject of a corresponding passive clause an option which is more acceptable with extraposition

That several ministers are resigning has been admitted to our correspondent ~ It has been admitted to our correspondent that several ministers

are resigning It has been shown to us al that Miss Jones was innocent

Without the preposition ie with an ordinary indirect object such sentences are at best marginally grammatical 1It has been shown us al that Miss Jones was innocent

~~otc The constructions of lt appc-siexclappe(~iexclcfurseems ro me ha slipclfidaly appear ti) bclvuumlg to the paltero [D3prl but in faet these contain monotransitive verbs with an extraposed tnatshyelause as subject

It occurredlseemed to me that he was Iying esimilar patteros with extraposition in 1634 1659 Note

ID4) Indirect object + finite wh-c1ause object 1661 This pattern of complementatiacuteon is primarily found with the verb ask which

introduces a reported question

John asked me what time the meeting would end ~ 1 was Gsked (by John) what time the meeting would end

AIso used with this pattern are verbs which take an indirect object followed by a that-clause (Type (i) of [03]) but for these the wh-clause tends to be limited 10 nonassertive contexts (cf1635) Compare

George didnt tell them that the train was late [1] George didn t tel them whether the train was late [21

The difference of meaning between the that- and whether-constructiacuteons can be stated in terms of presupposition Sentence [1] typically implies that the train was late while [2] is noncommittal on the matter [04] verbs can also introduce other question words such as where and how

Tvpes of verb complementation 1215

Jim was reluctant to inform us (o) where he got the money Would you remind me (about) how we start the engine

A preposition may always be placed before the wh-c1ause In the aJiexclove cases the prepositiacuteon is optional but in the case of verbs like enquire o (Type [04prJ) the preposition is obligatory iexcl enquired ofthe clerk which doeuments were needed The complex preposition as to can be rather general1y used for introducing the wh-clause eg I enquired as to which documents were needed

[D5) Indirect object + wh-infinitive clause object 1662 This is yet another complementation pattern (comparable with [B5] 1637)

which may be taken by sorne verbs listed under[03] in 1659

advise ask instruct remind show teach tell wam

The instructor taught us how lo land saely - We were taught (by the instructor) how to land saely

They advised him what lO wear in the tropies Please remind me where to meet you afier lunch

The equivalent prepositional verb pattern [05pr] is iIIustrated by suggest to recommend to

Could you please suggest to the visitors which museums to visit

Here as in the [04] type a prepositional phrase introduced by as lO can be used

Helen advised us (as to) how to maintain the machine

f~ iexcl llt ~- I ~ i ~

~i ~ ~~

1663 ID61lndirect object + to-infinitive clause object We have seen that the [03] pattern may be used to introduce indirect statements and that the [04] pattern may be used to introduce indirect questions Now we tuen to the verbs of class [06] which introduce indirect directives (c1433)

1 lOldjadvisedjpersuaded Mark to see a doctor ~ Mark was toldjadvisedjpersuaded to see a doctor

[I] [2]

This complementation category looks like those of[B81 and [C5] in that the verb is followed by a noun phrase and an infinitive construction But the [06] pattern differs from these in that the noun phrase following the verb is an indirect object as will be c1arified in 1666 below As with other verbs introducing indiacuterect speech the subject refers to the speaker of sorne speech act and the indirect object refers to the addressee Like [03] verbs [06] verbs form only the first passive exemplified in [2] above we do not find To see a doctor was lOld Mark The folowing verbs belong to this c1ass

advise command entreat instruct remind teach ask counsel exhort invite request1 tell beg detai[l orbid order recommend urge beseech direct implore persuade challenge enjoin 1 incite l prayl

1216 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Those verbs marked with araised 1 do not have the equivalent construction with a that-clause containing a modal or a subjunctive verb (Types [B3(ii)J [030i)]) Contrast

They ~eg~tedd her to stay another week mm e

They ~eKgtedd (her) that she would stay another week mm e

The alternative that-clause construction however is more formal especially when the indirect object is presento

Note [a] The verb promire when it occurs wiacuteth this kind of complementation is exceptional in that the understood subject of the infinitiacuteve is identified with the subject rather than with the object of the maiacuten c1ause

Sarn prornised me to get some rood

= Sam promised me that he would get sorne roed o Sam promised me that lwould get sorne roed

The present pattern [D6] iexcls however less cornmon with promise than the [B6] pattern without the indiacuterect object Sam promised to get someiexclood lb] Only ordercan be followed by a passive infinitive He ordered Ihem lo be impriacutesonedlreleased

Multiple analysis and gradience in verb complementation 1664 Before we leave verb classification it is important to reflect on the problems

of dividing verbs into complementation types The major division of complementation patterns into copular [AJ monotransitive [BJ complex transitive [C] and ditransitive [OJ categories (introduced in 216) has been extended with little difficulty te include patterns in which the verbs ccmplementation includes finite and nonntildenitc clauses This is the basis rOiacute

the classification Qf verbs into types in 1620-63 aboye But unavoidably our aim of presenting a clear classification has obscured sorne problems of gradience and multiple analysis (e 260ff) and to illustrate these we return to three superficially iacutedentical structures aIread y discussed in 1636 These are now illustrated with three new examples each of which conforms to the pattern NI V N 2 to V N 3 (where N = noun phrase and V = verb phrase)

Table L664a

V N2 to V NJNI

[B8] S V O

We like all parents to visit the schooL

I [1]

[C4] Is V O Co

They James therace I [2]

[D6] I S Oiexcl

We I asked I the students I toattend

Ia lectu~en_~

Types of verb complementation 1217

Each ofthese sentences consists ofthe sequence Niexcl V N 2 to V N 3 and yet we have analysed them respectively as monotransitive (S V O) complex transitive (S V degCol and ditransitiacuteve (S V Oiexcl 0d) A different analysis in sorne ways more revealing would recognize an overlap between two competing descriptions of the intennediacuteate noun phrase N2 There is little doubt that in [1 J this is to be analysed as subject of the infinitive clause (e 1636) whereas in [3J there are equally strong reasons for regarding N as (indirect) object of the main clause (e 1666)

Smiddot V S V O 1shyI I

I I ISmiddot V 0 V OI I I I I iexcl I I I I I I I I I iexcl

NI V Nz 10 V NJ NI V N2 lo V N) I I I I

Fig 1664b Sentence[l] Fig 1664c Sentence [3J

Sentence [2J however partakes ofboth these descriptions From the semantic point of view it requires the analysis of Fig 1664b (ef They expeeted [that James would win the race]) But from the structural point of view the analysis in Fig 1664c is more appropriate reflecting N2s ability to become subject of the passive sentence James was expeeted to win the raee We might reasonably say that in [2J N 2 behaves like an object (0 rather than Oiacute) in relation to the first verb but like a subject in relation to the second infinitive verh Tbe term RAISED OBJECT applied in 1649ffto the intermediate noun phrase of patterns [C4 - Cn incorporates yet another way of recognizing this double analysis by envisaging a process whereby the subject of the infinitive becomes the object of the preceding finite verbo This raised object will be symbolized in what follows SO

1665 Given that the double analysis aboye provides sorne insight into clauses containing nonfinite complementation we could take such an analysis further and apply it to aH complex transitive patterns including the more straightforward SVOC and SVOA pattems of[Cl - C3]

that John is a good driver lB3J 1consider John to be a good driver [C4]

John a good driver [C2]

The paraHelism of meaning and phrasal relations demonstrated in these three sentences recommends an analysis in which the complementation of pattern [C2J John a good driver would be regarded as a clause in its own right ie as a verbless clause consisting of S = John and Cs = a good driver without an intervening V This description would not however displace the by now familiar S V Od Co analysis but would rather be seen as an alternative way of looking at the same construction

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1218 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Gradience 1666 The teehnique of multiple analysis stiU leaves some subtletiacutees unexposed

What this teehnique has suggested is that there are the folowing three eategories eorresponding to [1 in 1664

N 2 S We like all parenls to visit the school [1) N2 = SO They expeeted James to win the raee [2] Nz = O We asked Ihe sludents to attend a leeture

But more than three eategories ean be appropriately distinguished if we reeognize [1) and [3] as end-points of a gradient with [2) at some point on the seate between them This area of grammar affords a good example of gradienee

At the monotransitive end of the seale [I) ean be characterized by a number of criteria whieh suggest that N 2 to V N3 (al parents to visit the school) constitutes the direct object of an SVO pattern

(a) It ean be replaced by a pronoun referring to the cIause or noun phrase nominalizing it We like it We like al parens visits

(b) It can be an answer to a what-question A What do you like best

B We like al parents to visit the school (e) In some dialects it can be preceded by the infinitive clause introdueer

for We like (it)for all parens to visit the school (d) It ean easily (when preeeded by for) be the focus of a pseudo-cIeft

sentence What we like (best) is for al parents to visit the school (e) When the sequenee N 2 to V N 3 is turned into the passive form N 3 to be

Vedz by Nz there is no ehange ofmeaning We ike aIl parents to visit the sehcel

= We like the school te be visited biexcl al parents (f) In a reduced construetion the infinitive marker to remains We like them

does not have the same meaning as We like them to

At the other ditransitive end of the seale a eontrasting set of criteria eharaeterize [3) and support the analysis of N2 (the students) as an indireet object and to V N3 (to attend a lecture) as a cIausal direet objeet

(a) 10 V N 3 ean be replaced by a pronoun a noun phrase or a finite clause with Nz still funetioning as indireet object

SOmething We asked the students a question

what they wanted

(b) 10 V N 3 can be the answer to a wh-question while N2 funetions as indirect object

A What did you ask the students B We asked them to attend a lecture

(e) When the sequenee N2 to V N3 is turned into the passive sequence N3 to be Ved2 by N 2 the meaning is always changed

They asked the students to attend a leeture They asked a lecture to be attended by the students

this case indeed the passive transform results in an absurdity)

Types of verb complementation 1219

(d) to V N 3 can marginally become the focus of a pseudo-cleft sentence What they asked the students was to attend a lecture (Contrast the decidedly unaeeeptable What we like the parents is to visil the school)

(e) Nz which like Oi in general is usually personal can be detached from its place after the first V to beeome subjeet of a eorresponding passive sentenee The students were asked to attend a lecture

(n In a reduced eonstruction the infinitive marker to ean be omitted We asked them We persuaded them etc

Note [a] With some ditransitive verbs criterion (a) has to be interpreted as the replacement of the infinitive clause by a preposition and prepositional object (cfI656-8)

They reminded hiacutem ofhis responsibiacutelities One man challenged the other lo a duel

[b] Criterion (d) is less reliacuteable than the others since the pseudo-cleft sentence is unacceptable for many verbs But a pseudo-cleft sentence in which the indirect object is replaced by a prepositional object tends to be more grammatical Whal Ihey asked ollhe sludenls was lO attend a leclure (The alternative construction with the substitute verb do which also occurs with [1] is always more acceptable What Ihey asked Ihe students lo do was lO attend a lecture)

1667 To give a simplified illustration of the analysis of gradience in the sequence NI V N 2 to V N 3 we now take a subset ofthe eriteria listed aboye and apply them to a range of verbs on the gradient eonneeting [1] and [3] of 16_66

(1) (3) (4)(2) wantask elect intend

CRITERIA likeallow expectlel~ etc I etc etc etc~ (a) lo V N 3 can be replaeed by - - -+a finite clause

(e) ehange of meaning in passive -+ +of N 2 10 VN3

(e) N 2 can beeome subjeet of passive -+ ++

Fig 1667 A eomplementatiacuteon gradient

The matrix uses only three criteria and thereby distinguishes only four categories This is sufficient to indicate the principie however that the three categories [BS] [C4] and [D6) of our taxonomy eould be broken down iexclnto a finer spectrum of eategories between which the differences are small In effeet Fig 1667 distinguishes two subeategories of [C4] one (including elect and allow) whieh is c10ser to the ditransitive type and one (including inlend and expect) eloser to the monotransitive type Elect and allow respond to cri terion (e)

They elected Miss Coe to suceeed the present seeretary They elected the present seeretary to be sueceeded by Miss Coe

We dont allow residents to entertain visitors We dont allow visitors to be entertained by residents

1220 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

while intend and expeet do not

They intended the students to see the professor = They intended the professor to be seen by the students

They expeet the students to enjoy the classes = They expeet the classes to be enjoyed by the students

Note Por verbs in group (3) the voice oflhe infinitive clause and the voiceofthe main clausemay be independently varied with the result Ihat a SlIacutentence like They expected the students lo enjoy lile classes has tbree corresponding passiv~s with iexclhe same meaning

They expected the classes to be enjoyed by the students The students were expecled lo enjoy the classes

The classes were expected lo be enjoyed by the students

The last example has a passive verb phrase in both the superordinate clause and Ihe infinitive clame

Adjective complementation

168 Categories of complementation in adjective phrases (ef 228 721-2) are similar in variety to those ofverb complementation We distinguish [El-ES)as follows

[El] Complementation by a prepositional phrase [E2] Complementation by a that-clause [E3] Complementation by a wh-clause

i[E4) Complementation by a than-clause [ES] Complementation by a to-infinitive clause [E6] Complementation by an -ing participle clause

These complementation patterns can occur after an adjective (andmiddot its modifiers if any) in various syntactic functions For example

The violiacuten iacutes (rather) difficut to play (adjective phrase as CJ

Mary found the violiacuten (rather) diffieut to play (adjective phrase as CJ

The violiacuten is an instrument (rather) diffieult to play (adjective phrase as postmodifier)

The on1y posiacutetion in which an adjective cannot normally be followed by iacutets complementation is the premodifying position in a noun phrase a keen child on ehess But here too with certain constructions (Types [ES(iraquo) and [ES(v)D the complementation can follow discontinuously after the head noun The violiacuten is a diffieult instrument to play (ef discontinuity with comparative constructions IS75) For illustrative purposes we will confine examples in the following sections to the subject complement function The lists like the verb lists in 1620-63 will be selective

Adjective complementation 1221

Note There is a considerable parallel as the categories [El-ES] aboye demonstrate between patterns associated with adjectives and those associated with monotransitive verbs The chief difference is that adjectives cannot be followed by a noun phrase object To bring out the parallel further we could describe adjectives exemplified in 1669 below (averse to conscous oJ etc) as prepositional adjectives comparable with prepositional verbs We could moreover identify phrasal adjectives (derived from participiaI forms ofphrasal verbs) such as ron down (exhausled depressed) and phrasaI-prepositionaI adjectives such as fed up (with) These tatter variants however are rare enough lo be disregarded in the foUowing lists

[E1] Adjective complementation by a prepositional phrase 1669 Like prepositional verbs adjectives often forro a lexical unit with a following

preposition good atfond oj opposedto etc The lexical bond is strongest with adjectives for which in a given sense the complementation is obligatory Max is averse to games Max is averse Such adjectives are marked 1 in the following lists

The lists make a distinction between participial (ef 715-19) and nonparticipial adjectives The differencebetween participial adjectives and the -ed participle of the passive construction is discussed in 375-77 These lists provide on1y a small sample of the adjectives accompanying the prepositions concemed In particular it is often possible for the same adjective to go with two or more prepositions as in angry about angry at and angrywith

ABOUT He was very worried about her reaction (ef960)

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

angry knowledgeabe aggrieved frightened glad mad annoyed pleased happy reasonable delighted worried

AT She was badat mathematics (ef962)

NONP ARTICIPIAL P ARTlCIPIAL

angry good alarmed disgusted brilliant hopeless amusedmiddotmiddot pleased elever terrible delighted puzzled

FROM Thevillage is remotefromthe bustle ofcity life (ef918 947)

different distant distinct free remo te

OF She was aware ofhis difficulties

NONPARTlCIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

eonvineed ashamed empty proud1 afraid conseiousl glad

seared eapable fond 1 short1 tired certain full worthy

ONUPON Their plan was based on cooperation

NONPARTICIPIAL IPARTICIPIAL

contingent1 intent1 reliantl basedl set1

dependent keen severe hentl

Yiexcl

1222 Complementation of verbs and adjectives ~ Adjective complementation 1223

Note lal In general choice of preposilion remains the same after morphologicalIy related verbs adjectives and nouns differentftom differ from differencefrom But Ihis eorrespondence is not always lo be relied on contrastfull ofwilhfilied wllh proudofwith pride in lb] Other prepositions whieh less comrnonly enlee into adjective + prepositlon idioms iexclnelude for and lowards graleful for sorry for inclined towards le] Usedfollowed by the preposition lO a more informal synonym ofaccustomed(to) is participial in spelling but has the speeial pronuneiation nus~ Unlike accustomed however used does not oceur with a following infinitive (ef 1679) This adjeetival used to in spite of identity of spelling and pronunciation is quite distinet from used lO as a marginal modal (cf344) Contrast

Im used lO hard work I used ro work hard Id] In the past prescriptive objeetions have been made to the use of to ralher Ihan from after averse and different Howevee ro is the normal preposition to fol1lt11 averse and differenr 10 is quite widely used (esp in BrE) as an altemative lo differentfrom On iJifferent rhan cf1566 Note 1674

le] Wilh can be omitted after (fn)compalibie if the subject is plural cfmutual participation 1360

middotCarl is incompatible OUT Cad and Eva are incompatible

[E2] Adjective complementation by a that-clause 670 Like that-clauses following a verb that-clauses folIowiacuteng an adjective may

have

(A) indicative verb 1am sure (that) he is here now (B) subjunctiacuteve verb They were insistent (that) we be ready (formal) (C) putativeshould Im sorry (that) he should hove left ltformal)

The uses of the mandative subjunctive and of putative should have been discussed in 359 and 1425 respectiacutevely Putative should often occurs after expressions of emotion (sorrowjoy displeasure surprise wonder etc) and is often accompanied by intensifying expressions such as so such like thisl that ever or at all The indicative that-clause on the other hand refers to an established fact The foHowing pairs illustrate choices of construction

1 (that) 1 have to leave so early am sorry (that) you should have been (so) inconvenienced

(that) you didnt call the doctor before 1 am surprised (that) anyone ofyour intelligence should swallow a tie

likethat

With some adjectives (those in category [E2b(iiacute)] 1672) the should-clause can be paraphrased by an infinitive clause with a subject

It was natural for him to go to London after the war = It was natural that he should go to London after the war

That-clauses cannot be preceded by preposiacutetions Hence adjectives which are constructed with prepositions before noun phrases ([El]) drop the preposition before a that-clause (cfI628) Compare the folIowing

OfhiS innocence [E1 ] 1am convlnced (th ) h t [E2]at e IS mnocen

Many that-clauses folIowing an adjective are actualIy subjects postponed by extraposition (cf1833)

lt is lucky (that) you came - That you came is lucky

These are listed separately in 1672

lEla) Adjectives with experiencer (cflO23 Note) as subject 1671 (i) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATIVE VERB ONL Y (cfNote [a] below)

These adjectives express degrees of certainty or confidence aware certain corifident sure

We were corifident that Karen was stiacutell alive

(ii) THAT-CLAUSE HAS PUTATIVE SHOULD OR SUBJUNCTIVE VERB

(or marginally aloo an indicative verb) The three principal adjectives in this class are anxious eager and willing

he should be permitted to resiacutegn 1 Are you willing that he be permitted to resign 1

1he is permitted to resign 1 ~

(On the distribution of these three altematives cfI630)

(iH) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATIVE VERB OR PUTATIVE SHOULD

These adjectives express emotions

Im so thankful that nobody was hurto Were you surprised that Ray should win the prize

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

afraid hopeful alarmed depressed horrified angry proud amazed disappointed irritated glad sad amused distressed pleased grateful sorry annoyed disturbed shocked happy tha7lkful astonished frightened upset

There is a tendency to prefer the putative should construction in nonassertive contexts or where the adjective has negative or unfavourshyable associations

TO AH capital gains are subject to taxation NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

answerable close liableacute accustomedl

averse l due1 simz1ar allied1I WiTH This plan is not compatible with our princiacuteples

NONPARTICIPIAL I PARTICIPIAL

angry busy

happy impatient

annoyed bored

ClJmfortable incompatible1 concerned compatibleacute sick delighted content familiar friendly furious

uneasy depressed disappointed disgusted dismayed distressed

inclined1

opposed1

drunk enchanted obsessed occupied overcome pleased satisfied taken1

1672

1224 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Adjective complementatlon 1225

Note [a] The restriction oC Type (i) above lo indicative verbs only is meant to allow Cor the use of T

Note [a] Although tlle pro-forms so and n01 cannot be used after tllese [E2bI adjectives (ef 1671modal auxiliaries including should in a nonputative sense eg I am a~are that I should [= ought 1lo] havejoined longago iexcl Note [bJ) there iexclsa possibilityofreplacing the adjective + solnat by a related adverb + sonot

[b) Afraid is unique among adjectives in that it accepts the pro~oun so (and iexclts negative equivalent Mt) as a that-clause substitute (cfI631) rm afraid SOMI

IElbJ Adjectives with anticipatory it as subject

The that-elause in this eonstruetion is an extraposed subjeet Three types are again distinguished matehing those in 167l

(i) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATlVE VERBONLY (cfI671 Note CaD These adjectives have to do with truthor knowledge

It is true that she never cemes on time

apparent evident likely possible untrue certain implicit obvious true well-known clear indubitable plain unlikely

(ji) THAT-CLAUSE HAS PUTATIVIl SHOULD OR SUBJUNCTIVE VERB (or marginshyaIly also an indicative verb) These adjectives express eoncepts concerned with modality or volition

should be lifted tomorrow It is essential that the ban be lifted tomorrow

(1) is lifted tomorrow

appropriate essentiacuteal important necessary vital compulsory fitting impossible obligatoryshycrucial imperative improper proper

Various deverbal adjectives ending in -able also belong to this group egadvisable desrabIe preferable

(iii) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATlVE VERB OR PUTATIVE SHOULD

This group consists mainly of emotive adjectives and ineludes a large num ber ofparticipial ad jecti ves ending in -ing

Itmiddot strange th t She is so late IS upsetting a she should be so late

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTlCIPIAL

awkward logical alarming perplexing curious odd annoying pleasing disastrous peculiar depressing shocking dreadful sad disappointing surprising extraordinary silly embarrassing fortunate tragie frightening iexclrrational unfortunate irritating

Various -able-ible adjectives also be10ng tp this group admirable eommendable deplorable despieable incomprehensible inconceivable lamentable remarkable understandable unjustifiable etc

ha h l Id l h B Yes obviouslyfortunately soA 1 t IS apparentt t s e IVes oesn t Ive ere B N J I I di t o event y sa y no [b] When an adjective ofType (iii) above occurs after a modal verb construction the that-clause is commonly replaced by an if-clause If the modal verb in the main c1ause is hypothetical (eg would) the verb in the ifmiddotdause is placed in tlle hypothetical pasto Compare

It is sad that you have to leave It will be sad ifyou hove to lea ve

It would be sad ifyou had lo lea ve

[E3] Adjective complementation by a wh-clause 1673 As with that-clauses we have to distinguish those adjeetives ([E3a]) which

are predicated of an experieneer (normalIy a person) as subject and those ([E3bD which go with antieipatory it In the latter case the wh-clause is an extraposed subject Examples are

(onwhat 1should sayo [1]E3a 1was unsure[ 1 (about) whether the problem was solved [2]

[E3b] It was unclear what they would do [3]

Type [E3a1 consists of adjectives which are constructed with prepositions and whieh therefore belong also to Type [EI1 The preposition is sometimes omitted before the wh-clause (ef155 Note reD In Type [E3b] on the other hand no preposition can be inserted bull It was uneear ofabout what lhey would do AIso no infinitive wh-cIause is possible (ef i637) It is unsure where to go is unacceptable unless it refers to sorne aniacutemate being (sueh as a mouse) and is consequently not interpreted in terms of extraposition

Retuming to Type [E3a] we note that in sorne cases the adjective takes a wh-elause in assertive eontexts eg eareful (about) doubtful (as to) fussy (about) puzzled (as to) uneear (about) uncertain (o) undecided (about) unsure (0) unaware (o)

John is careul (about) what he does with his money

Most of these adjeetives are intrinsiealIy negative In meaning In other cases although elsewhere it is associated with an indicative that-clause [E2a(i)] the adjective tends to oceur with a wh-cIause in nonassertive contexts (efI635) eg aware certain eear sure

Are you sure (o) how mueh the maehine costs 1wasnt altogether cleaiexcl- (about) what we had to do

A similar division may be made among adjectives of the antieipatory-it type ([E3b]) Those whieh intrinsieally express doubt and therefore take this strueture even in assertive contexts include doubtful uneertain uneear unsure and unknown Those normally oceurring with an indieative that-elause (le Type [E2b(i)]) inelude apparent eertain obvious and plain They can take a wh-cIause in nonassertive contexts Each type is illustrated in

It was uneear whether an amendment would be accepted It was not obvious how far the westernization process would IO

~ltgt ~~~1~ 1 -~ Adjective complementation 1227

1226 Complementation of verbs and adjectives iexcl

After adjectives of Type [E3a] there may also occur an infinitive wh-clause 1 was uncertain (oi) what to do This is preferable to the finite c1ause in cases illustrated by [1-3] aboye since the subject can remain unexpressed in the reduced nonfinite version

[E4] Adjective complementation by a than-clause 1674 There is an unusual construction in which a noncomparative adjective is

foIlowed by a comparative than-clause as complementation Different is the only adjective which fits into this pattero and even then there is a tradition which regards the use of than here as impropero There is however no felicitous alternative to the different than construction in examples such as

Shes quite a different girl than she wasfilie years ago [11 The various styliacutestic variants of and alteroatives to the than-clause after different are examined in 1566 Note lb] When the c1ause is reduceacuted to a noun phrase it becomes possible to usefrom as an alternative to than

The unions are taking a very different attitude ~ the employers

When the noun phrase folIowing thanffrom cannot be derived by ellipsis from a c1ause than is decidedly less acceptable thanfrom

The main languages of southern India are totaIly different In origin

~~~ those ofthe northern partofthe country

Note [al On differenlrom and different 10 1669 Note [dI [bj It is aloo possible for a Ihan-c1ause to be used after he adverb difilrently

In the west of the country they pronounce their vowels quite aifferently han (they do) in the easl

The same prescriptive objections are made to differenlly Ihan as to different Ihan

[E5] Adjective complementation by a to-infinitive clause [675 We distinguish seven kinds of construction in which an adjective is foIlowed

by a to-infinitive c1ause They are exemplified in the following sentences which are superficially alike

Bob is splendid to wait (ii) Bob is slow to react

(iii) Bob is sorry to hear it (iv) Bob is hesitant to agree with yOU (v) Bob is hard to convince

(vi) The food is ready to eat (vii) lt is important to be accurate

In Types (i-iv) the subject of the main clause (Bob) is also the subject of the infinitive c1ause We can therefore always have a direct object in the infinitive clause if its verb is transitive Por example if we replace intransitive wait by transitive build in (i) we can have Bob is splendid to build this house

Por Types (v-vii) on the other hand the subject of the infinitive is unspecified although the contextoften makes clear which subject is intended

In these types it is possible to insert a subject preceded by for eg in Type (vi) The food is ready (jOr Ihe children) to eat

Infinitive complementation following adjectives modified by lOO and enQugh is discussed eIse Note where in 1S73

(ES(i)) Bob is Iplendid to wait Type (i) has an analogue in a construction involving extraposition (cf1833)1676 1t is splendid of Bob lo wait This type OC construction also permits a head noun between the adjective and the infinitive

Bob must be a spiendid craftsman ~ ~~bUilt this house

As this example shows the infinitive may be perfective We may also compare constructions in which an evaluative noun with its determiner

replaces the adjective

ffoolishYourelafool to spend so mucho

WOnderfUl Youre 1 to walt for me anange

Adjectives in this group are evaluative of human beha~iour They inelude

careful crazy mad silly wise careless greedy nice unwise wrong

These adjectives can also occur with anticipatory il and an of-phrase as additional complementation (cf1682)

It was foolish of you to spend so mucho

IE5(Hraquo) Bob is IOW to react In Type (ii) the sentence corresponds to one in which the adjective becomes 1677 an adverbwhile the infinitive becomes the finite verb

Bob is slow to react - Bob reacts slowlyc

In another analogue the adjective is followed by in and an -ing participle Bob is slow in reacting The infinitive verb phrase must be simple for example unlike the inftnitive phrase in [E5(i)] it cannot be perfective Bob is slow ItJ have reacted Other adjectives in this small group are quick and prompt

There is also a partial adverbial analogue (e8127ff) for Type (i) but in Type (i) unlike Type Note (ii) the perfective infinitive andeven the get-passive (e366) can be used

loan was wise to resigno ~ loan wisely resigned loan was careless to get beaten - loan carelessly got beaten

loan is careless to have got beaten

IES(iuumlraquo) Bob is 10rry lo hear it In Type (iexcliexcli) the head of the adjective phrase is an emotive adjective 1678 (commonly a participial adjective) and the infinitive clause expresses

causation

1679

1228 Complementation of verbs end adjectives

Im sorry to have kept you waiting [rm sorry because I have kept you waiting]

1 was exeited to be there [- To be there exeited me]

Adjectives in this group correspond c10sely to the adjectives followed by a that-clause in 1671 (Type [E2a(iii)D

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

afraid angry ashamed content furious glad

happy impatient indignant jubilant thankful

annoyed astonished bored coneerned delighted depressed

disgusted dissatisfied embarrassed fasemated frightened interested

overwhelmed perturbed puzzled relieved surprised worried

disappointed overjoyed

IE5(ivraquo) Boh is heaitant to agree withyou In Type (iv) the head of the adjective phrase expresses volitional meaning or a modal meaning such as ability possibility or liability Examples are

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

able keen determined anxious Iiable disposed apt Iikely [E2b] fated[E2b] eertain [E2b] loath inclined curious powerless poiseddue prone prepared eager ready [E5] (all) set eligible reluetant unqualified fit [ES] sure [E2b] free [ES] unable greedy weleome hesitant willing impotent worthy

The adjectives marked [E2b] occur with a corresponding construction with extraposition of a that-clause

JilI is likely to attend - It is likely that JiU will attend

Those marked [E5] are capable of occurring with an infinitive construction of passive meaning ie with an indefinite implied subject and a coreferential implied object

Theyare not fit to eat = They are not tit to be eaten

Some ofthe most common adjectives in this list have a tendency to coalesce with the preceding copula 10 form a semimiddotauxiliary verb (ef3A7) be able to be willing to be sure to In addition to modal and volitional adjectives some adjectives ofaspectual meaning such as aeeustomed and wont may be placed here

Adjective complementation 1229

We are aecustomedto take teaon the terrace (formal) He was wont to leave the office at 5 pm (formal archaic)

(ES(vraquo) Bob is lard to convince 1680 In Type (v) the subject of the sentence is identified with the unexpressed

object of the infinitive clause which must therefore have a transitive verb hence the unacceptable Bob Is hard to arrive There is an analogous construction in which the adjective is complement to an infinitive c1ause acting as (extraposed) subject (ef 1836)

- To convince Bob is hard Bob IS hard to convmce It is hard to convince Bob

Adjeeacutetives so used refer 10 degrees of ease or comfort and iexclnclude

awkward hard tough (informal) eonvenient impossible trieky (informal) difficult niee (informal) unpleasant easy pleasant

Unless there is ellipsis we cannot omit the infinitive c1ause and so there is no semantic implication between (say) The bread was hard to bake and The bread was hard Unlike the preceding types Type (v) permitsfor + subject to be inserted at the beginning of the infinitive clause Those darts are trieky (for a beginner) to use Where the infinitive has no overt subject its implicit subject is understood to have an indefinite meanihg

Jack is easy 10 fool =Jack is easy for anyone to foo

Note With some adjectives in this group such as nice or unpleasant the entailment relation between be + adjective ro V and be + adjective is less easy lO avoid eg Jenny is nice lo know iacutemplies that Jenny is nice

IE5(viraquo) Thefood is ready to eat 1681 Again in this type the subject of the main clause is identified with the object

of the intinitive c1ause But unlike Type (v) Typemiddot(vi) has no analogous construction with an infinitive clause subject

The food is ready to eat To eat the food is ready

Also we can generally (a) omit the infinitive clause or (b) substitute a passive infinitive clause without change ofmeaning

Are these cups available (to use) = Are these cups available (to be used)

Some adjectives of this type such as availablefitfree ready and suffieient belong additionally 10 Type (iv) so that a sentence like The lamb ia ready to eat is ambiguous in one sense (the most accessible) being equivalent to the passive The lamb is ready to be eaten Then there is a wider set of adjectives which often occur without complementation at all

The air isfrosty (to breathe) Its fur is soft (to touch)

1230 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

In both Type (v) and Type (vi) the subjectofthe main clause can be equated with the prepositional object of the infinitive clause so that the infinitive c1ause ends with a deferred preposition

She is pleasant to talk to (-It is pleasant to talk to her) This paper is terribly flimsy to write on Is the cloth sufficient to make a dress out ol

In Type (vi) as well as in Type (v)for + subjeet may be inserted before the infinitive verb Are these books free (for visitors) to borrow Are these books available to borrow]

(E5(vii)J Jt is important to he accurate 1682 We saw in 1672 that a that-clause following an adjeetive may prove to be a

subjeet postponed by extraposition (ef1833) A to-infinitive clause following an adjeetive may have the same oouree

It is essential to spray the trees every year - To spray the trees every year is essential

The infinitive clause can also be introduced by for + subjeet

It is vital (for the ehildren) to be properly cIad It will be strange (for us) to be living alone

Adjectives ofTypes (ji) and (iii) in 1672 ([E2b]) may have this construction importantJortunate lueky surprising etc Possible also belongs te this group

An addiacutetional group of adjeetives oeeurring after anticipatory it are those adjeetives (ehiefly naming evaluative attributes of persons) whieh occur in pattern [E5(i)] (ef 1676) The adjeetive in this group is often followed byan of-phrase identifying the persones) being discussed

It was wrong (of him) to teIllies iexcli

It is niee ofyou to phone

[E6] Adjective complementation by an -ing participle cfause [683 A number of sub-types ofthis pattem may be mentioned

(i) Busy is followed by an -ing participle clause without subject

Margery is busy writiacuteng Ietters

Worth and worthwhile on the other hand oceur both with and without subjeet

It is seareely worth(while) (youyour) going home

Here worth(while) follows preparatory it and the participle clause is an extraposed subjeet (ef1834) Other adjectives ofthis pattern are pointless and useless (Its pointless buying so mueh food) and adjectives of Type [E2b(iiacutei)J (efl6 72) also sometimes have this complementation absurd awkwardJortunate annoying etc

EIsewhere worth and worthwhile accompany an -ing participle elause without subjeet but with a passive meaning comparable to tbat of the infinitive elause in pattern [E5(v)] (ef1680)

Complementation of abstract nouns 1231

The cartons are worth(while) saving ( Its worth(while) saving the cartens)

(iv) There is a variant eonstruction in whieh a preposition oecurs between the adjective and the participle clause In some cases the preposition is optional (cf(i) aboye)

Im busy (with) getting the house redeeorated Werefortunate (in) having Aunt Mary as a baby-sitter

In other cases the preposition is obligatory We are used to not having a car (cf1669 Note [e]) Im hopeless at keeping the garden tidy Shes not capable oflooking after herself

Note [al The adjectival constructions in (ii) above may be compared in some cases with nominal constructionsof equivalent meaning

ts 110 goaduse telling him anything Theres 110 point (in) telling him anything

8uch constructions are introduced either by anticipatory il (el 1833) or by eltistential there (el 184$) AmE also hu Theres no use telling him anythlng (b) Worthwhlle is sometimes spelled as two words The vacillation between the spellings worthwhile and worth while reflects an unclarity about the status of this sequence which may altematively be regarded as the preposition worth (eI96) followed by a noun Compare

lts not worth your whife staying lts not worlhh whh~e (your) staying worl w 1

Complementation of abstract nouns

1684 In this coneluding section we will show as a conneeting link between this chapter and the next how the pattems of complementation described for verbs and adjectives in 1620-83 are aloo to be found with abstraet nouns which are morphologieally related to those verbs and adjectives (ef nominalization 1751ff and appositional constructions 1726 1735) For example the noun likelihood is derived from and semantically related to the adjective likely It is therefore not surprising that a construction associated with the adjeetive Is found with the corresponding noun

It is likely that Joan will get married [1]

The likelihood is that loan will get married [21 the likelihood that Joan will get married [31

But the assumption of eorrespondence eannot be automatie for it may faiacutel in both direetions

loan is likely to get married Joan s likelihood to get married

It is likely of J oans getting married the likelihood of Joans getting married

------__shyiacute1 11

COMPLEX INTRANSITIVE CONSTRUCTIONS p H MATIHEWS

1 Introduction

In sentences such as [1J

ArR C~Iltiacuteltmiddotli N ([1J Th~deitgreen ~

he construct~oEJ~QLordf JJP~ that GCE850ff describes as 9QMfLEX JRANSITIV~ Ofthe elements in questionit and made are related a~Jn tQllt ~imple transitive

j [2J They made it

YihiJe ir and green a~_~latelasinasimple_ltQI1llar_sentence ( [3] lt is green (- lt

~f the type that following Lyons (l977469ff) raquoe will call ASCRIPTIVE raquouacutet greacuteen- also standsJna direcueJordf9lsJIacuteIL ordm~_iii~de the object and adjective exemplifying a single I2atteIILof VERB COMllEMe~nrJ91 This paUCIDl can be sajd torepresenta IJJS10N (G e E 850) ofJ~ltsimpler transitiv iexcll~J~Jjpiexcly_e_tjPes - _shy

IH~~_sfiE~~Ve can be fused with th~~~tY_e_(lri~alsoP~ fused with theintransitixe1 Insentildetentildeces SUChas[4] -

MI It turned green

~construc~~~~~]y idmtifkQyaacuteth th~ of l3J in both examples the

l]

~ ~ ~ ENGLISH GRAMMAR

verb is described as copularor in the terminology of GCE820f as taking intensive complementation But neither description is quite appropriate to1 both cases In the~ptive sentence there i indeed no mor~than~pYhL~

1 2ampffiMical iP~ betwe~ the adjective and its subject~ plainly this ~ ~ is not true of [4] whose verb TURN has its own specific meaning lf turned~ iacute I is a full verb it must then be the govemor of green as made is in (1) in that

iexcl ~ sense there is cornplernentatjon But we express nothing by assigning such a complernentation to the copula A solution is to c1ass I4] as a COMPLBX

IITMNSITIVE iL~onsect_trJltiordmL being an extension of th~simpleJmransiUacutelLe _shy~ i I5] It turned

j precisely as that of (1) is extended from that of [2)iexcl

2 Fused constructions

Let us take our cue from GCEs referenee to fusionlo the simpl~L =nfu~~~_~~~~~~~)t1ecltgtnstVf1ionconsistso(asingJULeAicJ~tQI(lgde) which in a dependency ana~is has both the subject and the object as its dependents or to adapt G CEs term has both a subjeet and an oJkltt asit complementation lnJhaL~se (2) has a _K1U~~~_~ruetion (Lyons i977) w1jch cannotJiexclJLr~s~Cl9JUnQ(lt_e~mentary relationships of ptediCJJQJkSo too has the simple intransitive (5] vi1ihidepeiioenforior forming the complementation of tumed So too has the simple aseriptive [3] its predicator on the analysis ofLyons and others is the adjective green One reason for relatlng the subject to the adjective is that the elements are jointly subject to selectional restrictions A reason for not relating either to the copula is that the latter stands aside (rom these restrictions adding none ofitsown

In a fused construction the pattem ls neither strictly kernel nor straightforwardly non-kemellnJhegmplex transitive [lL1oth1tan41~Y are again direct ~cngents of made these relatio~_elQ~ the words in FigJbx direC1~ltaI~_uacutela~~I~Qordf-ordfl9blleiexcl)Uumlnamp21uacuteward frollLthe

~d

(aJiquest-Fig 1

[42]

P H Matthew$

p~ed~~ So is green arc el this too being supported by selectional restrictions We are therefore dealing with a single clause rooted in made of which each word is a distinct element But green js a1soapredicator in iexclelation to il (are d)J that wav we are dealing with two kernelp~QlS th~ fuurtermclauseinfQmQrating bothtM_~tuet~[IDJr~JlsitiYlljh~ twoshytenn a~-middot -_shy

In Fig 1 we have diagrammed what any grammarian will propose provided that his terminology or his notational apparatus allow him to say it Iut similar reasonjng applies to the construction which we have called the ~IpJex ln~~-ordfEsitive Of the relationships showninf1g --~~t~~~~_

it turned green

aAacutebJ Fig2

to ir (arcc)_isagainasintheascripJjy~ and needs no further cornment But the final element is clearly suJiexcliect to ru19jtional resr=l~ordmI~ tlTlJRI_ im~~tordm-~~it~~rAUQj~9iY_I9U~l~~ed noun (He turned pink He turned kings eVidence) iQ~~~1lined phrase is exCiuacuteded (He turned arog)

tDle~sthe p~e~~i0rl~lJ9rtn is ~~jordmntildei[qiireifitetuumlmed iexclnto a frog) ~itt G-ordm-1h exdusi(m is abgolule one cannot even say He went into a criminal

f [he adjeqtive is also Iimlted to specific collocations For example one can say It turned sour or Ir went sour but it is harder to accept Ir grew sour 1 Conversely one can say He grew od but not He went od On that evidence

j we may establish a relationship of dependency between green and tumedj (arc b) The verb too can then be related to the subject (arc a)

1 Epgth o~2am~ thefe is one terro ir lVhich is a9~de~~~~t1 theascriptile anCITlieletbalk~m~1 (Fig 1 ares b and d Fig 2 ares a and c) The fusion is then effected by a further link (Fig 1 arc e Fig 2 are b) in which ond of the two predicators een is ineo orat~a~_ ordf d~RendenlO(th~ I re atlon that uirk an4hl~ COU~_~ampI~s-1 jn the case of th complex intransitille hall app1ied the Iean intlaquo=nsve

mmplementatio~gly describe he yaleruLQ(IUN or iexcl l otIllBNinthisuseJuh~int~siYeint[ansitivx But the insight intildeaacute I

alsQ be extended to the complex transitiye In that spirit MAKE or MAKE as

used in sentences such as W might appropriatelL be described ~~_~n_ i ~ntensive transitive -J -bull_--------shy

[43)

ENGLISH GRAMMAR

3 Distinctions between tbe complex intransitive and other partly similar constructions

For a three-term construction Fig 2 shows the maximum number of interconnections with each term related to each of the others The miacutenimum isone thus for the ascriptive (3) we have adopted the structure shown i~

L with l~~E2nd te~~Il2= tlliacuten amaroe~ ordmrS1PP9~g~lexn~~ ~eLClatiacute9D~t~~~~t~first an~~~hir~ But this leaves five other possibilities which in theory might be realized ust as the second element_lt~p~ltmark(r ordfs inEig 3bullKlJQQmgordmHhetordm-iriexcl in thatJ~SiquestOillY

iacutet is green

Fig3

1he_verb vQ1lld_be a predicatorrwithonl)l1he_~ygtject related 10 it This structure does not seem to be realized at least not in away whiacuteCh is -relevant to our analysis Asecond_possibil~iuhatJmly the verb a~ ~~~iexcltiY~L iquestnjgl~~_rell~q in that ca~e bot~redicatoS_w-ordmyldIgt~ impersonal-vUh lh~su~ject a me~m~ce-filler This structure might conceivably be suggested for exampIacuteesmiddotSuumlch as [6]

[6] It got mistier

with a so-called ambient it But although it may indeed be ambient with respect to mistier it need not follow that it is ambient with respect to got

In the remaining cases no element is a marker but there are only two instead of three interconnections Ir there wem no link betw-IlJhe subject ~YMh(Ejg 2 are a) the verb1tSelf would agajn be impersmordf-~ I~ transformational terms its surface subject would be derived by raising (Postal 1974) from a subordinate adjectival clause lf th3ewere no intensiye lipk between the first and second predicators (Fg 2 arWJUlt verb would be a simple intransitive taking just t~_S)lbject as its complementation th~on of tbe adjec1iYtLL~ then be uumlMrn-~0n[7] forexample --- -_~

Eacutel He arrived saber J (~ eacute cc L f ~ 2 f

grammars do not establish an intensive or copular use of ARIUVB Finally

[44]

1 P H Marrhew$

if the ascriQive lik wer~~2ken iacuteEiKbJ~~ f)hHordmjlti~~ment woulordm-no longer bJlta predicaQ~ltiexclHQle wQuldin~teadb~ADVJllqt~iexcl as in 8)

(8) He ran fa~t

There is no doubt that the intensive construction is distinct from the adverbial and that sober in [7] is at least more circumstantial than green in It turned green But the subject-verb relation is more problematic in that a raising transformation has been proposed for one at least of the G C E s intensive verbs Let us therefore take that distinction first

31 Ofthe twenty or so most common intensive verbs (GCE821) SEEM and APPEAR particularly lend themselves to transformational analysis On the evidence of sentences such as [9]

(2) It seemed that they wereamp~e~

_U~naIlJral lo establish an underlying ~~ct~~

J~sIhey were green]~ seemed

irlYhIacutetEw~4)srelate(L1ot to they J~Q9green indhiOacute1lally but to the yiole ascri2tive kernelrom the same structure a sentence such as [10)

[10] They seemed to be green

can then be derived by further transformations of subject raising and infinitive formation Froro the structure reaJized by [Io]lIleare n3tllcalli

~m~ed to derive the comple~_~transiti~euacutell

[u) They seemed gre~

by a further transformation deleting the copuiacutea For SEEM the rules deriving [10] and [u] would both be optional But for

other verbs such as TURN or GO We could make them obligatory so It turned green could be the only realization of an underlying sUr was greenls turned the ambient Ir got misrier - [6] aboye - a realization of say s[mistier]s gorand so on If the obligatory rules were then restricted to the copula we would also ensure that any other form of embedded structure (g[he eft]s turned or g[he kissed her]s grew) was filtered out By such means a treatment which is widely accepted for SEEM and for which the evidence is at first compelling could be extended if it were thought appropriate to the entire intensive intransitive class

There are good reasons for not thinking it appropriate In a sentence such as [12]

[12] Harry got drunk

Qn~JsllQIacuteli~ply talking of a_~ate tha~ reslllttI s~o t~a~ ~~rry vs (45)

ENGLISH GRAMMAR

drunk or Harrys drunkenness happened) Nor is Harrya mere theme or tliexclfc (Aacute~-to-KarryQruniexcliquestenneacuteSs-l1ippened to him) tlamp11tbject iexclS1

potentia1lt-at-l~st--alMl~tgh-ge~~amp9run_~ wassoID1hiiL~hatJIal did The--verb mayaccordiacutentilde-gly take a subject adjunct (O CE 466]) thus I delibera tey got drunk or He foo(lshy turned traitor It may also supply the complement of a conative verb (1 did try to get drunk) may appear in the imperative (Dont get drunk ) and so on For sorne collocations this potentiacuteality is doubtless harder to realize (compare He delibera tey turned bue with He delibera tey turned nasty or He tried ro grow oder with He tried ro grow farter) but that is precisely the case for subjects and predicators generally lt is this semantic role that justifies the first link shown in Fig 2

which an impersonal structure as in (b)

(b) s[Harry was drunkls got

would relegate to the surface If (b) is wrong for Harry got drunk a transformationalist should consider

more carefully w hether a similar structure is correct for Harry seemed drunk Let us assume that it is correct for the construction with a that-clause (It seemed that Harry was dhmk) for SEEM and APPEAR a c1ausal complement does form one possibility Let us also accept that SBBM has a constant sense in all its constructions But for other current intensives (G eE 820 f) the evidence is more complexo With SOUNO a that-clause can be forced for example if a dative is inserted (lt sounds ro me that (hey arent coming) There is also an impersonal construction with as if

[131 It sounds as ifthey were green

which might be thought to derive from the same source The construction of [13] is also acceptable witb LOOK (lt ooks as ifthey arent coming) But between it and the complex intransitive we can find clear disparities in meaning In [13] the judgment is based on indirect clues what sounds or appears from audible information is indeed the whole proposition they were green But in the complex intransitive [14]

[141 They sound drunk

it is based on sounds that they are making For that reason it is harder 10 make sense of They sound green Likewise They [ook drunk means that they from their appearance are so But in It loob as ifthey are drunk the speaker does not even imply that he has seen them (Compare Prom what you say it ooks as if rhey are drunk) Ir we wanted a complex source it would be tempting 10 relate [14] not 10 the impersonal [13] with raising but rather to the personal [Is1

[IS] They sound as iexclfthey are drunk

with the second they deleted

[46]

P H Marthews

Personal and impersonal are often hard to separate as Palmer (1972) and before him Bolinger(l96la) have shown Ofthis group ofintensives TASTE

and 5MBLL are the most restricted in meaning and it is with these that the impersonal construction as in [91 and [131 is least acceptable With TASTE

neither seems likely Ir rasres to me that the soup is saty It tastes to me as if they are sweer If the second example can be interpreted it is by virtue of a blending with the personal construction (compare It tasres as ifit ) With SMELL the construction of [131 may be more acceptable (Ir smells ro me as if dinner is ready) but the blending remains With PEEL a non-tactile sense is possible (Ir fees Iikey) but is less established than the broader senses of LOOK or SOUNO (compare Ir ooks likey II sounds likey) It is in this case that my judgment is least secure would one say for example It fees (or Ir fees to me) as if they were green With SOUNO and LOOK the general sense is well established as in [131 or Ir sounds likely but there is still a sensory meaning as in [14] and [Isl which inhibits the pure impersonal with that With SEEM and APPEAR we are at the end of the continuum both having general senses only Hence the construction of[91 alongside the impersonal with as if (Ir seems as if they were green) Hence perhaps the infinitive construction of [101 with SOUNO and the others this too is awkward (They ooked ro have arrived Or Ir tastes ro me to be sweer) But it does not follow that the semantical1y general They seem drunk differs in syntax from the specifically sensory They sound drunk or They smell drunk We can even force an active interpretation of the subject thus They tried lO appear drunk or I deliberarey seemed irrftated

32 As [11] with SEEM Hes on a gradience between personal and impersonal so there are others which raise problems in distinguishing intensive from adverbial and circumstantial constructions For there is no criterion which is both sufficient and necessary

The obvious step is to tesectt for simpler transforms Thus J9r [12] Harl~ qrunk ~e can comp~jiexcleJgtimple a~ve Harry was drul~ TRANSFORM in that firstIy it is a a d secondly the predicator

-ORUNK hasnot a tq~ sense s no intraiiSIuvetrans[oacuterintilde ~stiiis~se of G BI is oot ~ble Nor has 4 r tumeirgeacute-iexcl an intransitive transform It turned since this involves a different sense oC TURN Ir there~~ an ascriptive transform but n9-Wn~itive the JhirdeiacuteeDlen t mult be a complementi so [41 and [12] must be complex intransitive Ir there is neither transform it MA y be complement but the col~of verb and adjective mjgbt rCaSantildea be classed as idiomatic Thus The roses have run wild has no transform The roses ve iiOr-aacuteoes it strictly match The rOSes are wild But WILO is at least an adiecti~ must stand in sorne relationship to the verb therefore R UN WILO is right1y

chmldw-rresultintensive (O eE) ---shy-- -_--g ~ _---_bull ~ shy

[471

ENOLISH ORAMMAR

If there is a simple intransitive but no ascriptive transr2ffil--_~~~ coacutentildeSffiiClioacutentilde-intildeuumlSt]ie iexcljdve(J2iacuteaIYlIacuteustrivialIy He ran iexcliuieacutekly has no ascriptive tiexclansfo~ He was quickly less trivially He travelled light does not match He was ight But what if we find both rlJgJQQordf~tillha$ordflJ ascriEtive _~ran~f~rrlJ~eYI1Jer~_~~ ~sectmL1aY-J~_a~~plement circumstantjallik~iilelltjnThey-sJoQdsilent ordfytlb~~j~llsothe simpler intran~1ti~ fbilystQPf so still ~ight be anadver~ like sileniTyintilde-fiieystood silenty Since there is no distinct form srilly the latter is hard to rule out For It shone white we can compare the formally adjectivallt shone brighr again there are both transforms (Ir shone Ir was white) But It shone brighr is c10se in meaning to the formaUy adverbial Ir shone brighry could white be an adverb in default of or as the commoner altemative to whirely Blending may aIso be found in idioms For example it is fruitless to ask if doggo is an adjective or an adverb in He is Iying doggo

For the circumstantial case both transforms are necessary thus [7] He arriuacuteiid sober has the triexcliexclntildeiiiacuteormsmiddotiexcliexcluacuteli-iexcliexclved andHe wasectSoacutebe Wewoacuteuumllifiliso ixpeeacutetthilUumlheveromiddotantildedmiddotildjectTe-shouId befreeOi collocationaI restrictions so He arrived sober He left sober He Jeft satisjied He arrived satisfied and so on But it is very hard to say when such a requirement iacutes meto One does not say for example They stood noisy or They sroodpeacefuJ on that evidence They stood sient might be classed as complex intransitive But neither is one likely to say They arrived noisy or They arrived kind Is that too a matter of collocational restrictions so that [7] is also intensive Or is it merely that NOISY and KIND are ill suIacuteted 10 this construction7 At this point jt is tempting to distinguish degrees of circumstantiality The extreme case would be represented by such sentences as [16]

[16] They stood there exhausted

(Iikewise They have arrived quite sober) where the adjective and verb are marked as separate Beside [16] the construction in [7] is less clearly circumstantial in They stood sient or They stoodfidgering it is perhaps even r less so But this last might stilJ be seen as less intensive than for example

iexcl They stood amazed Likewise They feJl exhausted is less clearly intensi ve than 1 They fell sick since it involves no special sense of FALL

~

f lrOacutel p1lI1riHmD ~ amires f0tr eompiex trlmSitive fu Tlieyfbuntlliim~

guilry there is a special sense OfPIND as ofMAKE in They mode it green In TIwy rrun Juacutem JOber tbat IacuteoS DO spcciiexcll SCDSII of)lEET~ by tbat cS ~ is more eircumsumlial BUl onc la unlikely lO say for eumple They me hlm meditative

4 Finally there is an obvious gradience between the coxnP-1ex intransitive ~nct the simple ascriptj~ With TURN 01 GROW there are~-selecUumlonal restrictions as we have seen With SBJlli or SIhV tney are far fewer

[48J

P H Matthews

neverthelesson~canI1Q~~yfordmr_~ordfmplelfil_sectil1Ied chairmqf1-ltcompareH~ stayelt chairman Qr1fsectJjiquest_riquest~cordfirmordfl1) or It srays obvious that (compare It seemsobvious that or It remainsobvious that ) With REMAIN it is hard to find any but at least the intransitive exists He remained) and their senses can be related Wth BECOMB that evidence too is lacking He became drunk can be distinguish-ed(rontildei1lieasgiptiYlt1g lu7ntl1k onlyJ~iiui~s from jts resultative meaning -_-

This merging has ied grammarians to treat the constructions together But we can do this only by assimi)ating BE to the mode) of verb complementation (as in GCE) not by assimilating TURN and so on to the model of a copula likethecpmplexrordfnsectitiy~nl_e compleimrap~W~i~ ayoor ca~~idatefltY-l~LIl~Jlt~IQ~-ordf_~~rnelltructllr~middot

M

~_

Page 2: in - UGR · (III). 11-70 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1171 Note [a] The ... In addition, we shall use where necessary the suffixes 'ph' (for

11-70 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1171

Note [a] The folIowing are examples of intransitive (ie Type l) phrasal verbs(cfI63) al out [quarrel] make ojlfescape] pas away[die] blowover [of a storm etc] Jali back [retrcal] catch on [understand] Come ogrsuccecd] make up cnd a quarrel] pul up estop] look up [improve] fal Ihrough [fail] crop up [occur] corneour [bloom] passour[faint] opt out [of a choice] come lO [become conscious] fall off[decline]

Further examples are to be found in 163 [b] Category (1) includes the iacutentransiti ve verbs liacutee lttnd rise which are sometimes confused by native speakers with ther transitive counterpartsuumly and raise becauseoftheir formal simiacuteladty A similar correspondence exists betweenfall (intransitive) andfell (transitive) eg They feled a Iree

~A01TICf J~Ceacutefli 0v t Types of verb complementation

1620 There are four main types of complementation to consider

[A] Copular eg John is only a boyo [B] Monotransitive eg 1have eaught a bigfish [C] Complex transitive eg She called him a hero [D] Ditransitive eg He gave Mary a doll

Although these complementation types have already been generally discussed in 216 and elsewhere it is necessary now to list the verbs of each type in more detail paying particular attention to the active-passive relatiacuteon (el 369fJ) In this survey we shaIl also list variants on the aboye patterns for example cases where the verb is foIlowed by a finite or nonfinite clause Such variants will be distinguished by numbers [Al] [B2] etc The various subshytypes of complementation under these headings are illustrated in Table 1620

In addition we shall use where necessary the suffixes ph (for phrasal verbs) pr (for prepositional verbs) and ph-pr (for phrasal-prepositional verbs) For example [B4ph-pr] will refer to a class of phrasal-prepositional verbs taking a wh-clause as prepositional object (egjind out about whether ) It is not always necessary to recognize such detailed classifications but it is use fui to be able to do so when the occasion arises Two points may be noted about complementation of multi-word verbs First a phrasal verb cannot normaIly be interrupted by a clause as object

He left off driving a ear He left driving a ear off

Second a Type 1prepositional or phrasal-prepositional verb is appropriately classified for the purposes of complementation as monotransitive since the prepositional object is analogous (eg with respect to the active-passive relation) to a direct object (efI614) In general multi-word verbs behave like other verbs of the same general type and we will make a point of mentioning them or listing them separately only when they are numerous or where there is something special to be noted about them

(Note in Table 1620 +S = with subject - S = without subject)

Table 1620 Verb complementation types

Variants Example Section

COPULAR (Types S VC and S VA) (A 1] [A2j [A3]

Adjectival Cs Nominal C Adverbial complementation

The girl seemed restless William is myfriendo The kitchen is downstairs

(1621) (1622) (1624)

MONOTRANSITIVE (Type SVO) [BI] NounphraseasO Tom caught the ball (1626)

(with passi ve) [B2] Noun phrase as O Paullacks confidence (1627)

(without passive) [B3] [B4]

That-clause as O Wh-clause as O

I think that we have meto Can you guess what she said

0630) (1635)

[B5J Wh-infinitive as O Ileamed how to sail a boato (1637) [86) [87]

To-infinitive ( - 8) as O -Ing clause (-8) as O

Weve decided to move house She enjoys playing squash

(1638) (1639)

[B8] [89J

To-infinitive ( +8) as O -Ing clause (+8) as O

They want us to help I hate the children quarrelliacuteng

(1641) (1642)

COMPLEX TRANSITIVE (Types SVOC and SVOA) [CIJ AdjectiacutevalCo Thatmusicdrivesmemad (1644) [C2] Nominal Co They named the ship Zeus 1646) [C3J O + adverbial lleftthe key al home (1648) [C4J 0+ to-infinitive They knew him to be a spy (1650) [C5] 0+ bare infinitive 1 saw her leave the room (1652) [C6] O + -ing clause 1 heard someone shouting (1653) [C7J O + -ed clause I gol the watch repaired (1654)

DITRANsrnvE (Type SVOO) [D 11 Noun phrases as Oiacute amp Od Theacutey uered her someood (1655) [D21 Wth prepositional O [D3] Oiacute + that-c1ause [D4J O + wh-cIause [05] Oiacute + wh-infinitive c1ause

Plcas~ szy SiJcthing lo USo

They told me that I was ill He asked me what time it was Mary showed us what to do

(1amp56 (1659) (1661) (1662)

[D6J O + lo-infinitive 1 advised Mark to see a doctor (1663)

Within the sub-types [A lj [A2] etc it is sometimes valuable to distinguish additional semantic sub-types for which the roman numeraIs (i) (ii) etc will be used Other distinguishing marks applied to verbs in the following sections will be explained where they occut

Copular complementation

[Al) Adjecnve phrase as subject complement 1621 A verb is said to have COPULAR complementation when it is followed by a

subject complement (C) or a predication adjunct (ef216 222 826jJ) and when this element cannot be dropped without changing the meaning of the verbo The verb in such a clause is a COPULAR (or linking) verb and is equivalent in function to the principal copula the verb be Copular verbs faH into two main classes according to whether the subject complement has the role of CURRlNT ATTRIBUTE or of RESULTING ATIRIBUTE (el 1020) Thiacutes

1172 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

distinction corresponds to that between CURRENT copulas and RESULTING

copulas (efconcusive verbs 435) Normally current copulas are stative (ef 428ff) and cannot cooccur with the progressive aspect

The diacutestinction is illustrated below with an adjectival complement the first kind of complementatiacuteon we will consider

CURRENT The girl seemed very restless RESULTING The gi rl beeame very res tless

The following is a fairly full list of verbs regularly used in this pattern together with typical adjectival complements

CURRENT RESULTING

(i) be (friendly) [N] (iv) beeome (older) [N] eome(true)appear (happy) [N] end up (happy) [N]feel (annoyed) [N] get (ready)look (pretty) [N] go (sour)seem (very restless) [N] grow (tired)smell (sweet) prove (rather useful) [N]sound (surprised) [N] tum (cold) [N]taste (bitter) tum out (fortunate)

(iacuteiiacute) remain (uncertain) [N] wind up (drunk) [N] (informal)

keep (silent) slay (motionless)

End up tum out and wind upare copular phrasaI verbs The verbs marked [N] in the list also occur with a noun phrase complement (though not all with the same freedom or acceptabiacutelity efI622) The roman numerals in the list idcntify semantic groups which are discussed in 1624 below

In aacuteddition to the copular verbs abov th~rc are vcrbs ~hich havc this function with severe restrictions on the words occurring in the complement (ef 1016) The restriction may be a lexical restriction to certain idiomatic verb-adjective sequences such as rest assured (ef 1617) or it may be a semantic restrictiacuteon (eg the meaning ofblush restricts the adjective to a subset of colour words blush searlet but not blush green) Sorne examples are given below with typical adjective complements

CURRENT RESULTING

(v) bum (low) (vi) blush (bright red) lie (flat) fall (silent) loom (large) jall down (dead) play (rough) [N] jreeze (solid) plead (innocent) run (wild) rest (assured) slam (shut) stand (firm) (N] spring (open) stand up (straight) wax (eloquent) (archaic)

Many of these verbs resemble intransltive verbs the complement being added almost as an optlona specifier

Note [a] 00 is current in go hungrylllaked but is normally resulting elsewhere as in go [= become] sourl redl wildlmad

Types of verb complementation 1173

[b] Die as in He died YOUllglpoor elc does nOI lit easily into eilher 01 the calegories Iisted The verb die ilself is conclusive bul Ihe complemenl which follows it refers lo a curren altribute The meaning is He was youngpoor etc at the lime of his death

(A21 Noun phrase as subject complement 1622 Again the verb be is the principal copula used in this pattern

William is my friendo Oslo seems a pleasant city

The verbs marked (N] in 1621 can be used with noun phrase complements as well as with adjective phrase complements The following list of such verbs is fairly full However it should be noted that especially in American English there is a tendency to avoid this construction with certain verbs Instead both AmE and BrE prefer an infinitive construction (Type (B6] in 1638 below) with lO be following the finite verb

lt appears the only solution - It appears to be the only solution

There is also especially in informal AmE a tendency to prefer a construction in which a copular verb is followed by like (ej 1624 Note [a])

It seems like the only solution

CURRENT RESULTING

(i) be (my friend) (iv) beeome (an expert) end up (her slave) (ii) appear (the only solution)

jeel (a fool) prove (his equal)

look 1 (a fine day) turn (traitor) seem (a genius) turn out (a successdisaster)

wind up (a millionaire) (informal) sound1 (a reasonable idea)

tUumlI) remain (good friends)

The classes (i-iv) match those in 1621 (On the omission of the artice in the complement in beeome president etc eI542) The superscript 1 indicates that such verbs do not often occur in this pattern but (particularly in AmE) are preferred in the construction with lO be or like (see aboye)

Note [al With a noun phrase complementfeel has Ihe meaning have the sensalion ofbeing bul with an adjective complemenl it has not only this meaning (as in She felt ill) but also Ihe meaning ofcause a sensalIacuteon as in The lablefell rOllgh (cf429fJ [b] The noun phrase foUowing ael as eount as pose as pass for and similar combinalions is in a copular relation wilh Ihe subject and these combinalions may be reasonably descriacutebed as copular preposiliacuteona verbs on Ihe analogy of inlransitiacute ve and transiacuteli ve prepositional verbs (ef 165-7 also 1647) Correspondiacuteng to Ihese constructions wilh current meaning are resulling copular prepositional verbs such as ehange inlo grow illlo and IIlTn illlO wilh the general meaning ofbecome Nole Ihe near-synonymy of He lurned Irailor and He lllrned inO a lraitor [e] Sorne verbs occur more marginally in the above pallerns eg slay in They slayed goodfriends Turn as in lurn Iraitor is formulaic and is more or less restricled lo a small numbec of combinations [di One oc two verbs such as make and parl can appear wilh a noun phrase complemenl but not with an adjective phrase complemenl

They parledlhe best offriends They make a charming couple

(In a senlence like They parled friendly onee more friendly once more would be not a complement but a verbless clause cfLO16 149)

1174 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Semantic notes on copular verbs 1623 The main verb be i8 the most central copular verb and the most neutral in

meaning It i8 also overwhelmiacutengly the most common Although it generally has current and stative meaning notice should be taken eacutel its use also in reference to events and acti vities

There was a roar as the ball bounced off the goal post Youre being very helpful (cf431)

In sorne cases be is close in meaning to become

Ann wi1 be a qualified nurse next year Cora was angry when she heard about the accident

As the list8 in 1621-2 show copular verbs apart from be fa1l into three casses First there iacutes the divisiacuteon between current and resulting verbs then the current verbs divide further into verbs of seeming (ii) (including seem appear and the perceptiacuteon verbs look sound etc) and verbs of remaining (iiiacute) such as remain stay and keep The resulting verbs (iv) are in the main verbs ofbecoming but their meanings diacuteffer in detail as we shall now briefly show

Become is a process verb (cf434) placiacuteng emphasis on the duration of the change whereas get places more emphasis on the agency behind the event or on the result of the change Get ready but not Become ready Go and turn tend to refer to changes which happen in spite of human agency and therefore are often used for deterioratiacuteons go mad go wild go sour go stale turn livid turn white [of hair turn sour Turn more especia1ly seems to apply to natural changes from one state to its opposite turn greenlbrown [of leaves] turnfinejcold [or weather] turn ripe (BrF) Grow i8 also associated with naturiexcliexcll changes especial1y with grfl(ll lth~nges (grCw od gow tall) and 15 likely to occur with comparative adjectives as in grow cooler grow more contento In many cases more than one verb can occur with the same adjective and it is difficult to give precise conditions for selecting one rather than another

Note Come is very restricted as a copular verb but it makes an interesting contrast with go in examples like go wronglcome right The association ofgo wi th deterioration (gd rollen etc) is complemented by the association of come with improvement in come true etc These aSsociations may be connected with the positive and negative direction (from the speakers viewpoint) of come and go as verbs ofmotion

IA3) Complementation by an adjunct 1624 The principal copula that allows an adverbial as complementation is once

again be The complementing adverbials termed predication adjuncts in this function are mainly space adjuncts (cf83 839ff)

The children are at the zoo The kitchen is downstairs

but time adjuncts too are common with an eventive subject (cf8 76)

The party will be at nine The outing is tomorrow

and other types of predication adjunct are grammatical (for further examples cfIOIO)

I

Types of verb complementation 1175

Get and keep are two more copular verbs which occur specifically with place adjuncts (or adjuncts metaphorically related to these)

At last we got home Get offthat chair They kept out oftrouble How did you get here

Be get and keep are clearly copular verbs in this function because of their inability to occur without the adjunct The children are At last we got They kept More marginally other verbs such as five come go remain stay stand fie belong to this category (cf827) These also occur as intransitive verbs with roughly the same locative (or abstract locative) meaning bul are in many contexts felt to be incomplete unless sorne complementation is added

My aunt lives in Shropshire My aunt lives

The need for the verb to be followed by sorne complementation is perhaps strongest in pure locative statements such as Cannes lies on the French Riviera Whereas verbs like Uve and lie show the resemblance of adverbial compleshymentation to the zero complementation of intransitive verbs verbs like remain stay come go turn and grow show its similarity to copular complementation by adjective phrases The parallel i8 brought out by pairs such as

He turned red She grew tall He turned into a monster She grew into afine woman

However for our purposes it will be preferable to treat sequences such as turn into and gmw into as copular prepositiona verbs (cfI622 Note [bJ)

Note [a] The verbs of seeming (eI 1623) seem appear look sound fee smell and laste are complemented by an adverbial clause beginning as if(or less frequently as though) in sentences such as the following

Jilllooked as ifshe had seen a ghost It seems as ifthe weather is improving

(In a similar meaning appear and seem can also be followed by a thalmiddotclause ef 1634) An alternative construction is one in which the as if clause is replacea by a phrase introduced by Iike

That music sounds like Mozar (ie like the music of Mozar] Sil looks (just) like his father

After the same verbs one also frequently hears clauses introduced by Iike but these are often regarded as nonstandard 1 seems Iike lhe wealher is improuillg lb] There is also a curious idiomatic use offeellike (cfI622 Note [a]) meaning want

iexclfeel like a cup ofcoffee Arguably this is not copular it belongs rather to (he category of monotransitive prepositional verbs [Blpr](cf1628)

More exceptional cases ofverbs with adverbial complementation are behave followed by an adverbial ofmanner

well He behaved Hlee a prisoner of conscience

(However behave can also occur intransitively or reflexively as in Why donl you behave (yourselj) )

(ji) lasl and take followed by an adverbial ofmeasure (duration)

tOOk The haymaking lasted (for) a week

1176 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

In the case of lake the duration adverbjiexcliexcll is obligatory since iexclhe verb entails the eompletion of the task In the ease of [1st the adverbial is omissible in such examples as The hOI weolher wonl [asl

Monotransitive complementation 1625 Verbs used in monotransitive function require a direct object which may be

a noun phrase a finite clause or a nonfinite clause In addition to these categories the verb may be a Type 1 prepositional verb (ef 165) or phrasalshyprepositional verb (efI69) which for our present purposes will be treated as analogous to a verb with a direct object We will begin by considering the straightforward case of verbs with a noun phrase as direct object and then continue with variants of this basic pattern

Complementation by a noun phrase as direct object

IBl1 With the passive 1626 Direct objects are typically noun phrases which may become the subject of a

corresponding passive clause

Tom eaught the ball ~ The ball was caught (by Tom)

(On the limitations of the passive transformation ef 367ff) Common examples of monotransitive verbs allowing the passiacuteve are

begin desire get love pass support believe do hear make produce take bite doubt help marr) receive use bring end hold mean remember visil eall enjoy keep meet require want carry expect know mind say wash close feel lead move see waste cut find like need start wateh describe follow lose obtain study win

Sorne of these verbs such as end and move belong to types which can be either intransitive or transitive (ef 1619) Something of the range of monotransitiacuteve verbs can be seen by dividing them into semantic groups according to the kinds of subject and object that they take

(i) Typiacutecally aniacutemate subject + typically concrete object

Professor Dobbs won the prize - The prize was won (by Professor Dobbs)

carry eover examine see throw win clean eat lower stop watch write

(ji) Typically animate subject + either concrete or abstract object

Everybody understood the problem - The problem was understood (by everybody)

abolish define explain invent report utter eover discuss forget lose rt1-le win

Types of verb complementatiacuteon 1177

(iii) Typically animate subject + typically animate object

Mrs W ood liked the new neighbours - The new neighbours were liked (by Mrs Wood)

admire despise hug kiss reject ridieule beat flatter kill meet respect supporl

(iv) Typically concrete or abstract subject + animate object The news shoeked our family

- Our family was shoeked (by the news) affeet boher fasciacutenate incense satisfy trouble appal deceive grieve please surprise upset

Note The following is a sample of monotransitive (or Type Il) phrasal verbs [Blph] with typical objects Further examples are iacutelIustrated in 164

back up [supporf someone] el down [disappoint someone] b[ow dowll (a tree) make up (a story) break off(negotiations) pass over (a questiacuteon) bring about (a change) put acros (an idea) burn down (a house) put off(an appointment) draw up (a contraet) lell off[rebuke someone] fill out (a form) lum off(the light) knock down (someone) win over [convince someoneJ

These Jike the verbs in (Hv) aboye can be used in the passive voiee

IB21 Without the passive 1627 A few stative monotransitive verbs the most common of which is have

normally do not allow a passive transformation

They have a nice house - A nice house is had (by them)

These somiddotcalled MIDDLE VERBS including have laekfit suit and resemble are discussed in detail in 1014

Note A related type ofverb is found in expressiacuteons of measure sueh as cosl len dollars weigh 20 kUos but these can equally well be analysed as having an obligatory adjunet as complementation since How much is an alternatiacuteve question to Whal in eliacuteeiting this kind of expression asa reply

A Whal d eost B Tendollars A Howmuch oes lt weigh B Twentyki[os

Variants of monotransitive complementation

Complementation by nODn phrase as prepositional object

iexclBlprl Prepositional verbs 1628 Although verbs such aslook al have been classified as Type 1 prepositional

verbs (those without a direct object efI65) in the analysis of complemenmiddot tatiacuteon they lit more happily with monotransitive rather than intransitive verbs This is partIy because of the resemblance of the prepositional object to a direet object eg in accepting a passive volee (ef 1614) though usually with some awkwardness of style

1178 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

The managementpaidjor his air rares _ His air rares were paidjor by the management

But also when a prepositiacuteonal verb is followed by a that-clause Oiacute a toshyinfinitiacuteve c1ause the preposition disappears and the prepositional object merges with the direct object of the monotransitive pattern Compare the following two series (A) with a prepositional verb and (B) with an ordinary monotransitive verb

on ~he meeting onlt

(A) The a reed lon meeting each other

y g on when to meet (that) they would meet to meet each other

the meeting it

8) Th b d meeting each other ( ey remem ere when to meet

(that) they had meto to meet each other

Ye the preposition omitted before a that-clause can reappear in the corresponding passive That they showd meet was agreed (on) even in extraposition (ef 1833ff) where the preposition immediately follows the passive verb phrase

It was agreed (on) eventually that they should meet

Examples of Type 1 prepositional verbs are

aeeountfor concemrate on ook alteratunto

addto eonformto objeet lO

adjust lO eonsen to part with

admit lO eontribute to payfor

agree withonto deal with prayfor

aim atfor decideon preaeh aboutlon

aowfor dwe (up)on providefor

applyfor enlarge (up)on quarrel aboutwith

argueabout hear aboutof read about

arrangefor hint at refer to

askfor hopefor rejoiee at

attend to insist on relyon

believe in interfere with resort to

eallfor(up)on learnabout runfor

earefor leeture abouton speak abouton

commenton listen to taketo

complain about Uve on think aboutlof

eonceiveof longfor wishfor

[a] When to precedes an infinitive it is an infinitive marker (as inforgel 10 mee her) and not aNote preposition when it precedes an -ing participle however it is a preposition (as in She consenled lO gelting engaged) Other examples of lO in a prepositional verb preceding an -ing clause are

Types of verb complementation 1179

He admitted lo doing his bit rconfess 10 telling a lie This amounts 10 doing nothing She look In playing golf

[b] Prepositions may combine with that to form complex suoordinators such as in thal saue that excepl that (ef 1412) [e] [n general choice of prepositiacuteon is the sume for morphologicalIy related verbs and nouns refer to - reference lo believe in - beliein etc There are exceptions however hope as a verb is followed by for while the corresponding noun construction has of He hopesfor suecess bu His hope ofsuecess

[Blph-prJ Phrasal-prepositional verbs [629 Type 1 PHRASAL-PREPOSITIONAL VERBS also take a prepositional object As

we saw in 169 such verbs can like prepositional verbs occur in the passive (eg She dealt with the problem ~ The problem was deat with) but many of them are awkward in fact barely acceptable in this construction The discussion was waked out on (by the principal negotiator) In the sample list below the verbs marked [Pl are among those that can fairly readily occur in the passive

break inon (someones conversation)

cateh up on (my reading) eateh up with [overtake] check up on [investigate] [Pl come down with (a cold) cut down on (expenses) do away with [abolish] faee up to [confront] get away with (a crime) gel down to (serious taik)

keep away from [a void] keep up with (the Joneses) look down on [despise] [P] look forward ro

[anticipate with pleasureJIP] look outfor [watch for] look up ro [respect] put up wirh [tolerate] run away with stand up for [defend] turn out for (a meeting)

Phrasal-prepositional verbs are rather informal and many of them have idiomatic metaphorical meanings which are difficult or impossible to paraphrase (eg run away

Complementation by a finite clause

(B31 That-clause as object [630 The conjunction in that-clauses which function as object may be zero as in 1

hope he arrives soon but when the clause is made passi ve the that cannot be de1eted and thus obeys the same rules as other that-clauses as subject (ef 154) The normal passive analogue has ir and extraposition that being again optional

Everybody hoped (that) she would sing That she would sing was hoped byeverybody ltstilted)

She would sing was hoped by everybody It was hoped by everybody (that) she would sing

That-clauses have one of three types of verb phrase depending on the governing verb in the matrix clause

1180 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

iacutes coming alone will be comin alone

(A) mdlCatIve verb 1 supposethat he fl l gWl come a one has come alone

(B) putative should I regret that he should be so stubborn (C) subjunctive verb I request that she go alone

(A) with the indicative is the most usual type The putative should type(cf 1425) (B) is more common in BrE than AmE and (C) the mandative subjunctive (cf 358-9) is more common in AmE than in BrE In BrE the 5ubjunctive 15 felt to be formal and is found typicalIy in official styles of writiacuteng Corresponding to these three constructions it is necessary to recognize only two main categories of superordinate verbs Type (i) may be called FACTUAL since it goes with the indicative verb (A) and introduces what one might generalIy describe as factual or propositional information Type (ii) may be described as SUASIVE such verbs imply intentions to bring about sorne change in the future whether or not these are verbal1y formulated as commands suggestions etc Suasive verbs can be followed in the thatshyclause by aH three constructions (A-C) but the indicative (A) construction is restricted and is not generally accepted in AmE

There are two minor categories Type (iii) emotive verbs (cf429 1023) and Type (iv) hypothesis verbs which are dealt with in 1633 These types are displayed in Fig 1630

CLASSES OF VERB VERB PHRASE IN TH A T-CLAUSE

Type (i) FACTUAL

(1631) (eg claim) ~iexcl

~ (A) indicative verb

MaJor -Type (ji) ~UA~IVE (1632) (eg suggest) (B) puta ti ve should

(C) mandative subjunctive verb Type (iii) EMOTlVE (I633)(eg regret)

Minor

Type (h) HYPOTHESIS (D) hypotheuumlcal past OR wereshy(1633) (eg wish) subjuncti ve

Fig 1630 Monotransitive verbs with a that-cause as complementation (Class [B3])

Note In terms of the speech act classes of 112 Type (iacute) (factual) verbs are associated with the expressiacuteon of speech acts concerned with STATEMEN1S while Type (ji) (suasive) verbs are associacuteated wiacuteth DIRECI1VBS

Type (i) Factual verbs 1631 We may subdivide factual verbs into PUBLIC and PRIVATE types The

former consists of speeeh act verbs introducing indirect statements

They agreeadmitclaim that she was misled

The superscripts 1-5 in the lists below are to be interpreted as follows

Types of verb complementation 1181

1middot The verb also occurs in the active with a to-infinitive directly foIlowing He promised to come (cf 1638)

2 The verb also occurs with a following noun phrase followed by a toshyinfinitive They supposed her lo be dead (cfI650)

3 The verb is also a member ofthe suasive group below inmiddotl632 4 The pro-form so can stand in place of the that-clause (cf 1228) eg 1 think

so 5 Say occurs with an infinitive as in She said to come before len in the

directive sense ofShe told us to come before ten

Examples acknowledge2 boast declareacute mention report2

add certify 2 deny2 object retort admit2

affirm2 claim l

comment disclose exclaim

predict4

proclaim2

say24S

state2bull4 agree l bull 3 complain explain2 promise l bull 2bull4 submit alege2 concede3 forecast pronounceacute suggest3

announceshyconfess2 foretel prophesy swear argue confide guarantee l bull 2 protest testify 2

assert confirm2 hint remark DOWI

bet contend insist3 repeat warn2

convey maintain4 reply write

The PRIVATE type of factual verb expresses intelIeetual states sueh as belief and intellectual acts sueh as discovery These states and acts are private in the sense that they are not observable a person may be observed to assert that God exists but not to believe that God exists Belief is in this sense pdvate Examples of such verbs are

4accept doubt imagine2bull realize anticipate dream imply reason ascertain ensure3 indicateacute recal assume2bull4 establish infer4 reckonl 4

believe2bull4 estimate2 insure recognize2

calculate expectl24 judgeacute reflect check f ancy2 know2 remember

4conclude fear l bull learn l reveaP conjecture feeP mean Lbull 2 see consider2 find2 note2 sense

4decide 13 foresee notice2bull show2

deduce forget 1 observe2 signify 4deem 2 gather4 perceive2

bull supposeacutemiddot4 4 4 4demonstrate guess presume2 bull suspect2bull

determine13 hear4 presuppose2 think2 bull4

discern hold pretendl understand2bull4

discover2 hOpemiddot4 prove2

Many ofthese verbs especially the public verbs are also used for introdueing directspeech eg

Perhaps its time to leave suggestedTim

1182 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

For detailed discussion of this use of verbs of speaking and thinking el 1430it

[al NOl induded in the first list aboye are verbs expressing manner of ulterance such as mumbe muuer5hou( imper whisper and yell These can introduce direct speech quotations (eg 1 am

Note

bull Ie muuereaacute) but they can also introduce indirect or reported speech by means of a thalshyelause She mulered Ihal she was ilI The list of such verbs is large and some verbs occur more easily with Ihalmiddotclauses than others do [b] Al the following phrasal verbs belonging lO this factual category are public verbs chime

in lel an lel OU make out poinl out repor back Tim poiacutented oUI that the train was often late

In this construction the particle has to precede the thal-clause [el Among the priacutevate verbs see suppose and assume can be uscd with a Ihal-clause in which lhe present tense rerers to future time (cfI423)

See (to iacutet) that they get somethiacuteng to eal See here means make sure [di Doubl being a verb of negative meaning is typically followed by whelherfif(ef 156 1635) Bu more especially when it is in a nonassertive context doubt occurs with a thal-clause

1don doubt (buI) thal theyJI accept a once Note hat in this construction doubl is sometimes followed by bUI Doubl canno be followed by

an altemative wh-clause (efI56) 1 doubt wheher or no theyU accept

Type (ii) Suasive verbs 1632 These verbs can be followed by a that-clause either with putative should (ef

1425) or with the mandative subjunctive A third possibility a that-clause with an indicative verb is largely restriacutected to BrE

ShOUld leave People are demanding that she leave the company

lea ves ltesp BrE)

1t is nuacutelc difficuumllt in the casc of suasive verb to rrak a subdiacute vision between PUBLICo and PRIVATE verbs for this reason we present the verbs below in a single listo Nevertheless gene rally it is usefuI to see a distinction between the public verbs which describe indirect directives (such as request ef 1433) and the private verbs which describe states of volition or desire such as intend

agree l demandl intendl 2 reeommend2

allow2 desire12 moveacute request2 arrange l

askl 2

determine I

enjoin2 ordain2 4

order require resolvel

beg2 ensure pledge 2 rule command2 entreat2 prayl 24 stipulate concede grant prefer 24 suggest24

decideacute deeree4

insist instruct2

pronounee2

propose 2

urgeacute vote 2

The superscripts 12 and 4 have the same meaning as in 1631 aboye The choice between the three constructions in the that-clause in [1] above varies between AmE and BrE For detailed discussion of these preferences ef

1425 It will be noted that the noun phrase + infinitive construction (ef1650) is

a common alternative to the that-clause for suasive verbs

Types of verb complementation 1183

d dthe news to be suppressedThe mten e y that the news (should) be suppressed ltmore formal)

With some verbs such as allow the infinitive construction is by far the more usual

Other types oC verb with that-c1ause complementation Type (iii) Emotive verbs

1633 This consists of a small group of verbs such as regret marvel rejoiee and wonder which can occur with (A) the indicative or (B) the putative should construction but not with the mandative subjunctive construction

worries about it 1 regret that she should worry about it

worry about it

Semantically this group belongs with adjectival constructions such as be sorry be anxious (ef 1671)

_-Type (iv) Hypothesis verbs The two verbs wish and (in the imperative) suppose may be followed by a that-clause containing a verb in the hypothetical past or the were-su bjunctive I wish (that) she were here She wished she hadnt spent the money Suppose (that) one of us died ef 1424 on the use of tense and mood following these verbs which may also occur in a number ofother patterns In particular for other uses of wish efI638 1641 1644 1646 1657

The modal idiom would rather (or lts contraction d rather) (ef 346) is a third example of a hypothesis verb

Id rafher you didnt mention the price Many resid1ts wotd rather that the bus service were subsidized

Complementation by an extraposed subject that-clause 1634 The that-clause in examples like It seems that you are mistaken is not an object

ofthe verb but rather an extraposed subject Nevertheless it resembles other that-clauses we have been examiniacuteng (a) in having a deletable that and (b) iacuten being semantically associated wiacuteth the preceding verbo Moreover no nonextraposed that-clause is possible in this case (That you are mistaken seems) and so it seems appropriate to include this with that-c1ause complementatiacuteon The main verbs occurring in this pattern fonn two groups of synonyms (i) seem and appear and (H) ehanee happen and transpire

It appears that Frank lost his tempero It happened that the weather was exceptionally cold

The phrasal verbs come about happen] and turn out [= transpire] also belong here Appear and seem can be followed by the pro-form so Jt seemsj appears so The adverb so sometimes occurs before happen or one of its synonyms It so happensj happened that

Note [a) A related construction with extraposed object (ef 1835) occurs in the following transitive phrasal verbs

let (il) OUI noise (it) aboutfabroad put (ie) about rub (ie) in Jack let (jI) out [= divulged] that the animal had been stolen

1184 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1185

Thc it which occurs as prcparato~y ohjcct is in this case optional although the omission is not 3 The verb can also occur with a foHowing wh-infinitive clause (ef 1637) usual In the comparable construction rake jI Ihal the il iacutes obligatory f lake ir Ihat you are eg 1 didniexcl know what to sayoenjoying yourselLes [b] Compare the complementation of seem appear etc by an as ifclause (ej 1624 Note [a)) The preposition of a prepositional verb is optionally omitted before a whshy[e) On the related constructions tI slrikes me IlwI tI (Jccursiseems O me 1iexcl111 eJ 1659 clause and hence it is convenient to include in the aboye list verbs for which Note 1660 Note

the wh-clause is basically a prepositional object For example

I inquired (about) whether the tiacuteckets were ready IB41 Wh-cause as object Theyhavent yet decided (on) which ftight they will take 1635 Many of the verbs which take a that-clause as object can also take a whshy

interrogative clause (cfI55ff) For the corresponding passive again the preposition is optional whether or not the nominal clause is in extraposition I asked her to confirm whether the f1ight had be en booked

Can you confirm which ftight we are taking Which ffight they will take has not yet been deeided (on) They havent yet confirmed how much the f1ight costs It has not yet been deeided (on) which f1ight they will take

Notice that in aH three illustrative sentences aboye confirm occurs in what Sometimes there is a slight difference of meaning if the preposition is may be described as a nonassertive context (ef 253) The use of the whshyincluded contrast interrogative clause (which generally implies Iack of knowledge on the part

She asked what he wanted of the speaker) is particularly common where the superordinate c1ause is iexcl She asked about what he wantedinterrogatiacuteve or negative Gn the other hand there are sorne verbs which

themselves express uncertainty such as ask and wonder these occur with the Whereas ask introduces the question which the speaker actually asked and wh-c1ause without this nonassertive constraint Examples of verbs taking the for which she requires an answer ask about does not indicate what the wh-interrogati ve clause are question might have been Gther prepositional verbs in this class are argue

(about) beware (01) (ef354 Note) not eare (about) check (on) depend (on) antieipate [NA] doubt note [NA]3 hear (about) refieet (on) There is also the phrasal-prepositional verb find out argue [NA]2 enquire23 notiee[NAj3 (about)arrange [NA]3 establish3 observe [NAj3

aseertain3 explain3 pereeive [NA]3 Note A few verbs are followed by a wh-exclamative clause (indirect exclamation (f I01 04) beginning

ask23 express point out [NAj with whal or hoH l realized whar aJeoll had been 1 kno hol busy Jou are These clauses are beware2 fathom [NA] ponder3

difficult to distinguish from wh-interrogative clauses Other verh in (he pttero indloe ~~rlt1im calcula te [NAP ftnd out2 3 prediet [NA] express maroel reflectlhiacutenk

care[NA] 1 2 forget 3 prove eheek23 guess realize [NA]

Complementation by a nonfinite clause ehooseacute hear [NA]2 record [NA] confirm [NA] imagine [NA]3 refieet2

Nonfinite clauses in complementationeonsider [NAP indieate [NA]3 remember [NA]3 1636 When a nonfinite clause follows the verb it is often difficult to separate three decide23 inquire23 say(NA]3

of the major types of complementation which we distinguished in 216 Thisdemonstrate3 judge3 see(NAj3

is especially true if a noun phrase intervenes between the superordinate verb depend2 knoW[NAP show3

and the verb of the nonfinite construction disclose learn [NAj3 tel [NA 3

diseover3 make out NA] think (NA]3 They like the ehildren to visit them discuss3 mind [NA]l wonder3 They supposed (he ehildren to be guilty (2]

They asked the ehildren lo bring somefood [3]The symbol (NA] after a verb indicates that this complementation is particularly likely to occur in a nonassertive contexto The superscripts 1-3 Gn the face of it aH three of these sentences conform to the same pattern are interpreted as follows (verb + noun phrase + to-infinitive ) But there are reasons for classifying

them differentIy1 This verb is part of a negative or predominantly negative construction

when combined with the wh-interrogative clause not eare not mind eant [l exemplifies MONOTRANSITIVE complementation (l638ff) fathom eant tell (ef They like the ehildrens visits - SVO)

2 The verb is basically a prepositional verb and has a preposition which (2) exemplifies COMPLEX TRANSITlVE complementation (l643ff) may be optionaHy added (see below) (ef They supposed the ehildren guilty - SVOC)

1186 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

[3] exemplifies DITRANSITIVE complementation (l655ff) (ef They asked the ehildren a question SVOO)

We will return in 1664ffto differences between examples such as these At present since we are dealing with monotransitive complementation we are concerned only with the type illustrated by [1] In nominal function only two kinds of nonfinite c1ause normally occur the to-infinitive c1ause and the -ing participle c1ause Hence nonfinite c1auses functioning as object can be distinguished for the present purposes in terms of the categories in Tabe 1636

Table 1636 Nonfinite clauses as object

Without subject With subject

lo-infinitive [B6] ack hates [B8] J ack hates to miss the train her to miss the train

-ing participle [B7] Jack hates [B9] Jack hates missing the train her missing the train

In Tabe 1636 the italicized parts are analysed as nonfinite c1auses acting as direct object The status of the infini tive c1ause and its subject in pattern [B8] is discussed in 1641 Later in 1666 we consider the arguments for considering her an object in the [B8] and [B9] examples

The fol1owing criteria confirm that the itaJicized portion of [B6-B9] is basically a nonfinite c1ause as direct object

(A) The nonfinite c1ause can be replaced by a pronoun it coreferring to a clause or by a no~n norninalizing the meaning of l clause Everyone likes it He likes her frequent visits

(B) The nonfinite clause can be made the focus of a pseudo-cleft sentence (ef 1829)

What everyone likes (best) is to tak to her [B6] What everyone likes (best) is taking 10 her [B7] What he likes (best) is for her lO eall ofien [B8]

In this version of [B8] as the infinitive c1ause is now in complement position the introductory for has to make its appearance

(C) For [B8] the introductory for itself where it appears is a marker of the construction as a nonfinIacutete clause

(D) Correspondingly for [B9] a subject pronoun in the objective case can often be replaced in formal style by a possessive pronoun (cfl46)

He doesnt like melmy coming often

This is what one would expect (ef 1 512) given that me and my can both be subjects of an -ing clause

Not all verbs that we consider direct objects satisfy al these criteria Nevertheless it is on this basis that the verbs Usted below are included in the classes [B6-B9]

Types of verb complementation 1187

[B51 Wh-infinitive clause as object 1637 It is as well to begin the survey of nonfinite c1auses as objects with c1auses

which happen to be immediately related to those dealt with in 1635 These are wh-infinitive c1auses (ef 155)

He learned how lO sail a boat as a small boy You must not forget when lO keep your mouth shut 1couldnt decide (on) whieh bieycle to buy

The last example illustrates the occurrence of the optional preposition with prepositional verbs as already observed with finite c1auses of the same type The corresponding passive pattern also occurs

The Curies discovered how to isolate radioaetive elements - How to isolate radiacuteoaetive elements was discovered by the Curies

The passive with extraposition (efI630 1635) is also sometimes possible

Early in the present century it was discovered how to isoate radioaetive elements

The verbs marked 3 in the list in 1635 aboye provide a sample of verbs occurring with the wh-infinitive c1ause as object

Note Many verbs which introduce wh-infinitive clauses rarely ir ever introduce yes-110 interrogative clauses (introduced by whelher) of the same type 1 have joacutergollell how 10 swiacutem but no iexcl have forgorten wheher lo swim Among such verbs are demostrale diacutesco~er and explain Nevertheless in unusual conexts such sentences can be found

1 have forgotten helher 10 ulljiacute-eeze thiacutesfood before cooking il

jB61 Subjectless infinitive cause as direet object f638 When a subjectless iacutenhmtlve clause is direct object the understood subJect

of the infinitive clause is always the same as the subject of the superordinate clause Verbs taking this kind of complementation are listed below subdivided into semantic categories

O) dread[B7 B8] (iv) ehoose[B7] (vi) ask (vii) affeel hate [B7 B8] hope beg c1aim like [B7 B8] intend [B7 B8] decline profess [B7] loathe [B7 B8] mean [B7 B8] demand

(viii) afford [B7]love [B7 B8] need[B7] offer attemplprefer[B7 B8] plan [B7] promise eontrive propose [B7] refuse(ii) begin [B7] endeavourwant[B7 B8] swear eease [B7] failwish [B8] undertake commenee [B7] learn

vowcominue [B7] (v) deign manage starl [B7] disdain [B7] negleet

hep [B7 B8] omit(iii) forgel [B7] scorn [B7] try [B7]remember [B7] venture [B7]

regret [B7]

1188 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1189

The symbols to the right of sorne verbs indicate that these verbs also occur Tbe lo-infiniacutetive here howcver has a resuhative meaning which makes the construction

with the subjectless -ing clause (Type [B7]) or with the infinitive clause with a subject (Type [B8]) From the latter group howeyer verbs such as ask are excluded because the construction of sentences like He asked me to help is ditransitive (el 1663) rather than rnonotransitive

We now add a list of prepositional verbs belonging lo the same pattern [B6pr] The preposition is omitted before the infinitive clause object (cI92) but is present where the prepositional object is a noun phrase or for that matter an -ingclause Compare

about the baby [Blpr]

She didnt bOlher aoout feeding the baby

to feed the baby [B7pr] [B6pr]

In the following list the verbs are placed in semantic groupings corresponding to sorne of those aboye (apart from an additional miscellaneous group (ixraquo and the omitted preposition is placed in square brackets

(i) long [for] [B8] ache (for] aim (for] [B8] aspire [to] burn(for] burst (for] (not) care (for] c1amour (for] [B8] itch (for] [B8] yearn (for] [B8]

(jiiexcl) bother(about] [B7 B8] condescend [10] delight [in] [B7] hesitate [about] [B7]

Examples

(vi) agree [tojonjabout] [B8] assent [to] consent [to]

(vii) pretend [to]

(viii) strive (for] seek (for]

(ix) arrange(forJ[B7 B8] decide ron] [B7] resolve [on] [B7] prepare [ror] [B7] serve (for] [B7]

Martin longed to leave home They sought to rnake amends 1would hesita te to interfere Weve decided to move to a new house

Note [al We distiacutenguish the verbs of Type [B6] from ltltenative verbs (el 349) of seemiacuteng and occurrence preceding infinitiacuteve clauses which ltare not diacuterect objects but whiacutech relate semanliacutecally to a Ihal-c1ause as subjecl He appears lO like Ihe sha - Tilar he likes the show appears [Irue] The verbs in Ihis c1ass correlate c10sely with those occurring with obligatory extraposition ofthe subjecl (cfI634) appcar seem chance happenlurn OUI

Jt appearedfthancedthat the children were asleep The children appearedchanced to be asleep

lb] Another group of verbs which are closely associated with a following infinitive but which do not belong to Type [B6J ioc1udes hasten conspire and set out

1 hastened lO reassure her They conspired lO murder Caesar He set out lO conquer the world

resemble on the one hand that of a catenative verb md on the other hand that of an inlransitiacuteve verb folJowed byan adjunct With pay and (to a lesser extent) woit Ihe adjunct status is more obvious as is clear from th~ possibility offroming the iacutenfinitivc c1ause

You have to pay ro go in

- (In arder) lO go in you ha ve to payo He waited lo see her

- (Inorder) lO see her he wailed Similarly unlike begin + infinitive the infinitive following SIO iacutes purposive contras

She [S] began IV] to eat lunch [O] BUT She [S] stopped [V] to eat lunch lA]

On the other hand these two verbs have matchiacuteng uses iacuten complementation Type [B7J

began She t d eatmg lunch s oppe

(B7) Subjectless -ing participle clause as object 1639 Again with this type of complementation the subject of the nonfinite verb

is usually identical with the subject ofthe preceding verb

1 love liacutestening to music The accused denied having met the witness

[The accused denied that hejshe had met the witness]

This rule accounts for the restriction that when the participle is followed by a reflexiye pronoun the pronoun norrnally has to agree (in number person and gender) with the subject of the superordinate c1ause

She herself He -iexcl enJoys smgmg to lhimselj lI

But wiacuteth one small group of verbs (rnarked 2 in the list below) it is not the understood subjectofthe particiacuteple but its understood object that is identified with the subject of the superordinate clause In such cases therefore the participle construction matches in meaning the passive of the corresponding infinitiacuteve construction [B6]

mendiacuteng painting Your shoes need to be mended That door needs to be painted

(Th~ aboye use of need iacutes often replaced in dialectally restricted usage by an equivalent use of want)

For an addiacutetional group of verbs (marked 3 in the list below) the subject of the particiacuteple is indefiniacutete and is independent of the subject of the preceding verbo For example in He recommended introducing a wealth tax it is clear that the person recommending the tax is likely to be different from the persones) who would be responsible for introducing it The meaning of this sentence is equiacutevalent to that of He recommended the introduction 01 a wealth tax

In the following list of verbs in the pattern of [B7] Types (i) and (ii) correspond to Type [B6(i)] (emotive) and Type B6(ii)] (aspectual) The verbs grouped under (iiiacute) are however in thiscase a miscellany since further sernantic grouping is difficult

1190 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

(i) (cant) bear l (not)fanci miss l

begrudge l hate l regret l bull4

detest like relish

dislike l loathe resent l

dread l love l (cant) stand 1

enjoy (not) mind l

(ii) cease quit start l

commence resume stop I

eontinue

(jii) admit4 forget l bull J4 recommend l J

avoid (eant) heli rememberl 34

eonfess4 imagine repent eonsider iacutenvolvel J require2

deny4 justifylJ risk l 3

deserue2 need l 2 save l 3 diseouragel 3 permit l ) tryS envisage l 3 propose want l

(dialectaI2)

escape reealll 34

The verbs ofType (i) preceded by a negative (such as eant bear) have a builtshyin negative bias so that they cannot occur in straightforward assertive contexts

Cora doesnt mind waiting Cora minds waiting

They can however occur in nonassertive contexts

Do you mind waiting How can anyone bear wearing clothes like that

and also in second instance contexts ie where the construction refers back to a nonassertive occurrence of the same construction earlier in the discourse

cant stand] k h h 1A 1[ d ji wor mgwlt t atglron t anc)

fd ti [stand it JB We1I 1m a ral you HAVE to ji k h h ancy wor mg Wlt ero

Superscripts in the aboye lists are interpreted as follows

1 The verb also occurs in pattern [B9] ie with a subject preceding the participle (ef 1642)

2 The participle has a passive interpretation (see aboye) 3 The participle has independent interpretation ie the subject of the

participle clause is not necessarily coreferential with the subject of the preceding verb and may have indefinite meaning

4 The participle may occur with a perfective construction

1admit having seen it (l]

But with such verbs the nonperfective construction can also be used with past meaning Thus [1] is synonymous with [2]

1 admit seeing it [2]

Types of verb complementation 1191

This paraphrase relation however exists mainly withverbs of dynamic meaning contrast verbs of stati ve meaning

I admit knowing him 1admit having known him

5 On the construction with (ry cf 1640

Examples of prepositional verbs belonging to this class ([B7pr]) are

bankonl decide on playat seeabout counton l delight in l resort to shrinkfrom

O Examples of phrasal verbs ([B7ph]) are

break off give up Jeaue off putoff takeup

Examples of(B7ph-pr] are

doaway with get around to go infor look forward fo

The following sentences ilIustrate these patterns

We counted on getting there early [B7pr] Ive taken up playing tenniacutes [B7ph] Jim is looking forward lo having the house to himself [B7ph-pr]

It IS important to notice that the lo in gel around to lookforward to and resor to is not an infinitive marker but a preposition Hence 1 am looking forward to seeing you is grammatical but not 1 am looking forward fo see you

Note [al The superscript 1 in the aboye lisU is not added lo verbs like stop although a noun phrase can be inserted between the participle and (he preceding verb in ~uch cases

They stopped (her) working all night Thiacutes ls because the construction containing the extra noun phrase (her in the aboye example) is arguably complex transiacutetive (e 1653) rather than monotransiacutetive (as is evident from the marginally acceptable passive She was slopped working all nighl) [b) Also we exclude from the aboye lists catenative verbs such as go in We wenl running and gel in Gel moving (e349)

Choice betwecn the infinitive and participle constructions (lB6) and (B71) 1640 Where both constructions [B6] and B7] are admitted there is usualIy felt to

be a difference of aspect or mood which infiuences the choice As a rule the infinitive gives a sense of mere potentiality for action as in She hoped fo leam French while the participle gives a sense of the actual performance of the action itself as in She enjoyed leaming Freneh In the case of try the double meaning is particularly clear

Sh 1 t d to bribe the jailor [1 ] el a ne b b hln mg teJa or

[1] implies that Sheila attempted an act ofbribery but did not manage it [2] implies that she actualIy did bribe the jailor but without (necessarily) achieving what she wanted With other verbs the difference is more subtle and may be overruled or neutralized by the meaning of the verb of the main clause For example the negative meaning of avoid and escape cancels out the sense of performance in He escapedlavoided being branded as a traitor

1192 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Let us consider more carefully three classes of verb which take both

constructions

(O EMOTlVE VERas (see Type (i) in the lists in 1638 and 1639) With the verbs which take both constructions (eread hate like loathe love and prefer) the bias of the infinitive towards potentiacuteality tends to fa vour its use in hypothetiacutecal and nonfactual contexts eg

Would you like o see my stamp collectiacuteon seemg

1hateto seem rude but youre blocking the view seemmg

On the other hand the particiacutepial construction is favoured where the speaker is referring to something which definitely happens or has

happened

to live Bnan loalhed 1 m the countrylUmg

(But with would loathe the infinitive is just as acceptable as the -ing participle)

Here to Uve implies that Brian could exercise choice about where to live whereas living presupposes that he actually did live in the country and probably had no choice in the matter But in other contexts there is little appreciable difference between the two constructions

tocoOk 1 [to eat JDo you prefer k for yourself or t m a restaurant[coa mg ea mg

(in ASF2C7uumlAL VERBS of beginni1g (a~ti1urng) and ending also in many cases take both constructions

Lucy startedcOntinUedceasedto W~iteWhile in hospital IIntmg

In such examples as this there is no observable difference of meaning between the constnlctiacuteons But in other cases a contrast between potentiality and performance may influerice the choice

to speak but stopped because she objected He s tarted speakmg and k ept on for more t han an hbur

The association of the -ing participle with the progressive aspect may also influence a p[ference for the participle where multiple activities

are involved

to open allthe cupboardsHe began openlflg all the cupboards

Here opening is more appropriate than to open While sorne verbs in this group (begin continue cease sean) allow both constructions others (finish stop) altowonly the participle construction (Go on and keep (on) may be classified as catenative verbs (cf349) onfinishfstop followed by the infinitive cf1638 Note [b])

Types of verb complementation 1193

(di) RETROSPECTlVE VERBS For three verbslorget remember and regret the potentialityperformance distiacutenction becomes extended into the past so that there is a temporal (as well as in part modal) difference between the two constructions The infinitive construction indicates that the action or event takes place after (and as a result of) the mental process denoted by the verb has begun while the reverse is true for the participle construction which refers to a preceding event or occasion coming to mind at the time indicated by the main verb

1 remembered to fill out the formo [1 remembered that 1 was to fill out the form and then did so]

1 remembered filling out the form rl remembered that 1 had filled out the form]

lforgot 10 go to the bank [1 forgot that 1was to go to the bank and therefore did not do soJ

lforgot (about) going to the bank [rare without about 1 forgot that 1went to the bank or that 1should have gone ]

1regret to tel you that John stole i1 [1 regret that 1am about to tel you that John sto le i1]

1 regret telling you that John stole i1 [I regret that 1 told you that John stole i1 or that 1 am now telling you J

[B8) Complementation by to-infinitive clause (with subject) 1641 The verbs in this group (as distinct from the apparently similar object +

t infinitive -o1struction el 1650) are restricted to a small numbcr chicfly denoting (nol) liking or wanting (cant) bear desire hate like iexcloLe prefer want and wish

They dont like the house to be left empty 1 wouldn t want you to lose your way

After these verbs the noun phrase preceding the infinitive cannot be made the subject of a passive main c1ause The house isnt liked to be left empty (by them)

There is moreover an alternative construction (chiefly restricted to AmE) in which the noun phrase is preceded by for which marks it as the subject of an infinitive clause rather than as object ofthe main clause

Jack prefersfor his wife to drive the truck ltesp AmE)

These two observations point in the direction of a monotransitive analysis of such verbs

In the following howeverJor has a different status and must occur in both AmE and BrE

They arranged for Mary to come at once

In this case the construction is that of a prepositional verb arrange for ([B8prl) the infinitive clause acting as prepositional object Other examples

1194 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

wherejor occurs as part of a prepositional verb are askfor eatlfor aehefor aim for bum for burst jor eare for clamour for erave for hope for iteh for long jor plan joacuter prepare for wait for yearn for

We were al achingburningbursting jor the performance to begin They plannedfor the mayor to arrive on the following day

For some of the verbs in these clauses the that-clause with should ([B3(iiacute)j) is an alternative form of complementation

They planned that the mayor should arrive on the following day

A further reason in favour of a monotransitive analysis of verbs of Type [B8pr] is the possibility (in some cases) of a passive with or without extraposition

For the administration to resign so quickly was not called foro It had been arranged for the food to be served indoors

Note [al Sorne [B8pr] verbs such as arrangefor planfor and preparefor also have a [B2] construction in which they are followed by a direct object Compare Have you arranged the meeting Have you arrangedfor iexclhe meeting Compare also She askedfor the children to leave and She asked iexclhe children O leave [b] Desire expect and intend although they tit into this category with respect to introductory for and the extraposed passive also accept the passive of the raised object which applies to [C4] (cfI650) Thus expect for example pennits two associated passives

It was nOt expected for the administration to resigno The administration was not expected to resigno

The former of these however is felt to be awkward and of marginal acceptability On such contlicts of c1assiacutefication cfI664jf

jB91 Complementation by -ing participle clause (with subject) 642 Verbs which accept this pattern comprise a considerable subset of those

verbs accepting the subjectless -ing clause as object they include the verbs marked 1 in the list of 1639 The genitive form of the subject is an option in formal English (ef 1512) but is often felt to be awkward or stilted

1 dislike him his driving my car We look forward to youyour beeoming our neighbour

In some cases particularIy when the subject of the participle is not a pronoun and does not have personal reference the geniti ve option is rare

vehicle h hPeter stoppe d te h l cras mg mto t e ence h ve lees

The genitive is also rare with a pronoun with nonpersonal reference

1 look forward to ~t geUing warmer in spring lts

The verbs of negative meaning stop prevent and prohibit have a related ditransitive construction (cfI656f) in which the prepositionfrom precedes the -ing clause as second object

They tried toacute preven the planefrom landing on the runway

Types of verb complementation 1195

Thus thefrom is optional In the very few cases where we have a choice between an -ing participle

and a to-infinitive construction there is usual1y felt to be a difference ofaspect or mood such as that described in 1640

1hate the children lo quarrel [ theyre ordinarily such good friacuteends] [1]

1 hate the children quarrelling [ all the time] [2]

focuses on the childrens potential for quarrelling [2] emphasizes their performance the point being that they do quarrel rather often in fact An aspectual difference is uppermost in

ehiming ( all night long) 1h he c oc k ate t l

to ehlme ( Just when Im gOtng to sleep)

The infinitive suggests a single chime while the participle suggests continual chiming (ef435 467f)

Note Verbs ofthe observational type eg notice in 1 noticed him writing a leller do not belong in this group and are dealt with in 1653 For such verbs the genitive is not a possible alternative iexcl noticed hiacutes writiacuteng a Jeter

Complex transitive complementation 1643 In 216 we applied the term COMPLEX TRANSlTIVE to verbs in the pattems

SVOC and SVOA In this chapter we extend the term to other clause patterns in which an object is followed by another element which is not an object (eg a nonfinite clause) A distinguishing characteristic o[ complex transitive compiemculiIacuteuacutelI j thallhe two elltments iacuteuiiuwiug the yerb (eg object and object complement) are notionally equated with the subject and predication respectively of a nominal c1ause For example

MONOTRANSlTIVE She presumed lhat her father was dead [1] She presumed her father to be dead [2]

COMPLEX TRANSITIVE Sh d h 1 h d d [3]e presume er Jat er ea

In [3J her father (O) and dead (C) are equivalent in meaning to a separate clause viz the that-clause in [l] This relationship remains where the object complement is expanded into an infinitive clause as in 2] Yet her father to be dead in spite of its clause-like meaning and appearance does not act syntactica1ly as a single constituent as is evident in the passive where the O is separated from its complement

Her father was presumed (by her) to be dead

This divisibility into two elements of a semantically clausal construction following the verb is the defining property ofcomplex transitive complementshyation

We begin with three already familiar patterns of complex transitive complementation those corresponding to [A I-A3] (ef 1621-4)

Note On the simiacutelarities between complex transitive and ditransitive complementation see 1666ff

1196 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

ICII Adjective phrase as object complement 1644 The SVOC pattern (ef216) in whiacutech the object complement is an adjective

phrase is found with verbs which like copular verbs may be divided into CURRENT and RESULTING types

You should keep the cabbagefresh (1] That music drives me mad [2]

The verb keep in [1] introduces the current attributefresh while the verb drive in [2] introduces the resulting attribute mad These two verbs therefore exemplify the two main categories ofcomplex transiti ve complementatiacuteon in this pattern The current verbs (ef1621ff) are usually staiive and the resulting verbs are always dynamic Further examples ofeach type are

CURRENT RESULTING

hod[C2] (v) drive [C4] keep [C2] get [C4] eave [C2] make [C2 C4]

prove [B3 C2 C4] (ii) eall [C2] render[C4]eonfess [B3 C2 C4] sendprofess [B3 C2 C4]

pronounce [B3 C2 C4] turn

report [B3 C4] eertify [B3 C2 C4] declare [B3 C2 C4] like proclaim [B3 C2 C4] prefer[B3]

want wish [B3 C2 C4]

(iv) beliacuteeve [B3 C2 eonsider [B3 C2 C4] deem [B3 C2 C4] find [B3 C2 C4] hod[B3 C4] imagine [B3 C2 C4] judge [B3 C2 C4] presume[B3 C2 C4] rate [C2 C4] reekon [B3 C2 C4] suppose [B3 C2 C4] think [B3 C2 C4]

Type (O is a category of current verbs of general meaning Type (ii) consists offactual speech act verbs (cf1631) Type (iii) of volitional verbs Type (iv) of verbs of inte11ectual state Type (v) of general resulting verbs and Type (vi) ofresulting verbs referring to speech acts which havethe performative force of declarations (Hod occurs twice in the aboye list as a general verb [Type (i) as in She hed her head high] and as an inte11ectual state verb [Type (iv) as in 1 hod you responsibe]) The symbols added after sorne verbs indicate other related complementation types to which those verbs belong

Types of verb complementation 1197

[B3] The verb can also be used monotransitively (el Note (a]) with a that-clause

[C2] The verb can also occur wiacuteth a noun phrase as object complement [C4] The verb can a1so occur with an object + infiniacutetive construction

Examples

The secretary eft a1l the letters unopened The doctors pronounced her conditiacuteon uttery hopeess Oi) 1want my coffee stronger than this (iii) Weve alwaysfound the assistants very frtendy (iv) The long waIk made us a11 hungry They have declared the house unfit for habitatiacuteon (vi)

Note that the adjectival complement may contain modifiers and adjectival complementation (ef1668-83) A passive construction in which the direct object becomes subject is also an important criterion

AH the letters were left unopened (by the secretary) (i) Her condition was pronounced uttery hopeess (by the doctors) (ji)

Note [a] There is sometimes a meaning difference between the object complement construction and the corresponding that-clause [B3) or objeet + infinitive [C4] eonstruction

1 imagined myself severely ill [3] p 1 imagined myself to be severely ill [4]

Sentence [3] suggests that the speaker is indulgiacuteng in a flight of faney sentence [4J suggests that the speaker is deluding himself (eg that he is a hypochondriae) A differenee is also to be observed between [5] and [6]

They gol him angry [5J p They got him lo be angry (6]

where [5J suggests made him angry in spite of himself and [6] suggests persuaded him to be angry (Yet a third meaning is represented by Donl get me wrong [Dont misunderstand me J) Two iacuteurther comrasts are

We found the ehildren undernourished [ We encou nte red them iacute n tha t cond i tiacuteon J [7] p Wefoundthe children lo be undernourished [8]

[Our examination revealed their condition] and

He declared the meeting offieial He declared the meeting lO be officiaL

where [9] has a performati ve and resultati ve force (The meeting beeame official as a result of his announeement) not regularly present in [lO] [b] Have in sentences sueh as We have IWO employees sck is not a member of the [CI] category but belongs to a special have-existential construetion lo be discussed with existential sentences in general in 1851 Since it has no passive this elause construction lacks one criterial feature of comp1ex transitive constructions Two employees are had sick [e] There is a variant order in which the object complement precedes the object eg He thought desirable most ofthe women in the room (efIS37) This order tends to occur when the object is a long noun phlase

1645 In addition to the verbs listed in 1644 aboye there are many verbs which belong more peripherally to Type [C1] Their membership is more peripheral in one or both of the following respects (a) They occur only in restricted sequences such as rub dry (ef 1617) (b) They can occur in the [BI] monotransitive construction without appreciable change of meaning iacutee the object complement is optional and resembles an optional adverbial Iil the following typical co11ocations the object noun phtase is symbolized by N

1

Types of verb complementation 11991198 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

CURRENT RESULTING

bring (a child) up health boil (an egg) 8aft 1

buy N eheapl erap (hair) shoriexcl1 return (a letter) unopened freeze N hard serve (food) hOlleold paint N redblue 1

seU N eheaplnew1 roll N flat sweep (the fioor) clean 1

calour N blueyellow 1

dye N pinklgreen 1

knock (someone) senseless polish N smooth 1

scrape N clean I swing (a door) open

For those combinations marked l the object complement could be easily omitted without a change in the basic sense of the verbo

Among resulting attributes the adjectives open loose free and clean are particularly common push N open shake N loose set N free wipe N clean

The collocations make sure and make certain are peculiar in that the object is a that-clause and always follows the adjectivaI complement

Please make sureleertain that you endose your birth certificate

There is no passive be made surecertain With other collocations the that-clause object is postponed by extraposiacutetion (ef 1835)

He found it strange that no one else had arri ved 1think it very odd that she left without saying goodbye The emperor pronounced it illegal for landlords to enfranchise their

tenants

Extraposition is optional with make N clear and therefore the preparatory it may be omitted She made (it) eear that we were regarded as trespassers

Note [al Sorne collocations require the object to be a rellexive pronoun Ilaughed myself sick They roared themselves hoarse Here the object complement cannot be omitted llaughed myself [b] The resultative pattern illustrated in thiacutes section is quite productive and occurs with rare or newly-converted verbs such as selotape and scotchtape selotape N fiat ltRrE) seotehtape N fiat (AmE) Similarly

iexclve deepfrozen the bread solido

(C21 Noun phrase as object complement 646 Most of the verbs listed in 1644 can occur also with a noun phrase

complement In addition there are a few verbs which occur with anoun phrase but not with an adjective phrase as complement eg appoint These verbs marked 1 in the list below can also occur with theobject + infinitive construction

The queen appointedWilliam Cecil (to be) her personal secretary

The list is subdivided into categories corresponding to those in 1644

(i) hold2 (iv) believe (v) appoint l2middot 3

keep2 consider2 choose 2 3

eleetl 2 3leave deem esteem l 2 3 make(ii) cal find provecanfess imagine2 voteprofess

pronounce judge2 (vi) baptize13

presume certify 23 (iii) wish 3rate2 christent bull

reckon2 erown l bull 2bull 3

suppose declare think proclaim

namemiddot23

The superscript 2 indicates that the as-construction (cf 1 647) is also possible The superscript 3 indicates that the verb is also monotransitive and that the verb retains the same meaning when the object complement is omitted Hence She appointed him secretary implies that she appointed him Examples of each sub-type follow With profess and wish which are used to illustrate subtypes (H) and (iii) respectively a reflexive pronoun as object is normal

She held her niece (a) captive for several years (i) The prince professed himself a supporter of free speech (ji) 1have often wished myself a millionaire (iii) Charles does not esteem him a trustworthy adviser (iv) The committee has elected you its chairman (v) Her parents named her Sophia after her grandmother (vi)

Some verbs in this pattem are unlikely to occur in the adive eg think beiacuteieve reckon The foilowing are exampies of the passive conslruclIacuteon

Her niece was held (a) captive for several years (i) She was named Sophia after her grandmother (vi)

As with Type (el] the object may be a clause postponed by extraposition

We have made it a condition that the new agreement be signed by all the original signatories

He has proved it a falIacy that old age brings wisdom

Note [al The zero article occurs optionally with captive and prisoner as object complements as in (i) above She held her niece (a) caplive Hold capliveprisoner and keep captivepriacutesoner are unusual in that the omitted article is indefinite rather than definite Examples of the zero article with definite meaning (eS42) are

Edgar was judged overall winner They appointed Sue captain of the athletics team

[b] The object + infinitive construction with 10 be as with Type [Gl] is not always equivalent to the pattero with a phrasal object complement For example name can be used with 10 be only if the following noun phrase designates a future role or status

Her parents named her (0 be) Gladys The selectors named her (lo be) a memberofthe touring team

As can be used with name only on the same condition as applies to lO be Her parenls named her as (adys (cf 1 647 below) [el The copular retation can obtain not only between the object and complement as in [11 bu also between subject and complement as in [21

t iexcl

1200 Complementation of verbs and adjectiacuteves

She made him iexcliexcl good husband (S V OC) [1 J She made him a good wife (S VOC) [2J

[1 Jhas the passive analogue He as gtladea good husband but in the entirelydifferentconstruetion of (2] where the copular rdation is between she and a good middotle no passive is possible Thc meuning is She Vas a good wire to himmiddot A prepositional verb 01 this Same unusuallattcrn is strike l in 101 example

He stmck me os a brilliant slralegist where a brilianl strategist is su bjcet eomplement

(Clprl and (C2prl Object complement foUowing prepositional verb 1647 The preposition as designates a copular relation particularly in specifying a

role or status associated with the direct object The ehureh eondemned the relie as a lraud Following a complex transitive verb and a direct object the prepositional complement of as functions semantiacutecally as an attribute and may be termed a prepositional object complement in the same way as the noun phrase following a transitive prepositional verb is called a prepositional object

a geniacuteus [C2] We considered him as a genius [C2pr]

tobeagenius [C4]

1 bull (as) a genius ~ He was consdered t b

o e agemus

Consider as like regard as class as etc therefore exemplifies yet another type of prepositional verb one that is followed by a prepositiacuteonal object complement rather than a prepositional object

Occasionally the prepositionlor occurs in this copular function instead of as

He took these words as evidence He took me lor a fool

In the following list for verbs in column (i) the preposition is optional where for verbs in column (H) the preposition is obligatory

(i) appoint (as) (ii) aeeept as ehoose (as) aeknowledge as eonsider (as) eharaeterize as eount (as) class as deem (as) define as esteem (as) describe as rate (as) intend as reekon (as) mistakelor report (as) regard as eleet (as) see as eertify (as) take asllor erown (as) trea as make Unto) use as proclaim (as)

Most verbs in [elpr] and[e2pr] can also introduce an adjective phrase in the function of prepositional object complement

Types of verb complementation 1201

The experts raled his paintings (as) poor bUI representalive ol their class

They classed Jane as partialty sighted The media described the situation as hopeless ~ The situation was described as hopeless

Verbs not allowing this construction are marked 1 in the aboye lists The construction iacutes exceptional in allowing an adjective phrase to occur after a prepositiacuteon A more orthodox construction is obtained by adding the word being before the adjective phrase and thereby converting the prepositional complement into a nominal -ing clause

The media descriacutebed the situation as being hopeless

Note [al Count as and rate as can also oecur in an analogous as-conslruction without lhe object as prepositional copular verbs eg This coanslraes as a tWtable success (e 1622 Note lb]) [b] Allhough as is classcd as a preposition in Ibe above pattern il in some ways resemblcs the conjunction as which introduces clauses of comparison (e15 71) Consider Ihe following curious examples in which as introduces on Ihe one hand a clause and on the other hand a noun phrase in an appositional relation lo Ihe clause

Report me as 10m - a superannuated dolt Hedescribcd her as heound her a liar

(C31 Complementation by object and adjunct 1648 Our next category Type [e3] consists of verbs which occur in the SVOA

pattern (el216) ie verbs which ha ve as their complementation an object followed by a predication adjunct The most characteristic adjuncts to occur in this pattern are prepositional phrases of space and more particularly of direction eg

1 slipped the key into the lock He stood my argument on its head [2] Take your hands out olyour poekets

The passive iacutes illustrated by

The key was slipped into the lock [1 al Sentence [2] exemplifies the abstract or metaphorical use of such verbs and adjuncts Many of the verbs which fit into this pattern are causative verbs of motiacuteon put get stand se sit lay place send bring take lead drive etc The class is open-ended since verbs normally without causative meaning can be adapted to this function eg show see elbow etc in

The attendant showed us to our seats [conducted us ] May I see you home [escort you ] He elbowed and bribed his way to fame They talked me into it [persuaded me ]

Other verbs are associated with space position adjuncts rather than direction adjuncts

They lelt the papers at my offiee Always keep your eyes on the road when driving

1

i

1202 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

The attackers eaught us ofJour guardo He wished them at the bottom ofthe sea

Again the spatial meaning ofthe adjunct rnay be understood in sorne abstract or rnetaphorical sense as in the third exarnple aboye

Adjuncts of other sernantic types are less cornrnon but instances are the adjunct of rnanner following treat

badIY Her parents treated her as ifshe were a baby

as like a small ehild

and the optional adjunct of duration following last

This rnoney will ha ve to last you laquo(for) six months)

Note [al Treot has a dilferent meaning when the adjunct is omitted Her parents treated her [= did something pleasant for her]

[b] Superficiacuteally similar to the aboye pattern iacutes that iIIustrated by remind andfurnish followed by an object and a prepositional phrase

She reminds me ofmy sister They furnished all the passengers with iexclfe jackets

These however are classed as transiti ve prepositional verbs (cfI6 7-8) and will be dealt with in 1656fbelow The difference between Ihese prepositional verbs and verbs of complemenlation Type [e3] is that in Ihe former case the lexical verb governs a particular preposition remind offurnish with (Alternative prepositional constructions are sometimes available however provide withprovide for)

Variants of complex transitive complementation 649 We now examine variants of complex transitive cornplernentation in which

thc direct object iexcls f01lowltd by ji nonfinite dau~1 acting as predication adjunct Al four kinds of nonfinite construction (ef 146-8) are possible

[C4] to-infinitive [C6] -ing participle They knew hirn to be a spy 1caught Ann reading my diary

[CS] bare infinitive [C7] -ed participle 1heard someone slam We saw him beaten by the

World Heavyweight Champion thedoor

The nonfinite clause in these patterns (in italics in the above table) has no subject itself but its implied subject is always the preceding noun phrase which is object of the superordinate c1ause This noun phrase which if a personal pronoun is in the objective case is commonly termed a RAISED

OBJECT (ef further 16640) semantically it has the role of subject of the nonfinite verb but syntactically it is raised from the nonfinite c1ause to function as object of the superordinate verbo Hence in general this noun phrase (in italics in the table below) can become subject of the corresponding passive (The passive of [C5] normaly requires substitution of a to-infinitive for abare infinitive the passive of [C7) is of marginal currency ef 1654 Note [a))

(C4] He was known to be a spy

[eS] Someone was heard to slam the door

Types of verb complementation 1203

[C6] Ann was caught reading rny diary

[e] He was seen executed by a firing squad

On the face ofit the patterns [C4] and [e6] are indistinguishable from the rnonotransitive patterns [B8] (eg She hates the train to be late) and [B9] (eg She hates the train being late) in which the nonfinite c1ause has a subject of its own The ability of the noun phrase preceding the nonfinite verb to become subject of a passive is however an important distinction between thern (see further 1651 and 1653)

These patteros [e4] and (e6] are distinguished from corresponding patterns in which the Note nonfinite c1ause is an adverbial by the raet that the iacutemplied subject of the nonfinite verb is O rather than S Note the ambiguity of

She left him to finish the jobo She lert him holding the baby

IC4J Object + to-infinitive complementation The verbs in this group are rather numerous and rnay be subdivided 1650

(vii) assist bother bribe eondemll dariquest defy encourage help induce inspire press summon

semantically into the following categories

(iacute) announee declare proclaim pronounee

(H)

reporl repute [esp P rumour (P only] say[P only] tip (esp BrEgt

assume believe eonceive (formalgt eonsider expeet feel jind imagine know presume reekon see [P only1 suppose take thiacutenk[esp P1 understand

(iiiacute) intend mean

(iv) appoint elect name vote

(v) cause drive force get[no P] lead prompt

(vi) alow authorize compel eonstrain enable entitle equip jit oblige permit requiacutere

[P = Passive]

1ZU4 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Types (i) and (ti) correspond to the factual verbs of category [B3J discussed in 1631 the nonfinite construction following these verbs can often be replaced by a lhal-clause with an indicative verbo Compare

The poli ce reported that the traffic was heavy [B3] The police reported the traffic to be heavy (formal) [C4]

JOhn believed that the stranger was a policeman [B3 = John believed the stranger to be a policeman (formal) [C4]

With factual verbs such as these the nonfinite clause normaIly contains the verb be or sorne other verb of stative meaning EspecialIy when the nonfinite main verb is other than be the finite clause (of pattern [B3]) is preferred to the infiniti ve one except that the infinitive construction provides a convenient passive form

The traffic was reported to be heavy The stranger was believed to be a poli cernan

Sorne verbs in this construction have no lhat-clause equivalent

They tipped him to be the next president (esp BrE) - He was tipped to be the next president (They tipped that he would be the next president)

Sorne verbs (marked [P only] in the list abo ve) occur only in the passive version of this construction

The field marshal was said to be planning a new strategy (Someone said the field marshal to be planning a new strategy)

Other verbs (marked [esp PJ) occur chiefly in the passive

The BroadwiY piOJutioli was inoughi to have made Maxs fortune (Newsmen lhought the Broadway production to have made Maxs fortune)

Ofthe twq classes of factual verbs Type (i) consists ofpublic verbs (cf1631) referring to a speech act and Type (ii) consists of private verbs expressing belief etc

1651 Of the remaining semantic types Type (iii) consists of verbs of intention (on intend itself ef 1641 Note lb]) Types (iv) and (v) consist of causative verls where the infinitive clause identifies the resultant state (Type (iv) verbs also belong to class [Cl]) Type (vi) cClUsists of verbs with a modal character expressing such concepts as enablement permission and compulsion and Type (vii) consists of a variety of verbs of influencing between which a common factor appears to be that the nonfinite clause has a purposive meaning Examples are

(iii) They intended Mary to sing an aria (- Mary was intended to sing an aria)

(iv) The meeting elected Mr Martiacuten to be the next treasurer (- Mr Martin was elected to be the next treasurer)

Types of verb complementation 1205

(v) This optimistic forecast led the administration to promise tax cuts ( _ The administration was led (by this optimistic forecast) to promise tax cuts)

(vi) My contract allows me to take one months lea ve (- 1arn allowed to take one months leave)

(vii) Our teachers eneouraged us to think for ourselves (- We were eneouraged to think for ourselves)

In Type (iv) the infinitive main verb is normaIly be and can be omitted They appointed her (lO be) the social secretar) This type overlaps with Type (v) 1646

Note [al There are a number of multi-word verbs in this category [C4prl counl Ofl bullbullbull lO depend Ol bullbull lo rey on lO bullbullbull [C4phl make OUI 10 bullbull [C4ph-pr] keep 01 al lo bull

(which has no passive) Examples are 1 am dependillg 011 you lO give us your fu support They malle him oul to be a monster ofdepravity Why do you keep On al me 10 work harder

[b] Sorne passives of pattem [C4] (eg be allowed be supposed) have a semi-auxiliary (cf347f) interpretation in which they lose their connection with the corresponding active construction especiay as regareis agency

(es) Object + bare infinitive complementation 1652 This pattern occurs with a relatively smaIl number of verbs

(i) have (ii) fee overhear[P] (iii) help [P] let hear [PI see [PJ know [P] rnake [PI notice [P watch

observe[P]

Typl (i) consists uf vlrbs uf iexcluiexclciacuteVI meaning Type (ii) has percepwal verbs of seeing and hearing and Type (iii) is a residual class of two verbs which are optionally followed by a to-infinitive The marker [PI indicates that the passive (normaIly with a to-infinitive) is possible [P] indicates that the passive is of doubtful or limited acceptability

(i) You shouldnt lel your family iacutenterfere with our plans We must rnake the public take notice ofuso

(- The public must be rnade to take notice ofus) (ji) Did you notiacutece anyone leaue the house

The crowd saw Gray score lwo rnagnificeni goals ( - Gray was seen lo seore two rnagnificent goas)

(iii) Sarah helped us (to) edil the seript 1 have known John (to) give better speeches than that

(- John has been known lO giue better speeches than that)

Know followed by the bare infinitive is confined mainly to BrE and to the perfective aspect have known Lel in group (i) is in other constructions cIassified as similar to an auxiliary (ef3SI) Let has an apparent passive in combination with such verbs as lel go and lel fal but these are best regarded as fixed expressions in which let has an auxiliary or particIe-like function

They let the prisoner go horneo - The prisoner was let go horneo

1206 Complementation of verbs and adjectiacuteves

Note that this apparent passive has the bare infinitive in contrast for example to make which has to have the to-infinitive in the passive

They mude him understand ~ He was made to understalld

A third verb in group (i) is have which (like have in monotransitive constructions) does not occur in the passi ve

They had me repeat the message ~ 1 was had (to) repeat the message

Note [a] The formulaic nature of let him go and similar expressions is illustrated by variants such as [1-3J which cannot be fitted into any regular complementation pattern

gothe rope [1] They lel the rope go [2]

goofthe rope (3)

[b] Of the two constructions with help tha with 10 is more common in BrE and that without 10

is more common in AmE [e] Arare verb in category (i) is the now rather archaic bid with a to-infinitive complementation in the passive

They bidbade me sil down - rwas bidden 10 sil down

[C61 Object + -ing participle complementation 1653 The verbs in category [C6] consist of verbs of perception (Type (iraquo verbs of

encounter (Type (iO) and two verbs of coercive meaniacuteng (Type

feel[C5] see[C5) (ji) eateh (iiiacute) have hear[C5) smell diseover get notiee [C5] spot find observe[C5) spy leave overhear[CS) wateh [CS) pereeive

Perception verbs marked [CS] occur also with the bare infinitive pattern [CS) Wiacuteth such verbs there iacutes an aspect difference between [C5) and [C6) as described in 461f

Tim watched Bill mendlmendingthe lampo

The bare infinitive having nonprogressive meaning implies that Bill did the wholejob while Tiacutem was watching the -ing clause with progressive meaning has no such implicatiacuteon

This complementatiacuteon pattern differs from that of [B9) not only in its progressive aspect but also in that the noun phrase following the superordinate verb cannot take the genitive (or possessive) form (ef 1642)

1 saw him lying on the beach 1 saw his lying on the beach

Another difference from pattern [B9) is that the -ing predication can normally be omitted without radically altering the meaning

1 saw him lying on the beach [entails iexcl saw him)

Contrast

1 hate my friends leaving early [does notentaiacutel 1 hate my friends)

Types of verb complementation 1207

The passive with this pattern is regular

We could hear the rain splashing on the roof ~ The rain could be heard splashing on che roof

A teacher eaughc them smoking in the playground - They were eaught smoking in the playground (by a teacher)

Prepositional verbs with this type of complementation ([C6prJ) include eome aeross eome upon listen to and look at Look at those ehildren climbing the wall But these [C6prJ prepositional verbs have no prepositiacuteonal passive

seen The guards had been spouhed searchiacuteng the building

wate e d looked at

Have in this construction (e18S1ff) also has no passive in keeping with its use in other constructions

She had us working day after day We were had working day after day

Note Feeloccurs especially with a reflexive pronoun object Shefelt herself falling in love

[C7) Object + -ed participle complementation 1654 We can distinguish three small groups of verbs complemented bv a raised

object followed by an -ed participle c1ause

(i) CAUSATIVE verbs get ha ve She gotlhad the watch repaired immediately

Oi) VOLITlONAL verbs want need like I wantlneed this watch repaired immediately

(jii) PERCEPTUAL verbs see hearJeel (oneself) wateh Someone must have seenl heard the car stolen

A fourth group is peripheral to this construction

(iv) Verbs for which the -ed participle describes a resulting statefind

diseoverleave They founddiseoveredfleft him worn out by tra vel and exertion

j In this construction as in that of (C6) have can ha ve either an agentive causative meaning or a stative meaning Hence The guard patrol had two men shot is ambiguous meaning either The patrol caused two men to be shot or

I The patrol suffered the los s oftwo men by shooting The latter meaning is that of the have-existential construction (ef 18S1ff) In general this

complementation type is semantically equivalent to one with an iacutenfinitive form of the verb be Thus in Type (ii) iexcl would like my room cleaned is synonymous with iexcl would like my room to be cleaned in Type Oiiacute) He saw the team beaten is synonymous with He saw the team be beaten

Note [al There is no passive for most verbs in pattem [e7] and at best the passive is dubious The car must have been seen stolen The acceptability of the passive with Type (iv) is exceptional

---

--

1208 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

The car wasfound abandoned This is indeed an indication that Type (iv) may not belong here so much as with the objecl complement construction [el l iexclhe participle construclion being adjectival (cf an abandoned car) lb1In addition to the two meanings of haue + objec + -ed participle above a third meaning results ifthe -ed clause is analysed as a postmodifier of Ihe object eg She had a book (which gtvas) stolenfrom the library

Ditransitive complementation

ID11 Noun phrases as both indirect and direct object 1655 Ditransiacutetive complementation in its basic fonu involves two object no un

phrases an indirect object which is nonually aniacutemate and positioned first and a direct object which is nonually concrete The two noun phrases differ from those of[C2] in not being in a copular relationship

He gave the girl a doll --v-- --r-

S V Oiacute Od

The difference between this and complex transitive complementation is seen in

svoe He found her a loyal friendo ( She was a loyal friend)

SVOO He found her an apartment ( - The apartment was for her)

The characteristics of indirect objects in contrast to direct objects are fully disclssed in 107

Sorne ditransitive verbs have two passive analogues which we shall distinguish as first and second

The girl was given a doll [FIRST PASSIVE]

A doll was given the girl [SECOND PASSIVE]

Of these two the first passive in which the indirect object becomes subject is the more common The prepositional paraphrase is more usual as an alternative than the second passive A dol was given to the girl (For a list of verbs ofType [01] ef1657 below)

[D21 Object and prepositional object 1656 In the ditransitive category prepositional verbs fonu an important group

with its own sub-divisions and may therefore be given a separate category number D2] These verbs are those we have called Type II prepositional verbs (cfI67-8) Alongside the ordinary indirect object pattern two main prepositional patterns rnaybe distinguished _

Indirect object + direct object [D1] Direct object + prepositional object D2a] lndirect object + prepositional object [D2b]

Types of verb complementation 1209

The indirect object is normally animate and is the recipient or beneficiary of the process described by the verb (ef 1019) Unlike ditransitive verbs of category [D 1] (eg give) ditransiti ve verbs with prepositional objects nonually have only one passive

We addressed our remarks to the children [D2a] - Our remarks were addressed to the children (The children were addressed our remarks (toraquo

W e reminded him of the agreement [D2bl - He was reminded of the agreement (The agreement was reminded him (of)

-1 Sorne verbs have a11 three possibilities of construction in the active many have two forothers there is only one possibility (in sorne cases the alternatives are not identical but very similar in meaning)

tel [01 + 2a + 2b]

1

offer [01 + 2a] 1

envy [01 + 2b] I

wish [01]

bamefD2a + 2b]

say [D2a]

warn [D2b]

Mary told only John the secret DI] Mary told the secret only to John [D2a] Mary told only John about the secreto [D2b]

John offered Mary sorne help [DI] John offered sorne help to Mary [D2a]

She envied John his success [DI] She envied Johnfor his success [D2b]

They wished him good luck [DI]

Helen blamed the divorce on John rD2al Helen blamed Johnfor the divorce [D2bj

Why didnt anybody say this to me [D2a] I

Mary warned John ofthe dangers [D2b) I

The different constructional possibilities of certain verbs provide a means of achieving different focus (cfI837f) Compare the fo11owing pairsofsentences as pronounced with unmarked (end) focus

Mary blamed the broken vase on IOHN Mary blamed John for the broken VAacuteSE

(ef John was blamed by MARY)

The government supplied blankets for the HOMEless The government supplied the homeless with BLANKets

(ef Blankets were supplied by the Goacutevernment)

Note [al The aboye constructions are presented in the most typical syntactic ordering but postshyponernent of the direct or iacutendirect object may take place in contexts where end-focus or endshyweight is required (cf1837) eg John offered lO Mary Ihe help thal she needed [b] Additional prepositional verb patterns should be briefly mentioned There is for example the double-prepositional-verb pattern noted in 1617(c)

1210 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1211

1657

1 am applying lo the hospitalor ajobo There is a further possibility that two prepositional objects may follow a diacuterect object

We are paying $100 lo the garage for the repairs

Verbs of complementation types ID1 and [D2 The following list gives sorne of the verbs that occur in Types [DI] [D2aJ [D2b] organized aeeording to the cross-classifications of 1656 aboye We are interested here only in synonymous or nearly synonyrnous constructions in which the same participant roles (ef lO18jJ) oceur Hence many possible prepositional verbs are ignored Pay for for example is ignored because it introduces a further participant (the commodity bought) not incuded in pay (with) and pay (to)

Table 1657

Type [DI) Type [D2a] Type[D2b]

EXAMPLE serve (Jaek scampi) serve (searnpi) serve (Jack) to (Jack) with (scampi)

[DI + 2a + 2b) pay payto pay with provide (AmE) providefor provide with serve serve to serve with tel tell to tell about

[DI + 2a) (l) bring bring to den deny to give give lo

grant gram to hand hand to leave leave tofor lend lend to offer offer to owe oweto promise promiseto read read lo send send to show show to teaeh teaeh to throw throw to

(ii) do doacutefor find findfor make makefor order order for reserve reservefor save savefor spare sparefor

(iii) ask askof

1658

[DI + 2b]

[Di]

[D2a + 2b]

[D2a]

[D2b)

envy excuse forgive

allow eharge fine refuse wish

blameon supply forto

address to announee to eommunieate to explain to sayto

envyfor exeusefor forgivefor

blamefor supply with

advise about punishfor etc

The membership of[D2b] is numerous Here are further examples arranged by prepositions

thankfor eonvineeof robof refer to preventfmm depriacutevenf ltuspee f 9f sentenee to proleet from informof warnof subject ro imerest in persuadeof congratulate on treat to aecuseof relieveof confine to charge with convictof remindof introduce to compare with

Note that reflexive verbs (cf 625) sometirnes oecur with a prepositional object eg We pride ourselves on the serviee we ofler Sorne of the verbs abo ve (such as compare with) ean have two inanimate objects

In Table 1657 we have distinguished under[Dl + 2a] verbs taking to as their preposition from those takingfor eg

(i) She sent Paul a present She sent a present to Paul (ji) She made Paul a meaL She made a mealfor Paul

Occasionally a preposition other than to and for oceurs in this function

OiO She asked Paul a favour She asked a favour ofPaul

Distinct from [D2aJ and [D2bJ aboye is a kind of prepositional verb which has already been discussed in 167-8 a verb for which the direet object forms part of an idiomatic unit with the verb and the preposition The syntactic properties of this type which we label (D2e] have already been dealt with and it is enough here to list a further sample ofsueh idioms

1212 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1213I I

eateh siacuteght of make allowanee for put a stop to give place to make fun of set jire to give way to make afuss overabout take aeeount Ofl keep pace with make roomfor take advantage ojI lose sight of make use ojI take eare of 1

lose toueh with pay attention to 1 take note ojI lose traek of put an end to take notice ojI

Those marked with a raised 1 can take not only a prepositional passive (ef 167-8) but also can easily take a passive for which the idiomatically-fixed direct object beco mes subject eg (Some) allowanee was made for loss of eamings (Little) notiee was taken of this evento Other verbs can take the passive but with greater difficulty with these examples as with prepositional verbs in general idiomatic cohesion is a matter of gradience

Variants of ditransitive complementation

ID3J Indirect object + that-cIause object 1659 Corresponding to monotransitive verbs ofType [B3] (efI630) are ditransiti ve

verbs for which the direct object is a that-clause

John eonvinced me (that) he was right ~ I was eonvineed (by John) (that) he was right

The second passive is unacceptable when the direct object is a clause That he was right was eonvineed me Thus the first passive (ef 1655) above is the only passive that can occur with this pattern With sorne verbs such as eonvinee above it is impossible to delete the noun phrase object

John conviucJ (lhat) he was riguiacute

With other verbs such as show the indirect object is optional

The professor of mathematics showed me that Pythagoras was mistaken ~ The professor of mathematics showed that Pythagoras was

mistaken

Ditransitive verbs followed by a that-clause may be divided into a subtype introducing an indirect statement and a subtype introducing an indirect directive (ef 1433) In the indirect statement the that-clause contains an indicative verb in the indirect directive the verb may be indicative or subjunctive and often contains putative should or another modal verb (ef 1632 for the distribution ofthese options)

INDIRECT STATEMENT

May 1 inform you that your order is ready for eolleetion INDIRECT DIRECTIVE

mightbeShe petitioned the king that her father ~ould be pardoned

In the following list Type (i) verbs introduce indirect statements and Type (H) verbs introduce indirect directives The indirect directive construction is

rare and formal in comparison with the similar infinitive construction (ef 1663)

WOUldI begged her that she should help ltformal) 1 begged her to help ltmore usual)

For those verbs marked O the indirect object is obligatory foc those marked (O) the indirect object is optional for those marked laquoOraquo the indirect object is not only optional but unusual

(i) advise (O) remindO (iiacute) ask3 laquoOraquo assureO satisfyO beg3 (O) bet (O) show3 (O) eharge (O) eonvineeO teaeh3 (O) eommand laquoOraquo forewarn (O) tellO iacutenstruet laquoOraquo informO wager(O) order laquoOraquo notify 3 O warn (O) petition3 (O) persuadelO write2bull 3 (O) tellO promise3 (O)

The superscripts are interpreted as follows

1 Persuade in the sense ofconvince belongs to Type (i) but it may also be used in a Type (iiacute) sense of persuade someone to do something

2 Write is found with an indirect object + that-clause especially in AmE 3 With verbs so marked the indiacuterect object can be replaced by a

prepositional object (ef 1660)

Note Superficially similar W the [D3] pallern is lhe impersonal construction Iacutef strikeslstruck me (Ihal) asin

It strikes me this work is for his own amusement But here the Ihal-c1ause (as in 1634) is the extraposed subject of the verbo Compare He strikes me as (cf1646 Note [el) and lt occursto me that (cfI634 Note [e))

ID3prl Prepositionalobject + that-cIause object 1660 The verbs marked 3 in the aboye list can be optionally followed by a

preposition thus forming a category similar to [D2a] in 1656

He promised laquoto) me) that the debt would be repaid

For most verbs of [03] which permit a prepositional object the preposition is to

He wrote to me He reported to me that etc

Exceptions are ask and beg which (in somewhat formal usage) are followed by the preposition of

I askbegofyou that you will keep this secret ltformal)

There is in addition a group of verbs which were classified in 1631-32 as monotransitive but which optionally allow the preposition to preceding a prepositional object These may be distinguished as Type [D3pr] and subdivided into sub-types (i) and (iacutei) as in the paraUel description of [B3] verbs

1214 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Joan mentioned (to me) that her father was siacuteck [Type (O] Or Oay recommended (to her) that the treatment be continued [Type (ii)]

For elample

(i) acknowledge declare remark (ji) propose admit explain repon recommend announce mention say suggest complain pointout signal eoness prove state

As before Type (i) verbs introduce indirect statements and the less numerous Type (ii) verbs introduce indirect directives As befare too sorne exceptional verbs take a preposition other than to

She demanded ome that She agreed with me that etc

Unlike the nonprepositional verbs of [03] these prepositional verbs alow the that-c1ause to become subject of a corresponding passive clause an option which is more acceptable with extraposition

That several ministers are resigning has been admitted to our correspondent ~ It has been admitted to our correspondent that several ministers

are resigning It has been shown to us al that Miss Jones was innocent

Without the preposition ie with an ordinary indirect object such sentences are at best marginally grammatical 1It has been shown us al that Miss Jones was innocent

~~otc The constructions of lt appc-siexclappe(~iexclcfurseems ro me ha slipclfidaly appear ti) bclvuumlg to the paltero [D3prl but in faet these contain monotransitive verbs with an extraposed tnatshyelause as subject

It occurredlseemed to me that he was Iying esimilar patteros with extraposition in 1634 1659 Note

ID4) Indirect object + finite wh-c1ause object 1661 This pattern of complementatiacuteon is primarily found with the verb ask which

introduces a reported question

John asked me what time the meeting would end ~ 1 was Gsked (by John) what time the meeting would end

AIso used with this pattern are verbs which take an indirect object followed by a that-clause (Type (i) of [03]) but for these the wh-clause tends to be limited 10 nonassertive contexts (cf1635) Compare

George didnt tell them that the train was late [1] George didn t tel them whether the train was late [21

The difference of meaning between the that- and whether-constructiacuteons can be stated in terms of presupposition Sentence [1] typically implies that the train was late while [2] is noncommittal on the matter [04] verbs can also introduce other question words such as where and how

Tvpes of verb complementation 1215

Jim was reluctant to inform us (o) where he got the money Would you remind me (about) how we start the engine

A preposition may always be placed before the wh-c1ause In the aJiexclove cases the prepositiacuteon is optional but in the case of verbs like enquire o (Type [04prJ) the preposition is obligatory iexcl enquired ofthe clerk which doeuments were needed The complex preposition as to can be rather general1y used for introducing the wh-clause eg I enquired as to which documents were needed

[D5) Indirect object + wh-infinitive clause object 1662 This is yet another complementation pattern (comparable with [B5] 1637)

which may be taken by sorne verbs listed under[03] in 1659

advise ask instruct remind show teach tell wam

The instructor taught us how lo land saely - We were taught (by the instructor) how to land saely

They advised him what lO wear in the tropies Please remind me where to meet you afier lunch

The equivalent prepositional verb pattern [05pr] is iIIustrated by suggest to recommend to

Could you please suggest to the visitors which museums to visit

Here as in the [04] type a prepositional phrase introduced by as lO can be used

Helen advised us (as to) how to maintain the machine

f~ iexcl llt ~- I ~ i ~

~i ~ ~~

1663 ID61lndirect object + to-infinitive clause object We have seen that the [03] pattern may be used to introduce indirect statements and that the [04] pattern may be used to introduce indirect questions Now we tuen to the verbs of class [06] which introduce indirect directives (c1433)

1 lOldjadvisedjpersuaded Mark to see a doctor ~ Mark was toldjadvisedjpersuaded to see a doctor

[I] [2]

This complementation category looks like those of[B81 and [C5] in that the verb is followed by a noun phrase and an infinitive construction But the [06] pattern differs from these in that the noun phrase following the verb is an indirect object as will be c1arified in 1666 below As with other verbs introducing indiacuterect speech the subject refers to the speaker of sorne speech act and the indirect object refers to the addressee Like [03] verbs [06] verbs form only the first passive exemplified in [2] above we do not find To see a doctor was lOld Mark The folowing verbs belong to this c1ass

advise command entreat instruct remind teach ask counsel exhort invite request1 tell beg detai[l orbid order recommend urge beseech direct implore persuade challenge enjoin 1 incite l prayl

1216 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Those verbs marked with araised 1 do not have the equivalent construction with a that-clause containing a modal or a subjunctive verb (Types [B3(ii)J [030i)]) Contrast

They ~eg~tedd her to stay another week mm e

They ~eKgtedd (her) that she would stay another week mm e

The alternative that-clause construction however is more formal especially when the indirect object is presento

Note [a] The verb promire when it occurs wiacuteth this kind of complementation is exceptional in that the understood subject of the infinitiacuteve is identified with the subject rather than with the object of the maiacuten c1ause

Sarn prornised me to get some rood

= Sam promised me that he would get sorne roed o Sam promised me that lwould get sorne roed

The present pattern [D6] iexcls however less cornmon with promise than the [B6] pattern without the indiacuterect object Sam promised to get someiexclood lb] Only ordercan be followed by a passive infinitive He ordered Ihem lo be impriacutesonedlreleased

Multiple analysis and gradience in verb complementation 1664 Before we leave verb classification it is important to reflect on the problems

of dividing verbs into complementation types The major division of complementation patterns into copular [AJ monotransitive [BJ complex transitive [C] and ditransitive [OJ categories (introduced in 216) has been extended with little difficulty te include patterns in which the verbs ccmplementation includes finite and nonntildenitc clauses This is the basis rOiacute

the classification Qf verbs into types in 1620-63 aboye But unavoidably our aim of presenting a clear classification has obscured sorne problems of gradience and multiple analysis (e 260ff) and to illustrate these we return to three superficially iacutedentical structures aIread y discussed in 1636 These are now illustrated with three new examples each of which conforms to the pattern NI V N 2 to V N 3 (where N = noun phrase and V = verb phrase)

Table L664a

V N2 to V NJNI

[B8] S V O

We like all parents to visit the schooL

I [1]

[C4] Is V O Co

They James therace I [2]

[D6] I S Oiexcl

We I asked I the students I toattend

Ia lectu~en_~

Types of verb complementation 1217

Each ofthese sentences consists ofthe sequence Niexcl V N 2 to V N 3 and yet we have analysed them respectively as monotransitive (S V O) complex transitive (S V degCol and ditransitiacuteve (S V Oiexcl 0d) A different analysis in sorne ways more revealing would recognize an overlap between two competing descriptions of the intennediacuteate noun phrase N2 There is little doubt that in [1 J this is to be analysed as subject of the infinitive clause (e 1636) whereas in [3J there are equally strong reasons for regarding N as (indirect) object of the main clause (e 1666)

Smiddot V S V O 1shyI I

I I ISmiddot V 0 V OI I I I I iexcl I I I I I I I I I iexcl

NI V Nz 10 V NJ NI V N2 lo V N) I I I I

Fig 1664b Sentence[l] Fig 1664c Sentence [3J

Sentence [2J however partakes ofboth these descriptions From the semantic point of view it requires the analysis of Fig 1664b (ef They expeeted [that James would win the race]) But from the structural point of view the analysis in Fig 1664c is more appropriate reflecting N2s ability to become subject of the passive sentence James was expeeted to win the raee We might reasonably say that in [2J N 2 behaves like an object (0 rather than Oiacute) in relation to the first verb but like a subject in relation to the second infinitive verh Tbe term RAISED OBJECT applied in 1649ffto the intermediate noun phrase of patterns [C4 - Cn incorporates yet another way of recognizing this double analysis by envisaging a process whereby the subject of the infinitive becomes the object of the preceding finite verbo This raised object will be symbolized in what follows SO

1665 Given that the double analysis aboye provides sorne insight into clauses containing nonfinite complementation we could take such an analysis further and apply it to aH complex transitive patterns including the more straightforward SVOC and SVOA pattems of[Cl - C3]

that John is a good driver lB3J 1consider John to be a good driver [C4]

John a good driver [C2]

The paraHelism of meaning and phrasal relations demonstrated in these three sentences recommends an analysis in which the complementation of pattern [C2J John a good driver would be regarded as a clause in its own right ie as a verbless clause consisting of S = John and Cs = a good driver without an intervening V This description would not however displace the by now familiar S V Od Co analysis but would rather be seen as an alternative way of looking at the same construction

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1218 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Gradience 1666 The teehnique of multiple analysis stiU leaves some subtletiacutees unexposed

What this teehnique has suggested is that there are the folowing three eategories eorresponding to [1 in 1664

N 2 S We like all parenls to visit the school [1) N2 = SO They expeeted James to win the raee [2] Nz = O We asked Ihe sludents to attend a leeture

But more than three eategories ean be appropriately distinguished if we reeognize [1) and [3] as end-points of a gradient with [2) at some point on the seate between them This area of grammar affords a good example of gradienee

At the monotransitive end of the seale [I) ean be characterized by a number of criteria whieh suggest that N 2 to V N3 (al parents to visit the school) constitutes the direct object of an SVO pattern

(a) It ean be replaced by a pronoun referring to the cIause or noun phrase nominalizing it We like it We like al parens visits

(b) It can be an answer to a what-question A What do you like best

B We like al parents to visit the school (e) In some dialects it can be preceded by the infinitive clause introdueer

for We like (it)for all parens to visit the school (d) It ean easily (when preeeded by for) be the focus of a pseudo-cIeft

sentence What we like (best) is for al parents to visit the school (e) When the sequenee N 2 to V N 3 is turned into the passive form N 3 to be

Vedz by Nz there is no ehange ofmeaning We ike aIl parents to visit the sehcel

= We like the school te be visited biexcl al parents (f) In a reduced construetion the infinitive marker to remains We like them

does not have the same meaning as We like them to

At the other ditransitive end of the seale a eontrasting set of criteria eharaeterize [3) and support the analysis of N2 (the students) as an indireet object and to V N3 (to attend a lecture) as a cIausal direet objeet

(a) 10 V N 3 ean be replaced by a pronoun a noun phrase or a finite clause with Nz still funetioning as indireet object

SOmething We asked the students a question

what they wanted

(b) 10 V N 3 can be the answer to a wh-question while N2 funetions as indirect object

A What did you ask the students B We asked them to attend a lecture

(e) When the sequenee N2 to V N3 is turned into the passive sequence N3 to be Ved2 by N 2 the meaning is always changed

They asked the students to attend a leeture They asked a lecture to be attended by the students

this case indeed the passive transform results in an absurdity)

Types of verb complementation 1219

(d) to V N 3 can marginally become the focus of a pseudo-cleft sentence What they asked the students was to attend a lecture (Contrast the decidedly unaeeeptable What we like the parents is to visil the school)

(e) Nz which like Oi in general is usually personal can be detached from its place after the first V to beeome subjeet of a eorresponding passive sentenee The students were asked to attend a lecture

(n In a reduced eonstruction the infinitive marker to ean be omitted We asked them We persuaded them etc

Note [a] With some ditransitive verbs criterion (a) has to be interpreted as the replacement of the infinitive clause by a preposition and prepositional object (cfI656-8)

They reminded hiacutem ofhis responsibiacutelities One man challenged the other lo a duel

[b] Criterion (d) is less reliacuteable than the others since the pseudo-cleft sentence is unacceptable for many verbs But a pseudo-cleft sentence in which the indirect object is replaced by a prepositional object tends to be more grammatical Whal Ihey asked ollhe sludenls was lO attend a leclure (The alternative construction with the substitute verb do which also occurs with [1] is always more acceptable What Ihey asked Ihe students lo do was lO attend a lecture)

1667 To give a simplified illustration of the analysis of gradience in the sequence NI V N 2 to V N 3 we now take a subset ofthe eriteria listed aboye and apply them to a range of verbs on the gradient eonneeting [1] and [3] of 16_66

(1) (3) (4)(2) wantask elect intend

CRITERIA likeallow expectlel~ etc I etc etc etc~ (a) lo V N 3 can be replaeed by - - -+a finite clause

(e) ehange of meaning in passive -+ +of N 2 10 VN3

(e) N 2 can beeome subjeet of passive -+ ++

Fig 1667 A eomplementatiacuteon gradient

The matrix uses only three criteria and thereby distinguishes only four categories This is sufficient to indicate the principie however that the three categories [BS] [C4] and [D6) of our taxonomy eould be broken down iexclnto a finer spectrum of eategories between which the differences are small In effeet Fig 1667 distinguishes two subeategories of [C4] one (including elect and allow) whieh is c10ser to the ditransitive type and one (including inlend and expect) eloser to the monotransitive type Elect and allow respond to cri terion (e)

They elected Miss Coe to suceeed the present seeretary They elected the present seeretary to be sueceeded by Miss Coe

We dont allow residents to entertain visitors We dont allow visitors to be entertained by residents

1220 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

while intend and expeet do not

They intended the students to see the professor = They intended the professor to be seen by the students

They expeet the students to enjoy the classes = They expeet the classes to be enjoyed by the students

Note Por verbs in group (3) the voice oflhe infinitive clause and the voiceofthe main clausemay be independently varied with the result Ihat a SlIacutentence like They expected the students lo enjoy lile classes has tbree corresponding passiv~s with iexclhe same meaning

They expected the classes to be enjoyed by the students The students were expecled lo enjoy the classes

The classes were expected lo be enjoyed by the students

The last example has a passive verb phrase in both the superordinate clause and Ihe infinitive clame

Adjective complementation

168 Categories of complementation in adjective phrases (ef 228 721-2) are similar in variety to those ofverb complementation We distinguish [El-ES)as follows

[El] Complementation by a prepositional phrase [E2] Complementation by a that-clause [E3] Complementation by a wh-clause

i[E4) Complementation by a than-clause [ES] Complementation by a to-infinitive clause [E6] Complementation by an -ing participle clause

These complementation patterns can occur after an adjective (andmiddot its modifiers if any) in various syntactic functions For example

The violiacuten iacutes (rather) difficut to play (adjective phrase as CJ

Mary found the violiacuten (rather) diffieut to play (adjective phrase as CJ

The violiacuten is an instrument (rather) diffieult to play (adjective phrase as postmodifier)

The on1y posiacutetion in which an adjective cannot normally be followed by iacutets complementation is the premodifying position in a noun phrase a keen child on ehess But here too with certain constructions (Types [ES(iraquo) and [ES(v)D the complementation can follow discontinuously after the head noun The violiacuten is a diffieult instrument to play (ef discontinuity with comparative constructions IS75) For illustrative purposes we will confine examples in the following sections to the subject complement function The lists like the verb lists in 1620-63 will be selective

Adjective complementation 1221

Note There is a considerable parallel as the categories [El-ES] aboye demonstrate between patterns associated with adjectives and those associated with monotransitive verbs The chief difference is that adjectives cannot be followed by a noun phrase object To bring out the parallel further we could describe adjectives exemplified in 1669 below (averse to conscous oJ etc) as prepositional adjectives comparable with prepositional verbs We could moreover identify phrasal adjectives (derived from participiaI forms ofphrasal verbs) such as ron down (exhausled depressed) and phrasaI-prepositionaI adjectives such as fed up (with) These tatter variants however are rare enough lo be disregarded in the foUowing lists

[E1] Adjective complementation by a prepositional phrase 1669 Like prepositional verbs adjectives often forro a lexical unit with a following

preposition good atfond oj opposedto etc The lexical bond is strongest with adjectives for which in a given sense the complementation is obligatory Max is averse to games Max is averse Such adjectives are marked 1 in the following lists

The lists make a distinction between participial (ef 715-19) and nonparticipial adjectives The differencebetween participial adjectives and the -ed participle of the passive construction is discussed in 375-77 These lists provide on1y a small sample of the adjectives accompanying the prepositions concemed In particular it is often possible for the same adjective to go with two or more prepositions as in angry about angry at and angrywith

ABOUT He was very worried about her reaction (ef960)

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

angry knowledgeabe aggrieved frightened glad mad annoyed pleased happy reasonable delighted worried

AT She was badat mathematics (ef962)

NONP ARTICIPIAL P ARTlCIPIAL

angry good alarmed disgusted brilliant hopeless amusedmiddotmiddot pleased elever terrible delighted puzzled

FROM Thevillage is remotefromthe bustle ofcity life (ef918 947)

different distant distinct free remo te

OF She was aware ofhis difficulties

NONPARTlCIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

eonvineed ashamed empty proud1 afraid conseiousl glad

seared eapable fond 1 short1 tired certain full worthy

ONUPON Their plan was based on cooperation

NONPARTICIPIAL IPARTICIPIAL

contingent1 intent1 reliantl basedl set1

dependent keen severe hentl

Yiexcl

1222 Complementation of verbs and adjectives ~ Adjective complementation 1223

Note lal In general choice of preposilion remains the same after morphologicalIy related verbs adjectives and nouns differentftom differ from differencefrom But Ihis eorrespondence is not always lo be relied on contrastfull ofwilhfilied wllh proudofwith pride in lb] Other prepositions whieh less comrnonly enlee into adjective + prepositlon idioms iexclnelude for and lowards graleful for sorry for inclined towards le] Usedfollowed by the preposition lO a more informal synonym ofaccustomed(to) is participial in spelling but has the speeial pronuneiation nus~ Unlike accustomed however used does not oceur with a following infinitive (ef 1679) This adjeetival used to in spite of identity of spelling and pronunciation is quite distinet from used lO as a marginal modal (cf344) Contrast

Im used lO hard work I used ro work hard Id] In the past prescriptive objeetions have been made to the use of to ralher Ihan from after averse and different Howevee ro is the normal preposition to fol1lt11 averse and differenr 10 is quite widely used (esp in BrE) as an altemative lo differentfrom On iJifferent rhan cf1566 Note 1674

le] Wilh can be omitted after (fn)compalibie if the subject is plural cfmutual participation 1360

middotCarl is incompatible OUT Cad and Eva are incompatible

[E2] Adjective complementation by a that-clause 670 Like that-clauses following a verb that-clauses folIowiacuteng an adjective may

have

(A) indicative verb 1am sure (that) he is here now (B) subjunctiacuteve verb They were insistent (that) we be ready (formal) (C) putativeshould Im sorry (that) he should hove left ltformal)

The uses of the mandative subjunctive and of putative should have been discussed in 359 and 1425 respectiacutevely Putative should often occurs after expressions of emotion (sorrowjoy displeasure surprise wonder etc) and is often accompanied by intensifying expressions such as so such like thisl that ever or at all The indicative that-clause on the other hand refers to an established fact The foHowing pairs illustrate choices of construction

1 (that) 1 have to leave so early am sorry (that) you should have been (so) inconvenienced

(that) you didnt call the doctor before 1 am surprised (that) anyone ofyour intelligence should swallow a tie

likethat

With some adjectives (those in category [E2b(iiacute)] 1672) the should-clause can be paraphrased by an infinitive clause with a subject

It was natural for him to go to London after the war = It was natural that he should go to London after the war

That-clauses cannot be preceded by preposiacutetions Hence adjectives which are constructed with prepositions before noun phrases ([El]) drop the preposition before a that-clause (cfI628) Compare the folIowing

OfhiS innocence [E1 ] 1am convlnced (th ) h t [E2]at e IS mnocen

Many that-clauses folIowing an adjective are actualIy subjects postponed by extraposition (cf1833)

lt is lucky (that) you came - That you came is lucky

These are listed separately in 1672

lEla) Adjectives with experiencer (cflO23 Note) as subject 1671 (i) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATIVE VERB ONL Y (cfNote [a] below)

These adjectives express degrees of certainty or confidence aware certain corifident sure

We were corifident that Karen was stiacutell alive

(ii) THAT-CLAUSE HAS PUTATIVE SHOULD OR SUBJUNCTIVE VERB

(or marginally aloo an indicative verb) The three principal adjectives in this class are anxious eager and willing

he should be permitted to resiacutegn 1 Are you willing that he be permitted to resign 1

1he is permitted to resign 1 ~

(On the distribution of these three altematives cfI630)

(iH) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATIVE VERB OR PUTATIVE SHOULD

These adjectives express emotions

Im so thankful that nobody was hurto Were you surprised that Ray should win the prize

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

afraid hopeful alarmed depressed horrified angry proud amazed disappointed irritated glad sad amused distressed pleased grateful sorry annoyed disturbed shocked happy tha7lkful astonished frightened upset

There is a tendency to prefer the putative should construction in nonassertive contexts or where the adjective has negative or unfavourshyable associations

TO AH capital gains are subject to taxation NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

answerable close liableacute accustomedl

averse l due1 simz1ar allied1I WiTH This plan is not compatible with our princiacuteples

NONPARTICIPIAL I PARTICIPIAL

angry busy

happy impatient

annoyed bored

ClJmfortable incompatible1 concerned compatibleacute sick delighted content familiar friendly furious

uneasy depressed disappointed disgusted dismayed distressed

inclined1

opposed1

drunk enchanted obsessed occupied overcome pleased satisfied taken1

1672

1224 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Adjective complementatlon 1225

Note [a] The restriction oC Type (i) above lo indicative verbs only is meant to allow Cor the use of T

Note [a] Although tlle pro-forms so and n01 cannot be used after tllese [E2bI adjectives (ef 1671modal auxiliaries including should in a nonputative sense eg I am a~are that I should [= ought 1lo] havejoined longago iexcl Note [bJ) there iexclsa possibilityofreplacing the adjective + solnat by a related adverb + sonot

[b) Afraid is unique among adjectives in that it accepts the pro~oun so (and iexclts negative equivalent Mt) as a that-clause substitute (cfI631) rm afraid SOMI

IElbJ Adjectives with anticipatory it as subject

The that-elause in this eonstruetion is an extraposed subjeet Three types are again distinguished matehing those in 167l

(i) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATlVE VERBONLY (cfI671 Note CaD These adjectives have to do with truthor knowledge

It is true that she never cemes on time

apparent evident likely possible untrue certain implicit obvious true well-known clear indubitable plain unlikely

(ji) THAT-CLAUSE HAS PUTATIVIl SHOULD OR SUBJUNCTIVE VERB (or marginshyaIly also an indicative verb) These adjectives express eoncepts concerned with modality or volition

should be lifted tomorrow It is essential that the ban be lifted tomorrow

(1) is lifted tomorrow

appropriate essentiacuteal important necessary vital compulsory fitting impossible obligatoryshycrucial imperative improper proper

Various deverbal adjectives ending in -able also belong to this group egadvisable desrabIe preferable

(iii) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATlVE VERB OR PUTATIVE SHOULD

This group consists mainly of emotive adjectives and ineludes a large num ber ofparticipial ad jecti ves ending in -ing

Itmiddot strange th t She is so late IS upsetting a she should be so late

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTlCIPIAL

awkward logical alarming perplexing curious odd annoying pleasing disastrous peculiar depressing shocking dreadful sad disappointing surprising extraordinary silly embarrassing fortunate tragie frightening iexclrrational unfortunate irritating

Various -able-ible adjectives also be10ng tp this group admirable eommendable deplorable despieable incomprehensible inconceivable lamentable remarkable understandable unjustifiable etc

ha h l Id l h B Yes obviouslyfortunately soA 1 t IS apparentt t s e IVes oesn t Ive ere B N J I I di t o event y sa y no [b] When an adjective ofType (iii) above occurs after a modal verb construction the that-clause is commonly replaced by an if-clause If the modal verb in the main c1ause is hypothetical (eg would) the verb in the ifmiddotdause is placed in tlle hypothetical pasto Compare

It is sad that you have to leave It will be sad ifyou hove to lea ve

It would be sad ifyou had lo lea ve

[E3] Adjective complementation by a wh-clause 1673 As with that-clauses we have to distinguish those adjeetives ([E3a]) which

are predicated of an experieneer (normalIy a person) as subject and those ([E3bD which go with antieipatory it In the latter case the wh-clause is an extraposed subject Examples are

(onwhat 1should sayo [1]E3a 1was unsure[ 1 (about) whether the problem was solved [2]

[E3b] It was unclear what they would do [3]

Type [E3a1 consists of adjectives which are constructed with prepositions and whieh therefore belong also to Type [EI1 The preposition is sometimes omitted before the wh-clause (ef155 Note reD In Type [E3b] on the other hand no preposition can be inserted bull It was uneear ofabout what lhey would do AIso no infinitive wh-cIause is possible (ef i637) It is unsure where to go is unacceptable unless it refers to sorne aniacutemate being (sueh as a mouse) and is consequently not interpreted in terms of extraposition

Retuming to Type [E3a] we note that in sorne cases the adjective takes a wh-elause in assertive eontexts eg eareful (about) doubtful (as to) fussy (about) puzzled (as to) uneear (about) uncertain (o) undecided (about) unsure (0) unaware (o)

John is careul (about) what he does with his money

Most of these adjeetives are intrinsiealIy negative In meaning In other cases although elsewhere it is associated with an indicative that-clause [E2a(i)] the adjective tends to oceur with a wh-cIause in nonassertive contexts (efI635) eg aware certain eear sure

Are you sure (o) how mueh the maehine costs 1wasnt altogether cleaiexcl- (about) what we had to do

A similar division may be made among adjectives of the antieipatory-it type ([E3b]) Those whieh intrinsieally express doubt and therefore take this strueture even in assertive contexts include doubtful uneertain uneear unsure and unknown Those normally oceurring with an indieative that-elause (le Type [E2b(i)]) inelude apparent eertain obvious and plain They can take a wh-cIause in nonassertive contexts Each type is illustrated in

It was uneear whether an amendment would be accepted It was not obvious how far the westernization process would IO

~ltgt ~~~1~ 1 -~ Adjective complementation 1227

1226 Complementation of verbs and adjectives iexcl

After adjectives of Type [E3a] there may also occur an infinitive wh-clause 1 was uncertain (oi) what to do This is preferable to the finite c1ause in cases illustrated by [1-3] aboye since the subject can remain unexpressed in the reduced nonfinite version

[E4] Adjective complementation by a than-clause 1674 There is an unusual construction in which a noncomparative adjective is

foIlowed by a comparative than-clause as complementation Different is the only adjective which fits into this pattero and even then there is a tradition which regards the use of than here as impropero There is however no felicitous alternative to the different than construction in examples such as

Shes quite a different girl than she wasfilie years ago [11 The various styliacutestic variants of and alteroatives to the than-clause after different are examined in 1566 Note lb] When the c1ause is reduceacuted to a noun phrase it becomes possible to usefrom as an alternative to than

The unions are taking a very different attitude ~ the employers

When the noun phrase folIowing thanffrom cannot be derived by ellipsis from a c1ause than is decidedly less acceptable thanfrom

The main languages of southern India are totaIly different In origin

~~~ those ofthe northern partofthe country

Note [al On differenlrom and different 10 1669 Note [dI [bj It is aloo possible for a Ihan-c1ause to be used after he adverb difilrently

In the west of the country they pronounce their vowels quite aifferently han (they do) in the easl

The same prescriptive objections are made to differenlly Ihan as to different Ihan

[E5] Adjective complementation by a to-infinitive clause [675 We distinguish seven kinds of construction in which an adjective is foIlowed

by a to-infinitive c1ause They are exemplified in the following sentences which are superficially alike

Bob is splendid to wait (ii) Bob is slow to react

(iii) Bob is sorry to hear it (iv) Bob is hesitant to agree with yOU (v) Bob is hard to convince

(vi) The food is ready to eat (vii) lt is important to be accurate

In Types (i-iv) the subject of the main clause (Bob) is also the subject of the infinitive c1ause We can therefore always have a direct object in the infinitive clause if its verb is transitive Por example if we replace intransitive wait by transitive build in (i) we can have Bob is splendid to build this house

Por Types (v-vii) on the other hand the subject of the infinitive is unspecified although the contextoften makes clear which subject is intended

In these types it is possible to insert a subject preceded by for eg in Type (vi) The food is ready (jOr Ihe children) to eat

Infinitive complementation following adjectives modified by lOO and enQugh is discussed eIse Note where in 1S73

(ES(i)) Bob is Iplendid to wait Type (i) has an analogue in a construction involving extraposition (cf1833)1676 1t is splendid of Bob lo wait This type OC construction also permits a head noun between the adjective and the infinitive

Bob must be a spiendid craftsman ~ ~~bUilt this house

As this example shows the infinitive may be perfective We may also compare constructions in which an evaluative noun with its determiner

replaces the adjective

ffoolishYourelafool to spend so mucho

WOnderfUl Youre 1 to walt for me anange

Adjectives in this group are evaluative of human beha~iour They inelude

careful crazy mad silly wise careless greedy nice unwise wrong

These adjectives can also occur with anticipatory il and an of-phrase as additional complementation (cf1682)

It was foolish of you to spend so mucho

IE5(Hraquo) Bob is IOW to react In Type (ii) the sentence corresponds to one in which the adjective becomes 1677 an adverbwhile the infinitive becomes the finite verb

Bob is slow to react - Bob reacts slowlyc

In another analogue the adjective is followed by in and an -ing participle Bob is slow in reacting The infinitive verb phrase must be simple for example unlike the inftnitive phrase in [E5(i)] it cannot be perfective Bob is slow ItJ have reacted Other adjectives in this small group are quick and prompt

There is also a partial adverbial analogue (e8127ff) for Type (i) but in Type (i) unlike Type Note (ii) the perfective infinitive andeven the get-passive (e366) can be used

loan was wise to resigno ~ loan wisely resigned loan was careless to get beaten - loan carelessly got beaten

loan is careless to have got beaten

IES(iuumlraquo) Bob is 10rry lo hear it In Type (iexcliexcli) the head of the adjective phrase is an emotive adjective 1678 (commonly a participial adjective) and the infinitive clause expresses

causation

1679

1228 Complementation of verbs end adjectives

Im sorry to have kept you waiting [rm sorry because I have kept you waiting]

1 was exeited to be there [- To be there exeited me]

Adjectives in this group correspond c10sely to the adjectives followed by a that-clause in 1671 (Type [E2a(iii)D

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

afraid angry ashamed content furious glad

happy impatient indignant jubilant thankful

annoyed astonished bored coneerned delighted depressed

disgusted dissatisfied embarrassed fasemated frightened interested

overwhelmed perturbed puzzled relieved surprised worried

disappointed overjoyed

IE5(ivraquo) Boh is heaitant to agree withyou In Type (iv) the head of the adjective phrase expresses volitional meaning or a modal meaning such as ability possibility or liability Examples are

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

able keen determined anxious Iiable disposed apt Iikely [E2b] fated[E2b] eertain [E2b] loath inclined curious powerless poiseddue prone prepared eager ready [E5] (all) set eligible reluetant unqualified fit [ES] sure [E2b] free [ES] unable greedy weleome hesitant willing impotent worthy

The adjectives marked [E2b] occur with a corresponding construction with extraposition of a that-clause

JilI is likely to attend - It is likely that JiU will attend

Those marked [E5] are capable of occurring with an infinitive construction of passive meaning ie with an indefinite implied subject and a coreferential implied object

Theyare not fit to eat = They are not tit to be eaten

Some ofthe most common adjectives in this list have a tendency to coalesce with the preceding copula 10 form a semimiddotauxiliary verb (ef3A7) be able to be willing to be sure to In addition to modal and volitional adjectives some adjectives ofaspectual meaning such as aeeustomed and wont may be placed here

Adjective complementation 1229

We are aecustomedto take teaon the terrace (formal) He was wont to leave the office at 5 pm (formal archaic)

(ES(vraquo) Bob is lard to convince 1680 In Type (v) the subject of the sentence is identified with the unexpressed

object of the infinitive clause which must therefore have a transitive verb hence the unacceptable Bob Is hard to arrive There is an analogous construction in which the adjective is complement to an infinitive c1ause acting as (extraposed) subject (ef 1836)

- To convince Bob is hard Bob IS hard to convmce It is hard to convince Bob

Adjeeacutetives so used refer 10 degrees of ease or comfort and iexclnclude

awkward hard tough (informal) eonvenient impossible trieky (informal) difficult niee (informal) unpleasant easy pleasant

Unless there is ellipsis we cannot omit the infinitive c1ause and so there is no semantic implication between (say) The bread was hard to bake and The bread was hard Unlike the preceding types Type (v) permitsfor + subject to be inserted at the beginning of the infinitive clause Those darts are trieky (for a beginner) to use Where the infinitive has no overt subject its implicit subject is understood to have an indefinite meanihg

Jack is easy 10 fool =Jack is easy for anyone to foo

Note With some adjectives in this group such as nice or unpleasant the entailment relation between be + adjective ro V and be + adjective is less easy lO avoid eg Jenny is nice lo know iacutemplies that Jenny is nice

IE5(viraquo) Thefood is ready to eat 1681 Again in this type the subject of the main clause is identified with the object

of the intinitive c1ause But unlike Type (v) Typemiddot(vi) has no analogous construction with an infinitive clause subject

The food is ready to eat To eat the food is ready

Also we can generally (a) omit the infinitive clause or (b) substitute a passive infinitive clause without change ofmeaning

Are these cups available (to use) = Are these cups available (to be used)

Some adjectives of this type such as availablefitfree ready and suffieient belong additionally 10 Type (iv) so that a sentence like The lamb ia ready to eat is ambiguous in one sense (the most accessible) being equivalent to the passive The lamb is ready to be eaten Then there is a wider set of adjectives which often occur without complementation at all

The air isfrosty (to breathe) Its fur is soft (to touch)

1230 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

In both Type (v) and Type (vi) the subjectofthe main clause can be equated with the prepositional object of the infinitive clause so that the infinitive c1ause ends with a deferred preposition

She is pleasant to talk to (-It is pleasant to talk to her) This paper is terribly flimsy to write on Is the cloth sufficient to make a dress out ol

In Type (vi) as well as in Type (v)for + subjeet may be inserted before the infinitive verb Are these books free (for visitors) to borrow Are these books available to borrow]

(E5(vii)J Jt is important to he accurate 1682 We saw in 1672 that a that-clause following an adjeetive may prove to be a

subjeet postponed by extraposition (ef1833) A to-infinitive clause following an adjeetive may have the same oouree

It is essential to spray the trees every year - To spray the trees every year is essential

The infinitive clause can also be introduced by for + subjeet

It is vital (for the ehildren) to be properly cIad It will be strange (for us) to be living alone

Adjectives ofTypes (ji) and (iii) in 1672 ([E2b]) may have this construction importantJortunate lueky surprising etc Possible also belongs te this group

An addiacutetional group of adjeetives oeeurring after anticipatory it are those adjeetives (ehiefly naming evaluative attributes of persons) whieh occur in pattern [E5(i)] (ef 1676) The adjeetive in this group is often followed byan of-phrase identifying the persones) being discussed

It was wrong (of him) to teIllies iexcli

It is niee ofyou to phone

[E6] Adjective complementation by an -ing participle cfause [683 A number of sub-types ofthis pattem may be mentioned

(i) Busy is followed by an -ing participle clause without subject

Margery is busy writiacuteng Ietters

Worth and worthwhile on the other hand oceur both with and without subjeet

It is seareely worth(while) (youyour) going home

Here worth(while) follows preparatory it and the participle clause is an extraposed subjeet (ef1834) Other adjectives ofthis pattern are pointless and useless (Its pointless buying so mueh food) and adjectives of Type [E2b(iiacutei)J (efl6 72) also sometimes have this complementation absurd awkwardJortunate annoying etc

EIsewhere worth and worthwhile accompany an -ing participle elause without subjeet but with a passive meaning comparable to tbat of the infinitive elause in pattern [E5(v)] (ef1680)

Complementation of abstract nouns 1231

The cartons are worth(while) saving ( Its worth(while) saving the cartens)

(iv) There is a variant eonstruction in whieh a preposition oecurs between the adjective and the participle clause In some cases the preposition is optional (cf(i) aboye)

Im busy (with) getting the house redeeorated Werefortunate (in) having Aunt Mary as a baby-sitter

In other cases the preposition is obligatory We are used to not having a car (cf1669 Note [e]) Im hopeless at keeping the garden tidy Shes not capable oflooking after herself

Note [al The adjectival constructions in (ii) above may be compared in some cases with nominal constructionsof equivalent meaning

ts 110 goaduse telling him anything Theres 110 point (in) telling him anything

8uch constructions are introduced either by anticipatory il (el 1833) or by eltistential there (el 184$) AmE also hu Theres no use telling him anythlng (b) Worthwhlle is sometimes spelled as two words The vacillation between the spellings worthwhile and worth while reflects an unclarity about the status of this sequence which may altematively be regarded as the preposition worth (eI96) followed by a noun Compare

lts not worth your whife staying lts not worlhh whh~e (your) staying worl w 1

Complementation of abstract nouns

1684 In this coneluding section we will show as a conneeting link between this chapter and the next how the pattems of complementation described for verbs and adjectives in 1620-83 are aloo to be found with abstraet nouns which are morphologieally related to those verbs and adjectives (ef nominalization 1751ff and appositional constructions 1726 1735) For example the noun likelihood is derived from and semantically related to the adjective likely It is therefore not surprising that a construction associated with the adjeetive Is found with the corresponding noun

It is likely that Joan will get married [1]

The likelihood is that loan will get married [21 the likelihood that Joan will get married [31

But the assumption of eorrespondence eannot be automatie for it may faiacutel in both direetions

loan is likely to get married Joan s likelihood to get married

It is likely of J oans getting married the likelihood of Joans getting married

------__shyiacute1 11

COMPLEX INTRANSITIVE CONSTRUCTIONS p H MATIHEWS

1 Introduction

In sentences such as [1J

ArR C~Iltiacuteltmiddotli N ([1J Th~deitgreen ~

he construct~oEJ~QLordf JJP~ that GCE850ff describes as 9QMfLEX JRANSITIV~ Ofthe elements in questionit and made are related a~Jn tQllt ~imple transitive

j [2J They made it

YihiJe ir and green a~_~latelasinasimple_ltQI1llar_sentence ( [3] lt is green (- lt

~f the type that following Lyons (l977469ff) raquoe will call ASCRIPTIVE raquouacutet greacuteen- also standsJna direcueJordf9lsJIacuteIL ordm~_iii~de the object and adjective exemplifying a single I2atteIILof VERB COMllEMe~nrJ91 This paUCIDl can be sajd torepresenta IJJS10N (G e E 850) ofJ~ltsimpler transitiv iexcll~J~Jjpiexcly_e_tjPes - _shy

IH~~_sfiE~~Ve can be fused with th~~~tY_e_(lri~alsoP~ fused with theintransitixe1 Insentildetentildeces SUChas[4] -

MI It turned green

~construc~~~~~]y idmtifkQyaacuteth th~ of l3J in both examples the

l]

~ ~ ~ ENGLISH GRAMMAR

verb is described as copularor in the terminology of GCE820f as taking intensive complementation But neither description is quite appropriate to1 both cases In the~ptive sentence there i indeed no mor~than~pYhL~

1 2ampffiMical iP~ betwe~ the adjective and its subject~ plainly this ~ ~ is not true of [4] whose verb TURN has its own specific meaning lf turned~ iacute I is a full verb it must then be the govemor of green as made is in (1) in that

iexcl ~ sense there is cornplernentatjon But we express nothing by assigning such a complernentation to the copula A solution is to c1ass I4] as a COMPLBX

IITMNSITIVE iL~onsect_trJltiordmL being an extension of th~simpleJmransiUacutelLe _shy~ i I5] It turned

j precisely as that of (1) is extended from that of [2)iexcl

2 Fused constructions

Let us take our cue from GCEs referenee to fusionlo the simpl~L =nfu~~~_~~~~~~~)t1ecltgtnstVf1ionconsistso(asingJULeAicJ~tQI(lgde) which in a dependency ana~is has both the subject and the object as its dependents or to adapt G CEs term has both a subjeet and an oJkltt asit complementation lnJhaL~se (2) has a _K1U~~~_~ruetion (Lyons i977) w1jch cannotJiexclJLr~s~Cl9JUnQ(lt_e~mentary relationships of ptediCJJQJkSo too has the simple intransitive (5] vi1ihidepeiioenforior forming the complementation of tumed So too has the simple aseriptive [3] its predicator on the analysis ofLyons and others is the adjective green One reason for relatlng the subject to the adjective is that the elements are jointly subject to selectional restrictions A reason for not relating either to the copula is that the latter stands aside (rom these restrictions adding none ofitsown

In a fused construction the pattem ls neither strictly kernel nor straightforwardly non-kemellnJhegmplex transitive [lL1oth1tan41~Y are again direct ~cngents of made these relatio~_elQ~ the words in FigJbx direC1~ltaI~_uacutela~~I~Qordf-ordfl9blleiexcl)Uumlnamp21uacuteward frollLthe

~d

(aJiquest-Fig 1

[42]

P H Matthew$

p~ed~~ So is green arc el this too being supported by selectional restrictions We are therefore dealing with a single clause rooted in made of which each word is a distinct element But green js a1soapredicator in iexclelation to il (are d)J that wav we are dealing with two kernelp~QlS th~ fuurtermclauseinfQmQrating bothtM_~tuet~[IDJr~JlsitiYlljh~ twoshytenn a~-middot -_shy

In Fig 1 we have diagrammed what any grammarian will propose provided that his terminology or his notational apparatus allow him to say it Iut similar reasonjng applies to the construction which we have called the ~IpJex ln~~-ordfEsitive Of the relationships showninf1g --~~t~~~~_

it turned green

aAacutebJ Fig2

to ir (arcc)_isagainasintheascripJjy~ and needs no further cornment But the final element is clearly suJiexcliect to ru19jtional resr=l~ordmI~ tlTlJRI_ im~~tordm-~~it~~rAUQj~9iY_I9U~l~~ed noun (He turned pink He turned kings eVidence) iQ~~~1lined phrase is exCiuacuteded (He turned arog)

tDle~sthe p~e~~i0rl~lJ9rtn is ~~jordmntildei[qiireifitetuumlmed iexclnto a frog) ~itt G-ordm-1h exdusi(m is abgolule one cannot even say He went into a criminal

f [he adjeqtive is also Iimlted to specific collocations For example one can say It turned sour or Ir went sour but it is harder to accept Ir grew sour 1 Conversely one can say He grew od but not He went od On that evidence

j we may establish a relationship of dependency between green and tumedj (arc b) The verb too can then be related to the subject (arc a)

1 Epgth o~2am~ thefe is one terro ir lVhich is a9~de~~~~t1 theascriptile anCITlieletbalk~m~1 (Fig 1 ares b and d Fig 2 ares a and c) The fusion is then effected by a further link (Fig 1 arc e Fig 2 are b) in which ond of the two predicators een is ineo orat~a~_ ordf d~RendenlO(th~ I re atlon that uirk an4hl~ COU~_~ampI~s-1 jn the case of th complex intransitille hall app1ied the Iean intlaquo=nsve

mmplementatio~gly describe he yaleruLQ(IUN or iexcl l otIllBNinthisuseJuh~int~siYeint[ansitivx But the insight intildeaacute I

alsQ be extended to the complex transitiye In that spirit MAKE or MAKE as

used in sentences such as W might appropriatelL be described ~~_~n_ i ~ntensive transitive -J -bull_--------shy

[43)

ENGLISH GRAMMAR

3 Distinctions between tbe complex intransitive and other partly similar constructions

For a three-term construction Fig 2 shows the maximum number of interconnections with each term related to each of the others The miacutenimum isone thus for the ascriptive (3) we have adopted the structure shown i~

L with l~~E2nd te~~Il2= tlliacuten amaroe~ ordmrS1PP9~g~lexn~~ ~eLClatiacute9D~t~~~~t~first an~~~hir~ But this leaves five other possibilities which in theory might be realized ust as the second element_lt~p~ltmark(r ordfs inEig 3bullKlJQQmgordmHhetordm-iriexcl in thatJ~SiquestOillY

iacutet is green

Fig3

1he_verb vQ1lld_be a predicatorrwithonl)l1he_~ygtject related 10 it This structure does not seem to be realized at least not in away whiacuteCh is -relevant to our analysis Asecond_possibil~iuhatJmly the verb a~ ~~~iexcltiY~L iquestnjgl~~_rell~q in that ca~e bot~redicatoS_w-ordmyldIgt~ impersonal-vUh lh~su~ject a me~m~ce-filler This structure might conceivably be suggested for exampIacuteesmiddotSuumlch as [6]

[6] It got mistier

with a so-called ambient it But although it may indeed be ambient with respect to mistier it need not follow that it is ambient with respect to got

In the remaining cases no element is a marker but there are only two instead of three interconnections Ir there wem no link betw-IlJhe subject ~YMh(Ejg 2 are a) the verb1tSelf would agajn be impersmordf-~ I~ transformational terms its surface subject would be derived by raising (Postal 1974) from a subordinate adjectival clause lf th3ewere no intensiye lipk between the first and second predicators (Fg 2 arWJUlt verb would be a simple intransitive taking just t~_S)lbject as its complementation th~on of tbe adjec1iYtLL~ then be uumlMrn-~0n[7] forexample --- -_~

Eacutel He arrived saber J (~ eacute cc L f ~ 2 f

grammars do not establish an intensive or copular use of ARIUVB Finally

[44]

1 P H Marrhew$

if the ascriQive lik wer~~2ken iacuteEiKbJ~~ f)hHordmjlti~~ment woulordm-no longer bJlta predicaQ~ltiexclHQle wQuldin~teadb~ADVJllqt~iexcl as in 8)

(8) He ran fa~t

There is no doubt that the intensive construction is distinct from the adverbial and that sober in [7] is at least more circumstantial than green in It turned green But the subject-verb relation is more problematic in that a raising transformation has been proposed for one at least of the G C E s intensive verbs Let us therefore take that distinction first

31 Ofthe twenty or so most common intensive verbs (GCE821) SEEM and APPEAR particularly lend themselves to transformational analysis On the evidence of sentences such as [9]

(2) It seemed that they wereamp~e~

_U~naIlJral lo establish an underlying ~~ct~~

J~sIhey were green]~ seemed

irlYhIacutetEw~4)srelate(L1ot to they J~Q9green indhiOacute1lally but to the yiole ascri2tive kernelrom the same structure a sentence such as [10)

[10] They seemed to be green

can then be derived by further transformations of subject raising and infinitive formation Froro the structure reaJized by [Io]lIleare n3tllcalli

~m~ed to derive the comple~_~transiti~euacutell

[u) They seemed gre~

by a further transformation deleting the copuiacutea For SEEM the rules deriving [10] and [u] would both be optional But for

other verbs such as TURN or GO We could make them obligatory so It turned green could be the only realization of an underlying sUr was greenls turned the ambient Ir got misrier - [6] aboye - a realization of say s[mistier]s gorand so on If the obligatory rules were then restricted to the copula we would also ensure that any other form of embedded structure (g[he eft]s turned or g[he kissed her]s grew) was filtered out By such means a treatment which is widely accepted for SEEM and for which the evidence is at first compelling could be extended if it were thought appropriate to the entire intensive intransitive class

There are good reasons for not thinking it appropriate In a sentence such as [12]

[12] Harry got drunk

Qn~JsllQIacuteli~ply talking of a_~ate tha~ reslllttI s~o t~a~ ~~rry vs (45)

ENGLISH GRAMMAR

drunk or Harrys drunkenness happened) Nor is Harrya mere theme or tliexclfc (Aacute~-to-KarryQruniexcliquestenneacuteSs-l1ippened to him) tlamp11tbject iexclS1

potentia1lt-at-l~st--alMl~tgh-ge~~amp9run_~ wassoID1hiiL~hatJIal did The--verb mayaccordiacutentilde-gly take a subject adjunct (O CE 466]) thus I delibera tey got drunk or He foo(lshy turned traitor It may also supply the complement of a conative verb (1 did try to get drunk) may appear in the imperative (Dont get drunk ) and so on For sorne collocations this potentiacuteality is doubtless harder to realize (compare He delibera tey turned bue with He delibera tey turned nasty or He tried ro grow oder with He tried ro grow farter) but that is precisely the case for subjects and predicators generally lt is this semantic role that justifies the first link shown in Fig 2

which an impersonal structure as in (b)

(b) s[Harry was drunkls got

would relegate to the surface If (b) is wrong for Harry got drunk a transformationalist should consider

more carefully w hether a similar structure is correct for Harry seemed drunk Let us assume that it is correct for the construction with a that-clause (It seemed that Harry was dhmk) for SEEM and APPEAR a c1ausal complement does form one possibility Let us also accept that SBBM has a constant sense in all its constructions But for other current intensives (G eE 820 f) the evidence is more complexo With SOUNO a that-clause can be forced for example if a dative is inserted (lt sounds ro me that (hey arent coming) There is also an impersonal construction with as if

[131 It sounds as ifthey were green

which might be thought to derive from the same source The construction of [13] is also acceptable witb LOOK (lt ooks as ifthey arent coming) But between it and the complex intransitive we can find clear disparities in meaning In [13] the judgment is based on indirect clues what sounds or appears from audible information is indeed the whole proposition they were green But in the complex intransitive [14]

[141 They sound drunk

it is based on sounds that they are making For that reason it is harder 10 make sense of They sound green Likewise They [ook drunk means that they from their appearance are so But in It loob as ifthey are drunk the speaker does not even imply that he has seen them (Compare Prom what you say it ooks as if rhey are drunk) Ir we wanted a complex source it would be tempting 10 relate [14] not 10 the impersonal [13] with raising but rather to the personal [Is1

[IS] They sound as iexclfthey are drunk

with the second they deleted

[46]

P H Marthews

Personal and impersonal are often hard to separate as Palmer (1972) and before him Bolinger(l96la) have shown Ofthis group ofintensives TASTE

and 5MBLL are the most restricted in meaning and it is with these that the impersonal construction as in [91 and [131 is least acceptable With TASTE

neither seems likely Ir rasres to me that the soup is saty It tastes to me as if they are sweer If the second example can be interpreted it is by virtue of a blending with the personal construction (compare It tasres as ifit ) With SMELL the construction of [131 may be more acceptable (Ir smells ro me as if dinner is ready) but the blending remains With PEEL a non-tactile sense is possible (Ir fees Iikey) but is less established than the broader senses of LOOK or SOUNO (compare Ir ooks likey II sounds likey) It is in this case that my judgment is least secure would one say for example It fees (or Ir fees to me) as if they were green With SOUNO and LOOK the general sense is well established as in [131 or Ir sounds likely but there is still a sensory meaning as in [14] and [Isl which inhibits the pure impersonal with that With SEEM and APPEAR we are at the end of the continuum both having general senses only Hence the construction of[91 alongside the impersonal with as if (Ir seems as if they were green) Hence perhaps the infinitive construction of [101 with SOUNO and the others this too is awkward (They ooked ro have arrived Or Ir tastes ro me to be sweer) But it does not follow that the semantical1y general They seem drunk differs in syntax from the specifically sensory They sound drunk or They smell drunk We can even force an active interpretation of the subject thus They tried lO appear drunk or I deliberarey seemed irrftated

32 As [11] with SEEM Hes on a gradience between personal and impersonal so there are others which raise problems in distinguishing intensive from adverbial and circumstantial constructions For there is no criterion which is both sufficient and necessary

The obvious step is to tesectt for simpler transforms Thus J9r [12] Harl~ qrunk ~e can comp~jiexcleJgtimple a~ve Harry was drul~ TRANSFORM in that firstIy it is a a d secondly the predicator

-ORUNK hasnot a tq~ sense s no intraiiSIuvetrans[oacuterintilde ~stiiis~se of G BI is oot ~ble Nor has 4 r tumeirgeacute-iexcl an intransitive transform It turned since this involves a different sense oC TURN Ir there~~ an ascriptive transform but n9-Wn~itive the JhirdeiacuteeDlen t mult be a complementi so [41 and [12] must be complex intransitive Ir there is neither transform it MA y be complement but the col~of verb and adjective mjgbt rCaSantildea be classed as idiomatic Thus The roses have run wild has no transform The roses ve iiOr-aacuteoes it strictly match The rOSes are wild But WILO is at least an adiecti~ must stand in sorne relationship to the verb therefore R UN WILO is right1y

chmldw-rresultintensive (O eE) ---shy-- -_--g ~ _---_bull ~ shy

[471

ENOLISH ORAMMAR

If there is a simple intransitive but no ascriptive transr2ffil--_~~~ coacutentildeSffiiClioacutentilde-intildeuumlSt]ie iexcljdve(J2iacuteaIYlIacuteustrivialIy He ran iexcliuieacutekly has no ascriptive tiexclansfo~ He was quickly less trivially He travelled light does not match He was ight But what if we find both rlJgJQQordf~tillha$ordflJ ascriEtive _~ran~f~rrlJ~eYI1Jer~_~~ ~sectmL1aY-J~_a~~plement circumstantjallik~iilelltjnThey-sJoQdsilent ordfytlb~~j~llsothe simpler intran~1ti~ fbilystQPf so still ~ight be anadver~ like sileniTyintilde-fiieystood silenty Since there is no distinct form srilly the latter is hard to rule out For It shone white we can compare the formally adjectivallt shone brighr again there are both transforms (Ir shone Ir was white) But It shone brighr is c10se in meaning to the formaUy adverbial Ir shone brighry could white be an adverb in default of or as the commoner altemative to whirely Blending may aIso be found in idioms For example it is fruitless to ask if doggo is an adjective or an adverb in He is Iying doggo

For the circumstantial case both transforms are necessary thus [7] He arriuacuteiid sober has the triexcliexclntildeiiiacuteormsmiddotiexcliexcluacuteli-iexcliexclved andHe wasectSoacutebe Wewoacuteuumllifiliso ixpeeacutetthilUumlheveromiddotantildedmiddotildjectTe-shouId befreeOi collocationaI restrictions so He arrived sober He left sober He Jeft satisjied He arrived satisfied and so on But it is very hard to say when such a requirement iacutes meto One does not say for example They stood noisy or They sroodpeacefuJ on that evidence They stood sient might be classed as complex intransitive But neither is one likely to say They arrived noisy or They arrived kind Is that too a matter of collocational restrictions so that [7] is also intensive Or is it merely that NOISY and KIND are ill suIacuteted 10 this construction7 At this point jt is tempting to distinguish degrees of circumstantiality The extreme case would be represented by such sentences as [16]

[16] They stood there exhausted

(Iikewise They have arrived quite sober) where the adjective and verb are marked as separate Beside [16] the construction in [7] is less clearly circumstantial in They stood sient or They stoodfidgering it is perhaps even r less so But this last might stilJ be seen as less intensive than for example

iexcl They stood amazed Likewise They feJl exhausted is less clearly intensi ve than 1 They fell sick since it involves no special sense of FALL

~

f lrOacutel p1lI1riHmD ~ amires f0tr eompiex trlmSitive fu Tlieyfbuntlliim~

guilry there is a special sense OfPIND as ofMAKE in They mode it green In TIwy rrun Juacutem JOber tbat IacuteoS DO spcciiexcll SCDSII of)lEET~ by tbat cS ~ is more eircumsumlial BUl onc la unlikely lO say for eumple They me hlm meditative

4 Finally there is an obvious gradience between the coxnP-1ex intransitive ~nct the simple ascriptj~ With TURN 01 GROW there are~-selecUumlonal restrictions as we have seen With SBJlli or SIhV tney are far fewer

[48J

P H Matthews

neverthelesson~canI1Q~~yfordmr_~ordfmplelfil_sectil1Ied chairmqf1-ltcompareH~ stayelt chairman Qr1fsectJjiquest_riquest~cordfirmordfl1) or It srays obvious that (compare It seemsobvious that or It remainsobvious that ) With REMAIN it is hard to find any but at least the intransitive exists He remained) and their senses can be related Wth BECOMB that evidence too is lacking He became drunk can be distinguish-ed(rontildei1lieasgiptiYlt1g lu7ntl1k onlyJ~iiui~s from jts resultative meaning -_-

This merging has ied grammarians to treat the constructions together But we can do this only by assimi)ating BE to the mode) of verb complementation (as in GCE) not by assimilating TURN and so on to the model of a copula likethecpmplexrordfnsectitiy~nl_e compleimrap~W~i~ ayoor ca~~idatefltY-l~LIl~Jlt~IQ~-ordf_~~rnelltructllr~middot

M

~_

Page 3: in - UGR · (III). 11-70 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1171 Note [a] The ... In addition, we shall use where necessary the suffixes 'ph' (for

1172 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

distinction corresponds to that between CURRENT copulas and RESULTING

copulas (efconcusive verbs 435) Normally current copulas are stative (ef 428ff) and cannot cooccur with the progressive aspect

The diacutestinction is illustrated below with an adjectival complement the first kind of complementatiacuteon we will consider

CURRENT The girl seemed very restless RESULTING The gi rl beeame very res tless

The following is a fairly full list of verbs regularly used in this pattern together with typical adjectival complements

CURRENT RESULTING

(i) be (friendly) [N] (iv) beeome (older) [N] eome(true)appear (happy) [N] end up (happy) [N]feel (annoyed) [N] get (ready)look (pretty) [N] go (sour)seem (very restless) [N] grow (tired)smell (sweet) prove (rather useful) [N]sound (surprised) [N] tum (cold) [N]taste (bitter) tum out (fortunate)

(iacuteiiacute) remain (uncertain) [N] wind up (drunk) [N] (informal)

keep (silent) slay (motionless)

End up tum out and wind upare copular phrasaI verbs The verbs marked [N] in the list also occur with a noun phrase complement (though not all with the same freedom or acceptabiacutelity efI622) The roman numerals in the list idcntify semantic groups which are discussed in 1624 below

In aacuteddition to the copular verbs abov th~rc are vcrbs ~hich havc this function with severe restrictions on the words occurring in the complement (ef 1016) The restriction may be a lexical restriction to certain idiomatic verb-adjective sequences such as rest assured (ef 1617) or it may be a semantic restrictiacuteon (eg the meaning ofblush restricts the adjective to a subset of colour words blush searlet but not blush green) Sorne examples are given below with typical adjective complements

CURRENT RESULTING

(v) bum (low) (vi) blush (bright red) lie (flat) fall (silent) loom (large) jall down (dead) play (rough) [N] jreeze (solid) plead (innocent) run (wild) rest (assured) slam (shut) stand (firm) (N] spring (open) stand up (straight) wax (eloquent) (archaic)

Many of these verbs resemble intransltive verbs the complement being added almost as an optlona specifier

Note [a] 00 is current in go hungrylllaked but is normally resulting elsewhere as in go [= become] sourl redl wildlmad

Types of verb complementation 1173

[b] Die as in He died YOUllglpoor elc does nOI lit easily into eilher 01 the calegories Iisted The verb die ilself is conclusive bul Ihe complemenl which follows it refers lo a curren altribute The meaning is He was youngpoor etc at the lime of his death

(A21 Noun phrase as subject complement 1622 Again the verb be is the principal copula used in this pattern

William is my friendo Oslo seems a pleasant city

The verbs marked (N] in 1621 can be used with noun phrase complements as well as with adjective phrase complements The following list of such verbs is fairly full However it should be noted that especially in American English there is a tendency to avoid this construction with certain verbs Instead both AmE and BrE prefer an infinitive construction (Type (B6] in 1638 below) with lO be following the finite verb

lt appears the only solution - It appears to be the only solution

There is also especially in informal AmE a tendency to prefer a construction in which a copular verb is followed by like (ej 1624 Note [a])

It seems like the only solution

CURRENT RESULTING

(i) be (my friend) (iv) beeome (an expert) end up (her slave) (ii) appear (the only solution)

jeel (a fool) prove (his equal)

look 1 (a fine day) turn (traitor) seem (a genius) turn out (a successdisaster)

wind up (a millionaire) (informal) sound1 (a reasonable idea)

tUumlI) remain (good friends)

The classes (i-iv) match those in 1621 (On the omission of the artice in the complement in beeome president etc eI542) The superscript 1 indicates that such verbs do not often occur in this pattern but (particularly in AmE) are preferred in the construction with lO be or like (see aboye)

Note [al With a noun phrase complementfeel has Ihe meaning have the sensalion ofbeing bul with an adjective complemenl it has not only this meaning (as in She felt ill) but also Ihe meaning ofcause a sensalIacuteon as in The lablefell rOllgh (cf429fJ [b] The noun phrase foUowing ael as eount as pose as pass for and similar combinalions is in a copular relation wilh Ihe subject and these combinalions may be reasonably descriacutebed as copular preposiliacuteona verbs on Ihe analogy of inlransitiacute ve and transiacuteli ve prepositional verbs (ef 165-7 also 1647) Correspondiacuteng to Ihese constructions wilh current meaning are resulling copular prepositional verbs such as ehange inlo grow illlo and IIlTn illlO wilh the general meaning ofbecome Nole Ihe near-synonymy of He lurned Irailor and He lllrned inO a lraitor [e] Sorne verbs occur more marginally in the above pallerns eg slay in They slayed goodfriends Turn as in lurn Iraitor is formulaic and is more or less restricled lo a small numbec of combinations [di One oc two verbs such as make and parl can appear wilh a noun phrase complemenl but not with an adjective phrase complemenl

They parledlhe best offriends They make a charming couple

(In a senlence like They parled friendly onee more friendly once more would be not a complement but a verbless clause cfLO16 149)

1174 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Semantic notes on copular verbs 1623 The main verb be i8 the most central copular verb and the most neutral in

meaning It i8 also overwhelmiacutengly the most common Although it generally has current and stative meaning notice should be taken eacutel its use also in reference to events and acti vities

There was a roar as the ball bounced off the goal post Youre being very helpful (cf431)

In sorne cases be is close in meaning to become

Ann wi1 be a qualified nurse next year Cora was angry when she heard about the accident

As the list8 in 1621-2 show copular verbs apart from be fa1l into three casses First there iacutes the divisiacuteon between current and resulting verbs then the current verbs divide further into verbs of seeming (ii) (including seem appear and the perceptiacuteon verbs look sound etc) and verbs of remaining (iiiacute) such as remain stay and keep The resulting verbs (iv) are in the main verbs ofbecoming but their meanings diacuteffer in detail as we shall now briefly show

Become is a process verb (cf434) placiacuteng emphasis on the duration of the change whereas get places more emphasis on the agency behind the event or on the result of the change Get ready but not Become ready Go and turn tend to refer to changes which happen in spite of human agency and therefore are often used for deterioratiacuteons go mad go wild go sour go stale turn livid turn white [of hair turn sour Turn more especia1ly seems to apply to natural changes from one state to its opposite turn greenlbrown [of leaves] turnfinejcold [or weather] turn ripe (BrF) Grow i8 also associated with naturiexcliexcll changes especial1y with grfl(ll lth~nges (grCw od gow tall) and 15 likely to occur with comparative adjectives as in grow cooler grow more contento In many cases more than one verb can occur with the same adjective and it is difficult to give precise conditions for selecting one rather than another

Note Come is very restricted as a copular verb but it makes an interesting contrast with go in examples like go wronglcome right The association ofgo wi th deterioration (gd rollen etc) is complemented by the association of come with improvement in come true etc These aSsociations may be connected with the positive and negative direction (from the speakers viewpoint) of come and go as verbs ofmotion

IA3) Complementation by an adjunct 1624 The principal copula that allows an adverbial as complementation is once

again be The complementing adverbials termed predication adjuncts in this function are mainly space adjuncts (cf83 839ff)

The children are at the zoo The kitchen is downstairs

but time adjuncts too are common with an eventive subject (cf8 76)

The party will be at nine The outing is tomorrow

and other types of predication adjunct are grammatical (for further examples cfIOIO)

I

Types of verb complementation 1175

Get and keep are two more copular verbs which occur specifically with place adjuncts (or adjuncts metaphorically related to these)

At last we got home Get offthat chair They kept out oftrouble How did you get here

Be get and keep are clearly copular verbs in this function because of their inability to occur without the adjunct The children are At last we got They kept More marginally other verbs such as five come go remain stay stand fie belong to this category (cf827) These also occur as intransitive verbs with roughly the same locative (or abstract locative) meaning bul are in many contexts felt to be incomplete unless sorne complementation is added

My aunt lives in Shropshire My aunt lives

The need for the verb to be followed by sorne complementation is perhaps strongest in pure locative statements such as Cannes lies on the French Riviera Whereas verbs like Uve and lie show the resemblance of adverbial compleshymentation to the zero complementation of intransitive verbs verbs like remain stay come go turn and grow show its similarity to copular complementation by adjective phrases The parallel i8 brought out by pairs such as

He turned red She grew tall He turned into a monster She grew into afine woman

However for our purposes it will be preferable to treat sequences such as turn into and gmw into as copular prepositiona verbs (cfI622 Note [bJ)

Note [a] The verbs of seeming (eI 1623) seem appear look sound fee smell and laste are complemented by an adverbial clause beginning as if(or less frequently as though) in sentences such as the following

Jilllooked as ifshe had seen a ghost It seems as ifthe weather is improving

(In a similar meaning appear and seem can also be followed by a thalmiddotclause ef 1634) An alternative construction is one in which the as if clause is replacea by a phrase introduced by Iike

That music sounds like Mozar (ie like the music of Mozar] Sil looks (just) like his father

After the same verbs one also frequently hears clauses introduced by Iike but these are often regarded as nonstandard 1 seems Iike lhe wealher is improuillg lb] There is also a curious idiomatic use offeellike (cfI622 Note [a]) meaning want

iexclfeel like a cup ofcoffee Arguably this is not copular it belongs rather to (he category of monotransitive prepositional verbs [Blpr](cf1628)

More exceptional cases ofverbs with adverbial complementation are behave followed by an adverbial ofmanner

well He behaved Hlee a prisoner of conscience

(However behave can also occur intransitively or reflexively as in Why donl you behave (yourselj) )

(ji) lasl and take followed by an adverbial ofmeasure (duration)

tOOk The haymaking lasted (for) a week

1176 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

In the case of lake the duration adverbjiexcliexcll is obligatory since iexclhe verb entails the eompletion of the task In the ease of [1st the adverbial is omissible in such examples as The hOI weolher wonl [asl

Monotransitive complementation 1625 Verbs used in monotransitive function require a direct object which may be

a noun phrase a finite clause or a nonfinite clause In addition to these categories the verb may be a Type 1 prepositional verb (ef 165) or phrasalshyprepositional verb (efI69) which for our present purposes will be treated as analogous to a verb with a direct object We will begin by considering the straightforward case of verbs with a noun phrase as direct object and then continue with variants of this basic pattern

Complementation by a noun phrase as direct object

IBl1 With the passive 1626 Direct objects are typically noun phrases which may become the subject of a

corresponding passive clause

Tom eaught the ball ~ The ball was caught (by Tom)

(On the limitations of the passive transformation ef 367ff) Common examples of monotransitive verbs allowing the passiacuteve are

begin desire get love pass support believe do hear make produce take bite doubt help marr) receive use bring end hold mean remember visil eall enjoy keep meet require want carry expect know mind say wash close feel lead move see waste cut find like need start wateh describe follow lose obtain study win

Sorne of these verbs such as end and move belong to types which can be either intransitive or transitive (ef 1619) Something of the range of monotransitiacuteve verbs can be seen by dividing them into semantic groups according to the kinds of subject and object that they take

(i) Typiacutecally aniacutemate subject + typically concrete object

Professor Dobbs won the prize - The prize was won (by Professor Dobbs)

carry eover examine see throw win clean eat lower stop watch write

(ji) Typically animate subject + either concrete or abstract object

Everybody understood the problem - The problem was understood (by everybody)

abolish define explain invent report utter eover discuss forget lose rt1-le win

Types of verb complementatiacuteon 1177

(iii) Typically animate subject + typically animate object

Mrs W ood liked the new neighbours - The new neighbours were liked (by Mrs Wood)

admire despise hug kiss reject ridieule beat flatter kill meet respect supporl

(iv) Typically concrete or abstract subject + animate object The news shoeked our family

- Our family was shoeked (by the news) affeet boher fasciacutenate incense satisfy trouble appal deceive grieve please surprise upset

Note The following is a sample of monotransitive (or Type Il) phrasal verbs [Blph] with typical objects Further examples are iacutelIustrated in 164

back up [supporf someone] el down [disappoint someone] b[ow dowll (a tree) make up (a story) break off(negotiations) pass over (a questiacuteon) bring about (a change) put acros (an idea) burn down (a house) put off(an appointment) draw up (a contraet) lell off[rebuke someone] fill out (a form) lum off(the light) knock down (someone) win over [convince someoneJ

These Jike the verbs in (Hv) aboye can be used in the passive voiee

IB21 Without the passive 1627 A few stative monotransitive verbs the most common of which is have

normally do not allow a passive transformation

They have a nice house - A nice house is had (by them)

These somiddotcalled MIDDLE VERBS including have laekfit suit and resemble are discussed in detail in 1014

Note A related type ofverb is found in expressiacuteons of measure sueh as cosl len dollars weigh 20 kUos but these can equally well be analysed as having an obligatory adjunet as complementation since How much is an alternatiacuteve question to Whal in eliacuteeiting this kind of expression asa reply

A Whal d eost B Tendollars A Howmuch oes lt weigh B Twentyki[os

Variants of monotransitive complementation

Complementation by nODn phrase as prepositional object

iexclBlprl Prepositional verbs 1628 Although verbs such aslook al have been classified as Type 1 prepositional

verbs (those without a direct object efI65) in the analysis of complemenmiddot tatiacuteon they lit more happily with monotransitive rather than intransitive verbs This is partIy because of the resemblance of the prepositional object to a direet object eg in accepting a passive volee (ef 1614) though usually with some awkwardness of style

1178 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

The managementpaidjor his air rares _ His air rares were paidjor by the management

But also when a prepositiacuteonal verb is followed by a that-clause Oiacute a toshyinfinitiacuteve c1ause the preposition disappears and the prepositional object merges with the direct object of the monotransitive pattern Compare the following two series (A) with a prepositional verb and (B) with an ordinary monotransitive verb

on ~he meeting onlt

(A) The a reed lon meeting each other

y g on when to meet (that) they would meet to meet each other

the meeting it

8) Th b d meeting each other ( ey remem ere when to meet

(that) they had meto to meet each other

Ye the preposition omitted before a that-clause can reappear in the corresponding passive That they showd meet was agreed (on) even in extraposition (ef 1833ff) where the preposition immediately follows the passive verb phrase

It was agreed (on) eventually that they should meet

Examples of Type 1 prepositional verbs are

aeeountfor concemrate on ook alteratunto

addto eonformto objeet lO

adjust lO eonsen to part with

admit lO eontribute to payfor

agree withonto deal with prayfor

aim atfor decideon preaeh aboutlon

aowfor dwe (up)on providefor

applyfor enlarge (up)on quarrel aboutwith

argueabout hear aboutof read about

arrangefor hint at refer to

askfor hopefor rejoiee at

attend to insist on relyon

believe in interfere with resort to

eallfor(up)on learnabout runfor

earefor leeture abouton speak abouton

commenton listen to taketo

complain about Uve on think aboutlof

eonceiveof longfor wishfor

[a] When to precedes an infinitive it is an infinitive marker (as inforgel 10 mee her) and not aNote preposition when it precedes an -ing participle however it is a preposition (as in She consenled lO gelting engaged) Other examples of lO in a prepositional verb preceding an -ing clause are

Types of verb complementation 1179

He admitted lo doing his bit rconfess 10 telling a lie This amounts 10 doing nothing She look In playing golf

[b] Prepositions may combine with that to form complex suoordinators such as in thal saue that excepl that (ef 1412) [e] [n general choice of prepositiacuteon is the sume for morphologicalIy related verbs and nouns refer to - reference lo believe in - beliein etc There are exceptions however hope as a verb is followed by for while the corresponding noun construction has of He hopesfor suecess bu His hope ofsuecess

[Blph-prJ Phrasal-prepositional verbs [629 Type 1 PHRASAL-PREPOSITIONAL VERBS also take a prepositional object As

we saw in 169 such verbs can like prepositional verbs occur in the passive (eg She dealt with the problem ~ The problem was deat with) but many of them are awkward in fact barely acceptable in this construction The discussion was waked out on (by the principal negotiator) In the sample list below the verbs marked [Pl are among those that can fairly readily occur in the passive

break inon (someones conversation)

cateh up on (my reading) eateh up with [overtake] check up on [investigate] [Pl come down with (a cold) cut down on (expenses) do away with [abolish] faee up to [confront] get away with (a crime) gel down to (serious taik)

keep away from [a void] keep up with (the Joneses) look down on [despise] [P] look forward ro

[anticipate with pleasureJIP] look outfor [watch for] look up ro [respect] put up wirh [tolerate] run away with stand up for [defend] turn out for (a meeting)

Phrasal-prepositional verbs are rather informal and many of them have idiomatic metaphorical meanings which are difficult or impossible to paraphrase (eg run away

Complementation by a finite clause

(B31 That-clause as object [630 The conjunction in that-clauses which function as object may be zero as in 1

hope he arrives soon but when the clause is made passi ve the that cannot be de1eted and thus obeys the same rules as other that-clauses as subject (ef 154) The normal passive analogue has ir and extraposition that being again optional

Everybody hoped (that) she would sing That she would sing was hoped byeverybody ltstilted)

She would sing was hoped by everybody It was hoped by everybody (that) she would sing

That-clauses have one of three types of verb phrase depending on the governing verb in the matrix clause

1180 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

iacutes coming alone will be comin alone

(A) mdlCatIve verb 1 supposethat he fl l gWl come a one has come alone

(B) putative should I regret that he should be so stubborn (C) subjunctive verb I request that she go alone

(A) with the indicative is the most usual type The putative should type(cf 1425) (B) is more common in BrE than AmE and (C) the mandative subjunctive (cf 358-9) is more common in AmE than in BrE In BrE the 5ubjunctive 15 felt to be formal and is found typicalIy in official styles of writiacuteng Corresponding to these three constructions it is necessary to recognize only two main categories of superordinate verbs Type (i) may be called FACTUAL since it goes with the indicative verb (A) and introduces what one might generalIy describe as factual or propositional information Type (ii) may be described as SUASIVE such verbs imply intentions to bring about sorne change in the future whether or not these are verbal1y formulated as commands suggestions etc Suasive verbs can be followed in the thatshyclause by aH three constructions (A-C) but the indicative (A) construction is restricted and is not generally accepted in AmE

There are two minor categories Type (iii) emotive verbs (cf429 1023) and Type (iv) hypothesis verbs which are dealt with in 1633 These types are displayed in Fig 1630

CLASSES OF VERB VERB PHRASE IN TH A T-CLAUSE

Type (i) FACTUAL

(1631) (eg claim) ~iexcl

~ (A) indicative verb

MaJor -Type (ji) ~UA~IVE (1632) (eg suggest) (B) puta ti ve should

(C) mandative subjunctive verb Type (iii) EMOTlVE (I633)(eg regret)

Minor

Type (h) HYPOTHESIS (D) hypotheuumlcal past OR wereshy(1633) (eg wish) subjuncti ve

Fig 1630 Monotransitive verbs with a that-cause as complementation (Class [B3])

Note In terms of the speech act classes of 112 Type (iacute) (factual) verbs are associated with the expressiacuteon of speech acts concerned with STATEMEN1S while Type (ji) (suasive) verbs are associacuteated wiacuteth DIRECI1VBS

Type (i) Factual verbs 1631 We may subdivide factual verbs into PUBLIC and PRIVATE types The

former consists of speeeh act verbs introducing indirect statements

They agreeadmitclaim that she was misled

The superscripts 1-5 in the lists below are to be interpreted as follows

Types of verb complementation 1181

1middot The verb also occurs in the active with a to-infinitive directly foIlowing He promised to come (cf 1638)

2 The verb also occurs with a following noun phrase followed by a toshyinfinitive They supposed her lo be dead (cfI650)

3 The verb is also a member ofthe suasive group below inmiddotl632 4 The pro-form so can stand in place of the that-clause (cf 1228) eg 1 think

so 5 Say occurs with an infinitive as in She said to come before len in the

directive sense ofShe told us to come before ten

Examples acknowledge2 boast declareacute mention report2

add certify 2 deny2 object retort admit2

affirm2 claim l

comment disclose exclaim

predict4

proclaim2

say24S

state2bull4 agree l bull 3 complain explain2 promise l bull 2bull4 submit alege2 concede3 forecast pronounceacute suggest3

announceshyconfess2 foretel prophesy swear argue confide guarantee l bull 2 protest testify 2

assert confirm2 hint remark DOWI

bet contend insist3 repeat warn2

convey maintain4 reply write

The PRIVATE type of factual verb expresses intelIeetual states sueh as belief and intellectual acts sueh as discovery These states and acts are private in the sense that they are not observable a person may be observed to assert that God exists but not to believe that God exists Belief is in this sense pdvate Examples of such verbs are

4accept doubt imagine2bull realize anticipate dream imply reason ascertain ensure3 indicateacute recal assume2bull4 establish infer4 reckonl 4

believe2bull4 estimate2 insure recognize2

calculate expectl24 judgeacute reflect check f ancy2 know2 remember

4conclude fear l bull learn l reveaP conjecture feeP mean Lbull 2 see consider2 find2 note2 sense

4decide 13 foresee notice2bull show2

deduce forget 1 observe2 signify 4deem 2 gather4 perceive2

bull supposeacutemiddot4 4 4 4demonstrate guess presume2 bull suspect2bull

determine13 hear4 presuppose2 think2 bull4

discern hold pretendl understand2bull4

discover2 hOpemiddot4 prove2

Many ofthese verbs especially the public verbs are also used for introdueing directspeech eg

Perhaps its time to leave suggestedTim

1182 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

For detailed discussion of this use of verbs of speaking and thinking el 1430it

[al NOl induded in the first list aboye are verbs expressing manner of ulterance such as mumbe muuer5hou( imper whisper and yell These can introduce direct speech quotations (eg 1 am

Note

bull Ie muuereaacute) but they can also introduce indirect or reported speech by means of a thalshyelause She mulered Ihal she was ilI The list of such verbs is large and some verbs occur more easily with Ihalmiddotclauses than others do [b] Al the following phrasal verbs belonging lO this factual category are public verbs chime

in lel an lel OU make out poinl out repor back Tim poiacutented oUI that the train was often late

In this construction the particle has to precede the thal-clause [el Among the priacutevate verbs see suppose and assume can be uscd with a Ihal-clause in which lhe present tense rerers to future time (cfI423)

See (to iacutet) that they get somethiacuteng to eal See here means make sure [di Doubl being a verb of negative meaning is typically followed by whelherfif(ef 156 1635) Bu more especially when it is in a nonassertive context doubt occurs with a thal-clause

1don doubt (buI) thal theyJI accept a once Note hat in this construction doubl is sometimes followed by bUI Doubl canno be followed by

an altemative wh-clause (efI56) 1 doubt wheher or no theyU accept

Type (ii) Suasive verbs 1632 These verbs can be followed by a that-clause either with putative should (ef

1425) or with the mandative subjunctive A third possibility a that-clause with an indicative verb is largely restriacutected to BrE

ShOUld leave People are demanding that she leave the company

lea ves ltesp BrE)

1t is nuacutelc difficuumllt in the casc of suasive verb to rrak a subdiacute vision between PUBLICo and PRIVATE verbs for this reason we present the verbs below in a single listo Nevertheless gene rally it is usefuI to see a distinction between the public verbs which describe indirect directives (such as request ef 1433) and the private verbs which describe states of volition or desire such as intend

agree l demandl intendl 2 reeommend2

allow2 desire12 moveacute request2 arrange l

askl 2

determine I

enjoin2 ordain2 4

order require resolvel

beg2 ensure pledge 2 rule command2 entreat2 prayl 24 stipulate concede grant prefer 24 suggest24

decideacute deeree4

insist instruct2

pronounee2

propose 2

urgeacute vote 2

The superscripts 12 and 4 have the same meaning as in 1631 aboye The choice between the three constructions in the that-clause in [1] above varies between AmE and BrE For detailed discussion of these preferences ef

1425 It will be noted that the noun phrase + infinitive construction (ef1650) is

a common alternative to the that-clause for suasive verbs

Types of verb complementation 1183

d dthe news to be suppressedThe mten e y that the news (should) be suppressed ltmore formal)

With some verbs such as allow the infinitive construction is by far the more usual

Other types oC verb with that-c1ause complementation Type (iii) Emotive verbs

1633 This consists of a small group of verbs such as regret marvel rejoiee and wonder which can occur with (A) the indicative or (B) the putative should construction but not with the mandative subjunctive construction

worries about it 1 regret that she should worry about it

worry about it

Semantically this group belongs with adjectival constructions such as be sorry be anxious (ef 1671)

_-Type (iv) Hypothesis verbs The two verbs wish and (in the imperative) suppose may be followed by a that-clause containing a verb in the hypothetical past or the were-su bjunctive I wish (that) she were here She wished she hadnt spent the money Suppose (that) one of us died ef 1424 on the use of tense and mood following these verbs which may also occur in a number ofother patterns In particular for other uses of wish efI638 1641 1644 1646 1657

The modal idiom would rather (or lts contraction d rather) (ef 346) is a third example of a hypothesis verb

Id rafher you didnt mention the price Many resid1ts wotd rather that the bus service were subsidized

Complementation by an extraposed subject that-clause 1634 The that-clause in examples like It seems that you are mistaken is not an object

ofthe verb but rather an extraposed subject Nevertheless it resembles other that-clauses we have been examiniacuteng (a) in having a deletable that and (b) iacuten being semantically associated wiacuteth the preceding verbo Moreover no nonextraposed that-clause is possible in this case (That you are mistaken seems) and so it seems appropriate to include this with that-c1ause complementatiacuteon The main verbs occurring in this pattern fonn two groups of synonyms (i) seem and appear and (H) ehanee happen and transpire

It appears that Frank lost his tempero It happened that the weather was exceptionally cold

The phrasal verbs come about happen] and turn out [= transpire] also belong here Appear and seem can be followed by the pro-form so Jt seemsj appears so The adverb so sometimes occurs before happen or one of its synonyms It so happensj happened that

Note [a) A related construction with extraposed object (ef 1835) occurs in the following transitive phrasal verbs

let (il) OUI noise (it) aboutfabroad put (ie) about rub (ie) in Jack let (jI) out [= divulged] that the animal had been stolen

1184 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1185

Thc it which occurs as prcparato~y ohjcct is in this case optional although the omission is not 3 The verb can also occur with a foHowing wh-infinitive clause (ef 1637) usual In the comparable construction rake jI Ihal the il iacutes obligatory f lake ir Ihat you are eg 1 didniexcl know what to sayoenjoying yourselLes [b] Compare the complementation of seem appear etc by an as ifclause (ej 1624 Note [a)) The preposition of a prepositional verb is optionally omitted before a whshy[e) On the related constructions tI slrikes me IlwI tI (Jccursiseems O me 1iexcl111 eJ 1659 clause and hence it is convenient to include in the aboye list verbs for which Note 1660 Note

the wh-clause is basically a prepositional object For example

I inquired (about) whether the tiacuteckets were ready IB41 Wh-cause as object Theyhavent yet decided (on) which ftight they will take 1635 Many of the verbs which take a that-clause as object can also take a whshy

interrogative clause (cfI55ff) For the corresponding passive again the preposition is optional whether or not the nominal clause is in extraposition I asked her to confirm whether the f1ight had be en booked

Can you confirm which ftight we are taking Which ffight they will take has not yet been deeided (on) They havent yet confirmed how much the f1ight costs It has not yet been deeided (on) which f1ight they will take

Notice that in aH three illustrative sentences aboye confirm occurs in what Sometimes there is a slight difference of meaning if the preposition is may be described as a nonassertive context (ef 253) The use of the whshyincluded contrast interrogative clause (which generally implies Iack of knowledge on the part

She asked what he wanted of the speaker) is particularly common where the superordinate c1ause is iexcl She asked about what he wantedinterrogatiacuteve or negative Gn the other hand there are sorne verbs which

themselves express uncertainty such as ask and wonder these occur with the Whereas ask introduces the question which the speaker actually asked and wh-c1ause without this nonassertive constraint Examples of verbs taking the for which she requires an answer ask about does not indicate what the wh-interrogati ve clause are question might have been Gther prepositional verbs in this class are argue

(about) beware (01) (ef354 Note) not eare (about) check (on) depend (on) antieipate [NA] doubt note [NA]3 hear (about) refieet (on) There is also the phrasal-prepositional verb find out argue [NA]2 enquire23 notiee[NAj3 (about)arrange [NA]3 establish3 observe [NAj3

aseertain3 explain3 pereeive [NA]3 Note A few verbs are followed by a wh-exclamative clause (indirect exclamation (f I01 04) beginning

ask23 express point out [NAj with whal or hoH l realized whar aJeoll had been 1 kno hol busy Jou are These clauses are beware2 fathom [NA] ponder3

difficult to distinguish from wh-interrogative clauses Other verh in (he pttero indloe ~~rlt1im calcula te [NAP ftnd out2 3 prediet [NA] express maroel reflectlhiacutenk

care[NA] 1 2 forget 3 prove eheek23 guess realize [NA]

Complementation by a nonfinite clause ehooseacute hear [NA]2 record [NA] confirm [NA] imagine [NA]3 refieet2

Nonfinite clauses in complementationeonsider [NAP indieate [NA]3 remember [NA]3 1636 When a nonfinite clause follows the verb it is often difficult to separate three decide23 inquire23 say(NA]3

of the major types of complementation which we distinguished in 216 Thisdemonstrate3 judge3 see(NAj3

is especially true if a noun phrase intervenes between the superordinate verb depend2 knoW[NAP show3

and the verb of the nonfinite construction disclose learn [NAj3 tel [NA 3

diseover3 make out NA] think (NA]3 They like the ehildren to visit them discuss3 mind [NA]l wonder3 They supposed (he ehildren to be guilty (2]

They asked the ehildren lo bring somefood [3]The symbol (NA] after a verb indicates that this complementation is particularly likely to occur in a nonassertive contexto The superscripts 1-3 Gn the face of it aH three of these sentences conform to the same pattern are interpreted as follows (verb + noun phrase + to-infinitive ) But there are reasons for classifying

them differentIy1 This verb is part of a negative or predominantly negative construction

when combined with the wh-interrogative clause not eare not mind eant [l exemplifies MONOTRANSITIVE complementation (l638ff) fathom eant tell (ef They like the ehildrens visits - SVO)

2 The verb is basically a prepositional verb and has a preposition which (2) exemplifies COMPLEX TRANSITlVE complementation (l643ff) may be optionaHy added (see below) (ef They supposed the ehildren guilty - SVOC)

1186 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

[3] exemplifies DITRANSITIVE complementation (l655ff) (ef They asked the ehildren a question SVOO)

We will return in 1664ffto differences between examples such as these At present since we are dealing with monotransitive complementation we are concerned only with the type illustrated by [1] In nominal function only two kinds of nonfinite c1ause normally occur the to-infinitive c1ause and the -ing participle c1ause Hence nonfinite c1auses functioning as object can be distinguished for the present purposes in terms of the categories in Tabe 1636

Table 1636 Nonfinite clauses as object

Without subject With subject

lo-infinitive [B6] ack hates [B8] J ack hates to miss the train her to miss the train

-ing participle [B7] Jack hates [B9] Jack hates missing the train her missing the train

In Tabe 1636 the italicized parts are analysed as nonfinite c1auses acting as direct object The status of the infini tive c1ause and its subject in pattern [B8] is discussed in 1641 Later in 1666 we consider the arguments for considering her an object in the [B8] and [B9] examples

The fol1owing criteria confirm that the itaJicized portion of [B6-B9] is basically a nonfinite c1ause as direct object

(A) The nonfinite c1ause can be replaced by a pronoun it coreferring to a clause or by a no~n norninalizing the meaning of l clause Everyone likes it He likes her frequent visits

(B) The nonfinite clause can be made the focus of a pseudo-cleft sentence (ef 1829)

What everyone likes (best) is to tak to her [B6] What everyone likes (best) is taking 10 her [B7] What he likes (best) is for her lO eall ofien [B8]

In this version of [B8] as the infinitive c1ause is now in complement position the introductory for has to make its appearance

(C) For [B8] the introductory for itself where it appears is a marker of the construction as a nonfinIacutete clause

(D) Correspondingly for [B9] a subject pronoun in the objective case can often be replaced in formal style by a possessive pronoun (cfl46)

He doesnt like melmy coming often

This is what one would expect (ef 1 512) given that me and my can both be subjects of an -ing clause

Not all verbs that we consider direct objects satisfy al these criteria Nevertheless it is on this basis that the verbs Usted below are included in the classes [B6-B9]

Types of verb complementation 1187

[B51 Wh-infinitive clause as object 1637 It is as well to begin the survey of nonfinite c1auses as objects with c1auses

which happen to be immediately related to those dealt with in 1635 These are wh-infinitive c1auses (ef 155)

He learned how lO sail a boat as a small boy You must not forget when lO keep your mouth shut 1couldnt decide (on) whieh bieycle to buy

The last example illustrates the occurrence of the optional preposition with prepositional verbs as already observed with finite c1auses of the same type The corresponding passive pattern also occurs

The Curies discovered how to isolate radioaetive elements - How to isolate radiacuteoaetive elements was discovered by the Curies

The passive with extraposition (efI630 1635) is also sometimes possible

Early in the present century it was discovered how to isoate radioaetive elements

The verbs marked 3 in the list in 1635 aboye provide a sample of verbs occurring with the wh-infinitive c1ause as object

Note Many verbs which introduce wh-infinitive clauses rarely ir ever introduce yes-110 interrogative clauses (introduced by whelher) of the same type 1 have joacutergollell how 10 swiacutem but no iexcl have forgorten wheher lo swim Among such verbs are demostrale diacutesco~er and explain Nevertheless in unusual conexts such sentences can be found

1 have forgotten helher 10 ulljiacute-eeze thiacutesfood before cooking il

jB61 Subjectless infinitive cause as direet object f638 When a subjectless iacutenhmtlve clause is direct object the understood subJect

of the infinitive clause is always the same as the subject of the superordinate clause Verbs taking this kind of complementation are listed below subdivided into semantic categories

O) dread[B7 B8] (iv) ehoose[B7] (vi) ask (vii) affeel hate [B7 B8] hope beg c1aim like [B7 B8] intend [B7 B8] decline profess [B7] loathe [B7 B8] mean [B7 B8] demand

(viii) afford [B7]love [B7 B8] need[B7] offer attemplprefer[B7 B8] plan [B7] promise eontrive propose [B7] refuse(ii) begin [B7] endeavourwant[B7 B8] swear eease [B7] failwish [B8] undertake commenee [B7] learn

vowcominue [B7] (v) deign manage starl [B7] disdain [B7] negleet

hep [B7 B8] omit(iii) forgel [B7] scorn [B7] try [B7]remember [B7] venture [B7]

regret [B7]

1188 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1189

The symbols to the right of sorne verbs indicate that these verbs also occur Tbe lo-infiniacutetive here howcver has a resuhative meaning which makes the construction

with the subjectless -ing clause (Type [B7]) or with the infinitive clause with a subject (Type [B8]) From the latter group howeyer verbs such as ask are excluded because the construction of sentences like He asked me to help is ditransitive (el 1663) rather than rnonotransitive

We now add a list of prepositional verbs belonging lo the same pattern [B6pr] The preposition is omitted before the infinitive clause object (cI92) but is present where the prepositional object is a noun phrase or for that matter an -ingclause Compare

about the baby [Blpr]

She didnt bOlher aoout feeding the baby

to feed the baby [B7pr] [B6pr]

In the following list the verbs are placed in semantic groupings corresponding to sorne of those aboye (apart from an additional miscellaneous group (ixraquo and the omitted preposition is placed in square brackets

(i) long [for] [B8] ache (for] aim (for] [B8] aspire [to] burn(for] burst (for] (not) care (for] c1amour (for] [B8] itch (for] [B8] yearn (for] [B8]

(jiiexcl) bother(about] [B7 B8] condescend [10] delight [in] [B7] hesitate [about] [B7]

Examples

(vi) agree [tojonjabout] [B8] assent [to] consent [to]

(vii) pretend [to]

(viii) strive (for] seek (for]

(ix) arrange(forJ[B7 B8] decide ron] [B7] resolve [on] [B7] prepare [ror] [B7] serve (for] [B7]

Martin longed to leave home They sought to rnake amends 1would hesita te to interfere Weve decided to move to a new house

Note [al We distiacutenguish the verbs of Type [B6] from ltltenative verbs (el 349) of seemiacuteng and occurrence preceding infinitiacuteve clauses which ltare not diacuterect objects but whiacutech relate semanliacutecally to a Ihal-c1ause as subjecl He appears lO like Ihe sha - Tilar he likes the show appears [Irue] The verbs in Ihis c1ass correlate c10sely with those occurring with obligatory extraposition ofthe subjecl (cfI634) appcar seem chance happenlurn OUI

Jt appearedfthancedthat the children were asleep The children appearedchanced to be asleep

lb] Another group of verbs which are closely associated with a following infinitive but which do not belong to Type [B6J ioc1udes hasten conspire and set out

1 hastened lO reassure her They conspired lO murder Caesar He set out lO conquer the world

resemble on the one hand that of a catenative verb md on the other hand that of an inlransitiacuteve verb folJowed byan adjunct With pay and (to a lesser extent) woit Ihe adjunct status is more obvious as is clear from th~ possibility offroming the iacutenfinitivc c1ause

You have to pay ro go in

- (In arder) lO go in you ha ve to payo He waited lo see her

- (Inorder) lO see her he wailed Similarly unlike begin + infinitive the infinitive following SIO iacutes purposive contras

She [S] began IV] to eat lunch [O] BUT She [S] stopped [V] to eat lunch lA]

On the other hand these two verbs have matchiacuteng uses iacuten complementation Type [B7J

began She t d eatmg lunch s oppe

(B7) Subjectless -ing participle clause as object 1639 Again with this type of complementation the subject of the nonfinite verb

is usually identical with the subject ofthe preceding verb

1 love liacutestening to music The accused denied having met the witness

[The accused denied that hejshe had met the witness]

This rule accounts for the restriction that when the participle is followed by a reflexiye pronoun the pronoun norrnally has to agree (in number person and gender) with the subject of the superordinate c1ause

She herself He -iexcl enJoys smgmg to lhimselj lI

But wiacuteth one small group of verbs (rnarked 2 in the list below) it is not the understood subjectofthe particiacuteple but its understood object that is identified with the subject of the superordinate clause In such cases therefore the participle construction matches in meaning the passive of the corresponding infinitiacuteve construction [B6]

mendiacuteng painting Your shoes need to be mended That door needs to be painted

(Th~ aboye use of need iacutes often replaced in dialectally restricted usage by an equivalent use of want)

For an addiacutetional group of verbs (marked 3 in the list below) the subject of the particiacuteple is indefiniacutete and is independent of the subject of the preceding verbo For example in He recommended introducing a wealth tax it is clear that the person recommending the tax is likely to be different from the persones) who would be responsible for introducing it The meaning of this sentence is equiacutevalent to that of He recommended the introduction 01 a wealth tax

In the following list of verbs in the pattern of [B7] Types (i) and (ii) correspond to Type [B6(i)] (emotive) and Type B6(ii)] (aspectual) The verbs grouped under (iiiacute) are however in thiscase a miscellany since further sernantic grouping is difficult

1190 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

(i) (cant) bear l (not)fanci miss l

begrudge l hate l regret l bull4

detest like relish

dislike l loathe resent l

dread l love l (cant) stand 1

enjoy (not) mind l

(ii) cease quit start l

commence resume stop I

eontinue

(jii) admit4 forget l bull J4 recommend l J

avoid (eant) heli rememberl 34

eonfess4 imagine repent eonsider iacutenvolvel J require2

deny4 justifylJ risk l 3

deserue2 need l 2 save l 3 diseouragel 3 permit l ) tryS envisage l 3 propose want l

(dialectaI2)

escape reealll 34

The verbs ofType (i) preceded by a negative (such as eant bear) have a builtshyin negative bias so that they cannot occur in straightforward assertive contexts

Cora doesnt mind waiting Cora minds waiting

They can however occur in nonassertive contexts

Do you mind waiting How can anyone bear wearing clothes like that

and also in second instance contexts ie where the construction refers back to a nonassertive occurrence of the same construction earlier in the discourse

cant stand] k h h 1A 1[ d ji wor mgwlt t atglron t anc)

fd ti [stand it JB We1I 1m a ral you HAVE to ji k h h ancy wor mg Wlt ero

Superscripts in the aboye lists are interpreted as follows

1 The verb also occurs in pattern [B9] ie with a subject preceding the participle (ef 1642)

2 The participle has a passive interpretation (see aboye) 3 The participle has independent interpretation ie the subject of the

participle clause is not necessarily coreferential with the subject of the preceding verb and may have indefinite meaning

4 The participle may occur with a perfective construction

1admit having seen it (l]

But with such verbs the nonperfective construction can also be used with past meaning Thus [1] is synonymous with [2]

1 admit seeing it [2]

Types of verb complementation 1191

This paraphrase relation however exists mainly withverbs of dynamic meaning contrast verbs of stati ve meaning

I admit knowing him 1admit having known him

5 On the construction with (ry cf 1640

Examples of prepositional verbs belonging to this class ([B7pr]) are

bankonl decide on playat seeabout counton l delight in l resort to shrinkfrom

O Examples of phrasal verbs ([B7ph]) are

break off give up Jeaue off putoff takeup

Examples of(B7ph-pr] are

doaway with get around to go infor look forward fo

The following sentences ilIustrate these patterns

We counted on getting there early [B7pr] Ive taken up playing tenniacutes [B7ph] Jim is looking forward lo having the house to himself [B7ph-pr]

It IS important to notice that the lo in gel around to lookforward to and resor to is not an infinitive marker but a preposition Hence 1 am looking forward to seeing you is grammatical but not 1 am looking forward fo see you

Note [al The superscript 1 in the aboye lisU is not added lo verbs like stop although a noun phrase can be inserted between the participle and (he preceding verb in ~uch cases

They stopped (her) working all night Thiacutes ls because the construction containing the extra noun phrase (her in the aboye example) is arguably complex transiacutetive (e 1653) rather than monotransiacutetive (as is evident from the marginally acceptable passive She was slopped working all nighl) [b) Also we exclude from the aboye lists catenative verbs such as go in We wenl running and gel in Gel moving (e349)

Choice betwecn the infinitive and participle constructions (lB6) and (B71) 1640 Where both constructions [B6] and B7] are admitted there is usualIy felt to

be a difference of aspect or mood which infiuences the choice As a rule the infinitive gives a sense of mere potentiality for action as in She hoped fo leam French while the participle gives a sense of the actual performance of the action itself as in She enjoyed leaming Freneh In the case of try the double meaning is particularly clear

Sh 1 t d to bribe the jailor [1 ] el a ne b b hln mg teJa or

[1] implies that Sheila attempted an act ofbribery but did not manage it [2] implies that she actualIy did bribe the jailor but without (necessarily) achieving what she wanted With other verbs the difference is more subtle and may be overruled or neutralized by the meaning of the verb of the main clause For example the negative meaning of avoid and escape cancels out the sense of performance in He escapedlavoided being branded as a traitor

1192 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Let us consider more carefully three classes of verb which take both

constructions

(O EMOTlVE VERas (see Type (i) in the lists in 1638 and 1639) With the verbs which take both constructions (eread hate like loathe love and prefer) the bias of the infinitive towards potentiacuteality tends to fa vour its use in hypothetiacutecal and nonfactual contexts eg

Would you like o see my stamp collectiacuteon seemg

1hateto seem rude but youre blocking the view seemmg

On the other hand the particiacutepial construction is favoured where the speaker is referring to something which definitely happens or has

happened

to live Bnan loalhed 1 m the countrylUmg

(But with would loathe the infinitive is just as acceptable as the -ing participle)

Here to Uve implies that Brian could exercise choice about where to live whereas living presupposes that he actually did live in the country and probably had no choice in the matter But in other contexts there is little appreciable difference between the two constructions

tocoOk 1 [to eat JDo you prefer k for yourself or t m a restaurant[coa mg ea mg

(in ASF2C7uumlAL VERBS of beginni1g (a~ti1urng) and ending also in many cases take both constructions

Lucy startedcOntinUedceasedto W~iteWhile in hospital IIntmg

In such examples as this there is no observable difference of meaning between the constnlctiacuteons But in other cases a contrast between potentiality and performance may influerice the choice

to speak but stopped because she objected He s tarted speakmg and k ept on for more t han an hbur

The association of the -ing participle with the progressive aspect may also influence a p[ference for the participle where multiple activities

are involved

to open allthe cupboardsHe began openlflg all the cupboards

Here opening is more appropriate than to open While sorne verbs in this group (begin continue cease sean) allow both constructions others (finish stop) altowonly the participle construction (Go on and keep (on) may be classified as catenative verbs (cf349) onfinishfstop followed by the infinitive cf1638 Note [b])

Types of verb complementation 1193

(di) RETROSPECTlVE VERBS For three verbslorget remember and regret the potentialityperformance distiacutenction becomes extended into the past so that there is a temporal (as well as in part modal) difference between the two constructions The infinitive construction indicates that the action or event takes place after (and as a result of) the mental process denoted by the verb has begun while the reverse is true for the participle construction which refers to a preceding event or occasion coming to mind at the time indicated by the main verb

1 remembered to fill out the formo [1 remembered that 1 was to fill out the form and then did so]

1 remembered filling out the form rl remembered that 1 had filled out the form]

lforgot 10 go to the bank [1 forgot that 1was to go to the bank and therefore did not do soJ

lforgot (about) going to the bank [rare without about 1 forgot that 1went to the bank or that 1should have gone ]

1regret to tel you that John stole i1 [1 regret that 1am about to tel you that John sto le i1]

1 regret telling you that John stole i1 [I regret that 1 told you that John stole i1 or that 1 am now telling you J

[B8) Complementation by to-infinitive clause (with subject) 1641 The verbs in this group (as distinct from the apparently similar object +

t infinitive -o1struction el 1650) are restricted to a small numbcr chicfly denoting (nol) liking or wanting (cant) bear desire hate like iexcloLe prefer want and wish

They dont like the house to be left empty 1 wouldn t want you to lose your way

After these verbs the noun phrase preceding the infinitive cannot be made the subject of a passive main c1ause The house isnt liked to be left empty (by them)

There is moreover an alternative construction (chiefly restricted to AmE) in which the noun phrase is preceded by for which marks it as the subject of an infinitive clause rather than as object ofthe main clause

Jack prefersfor his wife to drive the truck ltesp AmE)

These two observations point in the direction of a monotransitive analysis of such verbs

In the following howeverJor has a different status and must occur in both AmE and BrE

They arranged for Mary to come at once

In this case the construction is that of a prepositional verb arrange for ([B8prl) the infinitive clause acting as prepositional object Other examples

1194 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

wherejor occurs as part of a prepositional verb are askfor eatlfor aehefor aim for bum for burst jor eare for clamour for erave for hope for iteh for long jor plan joacuter prepare for wait for yearn for

We were al achingburningbursting jor the performance to begin They plannedfor the mayor to arrive on the following day

For some of the verbs in these clauses the that-clause with should ([B3(iiacute)j) is an alternative form of complementation

They planned that the mayor should arrive on the following day

A further reason in favour of a monotransitive analysis of verbs of Type [B8pr] is the possibility (in some cases) of a passive with or without extraposition

For the administration to resign so quickly was not called foro It had been arranged for the food to be served indoors

Note [al Sorne [B8pr] verbs such as arrangefor planfor and preparefor also have a [B2] construction in which they are followed by a direct object Compare Have you arranged the meeting Have you arrangedfor iexclhe meeting Compare also She askedfor the children to leave and She asked iexclhe children O leave [b] Desire expect and intend although they tit into this category with respect to introductory for and the extraposed passive also accept the passive of the raised object which applies to [C4] (cfI650) Thus expect for example pennits two associated passives

It was nOt expected for the administration to resigno The administration was not expected to resigno

The former of these however is felt to be awkward and of marginal acceptability On such contlicts of c1assiacutefication cfI664jf

jB91 Complementation by -ing participle clause (with subject) 642 Verbs which accept this pattern comprise a considerable subset of those

verbs accepting the subjectless -ing clause as object they include the verbs marked 1 in the list of 1639 The genitive form of the subject is an option in formal English (ef 1512) but is often felt to be awkward or stilted

1 dislike him his driving my car We look forward to youyour beeoming our neighbour

In some cases particularIy when the subject of the participle is not a pronoun and does not have personal reference the geniti ve option is rare

vehicle h hPeter stoppe d te h l cras mg mto t e ence h ve lees

The genitive is also rare with a pronoun with nonpersonal reference

1 look forward to ~t geUing warmer in spring lts

The verbs of negative meaning stop prevent and prohibit have a related ditransitive construction (cfI656f) in which the prepositionfrom precedes the -ing clause as second object

They tried toacute preven the planefrom landing on the runway

Types of verb complementation 1195

Thus thefrom is optional In the very few cases where we have a choice between an -ing participle

and a to-infinitive construction there is usual1y felt to be a difference ofaspect or mood such as that described in 1640

1hate the children lo quarrel [ theyre ordinarily such good friacuteends] [1]

1 hate the children quarrelling [ all the time] [2]

focuses on the childrens potential for quarrelling [2] emphasizes their performance the point being that they do quarrel rather often in fact An aspectual difference is uppermost in

ehiming ( all night long) 1h he c oc k ate t l

to ehlme ( Just when Im gOtng to sleep)

The infinitive suggests a single chime while the participle suggests continual chiming (ef435 467f)

Note Verbs ofthe observational type eg notice in 1 noticed him writing a leller do not belong in this group and are dealt with in 1653 For such verbs the genitive is not a possible alternative iexcl noticed hiacutes writiacuteng a Jeter

Complex transitive complementation 1643 In 216 we applied the term COMPLEX TRANSlTIVE to verbs in the pattems

SVOC and SVOA In this chapter we extend the term to other clause patterns in which an object is followed by another element which is not an object (eg a nonfinite clause) A distinguishing characteristic o[ complex transitive compiemculiIacuteuacutelI j thallhe two elltments iacuteuiiuwiug the yerb (eg object and object complement) are notionally equated with the subject and predication respectively of a nominal c1ause For example

MONOTRANSlTIVE She presumed lhat her father was dead [1] She presumed her father to be dead [2]

COMPLEX TRANSITIVE Sh d h 1 h d d [3]e presume er Jat er ea

In [3J her father (O) and dead (C) are equivalent in meaning to a separate clause viz the that-clause in [l] This relationship remains where the object complement is expanded into an infinitive clause as in 2] Yet her father to be dead in spite of its clause-like meaning and appearance does not act syntactica1ly as a single constituent as is evident in the passive where the O is separated from its complement

Her father was presumed (by her) to be dead

This divisibility into two elements of a semantically clausal construction following the verb is the defining property ofcomplex transitive complementshyation

We begin with three already familiar patterns of complex transitive complementation those corresponding to [A I-A3] (ef 1621-4)

Note On the simiacutelarities between complex transitive and ditransitive complementation see 1666ff

1196 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

ICII Adjective phrase as object complement 1644 The SVOC pattern (ef216) in whiacutech the object complement is an adjective

phrase is found with verbs which like copular verbs may be divided into CURRENT and RESULTING types

You should keep the cabbagefresh (1] That music drives me mad [2]

The verb keep in [1] introduces the current attributefresh while the verb drive in [2] introduces the resulting attribute mad These two verbs therefore exemplify the two main categories ofcomplex transiti ve complementatiacuteon in this pattern The current verbs (ef1621ff) are usually staiive and the resulting verbs are always dynamic Further examples ofeach type are

CURRENT RESULTING

hod[C2] (v) drive [C4] keep [C2] get [C4] eave [C2] make [C2 C4]

prove [B3 C2 C4] (ii) eall [C2] render[C4]eonfess [B3 C2 C4] sendprofess [B3 C2 C4]

pronounce [B3 C2 C4] turn

report [B3 C4] eertify [B3 C2 C4] declare [B3 C2 C4] like proclaim [B3 C2 C4] prefer[B3]

want wish [B3 C2 C4]

(iv) beliacuteeve [B3 C2 eonsider [B3 C2 C4] deem [B3 C2 C4] find [B3 C2 C4] hod[B3 C4] imagine [B3 C2 C4] judge [B3 C2 C4] presume[B3 C2 C4] rate [C2 C4] reekon [B3 C2 C4] suppose [B3 C2 C4] think [B3 C2 C4]

Type (O is a category of current verbs of general meaning Type (ii) consists offactual speech act verbs (cf1631) Type (iii) of volitional verbs Type (iv) of verbs of inte11ectual state Type (v) of general resulting verbs and Type (vi) ofresulting verbs referring to speech acts which havethe performative force of declarations (Hod occurs twice in the aboye list as a general verb [Type (i) as in She hed her head high] and as an inte11ectual state verb [Type (iv) as in 1 hod you responsibe]) The symbols added after sorne verbs indicate other related complementation types to which those verbs belong

Types of verb complementation 1197

[B3] The verb can also be used monotransitively (el Note (a]) with a that-clause

[C2] The verb can also occur wiacuteth a noun phrase as object complement [C4] The verb can a1so occur with an object + infiniacutetive construction

Examples

The secretary eft a1l the letters unopened The doctors pronounced her conditiacuteon uttery hopeess Oi) 1want my coffee stronger than this (iii) Weve alwaysfound the assistants very frtendy (iv) The long waIk made us a11 hungry They have declared the house unfit for habitatiacuteon (vi)

Note that the adjectival complement may contain modifiers and adjectival complementation (ef1668-83) A passive construction in which the direct object becomes subject is also an important criterion

AH the letters were left unopened (by the secretary) (i) Her condition was pronounced uttery hopeess (by the doctors) (ji)

Note [a] There is sometimes a meaning difference between the object complement construction and the corresponding that-clause [B3) or objeet + infinitive [C4] eonstruction

1 imagined myself severely ill [3] p 1 imagined myself to be severely ill [4]

Sentence [3] suggests that the speaker is indulgiacuteng in a flight of faney sentence [4J suggests that the speaker is deluding himself (eg that he is a hypochondriae) A differenee is also to be observed between [5] and [6]

They gol him angry [5J p They got him lo be angry (6]

where [5J suggests made him angry in spite of himself and [6] suggests persuaded him to be angry (Yet a third meaning is represented by Donl get me wrong [Dont misunderstand me J) Two iacuteurther comrasts are

We found the ehildren undernourished [ We encou nte red them iacute n tha t cond i tiacuteon J [7] p Wefoundthe children lo be undernourished [8]

[Our examination revealed their condition] and

He declared the meeting offieial He declared the meeting lO be officiaL

where [9] has a performati ve and resultati ve force (The meeting beeame official as a result of his announeement) not regularly present in [lO] [b] Have in sentences sueh as We have IWO employees sck is not a member of the [CI] category but belongs to a special have-existential construetion lo be discussed with existential sentences in general in 1851 Since it has no passive this elause construction lacks one criterial feature of comp1ex transitive constructions Two employees are had sick [e] There is a variant order in which the object complement precedes the object eg He thought desirable most ofthe women in the room (efIS37) This order tends to occur when the object is a long noun phlase

1645 In addition to the verbs listed in 1644 aboye there are many verbs which belong more peripherally to Type [C1] Their membership is more peripheral in one or both of the following respects (a) They occur only in restricted sequences such as rub dry (ef 1617) (b) They can occur in the [BI] monotransitive construction without appreciable change of meaning iacutee the object complement is optional and resembles an optional adverbial Iil the following typical co11ocations the object noun phtase is symbolized by N

1

Types of verb complementation 11991198 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

CURRENT RESULTING

bring (a child) up health boil (an egg) 8aft 1

buy N eheapl erap (hair) shoriexcl1 return (a letter) unopened freeze N hard serve (food) hOlleold paint N redblue 1

seU N eheaplnew1 roll N flat sweep (the fioor) clean 1

calour N blueyellow 1

dye N pinklgreen 1

knock (someone) senseless polish N smooth 1

scrape N clean I swing (a door) open

For those combinations marked l the object complement could be easily omitted without a change in the basic sense of the verbo

Among resulting attributes the adjectives open loose free and clean are particularly common push N open shake N loose set N free wipe N clean

The collocations make sure and make certain are peculiar in that the object is a that-clause and always follows the adjectivaI complement

Please make sureleertain that you endose your birth certificate

There is no passive be made surecertain With other collocations the that-clause object is postponed by extraposiacutetion (ef 1835)

He found it strange that no one else had arri ved 1think it very odd that she left without saying goodbye The emperor pronounced it illegal for landlords to enfranchise their

tenants

Extraposition is optional with make N clear and therefore the preparatory it may be omitted She made (it) eear that we were regarded as trespassers

Note [al Sorne collocations require the object to be a rellexive pronoun Ilaughed myself sick They roared themselves hoarse Here the object complement cannot be omitted llaughed myself [b] The resultative pattern illustrated in thiacutes section is quite productive and occurs with rare or newly-converted verbs such as selotape and scotchtape selotape N fiat ltRrE) seotehtape N fiat (AmE) Similarly

iexclve deepfrozen the bread solido

(C21 Noun phrase as object complement 646 Most of the verbs listed in 1644 can occur also with a noun phrase

complement In addition there are a few verbs which occur with anoun phrase but not with an adjective phrase as complement eg appoint These verbs marked 1 in the list below can also occur with theobject + infinitive construction

The queen appointedWilliam Cecil (to be) her personal secretary

The list is subdivided into categories corresponding to those in 1644

(i) hold2 (iv) believe (v) appoint l2middot 3

keep2 consider2 choose 2 3

eleetl 2 3leave deem esteem l 2 3 make(ii) cal find provecanfess imagine2 voteprofess

pronounce judge2 (vi) baptize13

presume certify 23 (iii) wish 3rate2 christent bull

reckon2 erown l bull 2bull 3

suppose declare think proclaim

namemiddot23

The superscript 2 indicates that the as-construction (cf 1 647) is also possible The superscript 3 indicates that the verb is also monotransitive and that the verb retains the same meaning when the object complement is omitted Hence She appointed him secretary implies that she appointed him Examples of each sub-type follow With profess and wish which are used to illustrate subtypes (H) and (iii) respectively a reflexive pronoun as object is normal

She held her niece (a) captive for several years (i) The prince professed himself a supporter of free speech (ji) 1have often wished myself a millionaire (iii) Charles does not esteem him a trustworthy adviser (iv) The committee has elected you its chairman (v) Her parents named her Sophia after her grandmother (vi)

Some verbs in this pattem are unlikely to occur in the adive eg think beiacuteieve reckon The foilowing are exampies of the passive conslruclIacuteon

Her niece was held (a) captive for several years (i) She was named Sophia after her grandmother (vi)

As with Type (el] the object may be a clause postponed by extraposition

We have made it a condition that the new agreement be signed by all the original signatories

He has proved it a falIacy that old age brings wisdom

Note [al The zero article occurs optionally with captive and prisoner as object complements as in (i) above She held her niece (a) caplive Hold capliveprisoner and keep captivepriacutesoner are unusual in that the omitted article is indefinite rather than definite Examples of the zero article with definite meaning (eS42) are

Edgar was judged overall winner They appointed Sue captain of the athletics team

[b] The object + infinitive construction with 10 be as with Type [Gl] is not always equivalent to the pattero with a phrasal object complement For example name can be used with 10 be only if the following noun phrase designates a future role or status

Her parents named her (0 be) Gladys The selectors named her (lo be) a memberofthe touring team

As can be used with name only on the same condition as applies to lO be Her parenls named her as (adys (cf 1 647 below) [el The copular retation can obtain not only between the object and complement as in [11 bu also between subject and complement as in [21

t iexcl

1200 Complementation of verbs and adjectiacuteves

She made him iexcliexcl good husband (S V OC) [1 J She made him a good wife (S VOC) [2J

[1 Jhas the passive analogue He as gtladea good husband but in the entirelydifferentconstruetion of (2] where the copular rdation is between she and a good middotle no passive is possible Thc meuning is She Vas a good wire to himmiddot A prepositional verb 01 this Same unusuallattcrn is strike l in 101 example

He stmck me os a brilliant slralegist where a brilianl strategist is su bjcet eomplement

(Clprl and (C2prl Object complement foUowing prepositional verb 1647 The preposition as designates a copular relation particularly in specifying a

role or status associated with the direct object The ehureh eondemned the relie as a lraud Following a complex transitive verb and a direct object the prepositional complement of as functions semantiacutecally as an attribute and may be termed a prepositional object complement in the same way as the noun phrase following a transitive prepositional verb is called a prepositional object

a geniacuteus [C2] We considered him as a genius [C2pr]

tobeagenius [C4]

1 bull (as) a genius ~ He was consdered t b

o e agemus

Consider as like regard as class as etc therefore exemplifies yet another type of prepositional verb one that is followed by a prepositiacuteonal object complement rather than a prepositional object

Occasionally the prepositionlor occurs in this copular function instead of as

He took these words as evidence He took me lor a fool

In the following list for verbs in column (i) the preposition is optional where for verbs in column (H) the preposition is obligatory

(i) appoint (as) (ii) aeeept as ehoose (as) aeknowledge as eonsider (as) eharaeterize as eount (as) class as deem (as) define as esteem (as) describe as rate (as) intend as reekon (as) mistakelor report (as) regard as eleet (as) see as eertify (as) take asllor erown (as) trea as make Unto) use as proclaim (as)

Most verbs in [elpr] and[e2pr] can also introduce an adjective phrase in the function of prepositional object complement

Types of verb complementation 1201

The experts raled his paintings (as) poor bUI representalive ol their class

They classed Jane as partialty sighted The media described the situation as hopeless ~ The situation was described as hopeless

Verbs not allowing this construction are marked 1 in the aboye lists The construction iacutes exceptional in allowing an adjective phrase to occur after a prepositiacuteon A more orthodox construction is obtained by adding the word being before the adjective phrase and thereby converting the prepositional complement into a nominal -ing clause

The media descriacutebed the situation as being hopeless

Note [al Count as and rate as can also oecur in an analogous as-conslruction without lhe object as prepositional copular verbs eg This coanslraes as a tWtable success (e 1622 Note lb]) [b] Allhough as is classcd as a preposition in Ibe above pattern il in some ways resemblcs the conjunction as which introduces clauses of comparison (e15 71) Consider Ihe following curious examples in which as introduces on Ihe one hand a clause and on the other hand a noun phrase in an appositional relation lo Ihe clause

Report me as 10m - a superannuated dolt Hedescribcd her as heound her a liar

(C31 Complementation by object and adjunct 1648 Our next category Type [e3] consists of verbs which occur in the SVOA

pattern (el216) ie verbs which ha ve as their complementation an object followed by a predication adjunct The most characteristic adjuncts to occur in this pattern are prepositional phrases of space and more particularly of direction eg

1 slipped the key into the lock He stood my argument on its head [2] Take your hands out olyour poekets

The passive iacutes illustrated by

The key was slipped into the lock [1 al Sentence [2] exemplifies the abstract or metaphorical use of such verbs and adjuncts Many of the verbs which fit into this pattern are causative verbs of motiacuteon put get stand se sit lay place send bring take lead drive etc The class is open-ended since verbs normally without causative meaning can be adapted to this function eg show see elbow etc in

The attendant showed us to our seats [conducted us ] May I see you home [escort you ] He elbowed and bribed his way to fame They talked me into it [persuaded me ]

Other verbs are associated with space position adjuncts rather than direction adjuncts

They lelt the papers at my offiee Always keep your eyes on the road when driving

1

i

1202 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

The attackers eaught us ofJour guardo He wished them at the bottom ofthe sea

Again the spatial meaning ofthe adjunct rnay be understood in sorne abstract or rnetaphorical sense as in the third exarnple aboye

Adjuncts of other sernantic types are less cornrnon but instances are the adjunct of rnanner following treat

badIY Her parents treated her as ifshe were a baby

as like a small ehild

and the optional adjunct of duration following last

This rnoney will ha ve to last you laquo(for) six months)

Note [al Treot has a dilferent meaning when the adjunct is omitted Her parents treated her [= did something pleasant for her]

[b] Superficiacuteally similar to the aboye pattern iacutes that iIIustrated by remind andfurnish followed by an object and a prepositional phrase

She reminds me ofmy sister They furnished all the passengers with iexclfe jackets

These however are classed as transiti ve prepositional verbs (cfI6 7-8) and will be dealt with in 1656fbelow The difference between Ihese prepositional verbs and verbs of complemenlation Type [e3] is that in Ihe former case the lexical verb governs a particular preposition remind offurnish with (Alternative prepositional constructions are sometimes available however provide withprovide for)

Variants of complex transitive complementation 649 We now examine variants of complex transitive cornplernentation in which

thc direct object iexcls f01lowltd by ji nonfinite dau~1 acting as predication adjunct Al four kinds of nonfinite construction (ef 146-8) are possible

[C4] to-infinitive [C6] -ing participle They knew hirn to be a spy 1caught Ann reading my diary

[CS] bare infinitive [C7] -ed participle 1heard someone slam We saw him beaten by the

World Heavyweight Champion thedoor

The nonfinite clause in these patterns (in italics in the above table) has no subject itself but its implied subject is always the preceding noun phrase which is object of the superordinate c1ause This noun phrase which if a personal pronoun is in the objective case is commonly termed a RAISED

OBJECT (ef further 16640) semantically it has the role of subject of the nonfinite verb but syntactically it is raised from the nonfinite c1ause to function as object of the superordinate verbo Hence in general this noun phrase (in italics in the table below) can become subject of the corresponding passive (The passive of [C5] normaly requires substitution of a to-infinitive for abare infinitive the passive of [C7) is of marginal currency ef 1654 Note [a))

(C4] He was known to be a spy

[eS] Someone was heard to slam the door

Types of verb complementation 1203

[C6] Ann was caught reading rny diary

[e] He was seen executed by a firing squad

On the face ofit the patterns [C4] and [e6] are indistinguishable from the rnonotransitive patterns [B8] (eg She hates the train to be late) and [B9] (eg She hates the train being late) in which the nonfinite c1ause has a subject of its own The ability of the noun phrase preceding the nonfinite verb to become subject of a passive is however an important distinction between thern (see further 1651 and 1653)

These patteros [e4] and (e6] are distinguished from corresponding patterns in which the Note nonfinite c1ause is an adverbial by the raet that the iacutemplied subject of the nonfinite verb is O rather than S Note the ambiguity of

She left him to finish the jobo She lert him holding the baby

IC4J Object + to-infinitive complementation The verbs in this group are rather numerous and rnay be subdivided 1650

(vii) assist bother bribe eondemll dariquest defy encourage help induce inspire press summon

semantically into the following categories

(iacute) announee declare proclaim pronounee

(H)

reporl repute [esp P rumour (P only] say[P only] tip (esp BrEgt

assume believe eonceive (formalgt eonsider expeet feel jind imagine know presume reekon see [P only1 suppose take thiacutenk[esp P1 understand

(iiiacute) intend mean

(iv) appoint elect name vote

(v) cause drive force get[no P] lead prompt

(vi) alow authorize compel eonstrain enable entitle equip jit oblige permit requiacutere

[P = Passive]

1ZU4 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Types (i) and (ti) correspond to the factual verbs of category [B3J discussed in 1631 the nonfinite construction following these verbs can often be replaced by a lhal-clause with an indicative verbo Compare

The poli ce reported that the traffic was heavy [B3] The police reported the traffic to be heavy (formal) [C4]

JOhn believed that the stranger was a policeman [B3 = John believed the stranger to be a policeman (formal) [C4]

With factual verbs such as these the nonfinite clause normaIly contains the verb be or sorne other verb of stative meaning EspecialIy when the nonfinite main verb is other than be the finite clause (of pattern [B3]) is preferred to the infiniti ve one except that the infinitive construction provides a convenient passive form

The traffic was reported to be heavy The stranger was believed to be a poli cernan

Sorne verbs in this construction have no lhat-clause equivalent

They tipped him to be the next president (esp BrE) - He was tipped to be the next president (They tipped that he would be the next president)

Sorne verbs (marked [P only] in the list abo ve) occur only in the passive version of this construction

The field marshal was said to be planning a new strategy (Someone said the field marshal to be planning a new strategy)

Other verbs (marked [esp PJ) occur chiefly in the passive

The BroadwiY piOJutioli was inoughi to have made Maxs fortune (Newsmen lhought the Broadway production to have made Maxs fortune)

Ofthe twq classes of factual verbs Type (i) consists ofpublic verbs (cf1631) referring to a speech act and Type (ii) consists of private verbs expressing belief etc

1651 Of the remaining semantic types Type (iii) consists of verbs of intention (on intend itself ef 1641 Note lb]) Types (iv) and (v) consist of causative verls where the infinitive clause identifies the resultant state (Type (iv) verbs also belong to class [Cl]) Type (vi) cClUsists of verbs with a modal character expressing such concepts as enablement permission and compulsion and Type (vii) consists of a variety of verbs of influencing between which a common factor appears to be that the nonfinite clause has a purposive meaning Examples are

(iii) They intended Mary to sing an aria (- Mary was intended to sing an aria)

(iv) The meeting elected Mr Martiacuten to be the next treasurer (- Mr Martin was elected to be the next treasurer)

Types of verb complementation 1205

(v) This optimistic forecast led the administration to promise tax cuts ( _ The administration was led (by this optimistic forecast) to promise tax cuts)

(vi) My contract allows me to take one months lea ve (- 1arn allowed to take one months leave)

(vii) Our teachers eneouraged us to think for ourselves (- We were eneouraged to think for ourselves)

In Type (iv) the infinitive main verb is normaIly be and can be omitted They appointed her (lO be) the social secretar) This type overlaps with Type (v) 1646

Note [al There are a number of multi-word verbs in this category [C4prl counl Ofl bullbullbull lO depend Ol bullbull lo rey on lO bullbullbull [C4phl make OUI 10 bullbull [C4ph-pr] keep 01 al lo bull

(which has no passive) Examples are 1 am dependillg 011 you lO give us your fu support They malle him oul to be a monster ofdepravity Why do you keep On al me 10 work harder

[b] Sorne passives of pattem [C4] (eg be allowed be supposed) have a semi-auxiliary (cf347f) interpretation in which they lose their connection with the corresponding active construction especiay as regareis agency

(es) Object + bare infinitive complementation 1652 This pattern occurs with a relatively smaIl number of verbs

(i) have (ii) fee overhear[P] (iii) help [P] let hear [PI see [PJ know [P] rnake [PI notice [P watch

observe[P]

Typl (i) consists uf vlrbs uf iexcluiexclciacuteVI meaning Type (ii) has percepwal verbs of seeing and hearing and Type (iii) is a residual class of two verbs which are optionally followed by a to-infinitive The marker [PI indicates that the passive (normaIly with a to-infinitive) is possible [P] indicates that the passive is of doubtful or limited acceptability

(i) You shouldnt lel your family iacutenterfere with our plans We must rnake the public take notice ofuso

(- The public must be rnade to take notice ofus) (ji) Did you notiacutece anyone leaue the house

The crowd saw Gray score lwo rnagnificeni goals ( - Gray was seen lo seore two rnagnificent goas)

(iii) Sarah helped us (to) edil the seript 1 have known John (to) give better speeches than that

(- John has been known lO giue better speeches than that)

Know followed by the bare infinitive is confined mainly to BrE and to the perfective aspect have known Lel in group (i) is in other constructions cIassified as similar to an auxiliary (ef3SI) Let has an apparent passive in combination with such verbs as lel go and lel fal but these are best regarded as fixed expressions in which let has an auxiliary or particIe-like function

They let the prisoner go horneo - The prisoner was let go horneo

1206 Complementation of verbs and adjectiacuteves

Note that this apparent passive has the bare infinitive in contrast for example to make which has to have the to-infinitive in the passive

They mude him understand ~ He was made to understalld

A third verb in group (i) is have which (like have in monotransitive constructions) does not occur in the passi ve

They had me repeat the message ~ 1 was had (to) repeat the message

Note [a] The formulaic nature of let him go and similar expressions is illustrated by variants such as [1-3J which cannot be fitted into any regular complementation pattern

gothe rope [1] They lel the rope go [2]

goofthe rope (3)

[b] Of the two constructions with help tha with 10 is more common in BrE and that without 10

is more common in AmE [e] Arare verb in category (i) is the now rather archaic bid with a to-infinitive complementation in the passive

They bidbade me sil down - rwas bidden 10 sil down

[C61 Object + -ing participle complementation 1653 The verbs in category [C6] consist of verbs of perception (Type (iraquo verbs of

encounter (Type (iO) and two verbs of coercive meaniacuteng (Type

feel[C5] see[C5) (ji) eateh (iiiacute) have hear[C5) smell diseover get notiee [C5] spot find observe[C5) spy leave overhear[CS) wateh [CS) pereeive

Perception verbs marked [CS] occur also with the bare infinitive pattern [CS) Wiacuteth such verbs there iacutes an aspect difference between [C5) and [C6) as described in 461f

Tim watched Bill mendlmendingthe lampo

The bare infinitive having nonprogressive meaning implies that Bill did the wholejob while Tiacutem was watching the -ing clause with progressive meaning has no such implicatiacuteon

This complementatiacuteon pattern differs from that of [B9) not only in its progressive aspect but also in that the noun phrase following the superordinate verb cannot take the genitive (or possessive) form (ef 1642)

1 saw him lying on the beach 1 saw his lying on the beach

Another difference from pattern [B9) is that the -ing predication can normally be omitted without radically altering the meaning

1 saw him lying on the beach [entails iexcl saw him)

Contrast

1 hate my friends leaving early [does notentaiacutel 1 hate my friends)

Types of verb complementation 1207

The passive with this pattern is regular

We could hear the rain splashing on the roof ~ The rain could be heard splashing on che roof

A teacher eaughc them smoking in the playground - They were eaught smoking in the playground (by a teacher)

Prepositional verbs with this type of complementation ([C6prJ) include eome aeross eome upon listen to and look at Look at those ehildren climbing the wall But these [C6prJ prepositional verbs have no prepositiacuteonal passive

seen The guards had been spouhed searchiacuteng the building

wate e d looked at

Have in this construction (e18S1ff) also has no passive in keeping with its use in other constructions

She had us working day after day We were had working day after day

Note Feeloccurs especially with a reflexive pronoun object Shefelt herself falling in love

[C7) Object + -ed participle complementation 1654 We can distinguish three small groups of verbs complemented bv a raised

object followed by an -ed participle c1ause

(i) CAUSATIVE verbs get ha ve She gotlhad the watch repaired immediately

Oi) VOLITlONAL verbs want need like I wantlneed this watch repaired immediately

(jii) PERCEPTUAL verbs see hearJeel (oneself) wateh Someone must have seenl heard the car stolen

A fourth group is peripheral to this construction

(iv) Verbs for which the -ed participle describes a resulting statefind

diseoverleave They founddiseoveredfleft him worn out by tra vel and exertion

j In this construction as in that of (C6) have can ha ve either an agentive causative meaning or a stative meaning Hence The guard patrol had two men shot is ambiguous meaning either The patrol caused two men to be shot or

I The patrol suffered the los s oftwo men by shooting The latter meaning is that of the have-existential construction (ef 18S1ff) In general this

complementation type is semantically equivalent to one with an iacutenfinitive form of the verb be Thus in Type (ii) iexcl would like my room cleaned is synonymous with iexcl would like my room to be cleaned in Type Oiiacute) He saw the team beaten is synonymous with He saw the team be beaten

Note [al There is no passive for most verbs in pattem [e7] and at best the passive is dubious The car must have been seen stolen The acceptability of the passive with Type (iv) is exceptional

---

--

1208 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

The car wasfound abandoned This is indeed an indication that Type (iv) may not belong here so much as with the objecl complement construction [el l iexclhe participle construclion being adjectival (cf an abandoned car) lb1In addition to the two meanings of haue + objec + -ed participle above a third meaning results ifthe -ed clause is analysed as a postmodifier of Ihe object eg She had a book (which gtvas) stolenfrom the library

Ditransitive complementation

ID11 Noun phrases as both indirect and direct object 1655 Ditransiacutetive complementation in its basic fonu involves two object no un

phrases an indirect object which is nonually aniacutemate and positioned first and a direct object which is nonually concrete The two noun phrases differ from those of[C2] in not being in a copular relationship

He gave the girl a doll --v-- --r-

S V Oiacute Od

The difference between this and complex transitive complementation is seen in

svoe He found her a loyal friendo ( She was a loyal friend)

SVOO He found her an apartment ( - The apartment was for her)

The characteristics of indirect objects in contrast to direct objects are fully disclssed in 107

Sorne ditransitive verbs have two passive analogues which we shall distinguish as first and second

The girl was given a doll [FIRST PASSIVE]

A doll was given the girl [SECOND PASSIVE]

Of these two the first passive in which the indirect object becomes subject is the more common The prepositional paraphrase is more usual as an alternative than the second passive A dol was given to the girl (For a list of verbs ofType [01] ef1657 below)

[D21 Object and prepositional object 1656 In the ditransitive category prepositional verbs fonu an important group

with its own sub-divisions and may therefore be given a separate category number D2] These verbs are those we have called Type II prepositional verbs (cfI67-8) Alongside the ordinary indirect object pattern two main prepositional patterns rnaybe distinguished _

Indirect object + direct object [D1] Direct object + prepositional object D2a] lndirect object + prepositional object [D2b]

Types of verb complementation 1209

The indirect object is normally animate and is the recipient or beneficiary of the process described by the verb (ef 1019) Unlike ditransitive verbs of category [D 1] (eg give) ditransiti ve verbs with prepositional objects nonually have only one passive

We addressed our remarks to the children [D2a] - Our remarks were addressed to the children (The children were addressed our remarks (toraquo

W e reminded him of the agreement [D2bl - He was reminded of the agreement (The agreement was reminded him (of)

-1 Sorne verbs have a11 three possibilities of construction in the active many have two forothers there is only one possibility (in sorne cases the alternatives are not identical but very similar in meaning)

tel [01 + 2a + 2b]

1

offer [01 + 2a] 1

envy [01 + 2b] I

wish [01]

bamefD2a + 2b]

say [D2a]

warn [D2b]

Mary told only John the secret DI] Mary told the secret only to John [D2a] Mary told only John about the secreto [D2b]

John offered Mary sorne help [DI] John offered sorne help to Mary [D2a]

She envied John his success [DI] She envied Johnfor his success [D2b]

They wished him good luck [DI]

Helen blamed the divorce on John rD2al Helen blamed Johnfor the divorce [D2bj

Why didnt anybody say this to me [D2a] I

Mary warned John ofthe dangers [D2b) I

The different constructional possibilities of certain verbs provide a means of achieving different focus (cfI837f) Compare the fo11owing pairsofsentences as pronounced with unmarked (end) focus

Mary blamed the broken vase on IOHN Mary blamed John for the broken VAacuteSE

(ef John was blamed by MARY)

The government supplied blankets for the HOMEless The government supplied the homeless with BLANKets

(ef Blankets were supplied by the Goacutevernment)

Note [al The aboye constructions are presented in the most typical syntactic ordering but postshyponernent of the direct or iacutendirect object may take place in contexts where end-focus or endshyweight is required (cf1837) eg John offered lO Mary Ihe help thal she needed [b] Additional prepositional verb patterns should be briefly mentioned There is for example the double-prepositional-verb pattern noted in 1617(c)

1210 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1211

1657

1 am applying lo the hospitalor ajobo There is a further possibility that two prepositional objects may follow a diacuterect object

We are paying $100 lo the garage for the repairs

Verbs of complementation types ID1 and [D2 The following list gives sorne of the verbs that occur in Types [DI] [D2aJ [D2b] organized aeeording to the cross-classifications of 1656 aboye We are interested here only in synonymous or nearly synonyrnous constructions in which the same participant roles (ef lO18jJ) oceur Hence many possible prepositional verbs are ignored Pay for for example is ignored because it introduces a further participant (the commodity bought) not incuded in pay (with) and pay (to)

Table 1657

Type [DI) Type [D2a] Type[D2b]

EXAMPLE serve (Jaek scampi) serve (searnpi) serve (Jack) to (Jack) with (scampi)

[DI + 2a + 2b) pay payto pay with provide (AmE) providefor provide with serve serve to serve with tel tell to tell about

[DI + 2a) (l) bring bring to den deny to give give lo

grant gram to hand hand to leave leave tofor lend lend to offer offer to owe oweto promise promiseto read read lo send send to show show to teaeh teaeh to throw throw to

(ii) do doacutefor find findfor make makefor order order for reserve reservefor save savefor spare sparefor

(iii) ask askof

1658

[DI + 2b]

[Di]

[D2a + 2b]

[D2a]

[D2b)

envy excuse forgive

allow eharge fine refuse wish

blameon supply forto

address to announee to eommunieate to explain to sayto

envyfor exeusefor forgivefor

blamefor supply with

advise about punishfor etc

The membership of[D2b] is numerous Here are further examples arranged by prepositions

thankfor eonvineeof robof refer to preventfmm depriacutevenf ltuspee f 9f sentenee to proleet from informof warnof subject ro imerest in persuadeof congratulate on treat to aecuseof relieveof confine to charge with convictof remindof introduce to compare with

Note that reflexive verbs (cf 625) sometirnes oecur with a prepositional object eg We pride ourselves on the serviee we ofler Sorne of the verbs abo ve (such as compare with) ean have two inanimate objects

In Table 1657 we have distinguished under[Dl + 2a] verbs taking to as their preposition from those takingfor eg

(i) She sent Paul a present She sent a present to Paul (ji) She made Paul a meaL She made a mealfor Paul

Occasionally a preposition other than to and for oceurs in this function

OiO She asked Paul a favour She asked a favour ofPaul

Distinct from [D2aJ and [D2bJ aboye is a kind of prepositional verb which has already been discussed in 167-8 a verb for which the direet object forms part of an idiomatic unit with the verb and the preposition The syntactic properties of this type which we label (D2e] have already been dealt with and it is enough here to list a further sample ofsueh idioms

1212 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1213I I

eateh siacuteght of make allowanee for put a stop to give place to make fun of set jire to give way to make afuss overabout take aeeount Ofl keep pace with make roomfor take advantage ojI lose sight of make use ojI take eare of 1

lose toueh with pay attention to 1 take note ojI lose traek of put an end to take notice ojI

Those marked with a raised 1 can take not only a prepositional passive (ef 167-8) but also can easily take a passive for which the idiomatically-fixed direct object beco mes subject eg (Some) allowanee was made for loss of eamings (Little) notiee was taken of this evento Other verbs can take the passive but with greater difficulty with these examples as with prepositional verbs in general idiomatic cohesion is a matter of gradience

Variants of ditransitive complementation

ID3J Indirect object + that-cIause object 1659 Corresponding to monotransitive verbs ofType [B3] (efI630) are ditransiti ve

verbs for which the direct object is a that-clause

John eonvinced me (that) he was right ~ I was eonvineed (by John) (that) he was right

The second passive is unacceptable when the direct object is a clause That he was right was eonvineed me Thus the first passive (ef 1655) above is the only passive that can occur with this pattern With sorne verbs such as eonvinee above it is impossible to delete the noun phrase object

John conviucJ (lhat) he was riguiacute

With other verbs such as show the indirect object is optional

The professor of mathematics showed me that Pythagoras was mistaken ~ The professor of mathematics showed that Pythagoras was

mistaken

Ditransitive verbs followed by a that-clause may be divided into a subtype introducing an indirect statement and a subtype introducing an indirect directive (ef 1433) In the indirect statement the that-clause contains an indicative verb in the indirect directive the verb may be indicative or subjunctive and often contains putative should or another modal verb (ef 1632 for the distribution ofthese options)

INDIRECT STATEMENT

May 1 inform you that your order is ready for eolleetion INDIRECT DIRECTIVE

mightbeShe petitioned the king that her father ~ould be pardoned

In the following list Type (i) verbs introduce indirect statements and Type (H) verbs introduce indirect directives The indirect directive construction is

rare and formal in comparison with the similar infinitive construction (ef 1663)

WOUldI begged her that she should help ltformal) 1 begged her to help ltmore usual)

For those verbs marked O the indirect object is obligatory foc those marked (O) the indirect object is optional for those marked laquoOraquo the indirect object is not only optional but unusual

(i) advise (O) remindO (iiacute) ask3 laquoOraquo assureO satisfyO beg3 (O) bet (O) show3 (O) eharge (O) eonvineeO teaeh3 (O) eommand laquoOraquo forewarn (O) tellO iacutenstruet laquoOraquo informO wager(O) order laquoOraquo notify 3 O warn (O) petition3 (O) persuadelO write2bull 3 (O) tellO promise3 (O)

The superscripts are interpreted as follows

1 Persuade in the sense ofconvince belongs to Type (i) but it may also be used in a Type (iiacute) sense of persuade someone to do something

2 Write is found with an indirect object + that-clause especially in AmE 3 With verbs so marked the indiacuterect object can be replaced by a

prepositional object (ef 1660)

Note Superficially similar W the [D3] pallern is lhe impersonal construction Iacutef strikeslstruck me (Ihal) asin

It strikes me this work is for his own amusement But here the Ihal-c1ause (as in 1634) is the extraposed subject of the verbo Compare He strikes me as (cf1646 Note [el) and lt occursto me that (cfI634 Note [e))

ID3prl Prepositionalobject + that-cIause object 1660 The verbs marked 3 in the aboye list can be optionally followed by a

preposition thus forming a category similar to [D2a] in 1656

He promised laquoto) me) that the debt would be repaid

For most verbs of [03] which permit a prepositional object the preposition is to

He wrote to me He reported to me that etc

Exceptions are ask and beg which (in somewhat formal usage) are followed by the preposition of

I askbegofyou that you will keep this secret ltformal)

There is in addition a group of verbs which were classified in 1631-32 as monotransitive but which optionally allow the preposition to preceding a prepositional object These may be distinguished as Type [D3pr] and subdivided into sub-types (i) and (iacutei) as in the paraUel description of [B3] verbs

1214 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Joan mentioned (to me) that her father was siacuteck [Type (O] Or Oay recommended (to her) that the treatment be continued [Type (ii)]

For elample

(i) acknowledge declare remark (ji) propose admit explain repon recommend announce mention say suggest complain pointout signal eoness prove state

As before Type (i) verbs introduce indirect statements and the less numerous Type (ii) verbs introduce indirect directives As befare too sorne exceptional verbs take a preposition other than to

She demanded ome that She agreed with me that etc

Unlike the nonprepositional verbs of [03] these prepositional verbs alow the that-c1ause to become subject of a corresponding passive clause an option which is more acceptable with extraposition

That several ministers are resigning has been admitted to our correspondent ~ It has been admitted to our correspondent that several ministers

are resigning It has been shown to us al that Miss Jones was innocent

Without the preposition ie with an ordinary indirect object such sentences are at best marginally grammatical 1It has been shown us al that Miss Jones was innocent

~~otc The constructions of lt appc-siexclappe(~iexclcfurseems ro me ha slipclfidaly appear ti) bclvuumlg to the paltero [D3prl but in faet these contain monotransitive verbs with an extraposed tnatshyelause as subject

It occurredlseemed to me that he was Iying esimilar patteros with extraposition in 1634 1659 Note

ID4) Indirect object + finite wh-c1ause object 1661 This pattern of complementatiacuteon is primarily found with the verb ask which

introduces a reported question

John asked me what time the meeting would end ~ 1 was Gsked (by John) what time the meeting would end

AIso used with this pattern are verbs which take an indirect object followed by a that-clause (Type (i) of [03]) but for these the wh-clause tends to be limited 10 nonassertive contexts (cf1635) Compare

George didnt tell them that the train was late [1] George didn t tel them whether the train was late [21

The difference of meaning between the that- and whether-constructiacuteons can be stated in terms of presupposition Sentence [1] typically implies that the train was late while [2] is noncommittal on the matter [04] verbs can also introduce other question words such as where and how

Tvpes of verb complementation 1215

Jim was reluctant to inform us (o) where he got the money Would you remind me (about) how we start the engine

A preposition may always be placed before the wh-c1ause In the aJiexclove cases the prepositiacuteon is optional but in the case of verbs like enquire o (Type [04prJ) the preposition is obligatory iexcl enquired ofthe clerk which doeuments were needed The complex preposition as to can be rather general1y used for introducing the wh-clause eg I enquired as to which documents were needed

[D5) Indirect object + wh-infinitive clause object 1662 This is yet another complementation pattern (comparable with [B5] 1637)

which may be taken by sorne verbs listed under[03] in 1659

advise ask instruct remind show teach tell wam

The instructor taught us how lo land saely - We were taught (by the instructor) how to land saely

They advised him what lO wear in the tropies Please remind me where to meet you afier lunch

The equivalent prepositional verb pattern [05pr] is iIIustrated by suggest to recommend to

Could you please suggest to the visitors which museums to visit

Here as in the [04] type a prepositional phrase introduced by as lO can be used

Helen advised us (as to) how to maintain the machine

f~ iexcl llt ~- I ~ i ~

~i ~ ~~

1663 ID61lndirect object + to-infinitive clause object We have seen that the [03] pattern may be used to introduce indirect statements and that the [04] pattern may be used to introduce indirect questions Now we tuen to the verbs of class [06] which introduce indirect directives (c1433)

1 lOldjadvisedjpersuaded Mark to see a doctor ~ Mark was toldjadvisedjpersuaded to see a doctor

[I] [2]

This complementation category looks like those of[B81 and [C5] in that the verb is followed by a noun phrase and an infinitive construction But the [06] pattern differs from these in that the noun phrase following the verb is an indirect object as will be c1arified in 1666 below As with other verbs introducing indiacuterect speech the subject refers to the speaker of sorne speech act and the indirect object refers to the addressee Like [03] verbs [06] verbs form only the first passive exemplified in [2] above we do not find To see a doctor was lOld Mark The folowing verbs belong to this c1ass

advise command entreat instruct remind teach ask counsel exhort invite request1 tell beg detai[l orbid order recommend urge beseech direct implore persuade challenge enjoin 1 incite l prayl

1216 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Those verbs marked with araised 1 do not have the equivalent construction with a that-clause containing a modal or a subjunctive verb (Types [B3(ii)J [030i)]) Contrast

They ~eg~tedd her to stay another week mm e

They ~eKgtedd (her) that she would stay another week mm e

The alternative that-clause construction however is more formal especially when the indirect object is presento

Note [a] The verb promire when it occurs wiacuteth this kind of complementation is exceptional in that the understood subject of the infinitiacuteve is identified with the subject rather than with the object of the maiacuten c1ause

Sarn prornised me to get some rood

= Sam promised me that he would get sorne roed o Sam promised me that lwould get sorne roed

The present pattern [D6] iexcls however less cornmon with promise than the [B6] pattern without the indiacuterect object Sam promised to get someiexclood lb] Only ordercan be followed by a passive infinitive He ordered Ihem lo be impriacutesonedlreleased

Multiple analysis and gradience in verb complementation 1664 Before we leave verb classification it is important to reflect on the problems

of dividing verbs into complementation types The major division of complementation patterns into copular [AJ monotransitive [BJ complex transitive [C] and ditransitive [OJ categories (introduced in 216) has been extended with little difficulty te include patterns in which the verbs ccmplementation includes finite and nonntildenitc clauses This is the basis rOiacute

the classification Qf verbs into types in 1620-63 aboye But unavoidably our aim of presenting a clear classification has obscured sorne problems of gradience and multiple analysis (e 260ff) and to illustrate these we return to three superficially iacutedentical structures aIread y discussed in 1636 These are now illustrated with three new examples each of which conforms to the pattern NI V N 2 to V N 3 (where N = noun phrase and V = verb phrase)

Table L664a

V N2 to V NJNI

[B8] S V O

We like all parents to visit the schooL

I [1]

[C4] Is V O Co

They James therace I [2]

[D6] I S Oiexcl

We I asked I the students I toattend

Ia lectu~en_~

Types of verb complementation 1217

Each ofthese sentences consists ofthe sequence Niexcl V N 2 to V N 3 and yet we have analysed them respectively as monotransitive (S V O) complex transitive (S V degCol and ditransitiacuteve (S V Oiexcl 0d) A different analysis in sorne ways more revealing would recognize an overlap between two competing descriptions of the intennediacuteate noun phrase N2 There is little doubt that in [1 J this is to be analysed as subject of the infinitive clause (e 1636) whereas in [3J there are equally strong reasons for regarding N as (indirect) object of the main clause (e 1666)

Smiddot V S V O 1shyI I

I I ISmiddot V 0 V OI I I I I iexcl I I I I I I I I I iexcl

NI V Nz 10 V NJ NI V N2 lo V N) I I I I

Fig 1664b Sentence[l] Fig 1664c Sentence [3J

Sentence [2J however partakes ofboth these descriptions From the semantic point of view it requires the analysis of Fig 1664b (ef They expeeted [that James would win the race]) But from the structural point of view the analysis in Fig 1664c is more appropriate reflecting N2s ability to become subject of the passive sentence James was expeeted to win the raee We might reasonably say that in [2J N 2 behaves like an object (0 rather than Oiacute) in relation to the first verb but like a subject in relation to the second infinitive verh Tbe term RAISED OBJECT applied in 1649ffto the intermediate noun phrase of patterns [C4 - Cn incorporates yet another way of recognizing this double analysis by envisaging a process whereby the subject of the infinitive becomes the object of the preceding finite verbo This raised object will be symbolized in what follows SO

1665 Given that the double analysis aboye provides sorne insight into clauses containing nonfinite complementation we could take such an analysis further and apply it to aH complex transitive patterns including the more straightforward SVOC and SVOA pattems of[Cl - C3]

that John is a good driver lB3J 1consider John to be a good driver [C4]

John a good driver [C2]

The paraHelism of meaning and phrasal relations demonstrated in these three sentences recommends an analysis in which the complementation of pattern [C2J John a good driver would be regarded as a clause in its own right ie as a verbless clause consisting of S = John and Cs = a good driver without an intervening V This description would not however displace the by now familiar S V Od Co analysis but would rather be seen as an alternative way of looking at the same construction

---

---

--- ---

1218 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Gradience 1666 The teehnique of multiple analysis stiU leaves some subtletiacutees unexposed

What this teehnique has suggested is that there are the folowing three eategories eorresponding to [1 in 1664

N 2 S We like all parenls to visit the school [1) N2 = SO They expeeted James to win the raee [2] Nz = O We asked Ihe sludents to attend a leeture

But more than three eategories ean be appropriately distinguished if we reeognize [1) and [3] as end-points of a gradient with [2) at some point on the seate between them This area of grammar affords a good example of gradienee

At the monotransitive end of the seale [I) ean be characterized by a number of criteria whieh suggest that N 2 to V N3 (al parents to visit the school) constitutes the direct object of an SVO pattern

(a) It ean be replaced by a pronoun referring to the cIause or noun phrase nominalizing it We like it We like al parens visits

(b) It can be an answer to a what-question A What do you like best

B We like al parents to visit the school (e) In some dialects it can be preceded by the infinitive clause introdueer

for We like (it)for all parens to visit the school (d) It ean easily (when preeeded by for) be the focus of a pseudo-cIeft

sentence What we like (best) is for al parents to visit the school (e) When the sequenee N 2 to V N 3 is turned into the passive form N 3 to be

Vedz by Nz there is no ehange ofmeaning We ike aIl parents to visit the sehcel

= We like the school te be visited biexcl al parents (f) In a reduced construetion the infinitive marker to remains We like them

does not have the same meaning as We like them to

At the other ditransitive end of the seale a eontrasting set of criteria eharaeterize [3) and support the analysis of N2 (the students) as an indireet object and to V N3 (to attend a lecture) as a cIausal direet objeet

(a) 10 V N 3 ean be replaced by a pronoun a noun phrase or a finite clause with Nz still funetioning as indireet object

SOmething We asked the students a question

what they wanted

(b) 10 V N 3 can be the answer to a wh-question while N2 funetions as indirect object

A What did you ask the students B We asked them to attend a lecture

(e) When the sequenee N2 to V N3 is turned into the passive sequence N3 to be Ved2 by N 2 the meaning is always changed

They asked the students to attend a leeture They asked a lecture to be attended by the students

this case indeed the passive transform results in an absurdity)

Types of verb complementation 1219

(d) to V N 3 can marginally become the focus of a pseudo-cleft sentence What they asked the students was to attend a lecture (Contrast the decidedly unaeeeptable What we like the parents is to visil the school)

(e) Nz which like Oi in general is usually personal can be detached from its place after the first V to beeome subjeet of a eorresponding passive sentenee The students were asked to attend a lecture

(n In a reduced eonstruction the infinitive marker to ean be omitted We asked them We persuaded them etc

Note [a] With some ditransitive verbs criterion (a) has to be interpreted as the replacement of the infinitive clause by a preposition and prepositional object (cfI656-8)

They reminded hiacutem ofhis responsibiacutelities One man challenged the other lo a duel

[b] Criterion (d) is less reliacuteable than the others since the pseudo-cleft sentence is unacceptable for many verbs But a pseudo-cleft sentence in which the indirect object is replaced by a prepositional object tends to be more grammatical Whal Ihey asked ollhe sludenls was lO attend a leclure (The alternative construction with the substitute verb do which also occurs with [1] is always more acceptable What Ihey asked Ihe students lo do was lO attend a lecture)

1667 To give a simplified illustration of the analysis of gradience in the sequence NI V N 2 to V N 3 we now take a subset ofthe eriteria listed aboye and apply them to a range of verbs on the gradient eonneeting [1] and [3] of 16_66

(1) (3) (4)(2) wantask elect intend

CRITERIA likeallow expectlel~ etc I etc etc etc~ (a) lo V N 3 can be replaeed by - - -+a finite clause

(e) ehange of meaning in passive -+ +of N 2 10 VN3

(e) N 2 can beeome subjeet of passive -+ ++

Fig 1667 A eomplementatiacuteon gradient

The matrix uses only three criteria and thereby distinguishes only four categories This is sufficient to indicate the principie however that the three categories [BS] [C4] and [D6) of our taxonomy eould be broken down iexclnto a finer spectrum of eategories between which the differences are small In effeet Fig 1667 distinguishes two subeategories of [C4] one (including elect and allow) whieh is c10ser to the ditransitive type and one (including inlend and expect) eloser to the monotransitive type Elect and allow respond to cri terion (e)

They elected Miss Coe to suceeed the present seeretary They elected the present seeretary to be sueceeded by Miss Coe

We dont allow residents to entertain visitors We dont allow visitors to be entertained by residents

1220 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

while intend and expeet do not

They intended the students to see the professor = They intended the professor to be seen by the students

They expeet the students to enjoy the classes = They expeet the classes to be enjoyed by the students

Note Por verbs in group (3) the voice oflhe infinitive clause and the voiceofthe main clausemay be independently varied with the result Ihat a SlIacutentence like They expected the students lo enjoy lile classes has tbree corresponding passiv~s with iexclhe same meaning

They expected the classes to be enjoyed by the students The students were expecled lo enjoy the classes

The classes were expected lo be enjoyed by the students

The last example has a passive verb phrase in both the superordinate clause and Ihe infinitive clame

Adjective complementation

168 Categories of complementation in adjective phrases (ef 228 721-2) are similar in variety to those ofverb complementation We distinguish [El-ES)as follows

[El] Complementation by a prepositional phrase [E2] Complementation by a that-clause [E3] Complementation by a wh-clause

i[E4) Complementation by a than-clause [ES] Complementation by a to-infinitive clause [E6] Complementation by an -ing participle clause

These complementation patterns can occur after an adjective (andmiddot its modifiers if any) in various syntactic functions For example

The violiacuten iacutes (rather) difficut to play (adjective phrase as CJ

Mary found the violiacuten (rather) diffieut to play (adjective phrase as CJ

The violiacuten is an instrument (rather) diffieult to play (adjective phrase as postmodifier)

The on1y posiacutetion in which an adjective cannot normally be followed by iacutets complementation is the premodifying position in a noun phrase a keen child on ehess But here too with certain constructions (Types [ES(iraquo) and [ES(v)D the complementation can follow discontinuously after the head noun The violiacuten is a diffieult instrument to play (ef discontinuity with comparative constructions IS75) For illustrative purposes we will confine examples in the following sections to the subject complement function The lists like the verb lists in 1620-63 will be selective

Adjective complementation 1221

Note There is a considerable parallel as the categories [El-ES] aboye demonstrate between patterns associated with adjectives and those associated with monotransitive verbs The chief difference is that adjectives cannot be followed by a noun phrase object To bring out the parallel further we could describe adjectives exemplified in 1669 below (averse to conscous oJ etc) as prepositional adjectives comparable with prepositional verbs We could moreover identify phrasal adjectives (derived from participiaI forms ofphrasal verbs) such as ron down (exhausled depressed) and phrasaI-prepositionaI adjectives such as fed up (with) These tatter variants however are rare enough lo be disregarded in the foUowing lists

[E1] Adjective complementation by a prepositional phrase 1669 Like prepositional verbs adjectives often forro a lexical unit with a following

preposition good atfond oj opposedto etc The lexical bond is strongest with adjectives for which in a given sense the complementation is obligatory Max is averse to games Max is averse Such adjectives are marked 1 in the following lists

The lists make a distinction between participial (ef 715-19) and nonparticipial adjectives The differencebetween participial adjectives and the -ed participle of the passive construction is discussed in 375-77 These lists provide on1y a small sample of the adjectives accompanying the prepositions concemed In particular it is often possible for the same adjective to go with two or more prepositions as in angry about angry at and angrywith

ABOUT He was very worried about her reaction (ef960)

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

angry knowledgeabe aggrieved frightened glad mad annoyed pleased happy reasonable delighted worried

AT She was badat mathematics (ef962)

NONP ARTICIPIAL P ARTlCIPIAL

angry good alarmed disgusted brilliant hopeless amusedmiddotmiddot pleased elever terrible delighted puzzled

FROM Thevillage is remotefromthe bustle ofcity life (ef918 947)

different distant distinct free remo te

OF She was aware ofhis difficulties

NONPARTlCIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

eonvineed ashamed empty proud1 afraid conseiousl glad

seared eapable fond 1 short1 tired certain full worthy

ONUPON Their plan was based on cooperation

NONPARTICIPIAL IPARTICIPIAL

contingent1 intent1 reliantl basedl set1

dependent keen severe hentl

Yiexcl

1222 Complementation of verbs and adjectives ~ Adjective complementation 1223

Note lal In general choice of preposilion remains the same after morphologicalIy related verbs adjectives and nouns differentftom differ from differencefrom But Ihis eorrespondence is not always lo be relied on contrastfull ofwilhfilied wllh proudofwith pride in lb] Other prepositions whieh less comrnonly enlee into adjective + prepositlon idioms iexclnelude for and lowards graleful for sorry for inclined towards le] Usedfollowed by the preposition lO a more informal synonym ofaccustomed(to) is participial in spelling but has the speeial pronuneiation nus~ Unlike accustomed however used does not oceur with a following infinitive (ef 1679) This adjeetival used to in spite of identity of spelling and pronunciation is quite distinet from used lO as a marginal modal (cf344) Contrast

Im used lO hard work I used ro work hard Id] In the past prescriptive objeetions have been made to the use of to ralher Ihan from after averse and different Howevee ro is the normal preposition to fol1lt11 averse and differenr 10 is quite widely used (esp in BrE) as an altemative lo differentfrom On iJifferent rhan cf1566 Note 1674

le] Wilh can be omitted after (fn)compalibie if the subject is plural cfmutual participation 1360

middotCarl is incompatible OUT Cad and Eva are incompatible

[E2] Adjective complementation by a that-clause 670 Like that-clauses following a verb that-clauses folIowiacuteng an adjective may

have

(A) indicative verb 1am sure (that) he is here now (B) subjunctiacuteve verb They were insistent (that) we be ready (formal) (C) putativeshould Im sorry (that) he should hove left ltformal)

The uses of the mandative subjunctive and of putative should have been discussed in 359 and 1425 respectiacutevely Putative should often occurs after expressions of emotion (sorrowjoy displeasure surprise wonder etc) and is often accompanied by intensifying expressions such as so such like thisl that ever or at all The indicative that-clause on the other hand refers to an established fact The foHowing pairs illustrate choices of construction

1 (that) 1 have to leave so early am sorry (that) you should have been (so) inconvenienced

(that) you didnt call the doctor before 1 am surprised (that) anyone ofyour intelligence should swallow a tie

likethat

With some adjectives (those in category [E2b(iiacute)] 1672) the should-clause can be paraphrased by an infinitive clause with a subject

It was natural for him to go to London after the war = It was natural that he should go to London after the war

That-clauses cannot be preceded by preposiacutetions Hence adjectives which are constructed with prepositions before noun phrases ([El]) drop the preposition before a that-clause (cfI628) Compare the folIowing

OfhiS innocence [E1 ] 1am convlnced (th ) h t [E2]at e IS mnocen

Many that-clauses folIowing an adjective are actualIy subjects postponed by extraposition (cf1833)

lt is lucky (that) you came - That you came is lucky

These are listed separately in 1672

lEla) Adjectives with experiencer (cflO23 Note) as subject 1671 (i) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATIVE VERB ONL Y (cfNote [a] below)

These adjectives express degrees of certainty or confidence aware certain corifident sure

We were corifident that Karen was stiacutell alive

(ii) THAT-CLAUSE HAS PUTATIVE SHOULD OR SUBJUNCTIVE VERB

(or marginally aloo an indicative verb) The three principal adjectives in this class are anxious eager and willing

he should be permitted to resiacutegn 1 Are you willing that he be permitted to resign 1

1he is permitted to resign 1 ~

(On the distribution of these three altematives cfI630)

(iH) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATIVE VERB OR PUTATIVE SHOULD

These adjectives express emotions

Im so thankful that nobody was hurto Were you surprised that Ray should win the prize

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

afraid hopeful alarmed depressed horrified angry proud amazed disappointed irritated glad sad amused distressed pleased grateful sorry annoyed disturbed shocked happy tha7lkful astonished frightened upset

There is a tendency to prefer the putative should construction in nonassertive contexts or where the adjective has negative or unfavourshyable associations

TO AH capital gains are subject to taxation NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

answerable close liableacute accustomedl

averse l due1 simz1ar allied1I WiTH This plan is not compatible with our princiacuteples

NONPARTICIPIAL I PARTICIPIAL

angry busy

happy impatient

annoyed bored

ClJmfortable incompatible1 concerned compatibleacute sick delighted content familiar friendly furious

uneasy depressed disappointed disgusted dismayed distressed

inclined1

opposed1

drunk enchanted obsessed occupied overcome pleased satisfied taken1

1672

1224 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Adjective complementatlon 1225

Note [a] The restriction oC Type (i) above lo indicative verbs only is meant to allow Cor the use of T

Note [a] Although tlle pro-forms so and n01 cannot be used after tllese [E2bI adjectives (ef 1671modal auxiliaries including should in a nonputative sense eg I am a~are that I should [= ought 1lo] havejoined longago iexcl Note [bJ) there iexclsa possibilityofreplacing the adjective + solnat by a related adverb + sonot

[b) Afraid is unique among adjectives in that it accepts the pro~oun so (and iexclts negative equivalent Mt) as a that-clause substitute (cfI631) rm afraid SOMI

IElbJ Adjectives with anticipatory it as subject

The that-elause in this eonstruetion is an extraposed subjeet Three types are again distinguished matehing those in 167l

(i) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATlVE VERBONLY (cfI671 Note CaD These adjectives have to do with truthor knowledge

It is true that she never cemes on time

apparent evident likely possible untrue certain implicit obvious true well-known clear indubitable plain unlikely

(ji) THAT-CLAUSE HAS PUTATIVIl SHOULD OR SUBJUNCTIVE VERB (or marginshyaIly also an indicative verb) These adjectives express eoncepts concerned with modality or volition

should be lifted tomorrow It is essential that the ban be lifted tomorrow

(1) is lifted tomorrow

appropriate essentiacuteal important necessary vital compulsory fitting impossible obligatoryshycrucial imperative improper proper

Various deverbal adjectives ending in -able also belong to this group egadvisable desrabIe preferable

(iii) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATlVE VERB OR PUTATIVE SHOULD

This group consists mainly of emotive adjectives and ineludes a large num ber ofparticipial ad jecti ves ending in -ing

Itmiddot strange th t She is so late IS upsetting a she should be so late

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTlCIPIAL

awkward logical alarming perplexing curious odd annoying pleasing disastrous peculiar depressing shocking dreadful sad disappointing surprising extraordinary silly embarrassing fortunate tragie frightening iexclrrational unfortunate irritating

Various -able-ible adjectives also be10ng tp this group admirable eommendable deplorable despieable incomprehensible inconceivable lamentable remarkable understandable unjustifiable etc

ha h l Id l h B Yes obviouslyfortunately soA 1 t IS apparentt t s e IVes oesn t Ive ere B N J I I di t o event y sa y no [b] When an adjective ofType (iii) above occurs after a modal verb construction the that-clause is commonly replaced by an if-clause If the modal verb in the main c1ause is hypothetical (eg would) the verb in the ifmiddotdause is placed in tlle hypothetical pasto Compare

It is sad that you have to leave It will be sad ifyou hove to lea ve

It would be sad ifyou had lo lea ve

[E3] Adjective complementation by a wh-clause 1673 As with that-clauses we have to distinguish those adjeetives ([E3a]) which

are predicated of an experieneer (normalIy a person) as subject and those ([E3bD which go with antieipatory it In the latter case the wh-clause is an extraposed subject Examples are

(onwhat 1should sayo [1]E3a 1was unsure[ 1 (about) whether the problem was solved [2]

[E3b] It was unclear what they would do [3]

Type [E3a1 consists of adjectives which are constructed with prepositions and whieh therefore belong also to Type [EI1 The preposition is sometimes omitted before the wh-clause (ef155 Note reD In Type [E3b] on the other hand no preposition can be inserted bull It was uneear ofabout what lhey would do AIso no infinitive wh-cIause is possible (ef i637) It is unsure where to go is unacceptable unless it refers to sorne aniacutemate being (sueh as a mouse) and is consequently not interpreted in terms of extraposition

Retuming to Type [E3a] we note that in sorne cases the adjective takes a wh-elause in assertive eontexts eg eareful (about) doubtful (as to) fussy (about) puzzled (as to) uneear (about) uncertain (o) undecided (about) unsure (0) unaware (o)

John is careul (about) what he does with his money

Most of these adjeetives are intrinsiealIy negative In meaning In other cases although elsewhere it is associated with an indicative that-clause [E2a(i)] the adjective tends to oceur with a wh-cIause in nonassertive contexts (efI635) eg aware certain eear sure

Are you sure (o) how mueh the maehine costs 1wasnt altogether cleaiexcl- (about) what we had to do

A similar division may be made among adjectives of the antieipatory-it type ([E3b]) Those whieh intrinsieally express doubt and therefore take this strueture even in assertive contexts include doubtful uneertain uneear unsure and unknown Those normally oceurring with an indieative that-elause (le Type [E2b(i)]) inelude apparent eertain obvious and plain They can take a wh-cIause in nonassertive contexts Each type is illustrated in

It was uneear whether an amendment would be accepted It was not obvious how far the westernization process would IO

~ltgt ~~~1~ 1 -~ Adjective complementation 1227

1226 Complementation of verbs and adjectives iexcl

After adjectives of Type [E3a] there may also occur an infinitive wh-clause 1 was uncertain (oi) what to do This is preferable to the finite c1ause in cases illustrated by [1-3] aboye since the subject can remain unexpressed in the reduced nonfinite version

[E4] Adjective complementation by a than-clause 1674 There is an unusual construction in which a noncomparative adjective is

foIlowed by a comparative than-clause as complementation Different is the only adjective which fits into this pattero and even then there is a tradition which regards the use of than here as impropero There is however no felicitous alternative to the different than construction in examples such as

Shes quite a different girl than she wasfilie years ago [11 The various styliacutestic variants of and alteroatives to the than-clause after different are examined in 1566 Note lb] When the c1ause is reduceacuted to a noun phrase it becomes possible to usefrom as an alternative to than

The unions are taking a very different attitude ~ the employers

When the noun phrase folIowing thanffrom cannot be derived by ellipsis from a c1ause than is decidedly less acceptable thanfrom

The main languages of southern India are totaIly different In origin

~~~ those ofthe northern partofthe country

Note [al On differenlrom and different 10 1669 Note [dI [bj It is aloo possible for a Ihan-c1ause to be used after he adverb difilrently

In the west of the country they pronounce their vowels quite aifferently han (they do) in the easl

The same prescriptive objections are made to differenlly Ihan as to different Ihan

[E5] Adjective complementation by a to-infinitive clause [675 We distinguish seven kinds of construction in which an adjective is foIlowed

by a to-infinitive c1ause They are exemplified in the following sentences which are superficially alike

Bob is splendid to wait (ii) Bob is slow to react

(iii) Bob is sorry to hear it (iv) Bob is hesitant to agree with yOU (v) Bob is hard to convince

(vi) The food is ready to eat (vii) lt is important to be accurate

In Types (i-iv) the subject of the main clause (Bob) is also the subject of the infinitive c1ause We can therefore always have a direct object in the infinitive clause if its verb is transitive Por example if we replace intransitive wait by transitive build in (i) we can have Bob is splendid to build this house

Por Types (v-vii) on the other hand the subject of the infinitive is unspecified although the contextoften makes clear which subject is intended

In these types it is possible to insert a subject preceded by for eg in Type (vi) The food is ready (jOr Ihe children) to eat

Infinitive complementation following adjectives modified by lOO and enQugh is discussed eIse Note where in 1S73

(ES(i)) Bob is Iplendid to wait Type (i) has an analogue in a construction involving extraposition (cf1833)1676 1t is splendid of Bob lo wait This type OC construction also permits a head noun between the adjective and the infinitive

Bob must be a spiendid craftsman ~ ~~bUilt this house

As this example shows the infinitive may be perfective We may also compare constructions in which an evaluative noun with its determiner

replaces the adjective

ffoolishYourelafool to spend so mucho

WOnderfUl Youre 1 to walt for me anange

Adjectives in this group are evaluative of human beha~iour They inelude

careful crazy mad silly wise careless greedy nice unwise wrong

These adjectives can also occur with anticipatory il and an of-phrase as additional complementation (cf1682)

It was foolish of you to spend so mucho

IE5(Hraquo) Bob is IOW to react In Type (ii) the sentence corresponds to one in which the adjective becomes 1677 an adverbwhile the infinitive becomes the finite verb

Bob is slow to react - Bob reacts slowlyc

In another analogue the adjective is followed by in and an -ing participle Bob is slow in reacting The infinitive verb phrase must be simple for example unlike the inftnitive phrase in [E5(i)] it cannot be perfective Bob is slow ItJ have reacted Other adjectives in this small group are quick and prompt

There is also a partial adverbial analogue (e8127ff) for Type (i) but in Type (i) unlike Type Note (ii) the perfective infinitive andeven the get-passive (e366) can be used

loan was wise to resigno ~ loan wisely resigned loan was careless to get beaten - loan carelessly got beaten

loan is careless to have got beaten

IES(iuumlraquo) Bob is 10rry lo hear it In Type (iexcliexcli) the head of the adjective phrase is an emotive adjective 1678 (commonly a participial adjective) and the infinitive clause expresses

causation

1679

1228 Complementation of verbs end adjectives

Im sorry to have kept you waiting [rm sorry because I have kept you waiting]

1 was exeited to be there [- To be there exeited me]

Adjectives in this group correspond c10sely to the adjectives followed by a that-clause in 1671 (Type [E2a(iii)D

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

afraid angry ashamed content furious glad

happy impatient indignant jubilant thankful

annoyed astonished bored coneerned delighted depressed

disgusted dissatisfied embarrassed fasemated frightened interested

overwhelmed perturbed puzzled relieved surprised worried

disappointed overjoyed

IE5(ivraquo) Boh is heaitant to agree withyou In Type (iv) the head of the adjective phrase expresses volitional meaning or a modal meaning such as ability possibility or liability Examples are

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

able keen determined anxious Iiable disposed apt Iikely [E2b] fated[E2b] eertain [E2b] loath inclined curious powerless poiseddue prone prepared eager ready [E5] (all) set eligible reluetant unqualified fit [ES] sure [E2b] free [ES] unable greedy weleome hesitant willing impotent worthy

The adjectives marked [E2b] occur with a corresponding construction with extraposition of a that-clause

JilI is likely to attend - It is likely that JiU will attend

Those marked [E5] are capable of occurring with an infinitive construction of passive meaning ie with an indefinite implied subject and a coreferential implied object

Theyare not fit to eat = They are not tit to be eaten

Some ofthe most common adjectives in this list have a tendency to coalesce with the preceding copula 10 form a semimiddotauxiliary verb (ef3A7) be able to be willing to be sure to In addition to modal and volitional adjectives some adjectives ofaspectual meaning such as aeeustomed and wont may be placed here

Adjective complementation 1229

We are aecustomedto take teaon the terrace (formal) He was wont to leave the office at 5 pm (formal archaic)

(ES(vraquo) Bob is lard to convince 1680 In Type (v) the subject of the sentence is identified with the unexpressed

object of the infinitive clause which must therefore have a transitive verb hence the unacceptable Bob Is hard to arrive There is an analogous construction in which the adjective is complement to an infinitive c1ause acting as (extraposed) subject (ef 1836)

- To convince Bob is hard Bob IS hard to convmce It is hard to convince Bob

Adjeeacutetives so used refer 10 degrees of ease or comfort and iexclnclude

awkward hard tough (informal) eonvenient impossible trieky (informal) difficult niee (informal) unpleasant easy pleasant

Unless there is ellipsis we cannot omit the infinitive c1ause and so there is no semantic implication between (say) The bread was hard to bake and The bread was hard Unlike the preceding types Type (v) permitsfor + subject to be inserted at the beginning of the infinitive clause Those darts are trieky (for a beginner) to use Where the infinitive has no overt subject its implicit subject is understood to have an indefinite meanihg

Jack is easy 10 fool =Jack is easy for anyone to foo

Note With some adjectives in this group such as nice or unpleasant the entailment relation between be + adjective ro V and be + adjective is less easy lO avoid eg Jenny is nice lo know iacutemplies that Jenny is nice

IE5(viraquo) Thefood is ready to eat 1681 Again in this type the subject of the main clause is identified with the object

of the intinitive c1ause But unlike Type (v) Typemiddot(vi) has no analogous construction with an infinitive clause subject

The food is ready to eat To eat the food is ready

Also we can generally (a) omit the infinitive clause or (b) substitute a passive infinitive clause without change ofmeaning

Are these cups available (to use) = Are these cups available (to be used)

Some adjectives of this type such as availablefitfree ready and suffieient belong additionally 10 Type (iv) so that a sentence like The lamb ia ready to eat is ambiguous in one sense (the most accessible) being equivalent to the passive The lamb is ready to be eaten Then there is a wider set of adjectives which often occur without complementation at all

The air isfrosty (to breathe) Its fur is soft (to touch)

1230 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

In both Type (v) and Type (vi) the subjectofthe main clause can be equated with the prepositional object of the infinitive clause so that the infinitive c1ause ends with a deferred preposition

She is pleasant to talk to (-It is pleasant to talk to her) This paper is terribly flimsy to write on Is the cloth sufficient to make a dress out ol

In Type (vi) as well as in Type (v)for + subjeet may be inserted before the infinitive verb Are these books free (for visitors) to borrow Are these books available to borrow]

(E5(vii)J Jt is important to he accurate 1682 We saw in 1672 that a that-clause following an adjeetive may prove to be a

subjeet postponed by extraposition (ef1833) A to-infinitive clause following an adjeetive may have the same oouree

It is essential to spray the trees every year - To spray the trees every year is essential

The infinitive clause can also be introduced by for + subjeet

It is vital (for the ehildren) to be properly cIad It will be strange (for us) to be living alone

Adjectives ofTypes (ji) and (iii) in 1672 ([E2b]) may have this construction importantJortunate lueky surprising etc Possible also belongs te this group

An addiacutetional group of adjeetives oeeurring after anticipatory it are those adjeetives (ehiefly naming evaluative attributes of persons) whieh occur in pattern [E5(i)] (ef 1676) The adjeetive in this group is often followed byan of-phrase identifying the persones) being discussed

It was wrong (of him) to teIllies iexcli

It is niee ofyou to phone

[E6] Adjective complementation by an -ing participle cfause [683 A number of sub-types ofthis pattem may be mentioned

(i) Busy is followed by an -ing participle clause without subject

Margery is busy writiacuteng Ietters

Worth and worthwhile on the other hand oceur both with and without subjeet

It is seareely worth(while) (youyour) going home

Here worth(while) follows preparatory it and the participle clause is an extraposed subjeet (ef1834) Other adjectives ofthis pattern are pointless and useless (Its pointless buying so mueh food) and adjectives of Type [E2b(iiacutei)J (efl6 72) also sometimes have this complementation absurd awkwardJortunate annoying etc

EIsewhere worth and worthwhile accompany an -ing participle elause without subjeet but with a passive meaning comparable to tbat of the infinitive elause in pattern [E5(v)] (ef1680)

Complementation of abstract nouns 1231

The cartons are worth(while) saving ( Its worth(while) saving the cartens)

(iv) There is a variant eonstruction in whieh a preposition oecurs between the adjective and the participle clause In some cases the preposition is optional (cf(i) aboye)

Im busy (with) getting the house redeeorated Werefortunate (in) having Aunt Mary as a baby-sitter

In other cases the preposition is obligatory We are used to not having a car (cf1669 Note [e]) Im hopeless at keeping the garden tidy Shes not capable oflooking after herself

Note [al The adjectival constructions in (ii) above may be compared in some cases with nominal constructionsof equivalent meaning

ts 110 goaduse telling him anything Theres 110 point (in) telling him anything

8uch constructions are introduced either by anticipatory il (el 1833) or by eltistential there (el 184$) AmE also hu Theres no use telling him anythlng (b) Worthwhlle is sometimes spelled as two words The vacillation between the spellings worthwhile and worth while reflects an unclarity about the status of this sequence which may altematively be regarded as the preposition worth (eI96) followed by a noun Compare

lts not worth your whife staying lts not worlhh whh~e (your) staying worl w 1

Complementation of abstract nouns

1684 In this coneluding section we will show as a conneeting link between this chapter and the next how the pattems of complementation described for verbs and adjectives in 1620-83 are aloo to be found with abstraet nouns which are morphologieally related to those verbs and adjectives (ef nominalization 1751ff and appositional constructions 1726 1735) For example the noun likelihood is derived from and semantically related to the adjective likely It is therefore not surprising that a construction associated with the adjeetive Is found with the corresponding noun

It is likely that Joan will get married [1]

The likelihood is that loan will get married [21 the likelihood that Joan will get married [31

But the assumption of eorrespondence eannot be automatie for it may faiacutel in both direetions

loan is likely to get married Joan s likelihood to get married

It is likely of J oans getting married the likelihood of Joans getting married

------__shyiacute1 11

COMPLEX INTRANSITIVE CONSTRUCTIONS p H MATIHEWS

1 Introduction

In sentences such as [1J

ArR C~Iltiacuteltmiddotli N ([1J Th~deitgreen ~

he construct~oEJ~QLordf JJP~ that GCE850ff describes as 9QMfLEX JRANSITIV~ Ofthe elements in questionit and made are related a~Jn tQllt ~imple transitive

j [2J They made it

YihiJe ir and green a~_~latelasinasimple_ltQI1llar_sentence ( [3] lt is green (- lt

~f the type that following Lyons (l977469ff) raquoe will call ASCRIPTIVE raquouacutet greacuteen- also standsJna direcueJordf9lsJIacuteIL ordm~_iii~de the object and adjective exemplifying a single I2atteIILof VERB COMllEMe~nrJ91 This paUCIDl can be sajd torepresenta IJJS10N (G e E 850) ofJ~ltsimpler transitiv iexcll~J~Jjpiexcly_e_tjPes - _shy

IH~~_sfiE~~Ve can be fused with th~~~tY_e_(lri~alsoP~ fused with theintransitixe1 Insentildetentildeces SUChas[4] -

MI It turned green

~construc~~~~~]y idmtifkQyaacuteth th~ of l3J in both examples the

l]

~ ~ ~ ENGLISH GRAMMAR

verb is described as copularor in the terminology of GCE820f as taking intensive complementation But neither description is quite appropriate to1 both cases In the~ptive sentence there i indeed no mor~than~pYhL~

1 2ampffiMical iP~ betwe~ the adjective and its subject~ plainly this ~ ~ is not true of [4] whose verb TURN has its own specific meaning lf turned~ iacute I is a full verb it must then be the govemor of green as made is in (1) in that

iexcl ~ sense there is cornplernentatjon But we express nothing by assigning such a complernentation to the copula A solution is to c1ass I4] as a COMPLBX

IITMNSITIVE iL~onsect_trJltiordmL being an extension of th~simpleJmransiUacutelLe _shy~ i I5] It turned

j precisely as that of (1) is extended from that of [2)iexcl

2 Fused constructions

Let us take our cue from GCEs referenee to fusionlo the simpl~L =nfu~~~_~~~~~~~)t1ecltgtnstVf1ionconsistso(asingJULeAicJ~tQI(lgde) which in a dependency ana~is has both the subject and the object as its dependents or to adapt G CEs term has both a subjeet and an oJkltt asit complementation lnJhaL~se (2) has a _K1U~~~_~ruetion (Lyons i977) w1jch cannotJiexclJLr~s~Cl9JUnQ(lt_e~mentary relationships of ptediCJJQJkSo too has the simple intransitive (5] vi1ihidepeiioenforior forming the complementation of tumed So too has the simple aseriptive [3] its predicator on the analysis ofLyons and others is the adjective green One reason for relatlng the subject to the adjective is that the elements are jointly subject to selectional restrictions A reason for not relating either to the copula is that the latter stands aside (rom these restrictions adding none ofitsown

In a fused construction the pattem ls neither strictly kernel nor straightforwardly non-kemellnJhegmplex transitive [lL1oth1tan41~Y are again direct ~cngents of made these relatio~_elQ~ the words in FigJbx direC1~ltaI~_uacutela~~I~Qordf-ordfl9blleiexcl)Uumlnamp21uacuteward frollLthe

~d

(aJiquest-Fig 1

[42]

P H Matthew$

p~ed~~ So is green arc el this too being supported by selectional restrictions We are therefore dealing with a single clause rooted in made of which each word is a distinct element But green js a1soapredicator in iexclelation to il (are d)J that wav we are dealing with two kernelp~QlS th~ fuurtermclauseinfQmQrating bothtM_~tuet~[IDJr~JlsitiYlljh~ twoshytenn a~-middot -_shy

In Fig 1 we have diagrammed what any grammarian will propose provided that his terminology or his notational apparatus allow him to say it Iut similar reasonjng applies to the construction which we have called the ~IpJex ln~~-ordfEsitive Of the relationships showninf1g --~~t~~~~_

it turned green

aAacutebJ Fig2

to ir (arcc)_isagainasintheascripJjy~ and needs no further cornment But the final element is clearly suJiexcliect to ru19jtional resr=l~ordmI~ tlTlJRI_ im~~tordm-~~it~~rAUQj~9iY_I9U~l~~ed noun (He turned pink He turned kings eVidence) iQ~~~1lined phrase is exCiuacuteded (He turned arog)

tDle~sthe p~e~~i0rl~lJ9rtn is ~~jordmntildei[qiireifitetuumlmed iexclnto a frog) ~itt G-ordm-1h exdusi(m is abgolule one cannot even say He went into a criminal

f [he adjeqtive is also Iimlted to specific collocations For example one can say It turned sour or Ir went sour but it is harder to accept Ir grew sour 1 Conversely one can say He grew od but not He went od On that evidence

j we may establish a relationship of dependency between green and tumedj (arc b) The verb too can then be related to the subject (arc a)

1 Epgth o~2am~ thefe is one terro ir lVhich is a9~de~~~~t1 theascriptile anCITlieletbalk~m~1 (Fig 1 ares b and d Fig 2 ares a and c) The fusion is then effected by a further link (Fig 1 arc e Fig 2 are b) in which ond of the two predicators een is ineo orat~a~_ ordf d~RendenlO(th~ I re atlon that uirk an4hl~ COU~_~ampI~s-1 jn the case of th complex intransitille hall app1ied the Iean intlaquo=nsve

mmplementatio~gly describe he yaleruLQ(IUN or iexcl l otIllBNinthisuseJuh~int~siYeint[ansitivx But the insight intildeaacute I

alsQ be extended to the complex transitiye In that spirit MAKE or MAKE as

used in sentences such as W might appropriatelL be described ~~_~n_ i ~ntensive transitive -J -bull_--------shy

[43)

ENGLISH GRAMMAR

3 Distinctions between tbe complex intransitive and other partly similar constructions

For a three-term construction Fig 2 shows the maximum number of interconnections with each term related to each of the others The miacutenimum isone thus for the ascriptive (3) we have adopted the structure shown i~

L with l~~E2nd te~~Il2= tlliacuten amaroe~ ordmrS1PP9~g~lexn~~ ~eLClatiacute9D~t~~~~t~first an~~~hir~ But this leaves five other possibilities which in theory might be realized ust as the second element_lt~p~ltmark(r ordfs inEig 3bullKlJQQmgordmHhetordm-iriexcl in thatJ~SiquestOillY

iacutet is green

Fig3

1he_verb vQ1lld_be a predicatorrwithonl)l1he_~ygtject related 10 it This structure does not seem to be realized at least not in away whiacuteCh is -relevant to our analysis Asecond_possibil~iuhatJmly the verb a~ ~~~iexcltiY~L iquestnjgl~~_rell~q in that ca~e bot~redicatoS_w-ordmyldIgt~ impersonal-vUh lh~su~ject a me~m~ce-filler This structure might conceivably be suggested for exampIacuteesmiddotSuumlch as [6]

[6] It got mistier

with a so-called ambient it But although it may indeed be ambient with respect to mistier it need not follow that it is ambient with respect to got

In the remaining cases no element is a marker but there are only two instead of three interconnections Ir there wem no link betw-IlJhe subject ~YMh(Ejg 2 are a) the verb1tSelf would agajn be impersmordf-~ I~ transformational terms its surface subject would be derived by raising (Postal 1974) from a subordinate adjectival clause lf th3ewere no intensiye lipk between the first and second predicators (Fg 2 arWJUlt verb would be a simple intransitive taking just t~_S)lbject as its complementation th~on of tbe adjec1iYtLL~ then be uumlMrn-~0n[7] forexample --- -_~

Eacutel He arrived saber J (~ eacute cc L f ~ 2 f

grammars do not establish an intensive or copular use of ARIUVB Finally

[44]

1 P H Marrhew$

if the ascriQive lik wer~~2ken iacuteEiKbJ~~ f)hHordmjlti~~ment woulordm-no longer bJlta predicaQ~ltiexclHQle wQuldin~teadb~ADVJllqt~iexcl as in 8)

(8) He ran fa~t

There is no doubt that the intensive construction is distinct from the adverbial and that sober in [7] is at least more circumstantial than green in It turned green But the subject-verb relation is more problematic in that a raising transformation has been proposed for one at least of the G C E s intensive verbs Let us therefore take that distinction first

31 Ofthe twenty or so most common intensive verbs (GCE821) SEEM and APPEAR particularly lend themselves to transformational analysis On the evidence of sentences such as [9]

(2) It seemed that they wereamp~e~

_U~naIlJral lo establish an underlying ~~ct~~

J~sIhey were green]~ seemed

irlYhIacutetEw~4)srelate(L1ot to they J~Q9green indhiOacute1lally but to the yiole ascri2tive kernelrom the same structure a sentence such as [10)

[10] They seemed to be green

can then be derived by further transformations of subject raising and infinitive formation Froro the structure reaJized by [Io]lIleare n3tllcalli

~m~ed to derive the comple~_~transiti~euacutell

[u) They seemed gre~

by a further transformation deleting the copuiacutea For SEEM the rules deriving [10] and [u] would both be optional But for

other verbs such as TURN or GO We could make them obligatory so It turned green could be the only realization of an underlying sUr was greenls turned the ambient Ir got misrier - [6] aboye - a realization of say s[mistier]s gorand so on If the obligatory rules were then restricted to the copula we would also ensure that any other form of embedded structure (g[he eft]s turned or g[he kissed her]s grew) was filtered out By such means a treatment which is widely accepted for SEEM and for which the evidence is at first compelling could be extended if it were thought appropriate to the entire intensive intransitive class

There are good reasons for not thinking it appropriate In a sentence such as [12]

[12] Harry got drunk

Qn~JsllQIacuteli~ply talking of a_~ate tha~ reslllttI s~o t~a~ ~~rry vs (45)

ENGLISH GRAMMAR

drunk or Harrys drunkenness happened) Nor is Harrya mere theme or tliexclfc (Aacute~-to-KarryQruniexcliquestenneacuteSs-l1ippened to him) tlamp11tbject iexclS1

potentia1lt-at-l~st--alMl~tgh-ge~~amp9run_~ wassoID1hiiL~hatJIal did The--verb mayaccordiacutentilde-gly take a subject adjunct (O CE 466]) thus I delibera tey got drunk or He foo(lshy turned traitor It may also supply the complement of a conative verb (1 did try to get drunk) may appear in the imperative (Dont get drunk ) and so on For sorne collocations this potentiacuteality is doubtless harder to realize (compare He delibera tey turned bue with He delibera tey turned nasty or He tried ro grow oder with He tried ro grow farter) but that is precisely the case for subjects and predicators generally lt is this semantic role that justifies the first link shown in Fig 2

which an impersonal structure as in (b)

(b) s[Harry was drunkls got

would relegate to the surface If (b) is wrong for Harry got drunk a transformationalist should consider

more carefully w hether a similar structure is correct for Harry seemed drunk Let us assume that it is correct for the construction with a that-clause (It seemed that Harry was dhmk) for SEEM and APPEAR a c1ausal complement does form one possibility Let us also accept that SBBM has a constant sense in all its constructions But for other current intensives (G eE 820 f) the evidence is more complexo With SOUNO a that-clause can be forced for example if a dative is inserted (lt sounds ro me that (hey arent coming) There is also an impersonal construction with as if

[131 It sounds as ifthey were green

which might be thought to derive from the same source The construction of [13] is also acceptable witb LOOK (lt ooks as ifthey arent coming) But between it and the complex intransitive we can find clear disparities in meaning In [13] the judgment is based on indirect clues what sounds or appears from audible information is indeed the whole proposition they were green But in the complex intransitive [14]

[141 They sound drunk

it is based on sounds that they are making For that reason it is harder 10 make sense of They sound green Likewise They [ook drunk means that they from their appearance are so But in It loob as ifthey are drunk the speaker does not even imply that he has seen them (Compare Prom what you say it ooks as if rhey are drunk) Ir we wanted a complex source it would be tempting 10 relate [14] not 10 the impersonal [13] with raising but rather to the personal [Is1

[IS] They sound as iexclfthey are drunk

with the second they deleted

[46]

P H Marthews

Personal and impersonal are often hard to separate as Palmer (1972) and before him Bolinger(l96la) have shown Ofthis group ofintensives TASTE

and 5MBLL are the most restricted in meaning and it is with these that the impersonal construction as in [91 and [131 is least acceptable With TASTE

neither seems likely Ir rasres to me that the soup is saty It tastes to me as if they are sweer If the second example can be interpreted it is by virtue of a blending with the personal construction (compare It tasres as ifit ) With SMELL the construction of [131 may be more acceptable (Ir smells ro me as if dinner is ready) but the blending remains With PEEL a non-tactile sense is possible (Ir fees Iikey) but is less established than the broader senses of LOOK or SOUNO (compare Ir ooks likey II sounds likey) It is in this case that my judgment is least secure would one say for example It fees (or Ir fees to me) as if they were green With SOUNO and LOOK the general sense is well established as in [131 or Ir sounds likely but there is still a sensory meaning as in [14] and [Isl which inhibits the pure impersonal with that With SEEM and APPEAR we are at the end of the continuum both having general senses only Hence the construction of[91 alongside the impersonal with as if (Ir seems as if they were green) Hence perhaps the infinitive construction of [101 with SOUNO and the others this too is awkward (They ooked ro have arrived Or Ir tastes ro me to be sweer) But it does not follow that the semantical1y general They seem drunk differs in syntax from the specifically sensory They sound drunk or They smell drunk We can even force an active interpretation of the subject thus They tried lO appear drunk or I deliberarey seemed irrftated

32 As [11] with SEEM Hes on a gradience between personal and impersonal so there are others which raise problems in distinguishing intensive from adverbial and circumstantial constructions For there is no criterion which is both sufficient and necessary

The obvious step is to tesectt for simpler transforms Thus J9r [12] Harl~ qrunk ~e can comp~jiexcleJgtimple a~ve Harry was drul~ TRANSFORM in that firstIy it is a a d secondly the predicator

-ORUNK hasnot a tq~ sense s no intraiiSIuvetrans[oacuterintilde ~stiiis~se of G BI is oot ~ble Nor has 4 r tumeirgeacute-iexcl an intransitive transform It turned since this involves a different sense oC TURN Ir there~~ an ascriptive transform but n9-Wn~itive the JhirdeiacuteeDlen t mult be a complementi so [41 and [12] must be complex intransitive Ir there is neither transform it MA y be complement but the col~of verb and adjective mjgbt rCaSantildea be classed as idiomatic Thus The roses have run wild has no transform The roses ve iiOr-aacuteoes it strictly match The rOSes are wild But WILO is at least an adiecti~ must stand in sorne relationship to the verb therefore R UN WILO is right1y

chmldw-rresultintensive (O eE) ---shy-- -_--g ~ _---_bull ~ shy

[471

ENOLISH ORAMMAR

If there is a simple intransitive but no ascriptive transr2ffil--_~~~ coacutentildeSffiiClioacutentilde-intildeuumlSt]ie iexcljdve(J2iacuteaIYlIacuteustrivialIy He ran iexcliuieacutekly has no ascriptive tiexclansfo~ He was quickly less trivially He travelled light does not match He was ight But what if we find both rlJgJQQordf~tillha$ordflJ ascriEtive _~ran~f~rrlJ~eYI1Jer~_~~ ~sectmL1aY-J~_a~~plement circumstantjallik~iilelltjnThey-sJoQdsilent ordfytlb~~j~llsothe simpler intran~1ti~ fbilystQPf so still ~ight be anadver~ like sileniTyintilde-fiieystood silenty Since there is no distinct form srilly the latter is hard to rule out For It shone white we can compare the formally adjectivallt shone brighr again there are both transforms (Ir shone Ir was white) But It shone brighr is c10se in meaning to the formaUy adverbial Ir shone brighry could white be an adverb in default of or as the commoner altemative to whirely Blending may aIso be found in idioms For example it is fruitless to ask if doggo is an adjective or an adverb in He is Iying doggo

For the circumstantial case both transforms are necessary thus [7] He arriuacuteiid sober has the triexcliexclntildeiiiacuteormsmiddotiexcliexcluacuteli-iexcliexclved andHe wasectSoacutebe Wewoacuteuumllifiliso ixpeeacutetthilUumlheveromiddotantildedmiddotildjectTe-shouId befreeOi collocationaI restrictions so He arrived sober He left sober He Jeft satisjied He arrived satisfied and so on But it is very hard to say when such a requirement iacutes meto One does not say for example They stood noisy or They sroodpeacefuJ on that evidence They stood sient might be classed as complex intransitive But neither is one likely to say They arrived noisy or They arrived kind Is that too a matter of collocational restrictions so that [7] is also intensive Or is it merely that NOISY and KIND are ill suIacuteted 10 this construction7 At this point jt is tempting to distinguish degrees of circumstantiality The extreme case would be represented by such sentences as [16]

[16] They stood there exhausted

(Iikewise They have arrived quite sober) where the adjective and verb are marked as separate Beside [16] the construction in [7] is less clearly circumstantial in They stood sient or They stoodfidgering it is perhaps even r less so But this last might stilJ be seen as less intensive than for example

iexcl They stood amazed Likewise They feJl exhausted is less clearly intensi ve than 1 They fell sick since it involves no special sense of FALL

~

f lrOacutel p1lI1riHmD ~ amires f0tr eompiex trlmSitive fu Tlieyfbuntlliim~

guilry there is a special sense OfPIND as ofMAKE in They mode it green In TIwy rrun Juacutem JOber tbat IacuteoS DO spcciiexcll SCDSII of)lEET~ by tbat cS ~ is more eircumsumlial BUl onc la unlikely lO say for eumple They me hlm meditative

4 Finally there is an obvious gradience between the coxnP-1ex intransitive ~nct the simple ascriptj~ With TURN 01 GROW there are~-selecUumlonal restrictions as we have seen With SBJlli or SIhV tney are far fewer

[48J

P H Matthews

neverthelesson~canI1Q~~yfordmr_~ordfmplelfil_sectil1Ied chairmqf1-ltcompareH~ stayelt chairman Qr1fsectJjiquest_riquest~cordfirmordfl1) or It srays obvious that (compare It seemsobvious that or It remainsobvious that ) With REMAIN it is hard to find any but at least the intransitive exists He remained) and their senses can be related Wth BECOMB that evidence too is lacking He became drunk can be distinguish-ed(rontildei1lieasgiptiYlt1g lu7ntl1k onlyJ~iiui~s from jts resultative meaning -_-

This merging has ied grammarians to treat the constructions together But we can do this only by assimi)ating BE to the mode) of verb complementation (as in GCE) not by assimilating TURN and so on to the model of a copula likethecpmplexrordfnsectitiy~nl_e compleimrap~W~i~ ayoor ca~~idatefltY-l~LIl~Jlt~IQ~-ordf_~~rnelltructllr~middot

M

~_

Page 4: in - UGR · (III). 11-70 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1171 Note [a] The ... In addition, we shall use where necessary the suffixes 'ph' (for

1174 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Semantic notes on copular verbs 1623 The main verb be i8 the most central copular verb and the most neutral in

meaning It i8 also overwhelmiacutengly the most common Although it generally has current and stative meaning notice should be taken eacutel its use also in reference to events and acti vities

There was a roar as the ball bounced off the goal post Youre being very helpful (cf431)

In sorne cases be is close in meaning to become

Ann wi1 be a qualified nurse next year Cora was angry when she heard about the accident

As the list8 in 1621-2 show copular verbs apart from be fa1l into three casses First there iacutes the divisiacuteon between current and resulting verbs then the current verbs divide further into verbs of seeming (ii) (including seem appear and the perceptiacuteon verbs look sound etc) and verbs of remaining (iiiacute) such as remain stay and keep The resulting verbs (iv) are in the main verbs ofbecoming but their meanings diacuteffer in detail as we shall now briefly show

Become is a process verb (cf434) placiacuteng emphasis on the duration of the change whereas get places more emphasis on the agency behind the event or on the result of the change Get ready but not Become ready Go and turn tend to refer to changes which happen in spite of human agency and therefore are often used for deterioratiacuteons go mad go wild go sour go stale turn livid turn white [of hair turn sour Turn more especia1ly seems to apply to natural changes from one state to its opposite turn greenlbrown [of leaves] turnfinejcold [or weather] turn ripe (BrF) Grow i8 also associated with naturiexcliexcll changes especial1y with grfl(ll lth~nges (grCw od gow tall) and 15 likely to occur with comparative adjectives as in grow cooler grow more contento In many cases more than one verb can occur with the same adjective and it is difficult to give precise conditions for selecting one rather than another

Note Come is very restricted as a copular verb but it makes an interesting contrast with go in examples like go wronglcome right The association ofgo wi th deterioration (gd rollen etc) is complemented by the association of come with improvement in come true etc These aSsociations may be connected with the positive and negative direction (from the speakers viewpoint) of come and go as verbs ofmotion

IA3) Complementation by an adjunct 1624 The principal copula that allows an adverbial as complementation is once

again be The complementing adverbials termed predication adjuncts in this function are mainly space adjuncts (cf83 839ff)

The children are at the zoo The kitchen is downstairs

but time adjuncts too are common with an eventive subject (cf8 76)

The party will be at nine The outing is tomorrow

and other types of predication adjunct are grammatical (for further examples cfIOIO)

I

Types of verb complementation 1175

Get and keep are two more copular verbs which occur specifically with place adjuncts (or adjuncts metaphorically related to these)

At last we got home Get offthat chair They kept out oftrouble How did you get here

Be get and keep are clearly copular verbs in this function because of their inability to occur without the adjunct The children are At last we got They kept More marginally other verbs such as five come go remain stay stand fie belong to this category (cf827) These also occur as intransitive verbs with roughly the same locative (or abstract locative) meaning bul are in many contexts felt to be incomplete unless sorne complementation is added

My aunt lives in Shropshire My aunt lives

The need for the verb to be followed by sorne complementation is perhaps strongest in pure locative statements such as Cannes lies on the French Riviera Whereas verbs like Uve and lie show the resemblance of adverbial compleshymentation to the zero complementation of intransitive verbs verbs like remain stay come go turn and grow show its similarity to copular complementation by adjective phrases The parallel i8 brought out by pairs such as

He turned red She grew tall He turned into a monster She grew into afine woman

However for our purposes it will be preferable to treat sequences such as turn into and gmw into as copular prepositiona verbs (cfI622 Note [bJ)

Note [a] The verbs of seeming (eI 1623) seem appear look sound fee smell and laste are complemented by an adverbial clause beginning as if(or less frequently as though) in sentences such as the following

Jilllooked as ifshe had seen a ghost It seems as ifthe weather is improving

(In a similar meaning appear and seem can also be followed by a thalmiddotclause ef 1634) An alternative construction is one in which the as if clause is replacea by a phrase introduced by Iike

That music sounds like Mozar (ie like the music of Mozar] Sil looks (just) like his father

After the same verbs one also frequently hears clauses introduced by Iike but these are often regarded as nonstandard 1 seems Iike lhe wealher is improuillg lb] There is also a curious idiomatic use offeellike (cfI622 Note [a]) meaning want

iexclfeel like a cup ofcoffee Arguably this is not copular it belongs rather to (he category of monotransitive prepositional verbs [Blpr](cf1628)

More exceptional cases ofverbs with adverbial complementation are behave followed by an adverbial ofmanner

well He behaved Hlee a prisoner of conscience

(However behave can also occur intransitively or reflexively as in Why donl you behave (yourselj) )

(ji) lasl and take followed by an adverbial ofmeasure (duration)

tOOk The haymaking lasted (for) a week

1176 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

In the case of lake the duration adverbjiexcliexcll is obligatory since iexclhe verb entails the eompletion of the task In the ease of [1st the adverbial is omissible in such examples as The hOI weolher wonl [asl

Monotransitive complementation 1625 Verbs used in monotransitive function require a direct object which may be

a noun phrase a finite clause or a nonfinite clause In addition to these categories the verb may be a Type 1 prepositional verb (ef 165) or phrasalshyprepositional verb (efI69) which for our present purposes will be treated as analogous to a verb with a direct object We will begin by considering the straightforward case of verbs with a noun phrase as direct object and then continue with variants of this basic pattern

Complementation by a noun phrase as direct object

IBl1 With the passive 1626 Direct objects are typically noun phrases which may become the subject of a

corresponding passive clause

Tom eaught the ball ~ The ball was caught (by Tom)

(On the limitations of the passive transformation ef 367ff) Common examples of monotransitive verbs allowing the passiacuteve are

begin desire get love pass support believe do hear make produce take bite doubt help marr) receive use bring end hold mean remember visil eall enjoy keep meet require want carry expect know mind say wash close feel lead move see waste cut find like need start wateh describe follow lose obtain study win

Sorne of these verbs such as end and move belong to types which can be either intransitive or transitive (ef 1619) Something of the range of monotransitiacuteve verbs can be seen by dividing them into semantic groups according to the kinds of subject and object that they take

(i) Typiacutecally aniacutemate subject + typically concrete object

Professor Dobbs won the prize - The prize was won (by Professor Dobbs)

carry eover examine see throw win clean eat lower stop watch write

(ji) Typically animate subject + either concrete or abstract object

Everybody understood the problem - The problem was understood (by everybody)

abolish define explain invent report utter eover discuss forget lose rt1-le win

Types of verb complementatiacuteon 1177

(iii) Typically animate subject + typically animate object

Mrs W ood liked the new neighbours - The new neighbours were liked (by Mrs Wood)

admire despise hug kiss reject ridieule beat flatter kill meet respect supporl

(iv) Typically concrete or abstract subject + animate object The news shoeked our family

- Our family was shoeked (by the news) affeet boher fasciacutenate incense satisfy trouble appal deceive grieve please surprise upset

Note The following is a sample of monotransitive (or Type Il) phrasal verbs [Blph] with typical objects Further examples are iacutelIustrated in 164

back up [supporf someone] el down [disappoint someone] b[ow dowll (a tree) make up (a story) break off(negotiations) pass over (a questiacuteon) bring about (a change) put acros (an idea) burn down (a house) put off(an appointment) draw up (a contraet) lell off[rebuke someone] fill out (a form) lum off(the light) knock down (someone) win over [convince someoneJ

These Jike the verbs in (Hv) aboye can be used in the passive voiee

IB21 Without the passive 1627 A few stative monotransitive verbs the most common of which is have

normally do not allow a passive transformation

They have a nice house - A nice house is had (by them)

These somiddotcalled MIDDLE VERBS including have laekfit suit and resemble are discussed in detail in 1014

Note A related type ofverb is found in expressiacuteons of measure sueh as cosl len dollars weigh 20 kUos but these can equally well be analysed as having an obligatory adjunet as complementation since How much is an alternatiacuteve question to Whal in eliacuteeiting this kind of expression asa reply

A Whal d eost B Tendollars A Howmuch oes lt weigh B Twentyki[os

Variants of monotransitive complementation

Complementation by nODn phrase as prepositional object

iexclBlprl Prepositional verbs 1628 Although verbs such aslook al have been classified as Type 1 prepositional

verbs (those without a direct object efI65) in the analysis of complemenmiddot tatiacuteon they lit more happily with monotransitive rather than intransitive verbs This is partIy because of the resemblance of the prepositional object to a direet object eg in accepting a passive volee (ef 1614) though usually with some awkwardness of style

1178 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

The managementpaidjor his air rares _ His air rares were paidjor by the management

But also when a prepositiacuteonal verb is followed by a that-clause Oiacute a toshyinfinitiacuteve c1ause the preposition disappears and the prepositional object merges with the direct object of the monotransitive pattern Compare the following two series (A) with a prepositional verb and (B) with an ordinary monotransitive verb

on ~he meeting onlt

(A) The a reed lon meeting each other

y g on when to meet (that) they would meet to meet each other

the meeting it

8) Th b d meeting each other ( ey remem ere when to meet

(that) they had meto to meet each other

Ye the preposition omitted before a that-clause can reappear in the corresponding passive That they showd meet was agreed (on) even in extraposition (ef 1833ff) where the preposition immediately follows the passive verb phrase

It was agreed (on) eventually that they should meet

Examples of Type 1 prepositional verbs are

aeeountfor concemrate on ook alteratunto

addto eonformto objeet lO

adjust lO eonsen to part with

admit lO eontribute to payfor

agree withonto deal with prayfor

aim atfor decideon preaeh aboutlon

aowfor dwe (up)on providefor

applyfor enlarge (up)on quarrel aboutwith

argueabout hear aboutof read about

arrangefor hint at refer to

askfor hopefor rejoiee at

attend to insist on relyon

believe in interfere with resort to

eallfor(up)on learnabout runfor

earefor leeture abouton speak abouton

commenton listen to taketo

complain about Uve on think aboutlof

eonceiveof longfor wishfor

[a] When to precedes an infinitive it is an infinitive marker (as inforgel 10 mee her) and not aNote preposition when it precedes an -ing participle however it is a preposition (as in She consenled lO gelting engaged) Other examples of lO in a prepositional verb preceding an -ing clause are

Types of verb complementation 1179

He admitted lo doing his bit rconfess 10 telling a lie This amounts 10 doing nothing She look In playing golf

[b] Prepositions may combine with that to form complex suoordinators such as in thal saue that excepl that (ef 1412) [e] [n general choice of prepositiacuteon is the sume for morphologicalIy related verbs and nouns refer to - reference lo believe in - beliein etc There are exceptions however hope as a verb is followed by for while the corresponding noun construction has of He hopesfor suecess bu His hope ofsuecess

[Blph-prJ Phrasal-prepositional verbs [629 Type 1 PHRASAL-PREPOSITIONAL VERBS also take a prepositional object As

we saw in 169 such verbs can like prepositional verbs occur in the passive (eg She dealt with the problem ~ The problem was deat with) but many of them are awkward in fact barely acceptable in this construction The discussion was waked out on (by the principal negotiator) In the sample list below the verbs marked [Pl are among those that can fairly readily occur in the passive

break inon (someones conversation)

cateh up on (my reading) eateh up with [overtake] check up on [investigate] [Pl come down with (a cold) cut down on (expenses) do away with [abolish] faee up to [confront] get away with (a crime) gel down to (serious taik)

keep away from [a void] keep up with (the Joneses) look down on [despise] [P] look forward ro

[anticipate with pleasureJIP] look outfor [watch for] look up ro [respect] put up wirh [tolerate] run away with stand up for [defend] turn out for (a meeting)

Phrasal-prepositional verbs are rather informal and many of them have idiomatic metaphorical meanings which are difficult or impossible to paraphrase (eg run away

Complementation by a finite clause

(B31 That-clause as object [630 The conjunction in that-clauses which function as object may be zero as in 1

hope he arrives soon but when the clause is made passi ve the that cannot be de1eted and thus obeys the same rules as other that-clauses as subject (ef 154) The normal passive analogue has ir and extraposition that being again optional

Everybody hoped (that) she would sing That she would sing was hoped byeverybody ltstilted)

She would sing was hoped by everybody It was hoped by everybody (that) she would sing

That-clauses have one of three types of verb phrase depending on the governing verb in the matrix clause

1180 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

iacutes coming alone will be comin alone

(A) mdlCatIve verb 1 supposethat he fl l gWl come a one has come alone

(B) putative should I regret that he should be so stubborn (C) subjunctive verb I request that she go alone

(A) with the indicative is the most usual type The putative should type(cf 1425) (B) is more common in BrE than AmE and (C) the mandative subjunctive (cf 358-9) is more common in AmE than in BrE In BrE the 5ubjunctive 15 felt to be formal and is found typicalIy in official styles of writiacuteng Corresponding to these three constructions it is necessary to recognize only two main categories of superordinate verbs Type (i) may be called FACTUAL since it goes with the indicative verb (A) and introduces what one might generalIy describe as factual or propositional information Type (ii) may be described as SUASIVE such verbs imply intentions to bring about sorne change in the future whether or not these are verbal1y formulated as commands suggestions etc Suasive verbs can be followed in the thatshyclause by aH three constructions (A-C) but the indicative (A) construction is restricted and is not generally accepted in AmE

There are two minor categories Type (iii) emotive verbs (cf429 1023) and Type (iv) hypothesis verbs which are dealt with in 1633 These types are displayed in Fig 1630

CLASSES OF VERB VERB PHRASE IN TH A T-CLAUSE

Type (i) FACTUAL

(1631) (eg claim) ~iexcl

~ (A) indicative verb

MaJor -Type (ji) ~UA~IVE (1632) (eg suggest) (B) puta ti ve should

(C) mandative subjunctive verb Type (iii) EMOTlVE (I633)(eg regret)

Minor

Type (h) HYPOTHESIS (D) hypotheuumlcal past OR wereshy(1633) (eg wish) subjuncti ve

Fig 1630 Monotransitive verbs with a that-cause as complementation (Class [B3])

Note In terms of the speech act classes of 112 Type (iacute) (factual) verbs are associated with the expressiacuteon of speech acts concerned with STATEMEN1S while Type (ji) (suasive) verbs are associacuteated wiacuteth DIRECI1VBS

Type (i) Factual verbs 1631 We may subdivide factual verbs into PUBLIC and PRIVATE types The

former consists of speeeh act verbs introducing indirect statements

They agreeadmitclaim that she was misled

The superscripts 1-5 in the lists below are to be interpreted as follows

Types of verb complementation 1181

1middot The verb also occurs in the active with a to-infinitive directly foIlowing He promised to come (cf 1638)

2 The verb also occurs with a following noun phrase followed by a toshyinfinitive They supposed her lo be dead (cfI650)

3 The verb is also a member ofthe suasive group below inmiddotl632 4 The pro-form so can stand in place of the that-clause (cf 1228) eg 1 think

so 5 Say occurs with an infinitive as in She said to come before len in the

directive sense ofShe told us to come before ten

Examples acknowledge2 boast declareacute mention report2

add certify 2 deny2 object retort admit2

affirm2 claim l

comment disclose exclaim

predict4

proclaim2

say24S

state2bull4 agree l bull 3 complain explain2 promise l bull 2bull4 submit alege2 concede3 forecast pronounceacute suggest3

announceshyconfess2 foretel prophesy swear argue confide guarantee l bull 2 protest testify 2

assert confirm2 hint remark DOWI

bet contend insist3 repeat warn2

convey maintain4 reply write

The PRIVATE type of factual verb expresses intelIeetual states sueh as belief and intellectual acts sueh as discovery These states and acts are private in the sense that they are not observable a person may be observed to assert that God exists but not to believe that God exists Belief is in this sense pdvate Examples of such verbs are

4accept doubt imagine2bull realize anticipate dream imply reason ascertain ensure3 indicateacute recal assume2bull4 establish infer4 reckonl 4

believe2bull4 estimate2 insure recognize2

calculate expectl24 judgeacute reflect check f ancy2 know2 remember

4conclude fear l bull learn l reveaP conjecture feeP mean Lbull 2 see consider2 find2 note2 sense

4decide 13 foresee notice2bull show2

deduce forget 1 observe2 signify 4deem 2 gather4 perceive2

bull supposeacutemiddot4 4 4 4demonstrate guess presume2 bull suspect2bull

determine13 hear4 presuppose2 think2 bull4

discern hold pretendl understand2bull4

discover2 hOpemiddot4 prove2

Many ofthese verbs especially the public verbs are also used for introdueing directspeech eg

Perhaps its time to leave suggestedTim

1182 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

For detailed discussion of this use of verbs of speaking and thinking el 1430it

[al NOl induded in the first list aboye are verbs expressing manner of ulterance such as mumbe muuer5hou( imper whisper and yell These can introduce direct speech quotations (eg 1 am

Note

bull Ie muuereaacute) but they can also introduce indirect or reported speech by means of a thalshyelause She mulered Ihal she was ilI The list of such verbs is large and some verbs occur more easily with Ihalmiddotclauses than others do [b] Al the following phrasal verbs belonging lO this factual category are public verbs chime

in lel an lel OU make out poinl out repor back Tim poiacutented oUI that the train was often late

In this construction the particle has to precede the thal-clause [el Among the priacutevate verbs see suppose and assume can be uscd with a Ihal-clause in which lhe present tense rerers to future time (cfI423)

See (to iacutet) that they get somethiacuteng to eal See here means make sure [di Doubl being a verb of negative meaning is typically followed by whelherfif(ef 156 1635) Bu more especially when it is in a nonassertive context doubt occurs with a thal-clause

1don doubt (buI) thal theyJI accept a once Note hat in this construction doubl is sometimes followed by bUI Doubl canno be followed by

an altemative wh-clause (efI56) 1 doubt wheher or no theyU accept

Type (ii) Suasive verbs 1632 These verbs can be followed by a that-clause either with putative should (ef

1425) or with the mandative subjunctive A third possibility a that-clause with an indicative verb is largely restriacutected to BrE

ShOUld leave People are demanding that she leave the company

lea ves ltesp BrE)

1t is nuacutelc difficuumllt in the casc of suasive verb to rrak a subdiacute vision between PUBLICo and PRIVATE verbs for this reason we present the verbs below in a single listo Nevertheless gene rally it is usefuI to see a distinction between the public verbs which describe indirect directives (such as request ef 1433) and the private verbs which describe states of volition or desire such as intend

agree l demandl intendl 2 reeommend2

allow2 desire12 moveacute request2 arrange l

askl 2

determine I

enjoin2 ordain2 4

order require resolvel

beg2 ensure pledge 2 rule command2 entreat2 prayl 24 stipulate concede grant prefer 24 suggest24

decideacute deeree4

insist instruct2

pronounee2

propose 2

urgeacute vote 2

The superscripts 12 and 4 have the same meaning as in 1631 aboye The choice between the three constructions in the that-clause in [1] above varies between AmE and BrE For detailed discussion of these preferences ef

1425 It will be noted that the noun phrase + infinitive construction (ef1650) is

a common alternative to the that-clause for suasive verbs

Types of verb complementation 1183

d dthe news to be suppressedThe mten e y that the news (should) be suppressed ltmore formal)

With some verbs such as allow the infinitive construction is by far the more usual

Other types oC verb with that-c1ause complementation Type (iii) Emotive verbs

1633 This consists of a small group of verbs such as regret marvel rejoiee and wonder which can occur with (A) the indicative or (B) the putative should construction but not with the mandative subjunctive construction

worries about it 1 regret that she should worry about it

worry about it

Semantically this group belongs with adjectival constructions such as be sorry be anxious (ef 1671)

_-Type (iv) Hypothesis verbs The two verbs wish and (in the imperative) suppose may be followed by a that-clause containing a verb in the hypothetical past or the were-su bjunctive I wish (that) she were here She wished she hadnt spent the money Suppose (that) one of us died ef 1424 on the use of tense and mood following these verbs which may also occur in a number ofother patterns In particular for other uses of wish efI638 1641 1644 1646 1657

The modal idiom would rather (or lts contraction d rather) (ef 346) is a third example of a hypothesis verb

Id rafher you didnt mention the price Many resid1ts wotd rather that the bus service were subsidized

Complementation by an extraposed subject that-clause 1634 The that-clause in examples like It seems that you are mistaken is not an object

ofthe verb but rather an extraposed subject Nevertheless it resembles other that-clauses we have been examiniacuteng (a) in having a deletable that and (b) iacuten being semantically associated wiacuteth the preceding verbo Moreover no nonextraposed that-clause is possible in this case (That you are mistaken seems) and so it seems appropriate to include this with that-c1ause complementatiacuteon The main verbs occurring in this pattern fonn two groups of synonyms (i) seem and appear and (H) ehanee happen and transpire

It appears that Frank lost his tempero It happened that the weather was exceptionally cold

The phrasal verbs come about happen] and turn out [= transpire] also belong here Appear and seem can be followed by the pro-form so Jt seemsj appears so The adverb so sometimes occurs before happen or one of its synonyms It so happensj happened that

Note [a) A related construction with extraposed object (ef 1835) occurs in the following transitive phrasal verbs

let (il) OUI noise (it) aboutfabroad put (ie) about rub (ie) in Jack let (jI) out [= divulged] that the animal had been stolen

1184 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1185

Thc it which occurs as prcparato~y ohjcct is in this case optional although the omission is not 3 The verb can also occur with a foHowing wh-infinitive clause (ef 1637) usual In the comparable construction rake jI Ihal the il iacutes obligatory f lake ir Ihat you are eg 1 didniexcl know what to sayoenjoying yourselLes [b] Compare the complementation of seem appear etc by an as ifclause (ej 1624 Note [a)) The preposition of a prepositional verb is optionally omitted before a whshy[e) On the related constructions tI slrikes me IlwI tI (Jccursiseems O me 1iexcl111 eJ 1659 clause and hence it is convenient to include in the aboye list verbs for which Note 1660 Note

the wh-clause is basically a prepositional object For example

I inquired (about) whether the tiacuteckets were ready IB41 Wh-cause as object Theyhavent yet decided (on) which ftight they will take 1635 Many of the verbs which take a that-clause as object can also take a whshy

interrogative clause (cfI55ff) For the corresponding passive again the preposition is optional whether or not the nominal clause is in extraposition I asked her to confirm whether the f1ight had be en booked

Can you confirm which ftight we are taking Which ffight they will take has not yet been deeided (on) They havent yet confirmed how much the f1ight costs It has not yet been deeided (on) which f1ight they will take

Notice that in aH three illustrative sentences aboye confirm occurs in what Sometimes there is a slight difference of meaning if the preposition is may be described as a nonassertive context (ef 253) The use of the whshyincluded contrast interrogative clause (which generally implies Iack of knowledge on the part

She asked what he wanted of the speaker) is particularly common where the superordinate c1ause is iexcl She asked about what he wantedinterrogatiacuteve or negative Gn the other hand there are sorne verbs which

themselves express uncertainty such as ask and wonder these occur with the Whereas ask introduces the question which the speaker actually asked and wh-c1ause without this nonassertive constraint Examples of verbs taking the for which she requires an answer ask about does not indicate what the wh-interrogati ve clause are question might have been Gther prepositional verbs in this class are argue

(about) beware (01) (ef354 Note) not eare (about) check (on) depend (on) antieipate [NA] doubt note [NA]3 hear (about) refieet (on) There is also the phrasal-prepositional verb find out argue [NA]2 enquire23 notiee[NAj3 (about)arrange [NA]3 establish3 observe [NAj3

aseertain3 explain3 pereeive [NA]3 Note A few verbs are followed by a wh-exclamative clause (indirect exclamation (f I01 04) beginning

ask23 express point out [NAj with whal or hoH l realized whar aJeoll had been 1 kno hol busy Jou are These clauses are beware2 fathom [NA] ponder3

difficult to distinguish from wh-interrogative clauses Other verh in (he pttero indloe ~~rlt1im calcula te [NAP ftnd out2 3 prediet [NA] express maroel reflectlhiacutenk

care[NA] 1 2 forget 3 prove eheek23 guess realize [NA]

Complementation by a nonfinite clause ehooseacute hear [NA]2 record [NA] confirm [NA] imagine [NA]3 refieet2

Nonfinite clauses in complementationeonsider [NAP indieate [NA]3 remember [NA]3 1636 When a nonfinite clause follows the verb it is often difficult to separate three decide23 inquire23 say(NA]3

of the major types of complementation which we distinguished in 216 Thisdemonstrate3 judge3 see(NAj3

is especially true if a noun phrase intervenes between the superordinate verb depend2 knoW[NAP show3

and the verb of the nonfinite construction disclose learn [NAj3 tel [NA 3

diseover3 make out NA] think (NA]3 They like the ehildren to visit them discuss3 mind [NA]l wonder3 They supposed (he ehildren to be guilty (2]

They asked the ehildren lo bring somefood [3]The symbol (NA] after a verb indicates that this complementation is particularly likely to occur in a nonassertive contexto The superscripts 1-3 Gn the face of it aH three of these sentences conform to the same pattern are interpreted as follows (verb + noun phrase + to-infinitive ) But there are reasons for classifying

them differentIy1 This verb is part of a negative or predominantly negative construction

when combined with the wh-interrogative clause not eare not mind eant [l exemplifies MONOTRANSITIVE complementation (l638ff) fathom eant tell (ef They like the ehildrens visits - SVO)

2 The verb is basically a prepositional verb and has a preposition which (2) exemplifies COMPLEX TRANSITlVE complementation (l643ff) may be optionaHy added (see below) (ef They supposed the ehildren guilty - SVOC)

1186 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

[3] exemplifies DITRANSITIVE complementation (l655ff) (ef They asked the ehildren a question SVOO)

We will return in 1664ffto differences between examples such as these At present since we are dealing with monotransitive complementation we are concerned only with the type illustrated by [1] In nominal function only two kinds of nonfinite c1ause normally occur the to-infinitive c1ause and the -ing participle c1ause Hence nonfinite c1auses functioning as object can be distinguished for the present purposes in terms of the categories in Tabe 1636

Table 1636 Nonfinite clauses as object

Without subject With subject

lo-infinitive [B6] ack hates [B8] J ack hates to miss the train her to miss the train

-ing participle [B7] Jack hates [B9] Jack hates missing the train her missing the train

In Tabe 1636 the italicized parts are analysed as nonfinite c1auses acting as direct object The status of the infini tive c1ause and its subject in pattern [B8] is discussed in 1641 Later in 1666 we consider the arguments for considering her an object in the [B8] and [B9] examples

The fol1owing criteria confirm that the itaJicized portion of [B6-B9] is basically a nonfinite c1ause as direct object

(A) The nonfinite c1ause can be replaced by a pronoun it coreferring to a clause or by a no~n norninalizing the meaning of l clause Everyone likes it He likes her frequent visits

(B) The nonfinite clause can be made the focus of a pseudo-cleft sentence (ef 1829)

What everyone likes (best) is to tak to her [B6] What everyone likes (best) is taking 10 her [B7] What he likes (best) is for her lO eall ofien [B8]

In this version of [B8] as the infinitive c1ause is now in complement position the introductory for has to make its appearance

(C) For [B8] the introductory for itself where it appears is a marker of the construction as a nonfinIacutete clause

(D) Correspondingly for [B9] a subject pronoun in the objective case can often be replaced in formal style by a possessive pronoun (cfl46)

He doesnt like melmy coming often

This is what one would expect (ef 1 512) given that me and my can both be subjects of an -ing clause

Not all verbs that we consider direct objects satisfy al these criteria Nevertheless it is on this basis that the verbs Usted below are included in the classes [B6-B9]

Types of verb complementation 1187

[B51 Wh-infinitive clause as object 1637 It is as well to begin the survey of nonfinite c1auses as objects with c1auses

which happen to be immediately related to those dealt with in 1635 These are wh-infinitive c1auses (ef 155)

He learned how lO sail a boat as a small boy You must not forget when lO keep your mouth shut 1couldnt decide (on) whieh bieycle to buy

The last example illustrates the occurrence of the optional preposition with prepositional verbs as already observed with finite c1auses of the same type The corresponding passive pattern also occurs

The Curies discovered how to isolate radioaetive elements - How to isolate radiacuteoaetive elements was discovered by the Curies

The passive with extraposition (efI630 1635) is also sometimes possible

Early in the present century it was discovered how to isoate radioaetive elements

The verbs marked 3 in the list in 1635 aboye provide a sample of verbs occurring with the wh-infinitive c1ause as object

Note Many verbs which introduce wh-infinitive clauses rarely ir ever introduce yes-110 interrogative clauses (introduced by whelher) of the same type 1 have joacutergollell how 10 swiacutem but no iexcl have forgorten wheher lo swim Among such verbs are demostrale diacutesco~er and explain Nevertheless in unusual conexts such sentences can be found

1 have forgotten helher 10 ulljiacute-eeze thiacutesfood before cooking il

jB61 Subjectless infinitive cause as direet object f638 When a subjectless iacutenhmtlve clause is direct object the understood subJect

of the infinitive clause is always the same as the subject of the superordinate clause Verbs taking this kind of complementation are listed below subdivided into semantic categories

O) dread[B7 B8] (iv) ehoose[B7] (vi) ask (vii) affeel hate [B7 B8] hope beg c1aim like [B7 B8] intend [B7 B8] decline profess [B7] loathe [B7 B8] mean [B7 B8] demand

(viii) afford [B7]love [B7 B8] need[B7] offer attemplprefer[B7 B8] plan [B7] promise eontrive propose [B7] refuse(ii) begin [B7] endeavourwant[B7 B8] swear eease [B7] failwish [B8] undertake commenee [B7] learn

vowcominue [B7] (v) deign manage starl [B7] disdain [B7] negleet

hep [B7 B8] omit(iii) forgel [B7] scorn [B7] try [B7]remember [B7] venture [B7]

regret [B7]

1188 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1189

The symbols to the right of sorne verbs indicate that these verbs also occur Tbe lo-infiniacutetive here howcver has a resuhative meaning which makes the construction

with the subjectless -ing clause (Type [B7]) or with the infinitive clause with a subject (Type [B8]) From the latter group howeyer verbs such as ask are excluded because the construction of sentences like He asked me to help is ditransitive (el 1663) rather than rnonotransitive

We now add a list of prepositional verbs belonging lo the same pattern [B6pr] The preposition is omitted before the infinitive clause object (cI92) but is present where the prepositional object is a noun phrase or for that matter an -ingclause Compare

about the baby [Blpr]

She didnt bOlher aoout feeding the baby

to feed the baby [B7pr] [B6pr]

In the following list the verbs are placed in semantic groupings corresponding to sorne of those aboye (apart from an additional miscellaneous group (ixraquo and the omitted preposition is placed in square brackets

(i) long [for] [B8] ache (for] aim (for] [B8] aspire [to] burn(for] burst (for] (not) care (for] c1amour (for] [B8] itch (for] [B8] yearn (for] [B8]

(jiiexcl) bother(about] [B7 B8] condescend [10] delight [in] [B7] hesitate [about] [B7]

Examples

(vi) agree [tojonjabout] [B8] assent [to] consent [to]

(vii) pretend [to]

(viii) strive (for] seek (for]

(ix) arrange(forJ[B7 B8] decide ron] [B7] resolve [on] [B7] prepare [ror] [B7] serve (for] [B7]

Martin longed to leave home They sought to rnake amends 1would hesita te to interfere Weve decided to move to a new house

Note [al We distiacutenguish the verbs of Type [B6] from ltltenative verbs (el 349) of seemiacuteng and occurrence preceding infinitiacuteve clauses which ltare not diacuterect objects but whiacutech relate semanliacutecally to a Ihal-c1ause as subjecl He appears lO like Ihe sha - Tilar he likes the show appears [Irue] The verbs in Ihis c1ass correlate c10sely with those occurring with obligatory extraposition ofthe subjecl (cfI634) appcar seem chance happenlurn OUI

Jt appearedfthancedthat the children were asleep The children appearedchanced to be asleep

lb] Another group of verbs which are closely associated with a following infinitive but which do not belong to Type [B6J ioc1udes hasten conspire and set out

1 hastened lO reassure her They conspired lO murder Caesar He set out lO conquer the world

resemble on the one hand that of a catenative verb md on the other hand that of an inlransitiacuteve verb folJowed byan adjunct With pay and (to a lesser extent) woit Ihe adjunct status is more obvious as is clear from th~ possibility offroming the iacutenfinitivc c1ause

You have to pay ro go in

- (In arder) lO go in you ha ve to payo He waited lo see her

- (Inorder) lO see her he wailed Similarly unlike begin + infinitive the infinitive following SIO iacutes purposive contras

She [S] began IV] to eat lunch [O] BUT She [S] stopped [V] to eat lunch lA]

On the other hand these two verbs have matchiacuteng uses iacuten complementation Type [B7J

began She t d eatmg lunch s oppe

(B7) Subjectless -ing participle clause as object 1639 Again with this type of complementation the subject of the nonfinite verb

is usually identical with the subject ofthe preceding verb

1 love liacutestening to music The accused denied having met the witness

[The accused denied that hejshe had met the witness]

This rule accounts for the restriction that when the participle is followed by a reflexiye pronoun the pronoun norrnally has to agree (in number person and gender) with the subject of the superordinate c1ause

She herself He -iexcl enJoys smgmg to lhimselj lI

But wiacuteth one small group of verbs (rnarked 2 in the list below) it is not the understood subjectofthe particiacuteple but its understood object that is identified with the subject of the superordinate clause In such cases therefore the participle construction matches in meaning the passive of the corresponding infinitiacuteve construction [B6]

mendiacuteng painting Your shoes need to be mended That door needs to be painted

(Th~ aboye use of need iacutes often replaced in dialectally restricted usage by an equivalent use of want)

For an addiacutetional group of verbs (marked 3 in the list below) the subject of the particiacuteple is indefiniacutete and is independent of the subject of the preceding verbo For example in He recommended introducing a wealth tax it is clear that the person recommending the tax is likely to be different from the persones) who would be responsible for introducing it The meaning of this sentence is equiacutevalent to that of He recommended the introduction 01 a wealth tax

In the following list of verbs in the pattern of [B7] Types (i) and (ii) correspond to Type [B6(i)] (emotive) and Type B6(ii)] (aspectual) The verbs grouped under (iiiacute) are however in thiscase a miscellany since further sernantic grouping is difficult

1190 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

(i) (cant) bear l (not)fanci miss l

begrudge l hate l regret l bull4

detest like relish

dislike l loathe resent l

dread l love l (cant) stand 1

enjoy (not) mind l

(ii) cease quit start l

commence resume stop I

eontinue

(jii) admit4 forget l bull J4 recommend l J

avoid (eant) heli rememberl 34

eonfess4 imagine repent eonsider iacutenvolvel J require2

deny4 justifylJ risk l 3

deserue2 need l 2 save l 3 diseouragel 3 permit l ) tryS envisage l 3 propose want l

(dialectaI2)

escape reealll 34

The verbs ofType (i) preceded by a negative (such as eant bear) have a builtshyin negative bias so that they cannot occur in straightforward assertive contexts

Cora doesnt mind waiting Cora minds waiting

They can however occur in nonassertive contexts

Do you mind waiting How can anyone bear wearing clothes like that

and also in second instance contexts ie where the construction refers back to a nonassertive occurrence of the same construction earlier in the discourse

cant stand] k h h 1A 1[ d ji wor mgwlt t atglron t anc)

fd ti [stand it JB We1I 1m a ral you HAVE to ji k h h ancy wor mg Wlt ero

Superscripts in the aboye lists are interpreted as follows

1 The verb also occurs in pattern [B9] ie with a subject preceding the participle (ef 1642)

2 The participle has a passive interpretation (see aboye) 3 The participle has independent interpretation ie the subject of the

participle clause is not necessarily coreferential with the subject of the preceding verb and may have indefinite meaning

4 The participle may occur with a perfective construction

1admit having seen it (l]

But with such verbs the nonperfective construction can also be used with past meaning Thus [1] is synonymous with [2]

1 admit seeing it [2]

Types of verb complementation 1191

This paraphrase relation however exists mainly withverbs of dynamic meaning contrast verbs of stati ve meaning

I admit knowing him 1admit having known him

5 On the construction with (ry cf 1640

Examples of prepositional verbs belonging to this class ([B7pr]) are

bankonl decide on playat seeabout counton l delight in l resort to shrinkfrom

O Examples of phrasal verbs ([B7ph]) are

break off give up Jeaue off putoff takeup

Examples of(B7ph-pr] are

doaway with get around to go infor look forward fo

The following sentences ilIustrate these patterns

We counted on getting there early [B7pr] Ive taken up playing tenniacutes [B7ph] Jim is looking forward lo having the house to himself [B7ph-pr]

It IS important to notice that the lo in gel around to lookforward to and resor to is not an infinitive marker but a preposition Hence 1 am looking forward to seeing you is grammatical but not 1 am looking forward fo see you

Note [al The superscript 1 in the aboye lisU is not added lo verbs like stop although a noun phrase can be inserted between the participle and (he preceding verb in ~uch cases

They stopped (her) working all night Thiacutes ls because the construction containing the extra noun phrase (her in the aboye example) is arguably complex transiacutetive (e 1653) rather than monotransiacutetive (as is evident from the marginally acceptable passive She was slopped working all nighl) [b) Also we exclude from the aboye lists catenative verbs such as go in We wenl running and gel in Gel moving (e349)

Choice betwecn the infinitive and participle constructions (lB6) and (B71) 1640 Where both constructions [B6] and B7] are admitted there is usualIy felt to

be a difference of aspect or mood which infiuences the choice As a rule the infinitive gives a sense of mere potentiality for action as in She hoped fo leam French while the participle gives a sense of the actual performance of the action itself as in She enjoyed leaming Freneh In the case of try the double meaning is particularly clear

Sh 1 t d to bribe the jailor [1 ] el a ne b b hln mg teJa or

[1] implies that Sheila attempted an act ofbribery but did not manage it [2] implies that she actualIy did bribe the jailor but without (necessarily) achieving what she wanted With other verbs the difference is more subtle and may be overruled or neutralized by the meaning of the verb of the main clause For example the negative meaning of avoid and escape cancels out the sense of performance in He escapedlavoided being branded as a traitor

1192 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Let us consider more carefully three classes of verb which take both

constructions

(O EMOTlVE VERas (see Type (i) in the lists in 1638 and 1639) With the verbs which take both constructions (eread hate like loathe love and prefer) the bias of the infinitive towards potentiacuteality tends to fa vour its use in hypothetiacutecal and nonfactual contexts eg

Would you like o see my stamp collectiacuteon seemg

1hateto seem rude but youre blocking the view seemmg

On the other hand the particiacutepial construction is favoured where the speaker is referring to something which definitely happens or has

happened

to live Bnan loalhed 1 m the countrylUmg

(But with would loathe the infinitive is just as acceptable as the -ing participle)

Here to Uve implies that Brian could exercise choice about where to live whereas living presupposes that he actually did live in the country and probably had no choice in the matter But in other contexts there is little appreciable difference between the two constructions

tocoOk 1 [to eat JDo you prefer k for yourself or t m a restaurant[coa mg ea mg

(in ASF2C7uumlAL VERBS of beginni1g (a~ti1urng) and ending also in many cases take both constructions

Lucy startedcOntinUedceasedto W~iteWhile in hospital IIntmg

In such examples as this there is no observable difference of meaning between the constnlctiacuteons But in other cases a contrast between potentiality and performance may influerice the choice

to speak but stopped because she objected He s tarted speakmg and k ept on for more t han an hbur

The association of the -ing participle with the progressive aspect may also influence a p[ference for the participle where multiple activities

are involved

to open allthe cupboardsHe began openlflg all the cupboards

Here opening is more appropriate than to open While sorne verbs in this group (begin continue cease sean) allow both constructions others (finish stop) altowonly the participle construction (Go on and keep (on) may be classified as catenative verbs (cf349) onfinishfstop followed by the infinitive cf1638 Note [b])

Types of verb complementation 1193

(di) RETROSPECTlVE VERBS For three verbslorget remember and regret the potentialityperformance distiacutenction becomes extended into the past so that there is a temporal (as well as in part modal) difference between the two constructions The infinitive construction indicates that the action or event takes place after (and as a result of) the mental process denoted by the verb has begun while the reverse is true for the participle construction which refers to a preceding event or occasion coming to mind at the time indicated by the main verb

1 remembered to fill out the formo [1 remembered that 1 was to fill out the form and then did so]

1 remembered filling out the form rl remembered that 1 had filled out the form]

lforgot 10 go to the bank [1 forgot that 1was to go to the bank and therefore did not do soJ

lforgot (about) going to the bank [rare without about 1 forgot that 1went to the bank or that 1should have gone ]

1regret to tel you that John stole i1 [1 regret that 1am about to tel you that John sto le i1]

1 regret telling you that John stole i1 [I regret that 1 told you that John stole i1 or that 1 am now telling you J

[B8) Complementation by to-infinitive clause (with subject) 1641 The verbs in this group (as distinct from the apparently similar object +

t infinitive -o1struction el 1650) are restricted to a small numbcr chicfly denoting (nol) liking or wanting (cant) bear desire hate like iexcloLe prefer want and wish

They dont like the house to be left empty 1 wouldn t want you to lose your way

After these verbs the noun phrase preceding the infinitive cannot be made the subject of a passive main c1ause The house isnt liked to be left empty (by them)

There is moreover an alternative construction (chiefly restricted to AmE) in which the noun phrase is preceded by for which marks it as the subject of an infinitive clause rather than as object ofthe main clause

Jack prefersfor his wife to drive the truck ltesp AmE)

These two observations point in the direction of a monotransitive analysis of such verbs

In the following howeverJor has a different status and must occur in both AmE and BrE

They arranged for Mary to come at once

In this case the construction is that of a prepositional verb arrange for ([B8prl) the infinitive clause acting as prepositional object Other examples

1194 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

wherejor occurs as part of a prepositional verb are askfor eatlfor aehefor aim for bum for burst jor eare for clamour for erave for hope for iteh for long jor plan joacuter prepare for wait for yearn for

We were al achingburningbursting jor the performance to begin They plannedfor the mayor to arrive on the following day

For some of the verbs in these clauses the that-clause with should ([B3(iiacute)j) is an alternative form of complementation

They planned that the mayor should arrive on the following day

A further reason in favour of a monotransitive analysis of verbs of Type [B8pr] is the possibility (in some cases) of a passive with or without extraposition

For the administration to resign so quickly was not called foro It had been arranged for the food to be served indoors

Note [al Sorne [B8pr] verbs such as arrangefor planfor and preparefor also have a [B2] construction in which they are followed by a direct object Compare Have you arranged the meeting Have you arrangedfor iexclhe meeting Compare also She askedfor the children to leave and She asked iexclhe children O leave [b] Desire expect and intend although they tit into this category with respect to introductory for and the extraposed passive also accept the passive of the raised object which applies to [C4] (cfI650) Thus expect for example pennits two associated passives

It was nOt expected for the administration to resigno The administration was not expected to resigno

The former of these however is felt to be awkward and of marginal acceptability On such contlicts of c1assiacutefication cfI664jf

jB91 Complementation by -ing participle clause (with subject) 642 Verbs which accept this pattern comprise a considerable subset of those

verbs accepting the subjectless -ing clause as object they include the verbs marked 1 in the list of 1639 The genitive form of the subject is an option in formal English (ef 1512) but is often felt to be awkward or stilted

1 dislike him his driving my car We look forward to youyour beeoming our neighbour

In some cases particularIy when the subject of the participle is not a pronoun and does not have personal reference the geniti ve option is rare

vehicle h hPeter stoppe d te h l cras mg mto t e ence h ve lees

The genitive is also rare with a pronoun with nonpersonal reference

1 look forward to ~t geUing warmer in spring lts

The verbs of negative meaning stop prevent and prohibit have a related ditransitive construction (cfI656f) in which the prepositionfrom precedes the -ing clause as second object

They tried toacute preven the planefrom landing on the runway

Types of verb complementation 1195

Thus thefrom is optional In the very few cases where we have a choice between an -ing participle

and a to-infinitive construction there is usual1y felt to be a difference ofaspect or mood such as that described in 1640

1hate the children lo quarrel [ theyre ordinarily such good friacuteends] [1]

1 hate the children quarrelling [ all the time] [2]

focuses on the childrens potential for quarrelling [2] emphasizes their performance the point being that they do quarrel rather often in fact An aspectual difference is uppermost in

ehiming ( all night long) 1h he c oc k ate t l

to ehlme ( Just when Im gOtng to sleep)

The infinitive suggests a single chime while the participle suggests continual chiming (ef435 467f)

Note Verbs ofthe observational type eg notice in 1 noticed him writing a leller do not belong in this group and are dealt with in 1653 For such verbs the genitive is not a possible alternative iexcl noticed hiacutes writiacuteng a Jeter

Complex transitive complementation 1643 In 216 we applied the term COMPLEX TRANSlTIVE to verbs in the pattems

SVOC and SVOA In this chapter we extend the term to other clause patterns in which an object is followed by another element which is not an object (eg a nonfinite clause) A distinguishing characteristic o[ complex transitive compiemculiIacuteuacutelI j thallhe two elltments iacuteuiiuwiug the yerb (eg object and object complement) are notionally equated with the subject and predication respectively of a nominal c1ause For example

MONOTRANSlTIVE She presumed lhat her father was dead [1] She presumed her father to be dead [2]

COMPLEX TRANSITIVE Sh d h 1 h d d [3]e presume er Jat er ea

In [3J her father (O) and dead (C) are equivalent in meaning to a separate clause viz the that-clause in [l] This relationship remains where the object complement is expanded into an infinitive clause as in 2] Yet her father to be dead in spite of its clause-like meaning and appearance does not act syntactica1ly as a single constituent as is evident in the passive where the O is separated from its complement

Her father was presumed (by her) to be dead

This divisibility into two elements of a semantically clausal construction following the verb is the defining property ofcomplex transitive complementshyation

We begin with three already familiar patterns of complex transitive complementation those corresponding to [A I-A3] (ef 1621-4)

Note On the simiacutelarities between complex transitive and ditransitive complementation see 1666ff

1196 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

ICII Adjective phrase as object complement 1644 The SVOC pattern (ef216) in whiacutech the object complement is an adjective

phrase is found with verbs which like copular verbs may be divided into CURRENT and RESULTING types

You should keep the cabbagefresh (1] That music drives me mad [2]

The verb keep in [1] introduces the current attributefresh while the verb drive in [2] introduces the resulting attribute mad These two verbs therefore exemplify the two main categories ofcomplex transiti ve complementatiacuteon in this pattern The current verbs (ef1621ff) are usually staiive and the resulting verbs are always dynamic Further examples ofeach type are

CURRENT RESULTING

hod[C2] (v) drive [C4] keep [C2] get [C4] eave [C2] make [C2 C4]

prove [B3 C2 C4] (ii) eall [C2] render[C4]eonfess [B3 C2 C4] sendprofess [B3 C2 C4]

pronounce [B3 C2 C4] turn

report [B3 C4] eertify [B3 C2 C4] declare [B3 C2 C4] like proclaim [B3 C2 C4] prefer[B3]

want wish [B3 C2 C4]

(iv) beliacuteeve [B3 C2 eonsider [B3 C2 C4] deem [B3 C2 C4] find [B3 C2 C4] hod[B3 C4] imagine [B3 C2 C4] judge [B3 C2 C4] presume[B3 C2 C4] rate [C2 C4] reekon [B3 C2 C4] suppose [B3 C2 C4] think [B3 C2 C4]

Type (O is a category of current verbs of general meaning Type (ii) consists offactual speech act verbs (cf1631) Type (iii) of volitional verbs Type (iv) of verbs of inte11ectual state Type (v) of general resulting verbs and Type (vi) ofresulting verbs referring to speech acts which havethe performative force of declarations (Hod occurs twice in the aboye list as a general verb [Type (i) as in She hed her head high] and as an inte11ectual state verb [Type (iv) as in 1 hod you responsibe]) The symbols added after sorne verbs indicate other related complementation types to which those verbs belong

Types of verb complementation 1197

[B3] The verb can also be used monotransitively (el Note (a]) with a that-clause

[C2] The verb can also occur wiacuteth a noun phrase as object complement [C4] The verb can a1so occur with an object + infiniacutetive construction

Examples

The secretary eft a1l the letters unopened The doctors pronounced her conditiacuteon uttery hopeess Oi) 1want my coffee stronger than this (iii) Weve alwaysfound the assistants very frtendy (iv) The long waIk made us a11 hungry They have declared the house unfit for habitatiacuteon (vi)

Note that the adjectival complement may contain modifiers and adjectival complementation (ef1668-83) A passive construction in which the direct object becomes subject is also an important criterion

AH the letters were left unopened (by the secretary) (i) Her condition was pronounced uttery hopeess (by the doctors) (ji)

Note [a] There is sometimes a meaning difference between the object complement construction and the corresponding that-clause [B3) or objeet + infinitive [C4] eonstruction

1 imagined myself severely ill [3] p 1 imagined myself to be severely ill [4]

Sentence [3] suggests that the speaker is indulgiacuteng in a flight of faney sentence [4J suggests that the speaker is deluding himself (eg that he is a hypochondriae) A differenee is also to be observed between [5] and [6]

They gol him angry [5J p They got him lo be angry (6]

where [5J suggests made him angry in spite of himself and [6] suggests persuaded him to be angry (Yet a third meaning is represented by Donl get me wrong [Dont misunderstand me J) Two iacuteurther comrasts are

We found the ehildren undernourished [ We encou nte red them iacute n tha t cond i tiacuteon J [7] p Wefoundthe children lo be undernourished [8]

[Our examination revealed their condition] and

He declared the meeting offieial He declared the meeting lO be officiaL

where [9] has a performati ve and resultati ve force (The meeting beeame official as a result of his announeement) not regularly present in [lO] [b] Have in sentences sueh as We have IWO employees sck is not a member of the [CI] category but belongs to a special have-existential construetion lo be discussed with existential sentences in general in 1851 Since it has no passive this elause construction lacks one criterial feature of comp1ex transitive constructions Two employees are had sick [e] There is a variant order in which the object complement precedes the object eg He thought desirable most ofthe women in the room (efIS37) This order tends to occur when the object is a long noun phlase

1645 In addition to the verbs listed in 1644 aboye there are many verbs which belong more peripherally to Type [C1] Their membership is more peripheral in one or both of the following respects (a) They occur only in restricted sequences such as rub dry (ef 1617) (b) They can occur in the [BI] monotransitive construction without appreciable change of meaning iacutee the object complement is optional and resembles an optional adverbial Iil the following typical co11ocations the object noun phtase is symbolized by N

1

Types of verb complementation 11991198 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

CURRENT RESULTING

bring (a child) up health boil (an egg) 8aft 1

buy N eheapl erap (hair) shoriexcl1 return (a letter) unopened freeze N hard serve (food) hOlleold paint N redblue 1

seU N eheaplnew1 roll N flat sweep (the fioor) clean 1

calour N blueyellow 1

dye N pinklgreen 1

knock (someone) senseless polish N smooth 1

scrape N clean I swing (a door) open

For those combinations marked l the object complement could be easily omitted without a change in the basic sense of the verbo

Among resulting attributes the adjectives open loose free and clean are particularly common push N open shake N loose set N free wipe N clean

The collocations make sure and make certain are peculiar in that the object is a that-clause and always follows the adjectivaI complement

Please make sureleertain that you endose your birth certificate

There is no passive be made surecertain With other collocations the that-clause object is postponed by extraposiacutetion (ef 1835)

He found it strange that no one else had arri ved 1think it very odd that she left without saying goodbye The emperor pronounced it illegal for landlords to enfranchise their

tenants

Extraposition is optional with make N clear and therefore the preparatory it may be omitted She made (it) eear that we were regarded as trespassers

Note [al Sorne collocations require the object to be a rellexive pronoun Ilaughed myself sick They roared themselves hoarse Here the object complement cannot be omitted llaughed myself [b] The resultative pattern illustrated in thiacutes section is quite productive and occurs with rare or newly-converted verbs such as selotape and scotchtape selotape N fiat ltRrE) seotehtape N fiat (AmE) Similarly

iexclve deepfrozen the bread solido

(C21 Noun phrase as object complement 646 Most of the verbs listed in 1644 can occur also with a noun phrase

complement In addition there are a few verbs which occur with anoun phrase but not with an adjective phrase as complement eg appoint These verbs marked 1 in the list below can also occur with theobject + infinitive construction

The queen appointedWilliam Cecil (to be) her personal secretary

The list is subdivided into categories corresponding to those in 1644

(i) hold2 (iv) believe (v) appoint l2middot 3

keep2 consider2 choose 2 3

eleetl 2 3leave deem esteem l 2 3 make(ii) cal find provecanfess imagine2 voteprofess

pronounce judge2 (vi) baptize13

presume certify 23 (iii) wish 3rate2 christent bull

reckon2 erown l bull 2bull 3

suppose declare think proclaim

namemiddot23

The superscript 2 indicates that the as-construction (cf 1 647) is also possible The superscript 3 indicates that the verb is also monotransitive and that the verb retains the same meaning when the object complement is omitted Hence She appointed him secretary implies that she appointed him Examples of each sub-type follow With profess and wish which are used to illustrate subtypes (H) and (iii) respectively a reflexive pronoun as object is normal

She held her niece (a) captive for several years (i) The prince professed himself a supporter of free speech (ji) 1have often wished myself a millionaire (iii) Charles does not esteem him a trustworthy adviser (iv) The committee has elected you its chairman (v) Her parents named her Sophia after her grandmother (vi)

Some verbs in this pattem are unlikely to occur in the adive eg think beiacuteieve reckon The foilowing are exampies of the passive conslruclIacuteon

Her niece was held (a) captive for several years (i) She was named Sophia after her grandmother (vi)

As with Type (el] the object may be a clause postponed by extraposition

We have made it a condition that the new agreement be signed by all the original signatories

He has proved it a falIacy that old age brings wisdom

Note [al The zero article occurs optionally with captive and prisoner as object complements as in (i) above She held her niece (a) caplive Hold capliveprisoner and keep captivepriacutesoner are unusual in that the omitted article is indefinite rather than definite Examples of the zero article with definite meaning (eS42) are

Edgar was judged overall winner They appointed Sue captain of the athletics team

[b] The object + infinitive construction with 10 be as with Type [Gl] is not always equivalent to the pattero with a phrasal object complement For example name can be used with 10 be only if the following noun phrase designates a future role or status

Her parents named her (0 be) Gladys The selectors named her (lo be) a memberofthe touring team

As can be used with name only on the same condition as applies to lO be Her parenls named her as (adys (cf 1 647 below) [el The copular retation can obtain not only between the object and complement as in [11 bu also between subject and complement as in [21

t iexcl

1200 Complementation of verbs and adjectiacuteves

She made him iexcliexcl good husband (S V OC) [1 J She made him a good wife (S VOC) [2J

[1 Jhas the passive analogue He as gtladea good husband but in the entirelydifferentconstruetion of (2] where the copular rdation is between she and a good middotle no passive is possible Thc meuning is She Vas a good wire to himmiddot A prepositional verb 01 this Same unusuallattcrn is strike l in 101 example

He stmck me os a brilliant slralegist where a brilianl strategist is su bjcet eomplement

(Clprl and (C2prl Object complement foUowing prepositional verb 1647 The preposition as designates a copular relation particularly in specifying a

role or status associated with the direct object The ehureh eondemned the relie as a lraud Following a complex transitive verb and a direct object the prepositional complement of as functions semantiacutecally as an attribute and may be termed a prepositional object complement in the same way as the noun phrase following a transitive prepositional verb is called a prepositional object

a geniacuteus [C2] We considered him as a genius [C2pr]

tobeagenius [C4]

1 bull (as) a genius ~ He was consdered t b

o e agemus

Consider as like regard as class as etc therefore exemplifies yet another type of prepositional verb one that is followed by a prepositiacuteonal object complement rather than a prepositional object

Occasionally the prepositionlor occurs in this copular function instead of as

He took these words as evidence He took me lor a fool

In the following list for verbs in column (i) the preposition is optional where for verbs in column (H) the preposition is obligatory

(i) appoint (as) (ii) aeeept as ehoose (as) aeknowledge as eonsider (as) eharaeterize as eount (as) class as deem (as) define as esteem (as) describe as rate (as) intend as reekon (as) mistakelor report (as) regard as eleet (as) see as eertify (as) take asllor erown (as) trea as make Unto) use as proclaim (as)

Most verbs in [elpr] and[e2pr] can also introduce an adjective phrase in the function of prepositional object complement

Types of verb complementation 1201

The experts raled his paintings (as) poor bUI representalive ol their class

They classed Jane as partialty sighted The media described the situation as hopeless ~ The situation was described as hopeless

Verbs not allowing this construction are marked 1 in the aboye lists The construction iacutes exceptional in allowing an adjective phrase to occur after a prepositiacuteon A more orthodox construction is obtained by adding the word being before the adjective phrase and thereby converting the prepositional complement into a nominal -ing clause

The media descriacutebed the situation as being hopeless

Note [al Count as and rate as can also oecur in an analogous as-conslruction without lhe object as prepositional copular verbs eg This coanslraes as a tWtable success (e 1622 Note lb]) [b] Allhough as is classcd as a preposition in Ibe above pattern il in some ways resemblcs the conjunction as which introduces clauses of comparison (e15 71) Consider Ihe following curious examples in which as introduces on Ihe one hand a clause and on the other hand a noun phrase in an appositional relation lo Ihe clause

Report me as 10m - a superannuated dolt Hedescribcd her as heound her a liar

(C31 Complementation by object and adjunct 1648 Our next category Type [e3] consists of verbs which occur in the SVOA

pattern (el216) ie verbs which ha ve as their complementation an object followed by a predication adjunct The most characteristic adjuncts to occur in this pattern are prepositional phrases of space and more particularly of direction eg

1 slipped the key into the lock He stood my argument on its head [2] Take your hands out olyour poekets

The passive iacutes illustrated by

The key was slipped into the lock [1 al Sentence [2] exemplifies the abstract or metaphorical use of such verbs and adjuncts Many of the verbs which fit into this pattern are causative verbs of motiacuteon put get stand se sit lay place send bring take lead drive etc The class is open-ended since verbs normally without causative meaning can be adapted to this function eg show see elbow etc in

The attendant showed us to our seats [conducted us ] May I see you home [escort you ] He elbowed and bribed his way to fame They talked me into it [persuaded me ]

Other verbs are associated with space position adjuncts rather than direction adjuncts

They lelt the papers at my offiee Always keep your eyes on the road when driving

1

i

1202 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

The attackers eaught us ofJour guardo He wished them at the bottom ofthe sea

Again the spatial meaning ofthe adjunct rnay be understood in sorne abstract or rnetaphorical sense as in the third exarnple aboye

Adjuncts of other sernantic types are less cornrnon but instances are the adjunct of rnanner following treat

badIY Her parents treated her as ifshe were a baby

as like a small ehild

and the optional adjunct of duration following last

This rnoney will ha ve to last you laquo(for) six months)

Note [al Treot has a dilferent meaning when the adjunct is omitted Her parents treated her [= did something pleasant for her]

[b] Superficiacuteally similar to the aboye pattern iacutes that iIIustrated by remind andfurnish followed by an object and a prepositional phrase

She reminds me ofmy sister They furnished all the passengers with iexclfe jackets

These however are classed as transiti ve prepositional verbs (cfI6 7-8) and will be dealt with in 1656fbelow The difference between Ihese prepositional verbs and verbs of complemenlation Type [e3] is that in Ihe former case the lexical verb governs a particular preposition remind offurnish with (Alternative prepositional constructions are sometimes available however provide withprovide for)

Variants of complex transitive complementation 649 We now examine variants of complex transitive cornplernentation in which

thc direct object iexcls f01lowltd by ji nonfinite dau~1 acting as predication adjunct Al four kinds of nonfinite construction (ef 146-8) are possible

[C4] to-infinitive [C6] -ing participle They knew hirn to be a spy 1caught Ann reading my diary

[CS] bare infinitive [C7] -ed participle 1heard someone slam We saw him beaten by the

World Heavyweight Champion thedoor

The nonfinite clause in these patterns (in italics in the above table) has no subject itself but its implied subject is always the preceding noun phrase which is object of the superordinate c1ause This noun phrase which if a personal pronoun is in the objective case is commonly termed a RAISED

OBJECT (ef further 16640) semantically it has the role of subject of the nonfinite verb but syntactically it is raised from the nonfinite c1ause to function as object of the superordinate verbo Hence in general this noun phrase (in italics in the table below) can become subject of the corresponding passive (The passive of [C5] normaly requires substitution of a to-infinitive for abare infinitive the passive of [C7) is of marginal currency ef 1654 Note [a))

(C4] He was known to be a spy

[eS] Someone was heard to slam the door

Types of verb complementation 1203

[C6] Ann was caught reading rny diary

[e] He was seen executed by a firing squad

On the face ofit the patterns [C4] and [e6] are indistinguishable from the rnonotransitive patterns [B8] (eg She hates the train to be late) and [B9] (eg She hates the train being late) in which the nonfinite c1ause has a subject of its own The ability of the noun phrase preceding the nonfinite verb to become subject of a passive is however an important distinction between thern (see further 1651 and 1653)

These patteros [e4] and (e6] are distinguished from corresponding patterns in which the Note nonfinite c1ause is an adverbial by the raet that the iacutemplied subject of the nonfinite verb is O rather than S Note the ambiguity of

She left him to finish the jobo She lert him holding the baby

IC4J Object + to-infinitive complementation The verbs in this group are rather numerous and rnay be subdivided 1650

(vii) assist bother bribe eondemll dariquest defy encourage help induce inspire press summon

semantically into the following categories

(iacute) announee declare proclaim pronounee

(H)

reporl repute [esp P rumour (P only] say[P only] tip (esp BrEgt

assume believe eonceive (formalgt eonsider expeet feel jind imagine know presume reekon see [P only1 suppose take thiacutenk[esp P1 understand

(iiiacute) intend mean

(iv) appoint elect name vote

(v) cause drive force get[no P] lead prompt

(vi) alow authorize compel eonstrain enable entitle equip jit oblige permit requiacutere

[P = Passive]

1ZU4 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Types (i) and (ti) correspond to the factual verbs of category [B3J discussed in 1631 the nonfinite construction following these verbs can often be replaced by a lhal-clause with an indicative verbo Compare

The poli ce reported that the traffic was heavy [B3] The police reported the traffic to be heavy (formal) [C4]

JOhn believed that the stranger was a policeman [B3 = John believed the stranger to be a policeman (formal) [C4]

With factual verbs such as these the nonfinite clause normaIly contains the verb be or sorne other verb of stative meaning EspecialIy when the nonfinite main verb is other than be the finite clause (of pattern [B3]) is preferred to the infiniti ve one except that the infinitive construction provides a convenient passive form

The traffic was reported to be heavy The stranger was believed to be a poli cernan

Sorne verbs in this construction have no lhat-clause equivalent

They tipped him to be the next president (esp BrE) - He was tipped to be the next president (They tipped that he would be the next president)

Sorne verbs (marked [P only] in the list abo ve) occur only in the passive version of this construction

The field marshal was said to be planning a new strategy (Someone said the field marshal to be planning a new strategy)

Other verbs (marked [esp PJ) occur chiefly in the passive

The BroadwiY piOJutioli was inoughi to have made Maxs fortune (Newsmen lhought the Broadway production to have made Maxs fortune)

Ofthe twq classes of factual verbs Type (i) consists ofpublic verbs (cf1631) referring to a speech act and Type (ii) consists of private verbs expressing belief etc

1651 Of the remaining semantic types Type (iii) consists of verbs of intention (on intend itself ef 1641 Note lb]) Types (iv) and (v) consist of causative verls where the infinitive clause identifies the resultant state (Type (iv) verbs also belong to class [Cl]) Type (vi) cClUsists of verbs with a modal character expressing such concepts as enablement permission and compulsion and Type (vii) consists of a variety of verbs of influencing between which a common factor appears to be that the nonfinite clause has a purposive meaning Examples are

(iii) They intended Mary to sing an aria (- Mary was intended to sing an aria)

(iv) The meeting elected Mr Martiacuten to be the next treasurer (- Mr Martin was elected to be the next treasurer)

Types of verb complementation 1205

(v) This optimistic forecast led the administration to promise tax cuts ( _ The administration was led (by this optimistic forecast) to promise tax cuts)

(vi) My contract allows me to take one months lea ve (- 1arn allowed to take one months leave)

(vii) Our teachers eneouraged us to think for ourselves (- We were eneouraged to think for ourselves)

In Type (iv) the infinitive main verb is normaIly be and can be omitted They appointed her (lO be) the social secretar) This type overlaps with Type (v) 1646

Note [al There are a number of multi-word verbs in this category [C4prl counl Ofl bullbullbull lO depend Ol bullbull lo rey on lO bullbullbull [C4phl make OUI 10 bullbull [C4ph-pr] keep 01 al lo bull

(which has no passive) Examples are 1 am dependillg 011 you lO give us your fu support They malle him oul to be a monster ofdepravity Why do you keep On al me 10 work harder

[b] Sorne passives of pattem [C4] (eg be allowed be supposed) have a semi-auxiliary (cf347f) interpretation in which they lose their connection with the corresponding active construction especiay as regareis agency

(es) Object + bare infinitive complementation 1652 This pattern occurs with a relatively smaIl number of verbs

(i) have (ii) fee overhear[P] (iii) help [P] let hear [PI see [PJ know [P] rnake [PI notice [P watch

observe[P]

Typl (i) consists uf vlrbs uf iexcluiexclciacuteVI meaning Type (ii) has percepwal verbs of seeing and hearing and Type (iii) is a residual class of two verbs which are optionally followed by a to-infinitive The marker [PI indicates that the passive (normaIly with a to-infinitive) is possible [P] indicates that the passive is of doubtful or limited acceptability

(i) You shouldnt lel your family iacutenterfere with our plans We must rnake the public take notice ofuso

(- The public must be rnade to take notice ofus) (ji) Did you notiacutece anyone leaue the house

The crowd saw Gray score lwo rnagnificeni goals ( - Gray was seen lo seore two rnagnificent goas)

(iii) Sarah helped us (to) edil the seript 1 have known John (to) give better speeches than that

(- John has been known lO giue better speeches than that)

Know followed by the bare infinitive is confined mainly to BrE and to the perfective aspect have known Lel in group (i) is in other constructions cIassified as similar to an auxiliary (ef3SI) Let has an apparent passive in combination with such verbs as lel go and lel fal but these are best regarded as fixed expressions in which let has an auxiliary or particIe-like function

They let the prisoner go horneo - The prisoner was let go horneo

1206 Complementation of verbs and adjectiacuteves

Note that this apparent passive has the bare infinitive in contrast for example to make which has to have the to-infinitive in the passive

They mude him understand ~ He was made to understalld

A third verb in group (i) is have which (like have in monotransitive constructions) does not occur in the passi ve

They had me repeat the message ~ 1 was had (to) repeat the message

Note [a] The formulaic nature of let him go and similar expressions is illustrated by variants such as [1-3J which cannot be fitted into any regular complementation pattern

gothe rope [1] They lel the rope go [2]

goofthe rope (3)

[b] Of the two constructions with help tha with 10 is more common in BrE and that without 10

is more common in AmE [e] Arare verb in category (i) is the now rather archaic bid with a to-infinitive complementation in the passive

They bidbade me sil down - rwas bidden 10 sil down

[C61 Object + -ing participle complementation 1653 The verbs in category [C6] consist of verbs of perception (Type (iraquo verbs of

encounter (Type (iO) and two verbs of coercive meaniacuteng (Type

feel[C5] see[C5) (ji) eateh (iiiacute) have hear[C5) smell diseover get notiee [C5] spot find observe[C5) spy leave overhear[CS) wateh [CS) pereeive

Perception verbs marked [CS] occur also with the bare infinitive pattern [CS) Wiacuteth such verbs there iacutes an aspect difference between [C5) and [C6) as described in 461f

Tim watched Bill mendlmendingthe lampo

The bare infinitive having nonprogressive meaning implies that Bill did the wholejob while Tiacutem was watching the -ing clause with progressive meaning has no such implicatiacuteon

This complementatiacuteon pattern differs from that of [B9) not only in its progressive aspect but also in that the noun phrase following the superordinate verb cannot take the genitive (or possessive) form (ef 1642)

1 saw him lying on the beach 1 saw his lying on the beach

Another difference from pattern [B9) is that the -ing predication can normally be omitted without radically altering the meaning

1 saw him lying on the beach [entails iexcl saw him)

Contrast

1 hate my friends leaving early [does notentaiacutel 1 hate my friends)

Types of verb complementation 1207

The passive with this pattern is regular

We could hear the rain splashing on the roof ~ The rain could be heard splashing on che roof

A teacher eaughc them smoking in the playground - They were eaught smoking in the playground (by a teacher)

Prepositional verbs with this type of complementation ([C6prJ) include eome aeross eome upon listen to and look at Look at those ehildren climbing the wall But these [C6prJ prepositional verbs have no prepositiacuteonal passive

seen The guards had been spouhed searchiacuteng the building

wate e d looked at

Have in this construction (e18S1ff) also has no passive in keeping with its use in other constructions

She had us working day after day We were had working day after day

Note Feeloccurs especially with a reflexive pronoun object Shefelt herself falling in love

[C7) Object + -ed participle complementation 1654 We can distinguish three small groups of verbs complemented bv a raised

object followed by an -ed participle c1ause

(i) CAUSATIVE verbs get ha ve She gotlhad the watch repaired immediately

Oi) VOLITlONAL verbs want need like I wantlneed this watch repaired immediately

(jii) PERCEPTUAL verbs see hearJeel (oneself) wateh Someone must have seenl heard the car stolen

A fourth group is peripheral to this construction

(iv) Verbs for which the -ed participle describes a resulting statefind

diseoverleave They founddiseoveredfleft him worn out by tra vel and exertion

j In this construction as in that of (C6) have can ha ve either an agentive causative meaning or a stative meaning Hence The guard patrol had two men shot is ambiguous meaning either The patrol caused two men to be shot or

I The patrol suffered the los s oftwo men by shooting The latter meaning is that of the have-existential construction (ef 18S1ff) In general this

complementation type is semantically equivalent to one with an iacutenfinitive form of the verb be Thus in Type (ii) iexcl would like my room cleaned is synonymous with iexcl would like my room to be cleaned in Type Oiiacute) He saw the team beaten is synonymous with He saw the team be beaten

Note [al There is no passive for most verbs in pattem [e7] and at best the passive is dubious The car must have been seen stolen The acceptability of the passive with Type (iv) is exceptional

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1208 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

The car wasfound abandoned This is indeed an indication that Type (iv) may not belong here so much as with the objecl complement construction [el l iexclhe participle construclion being adjectival (cf an abandoned car) lb1In addition to the two meanings of haue + objec + -ed participle above a third meaning results ifthe -ed clause is analysed as a postmodifier of Ihe object eg She had a book (which gtvas) stolenfrom the library

Ditransitive complementation

ID11 Noun phrases as both indirect and direct object 1655 Ditransiacutetive complementation in its basic fonu involves two object no un

phrases an indirect object which is nonually aniacutemate and positioned first and a direct object which is nonually concrete The two noun phrases differ from those of[C2] in not being in a copular relationship

He gave the girl a doll --v-- --r-

S V Oiacute Od

The difference between this and complex transitive complementation is seen in

svoe He found her a loyal friendo ( She was a loyal friend)

SVOO He found her an apartment ( - The apartment was for her)

The characteristics of indirect objects in contrast to direct objects are fully disclssed in 107

Sorne ditransitive verbs have two passive analogues which we shall distinguish as first and second

The girl was given a doll [FIRST PASSIVE]

A doll was given the girl [SECOND PASSIVE]

Of these two the first passive in which the indirect object becomes subject is the more common The prepositional paraphrase is more usual as an alternative than the second passive A dol was given to the girl (For a list of verbs ofType [01] ef1657 below)

[D21 Object and prepositional object 1656 In the ditransitive category prepositional verbs fonu an important group

with its own sub-divisions and may therefore be given a separate category number D2] These verbs are those we have called Type II prepositional verbs (cfI67-8) Alongside the ordinary indirect object pattern two main prepositional patterns rnaybe distinguished _

Indirect object + direct object [D1] Direct object + prepositional object D2a] lndirect object + prepositional object [D2b]

Types of verb complementation 1209

The indirect object is normally animate and is the recipient or beneficiary of the process described by the verb (ef 1019) Unlike ditransitive verbs of category [D 1] (eg give) ditransiti ve verbs with prepositional objects nonually have only one passive

We addressed our remarks to the children [D2a] - Our remarks were addressed to the children (The children were addressed our remarks (toraquo

W e reminded him of the agreement [D2bl - He was reminded of the agreement (The agreement was reminded him (of)

-1 Sorne verbs have a11 three possibilities of construction in the active many have two forothers there is only one possibility (in sorne cases the alternatives are not identical but very similar in meaning)

tel [01 + 2a + 2b]

1

offer [01 + 2a] 1

envy [01 + 2b] I

wish [01]

bamefD2a + 2b]

say [D2a]

warn [D2b]

Mary told only John the secret DI] Mary told the secret only to John [D2a] Mary told only John about the secreto [D2b]

John offered Mary sorne help [DI] John offered sorne help to Mary [D2a]

She envied John his success [DI] She envied Johnfor his success [D2b]

They wished him good luck [DI]

Helen blamed the divorce on John rD2al Helen blamed Johnfor the divorce [D2bj

Why didnt anybody say this to me [D2a] I

Mary warned John ofthe dangers [D2b) I

The different constructional possibilities of certain verbs provide a means of achieving different focus (cfI837f) Compare the fo11owing pairsofsentences as pronounced with unmarked (end) focus

Mary blamed the broken vase on IOHN Mary blamed John for the broken VAacuteSE

(ef John was blamed by MARY)

The government supplied blankets for the HOMEless The government supplied the homeless with BLANKets

(ef Blankets were supplied by the Goacutevernment)

Note [al The aboye constructions are presented in the most typical syntactic ordering but postshyponernent of the direct or iacutendirect object may take place in contexts where end-focus or endshyweight is required (cf1837) eg John offered lO Mary Ihe help thal she needed [b] Additional prepositional verb patterns should be briefly mentioned There is for example the double-prepositional-verb pattern noted in 1617(c)

1210 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1211

1657

1 am applying lo the hospitalor ajobo There is a further possibility that two prepositional objects may follow a diacuterect object

We are paying $100 lo the garage for the repairs

Verbs of complementation types ID1 and [D2 The following list gives sorne of the verbs that occur in Types [DI] [D2aJ [D2b] organized aeeording to the cross-classifications of 1656 aboye We are interested here only in synonymous or nearly synonyrnous constructions in which the same participant roles (ef lO18jJ) oceur Hence many possible prepositional verbs are ignored Pay for for example is ignored because it introduces a further participant (the commodity bought) not incuded in pay (with) and pay (to)

Table 1657

Type [DI) Type [D2a] Type[D2b]

EXAMPLE serve (Jaek scampi) serve (searnpi) serve (Jack) to (Jack) with (scampi)

[DI + 2a + 2b) pay payto pay with provide (AmE) providefor provide with serve serve to serve with tel tell to tell about

[DI + 2a) (l) bring bring to den deny to give give lo

grant gram to hand hand to leave leave tofor lend lend to offer offer to owe oweto promise promiseto read read lo send send to show show to teaeh teaeh to throw throw to

(ii) do doacutefor find findfor make makefor order order for reserve reservefor save savefor spare sparefor

(iii) ask askof

1658

[DI + 2b]

[Di]

[D2a + 2b]

[D2a]

[D2b)

envy excuse forgive

allow eharge fine refuse wish

blameon supply forto

address to announee to eommunieate to explain to sayto

envyfor exeusefor forgivefor

blamefor supply with

advise about punishfor etc

The membership of[D2b] is numerous Here are further examples arranged by prepositions

thankfor eonvineeof robof refer to preventfmm depriacutevenf ltuspee f 9f sentenee to proleet from informof warnof subject ro imerest in persuadeof congratulate on treat to aecuseof relieveof confine to charge with convictof remindof introduce to compare with

Note that reflexive verbs (cf 625) sometirnes oecur with a prepositional object eg We pride ourselves on the serviee we ofler Sorne of the verbs abo ve (such as compare with) ean have two inanimate objects

In Table 1657 we have distinguished under[Dl + 2a] verbs taking to as their preposition from those takingfor eg

(i) She sent Paul a present She sent a present to Paul (ji) She made Paul a meaL She made a mealfor Paul

Occasionally a preposition other than to and for oceurs in this function

OiO She asked Paul a favour She asked a favour ofPaul

Distinct from [D2aJ and [D2bJ aboye is a kind of prepositional verb which has already been discussed in 167-8 a verb for which the direet object forms part of an idiomatic unit with the verb and the preposition The syntactic properties of this type which we label (D2e] have already been dealt with and it is enough here to list a further sample ofsueh idioms

1212 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1213I I

eateh siacuteght of make allowanee for put a stop to give place to make fun of set jire to give way to make afuss overabout take aeeount Ofl keep pace with make roomfor take advantage ojI lose sight of make use ojI take eare of 1

lose toueh with pay attention to 1 take note ojI lose traek of put an end to take notice ojI

Those marked with a raised 1 can take not only a prepositional passive (ef 167-8) but also can easily take a passive for which the idiomatically-fixed direct object beco mes subject eg (Some) allowanee was made for loss of eamings (Little) notiee was taken of this evento Other verbs can take the passive but with greater difficulty with these examples as with prepositional verbs in general idiomatic cohesion is a matter of gradience

Variants of ditransitive complementation

ID3J Indirect object + that-cIause object 1659 Corresponding to monotransitive verbs ofType [B3] (efI630) are ditransiti ve

verbs for which the direct object is a that-clause

John eonvinced me (that) he was right ~ I was eonvineed (by John) (that) he was right

The second passive is unacceptable when the direct object is a clause That he was right was eonvineed me Thus the first passive (ef 1655) above is the only passive that can occur with this pattern With sorne verbs such as eonvinee above it is impossible to delete the noun phrase object

John conviucJ (lhat) he was riguiacute

With other verbs such as show the indirect object is optional

The professor of mathematics showed me that Pythagoras was mistaken ~ The professor of mathematics showed that Pythagoras was

mistaken

Ditransitive verbs followed by a that-clause may be divided into a subtype introducing an indirect statement and a subtype introducing an indirect directive (ef 1433) In the indirect statement the that-clause contains an indicative verb in the indirect directive the verb may be indicative or subjunctive and often contains putative should or another modal verb (ef 1632 for the distribution ofthese options)

INDIRECT STATEMENT

May 1 inform you that your order is ready for eolleetion INDIRECT DIRECTIVE

mightbeShe petitioned the king that her father ~ould be pardoned

In the following list Type (i) verbs introduce indirect statements and Type (H) verbs introduce indirect directives The indirect directive construction is

rare and formal in comparison with the similar infinitive construction (ef 1663)

WOUldI begged her that she should help ltformal) 1 begged her to help ltmore usual)

For those verbs marked O the indirect object is obligatory foc those marked (O) the indirect object is optional for those marked laquoOraquo the indirect object is not only optional but unusual

(i) advise (O) remindO (iiacute) ask3 laquoOraquo assureO satisfyO beg3 (O) bet (O) show3 (O) eharge (O) eonvineeO teaeh3 (O) eommand laquoOraquo forewarn (O) tellO iacutenstruet laquoOraquo informO wager(O) order laquoOraquo notify 3 O warn (O) petition3 (O) persuadelO write2bull 3 (O) tellO promise3 (O)

The superscripts are interpreted as follows

1 Persuade in the sense ofconvince belongs to Type (i) but it may also be used in a Type (iiacute) sense of persuade someone to do something

2 Write is found with an indirect object + that-clause especially in AmE 3 With verbs so marked the indiacuterect object can be replaced by a

prepositional object (ef 1660)

Note Superficially similar W the [D3] pallern is lhe impersonal construction Iacutef strikeslstruck me (Ihal) asin

It strikes me this work is for his own amusement But here the Ihal-c1ause (as in 1634) is the extraposed subject of the verbo Compare He strikes me as (cf1646 Note [el) and lt occursto me that (cfI634 Note [e))

ID3prl Prepositionalobject + that-cIause object 1660 The verbs marked 3 in the aboye list can be optionally followed by a

preposition thus forming a category similar to [D2a] in 1656

He promised laquoto) me) that the debt would be repaid

For most verbs of [03] which permit a prepositional object the preposition is to

He wrote to me He reported to me that etc

Exceptions are ask and beg which (in somewhat formal usage) are followed by the preposition of

I askbegofyou that you will keep this secret ltformal)

There is in addition a group of verbs which were classified in 1631-32 as monotransitive but which optionally allow the preposition to preceding a prepositional object These may be distinguished as Type [D3pr] and subdivided into sub-types (i) and (iacutei) as in the paraUel description of [B3] verbs

1214 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Joan mentioned (to me) that her father was siacuteck [Type (O] Or Oay recommended (to her) that the treatment be continued [Type (ii)]

For elample

(i) acknowledge declare remark (ji) propose admit explain repon recommend announce mention say suggest complain pointout signal eoness prove state

As before Type (i) verbs introduce indirect statements and the less numerous Type (ii) verbs introduce indirect directives As befare too sorne exceptional verbs take a preposition other than to

She demanded ome that She agreed with me that etc

Unlike the nonprepositional verbs of [03] these prepositional verbs alow the that-c1ause to become subject of a corresponding passive clause an option which is more acceptable with extraposition

That several ministers are resigning has been admitted to our correspondent ~ It has been admitted to our correspondent that several ministers

are resigning It has been shown to us al that Miss Jones was innocent

Without the preposition ie with an ordinary indirect object such sentences are at best marginally grammatical 1It has been shown us al that Miss Jones was innocent

~~otc The constructions of lt appc-siexclappe(~iexclcfurseems ro me ha slipclfidaly appear ti) bclvuumlg to the paltero [D3prl but in faet these contain monotransitive verbs with an extraposed tnatshyelause as subject

It occurredlseemed to me that he was Iying esimilar patteros with extraposition in 1634 1659 Note

ID4) Indirect object + finite wh-c1ause object 1661 This pattern of complementatiacuteon is primarily found with the verb ask which

introduces a reported question

John asked me what time the meeting would end ~ 1 was Gsked (by John) what time the meeting would end

AIso used with this pattern are verbs which take an indirect object followed by a that-clause (Type (i) of [03]) but for these the wh-clause tends to be limited 10 nonassertive contexts (cf1635) Compare

George didnt tell them that the train was late [1] George didn t tel them whether the train was late [21

The difference of meaning between the that- and whether-constructiacuteons can be stated in terms of presupposition Sentence [1] typically implies that the train was late while [2] is noncommittal on the matter [04] verbs can also introduce other question words such as where and how

Tvpes of verb complementation 1215

Jim was reluctant to inform us (o) where he got the money Would you remind me (about) how we start the engine

A preposition may always be placed before the wh-c1ause In the aJiexclove cases the prepositiacuteon is optional but in the case of verbs like enquire o (Type [04prJ) the preposition is obligatory iexcl enquired ofthe clerk which doeuments were needed The complex preposition as to can be rather general1y used for introducing the wh-clause eg I enquired as to which documents were needed

[D5) Indirect object + wh-infinitive clause object 1662 This is yet another complementation pattern (comparable with [B5] 1637)

which may be taken by sorne verbs listed under[03] in 1659

advise ask instruct remind show teach tell wam

The instructor taught us how lo land saely - We were taught (by the instructor) how to land saely

They advised him what lO wear in the tropies Please remind me where to meet you afier lunch

The equivalent prepositional verb pattern [05pr] is iIIustrated by suggest to recommend to

Could you please suggest to the visitors which museums to visit

Here as in the [04] type a prepositional phrase introduced by as lO can be used

Helen advised us (as to) how to maintain the machine

f~ iexcl llt ~- I ~ i ~

~i ~ ~~

1663 ID61lndirect object + to-infinitive clause object We have seen that the [03] pattern may be used to introduce indirect statements and that the [04] pattern may be used to introduce indirect questions Now we tuen to the verbs of class [06] which introduce indirect directives (c1433)

1 lOldjadvisedjpersuaded Mark to see a doctor ~ Mark was toldjadvisedjpersuaded to see a doctor

[I] [2]

This complementation category looks like those of[B81 and [C5] in that the verb is followed by a noun phrase and an infinitive construction But the [06] pattern differs from these in that the noun phrase following the verb is an indirect object as will be c1arified in 1666 below As with other verbs introducing indiacuterect speech the subject refers to the speaker of sorne speech act and the indirect object refers to the addressee Like [03] verbs [06] verbs form only the first passive exemplified in [2] above we do not find To see a doctor was lOld Mark The folowing verbs belong to this c1ass

advise command entreat instruct remind teach ask counsel exhort invite request1 tell beg detai[l orbid order recommend urge beseech direct implore persuade challenge enjoin 1 incite l prayl

1216 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Those verbs marked with araised 1 do not have the equivalent construction with a that-clause containing a modal or a subjunctive verb (Types [B3(ii)J [030i)]) Contrast

They ~eg~tedd her to stay another week mm e

They ~eKgtedd (her) that she would stay another week mm e

The alternative that-clause construction however is more formal especially when the indirect object is presento

Note [a] The verb promire when it occurs wiacuteth this kind of complementation is exceptional in that the understood subject of the infinitiacuteve is identified with the subject rather than with the object of the maiacuten c1ause

Sarn prornised me to get some rood

= Sam promised me that he would get sorne roed o Sam promised me that lwould get sorne roed

The present pattern [D6] iexcls however less cornmon with promise than the [B6] pattern without the indiacuterect object Sam promised to get someiexclood lb] Only ordercan be followed by a passive infinitive He ordered Ihem lo be impriacutesonedlreleased

Multiple analysis and gradience in verb complementation 1664 Before we leave verb classification it is important to reflect on the problems

of dividing verbs into complementation types The major division of complementation patterns into copular [AJ monotransitive [BJ complex transitive [C] and ditransitive [OJ categories (introduced in 216) has been extended with little difficulty te include patterns in which the verbs ccmplementation includes finite and nonntildenitc clauses This is the basis rOiacute

the classification Qf verbs into types in 1620-63 aboye But unavoidably our aim of presenting a clear classification has obscured sorne problems of gradience and multiple analysis (e 260ff) and to illustrate these we return to three superficially iacutedentical structures aIread y discussed in 1636 These are now illustrated with three new examples each of which conforms to the pattern NI V N 2 to V N 3 (where N = noun phrase and V = verb phrase)

Table L664a

V N2 to V NJNI

[B8] S V O

We like all parents to visit the schooL

I [1]

[C4] Is V O Co

They James therace I [2]

[D6] I S Oiexcl

We I asked I the students I toattend

Ia lectu~en_~

Types of verb complementation 1217

Each ofthese sentences consists ofthe sequence Niexcl V N 2 to V N 3 and yet we have analysed them respectively as monotransitive (S V O) complex transitive (S V degCol and ditransitiacuteve (S V Oiexcl 0d) A different analysis in sorne ways more revealing would recognize an overlap between two competing descriptions of the intennediacuteate noun phrase N2 There is little doubt that in [1 J this is to be analysed as subject of the infinitive clause (e 1636) whereas in [3J there are equally strong reasons for regarding N as (indirect) object of the main clause (e 1666)

Smiddot V S V O 1shyI I

I I ISmiddot V 0 V OI I I I I iexcl I I I I I I I I I iexcl

NI V Nz 10 V NJ NI V N2 lo V N) I I I I

Fig 1664b Sentence[l] Fig 1664c Sentence [3J

Sentence [2J however partakes ofboth these descriptions From the semantic point of view it requires the analysis of Fig 1664b (ef They expeeted [that James would win the race]) But from the structural point of view the analysis in Fig 1664c is more appropriate reflecting N2s ability to become subject of the passive sentence James was expeeted to win the raee We might reasonably say that in [2J N 2 behaves like an object (0 rather than Oiacute) in relation to the first verb but like a subject in relation to the second infinitive verh Tbe term RAISED OBJECT applied in 1649ffto the intermediate noun phrase of patterns [C4 - Cn incorporates yet another way of recognizing this double analysis by envisaging a process whereby the subject of the infinitive becomes the object of the preceding finite verbo This raised object will be symbolized in what follows SO

1665 Given that the double analysis aboye provides sorne insight into clauses containing nonfinite complementation we could take such an analysis further and apply it to aH complex transitive patterns including the more straightforward SVOC and SVOA pattems of[Cl - C3]

that John is a good driver lB3J 1consider John to be a good driver [C4]

John a good driver [C2]

The paraHelism of meaning and phrasal relations demonstrated in these three sentences recommends an analysis in which the complementation of pattern [C2J John a good driver would be regarded as a clause in its own right ie as a verbless clause consisting of S = John and Cs = a good driver without an intervening V This description would not however displace the by now familiar S V Od Co analysis but would rather be seen as an alternative way of looking at the same construction

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1218 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Gradience 1666 The teehnique of multiple analysis stiU leaves some subtletiacutees unexposed

What this teehnique has suggested is that there are the folowing three eategories eorresponding to [1 in 1664

N 2 S We like all parenls to visit the school [1) N2 = SO They expeeted James to win the raee [2] Nz = O We asked Ihe sludents to attend a leeture

But more than three eategories ean be appropriately distinguished if we reeognize [1) and [3] as end-points of a gradient with [2) at some point on the seate between them This area of grammar affords a good example of gradienee

At the monotransitive end of the seale [I) ean be characterized by a number of criteria whieh suggest that N 2 to V N3 (al parents to visit the school) constitutes the direct object of an SVO pattern

(a) It ean be replaced by a pronoun referring to the cIause or noun phrase nominalizing it We like it We like al parens visits

(b) It can be an answer to a what-question A What do you like best

B We like al parents to visit the school (e) In some dialects it can be preceded by the infinitive clause introdueer

for We like (it)for all parens to visit the school (d) It ean easily (when preeeded by for) be the focus of a pseudo-cIeft

sentence What we like (best) is for al parents to visit the school (e) When the sequenee N 2 to V N 3 is turned into the passive form N 3 to be

Vedz by Nz there is no ehange ofmeaning We ike aIl parents to visit the sehcel

= We like the school te be visited biexcl al parents (f) In a reduced construetion the infinitive marker to remains We like them

does not have the same meaning as We like them to

At the other ditransitive end of the seale a eontrasting set of criteria eharaeterize [3) and support the analysis of N2 (the students) as an indireet object and to V N3 (to attend a lecture) as a cIausal direet objeet

(a) 10 V N 3 ean be replaced by a pronoun a noun phrase or a finite clause with Nz still funetioning as indireet object

SOmething We asked the students a question

what they wanted

(b) 10 V N 3 can be the answer to a wh-question while N2 funetions as indirect object

A What did you ask the students B We asked them to attend a lecture

(e) When the sequenee N2 to V N3 is turned into the passive sequence N3 to be Ved2 by N 2 the meaning is always changed

They asked the students to attend a leeture They asked a lecture to be attended by the students

this case indeed the passive transform results in an absurdity)

Types of verb complementation 1219

(d) to V N 3 can marginally become the focus of a pseudo-cleft sentence What they asked the students was to attend a lecture (Contrast the decidedly unaeeeptable What we like the parents is to visil the school)

(e) Nz which like Oi in general is usually personal can be detached from its place after the first V to beeome subjeet of a eorresponding passive sentenee The students were asked to attend a lecture

(n In a reduced eonstruction the infinitive marker to ean be omitted We asked them We persuaded them etc

Note [a] With some ditransitive verbs criterion (a) has to be interpreted as the replacement of the infinitive clause by a preposition and prepositional object (cfI656-8)

They reminded hiacutem ofhis responsibiacutelities One man challenged the other lo a duel

[b] Criterion (d) is less reliacuteable than the others since the pseudo-cleft sentence is unacceptable for many verbs But a pseudo-cleft sentence in which the indirect object is replaced by a prepositional object tends to be more grammatical Whal Ihey asked ollhe sludenls was lO attend a leclure (The alternative construction with the substitute verb do which also occurs with [1] is always more acceptable What Ihey asked Ihe students lo do was lO attend a lecture)

1667 To give a simplified illustration of the analysis of gradience in the sequence NI V N 2 to V N 3 we now take a subset ofthe eriteria listed aboye and apply them to a range of verbs on the gradient eonneeting [1] and [3] of 16_66

(1) (3) (4)(2) wantask elect intend

CRITERIA likeallow expectlel~ etc I etc etc etc~ (a) lo V N 3 can be replaeed by - - -+a finite clause

(e) ehange of meaning in passive -+ +of N 2 10 VN3

(e) N 2 can beeome subjeet of passive -+ ++

Fig 1667 A eomplementatiacuteon gradient

The matrix uses only three criteria and thereby distinguishes only four categories This is sufficient to indicate the principie however that the three categories [BS] [C4] and [D6) of our taxonomy eould be broken down iexclnto a finer spectrum of eategories between which the differences are small In effeet Fig 1667 distinguishes two subeategories of [C4] one (including elect and allow) whieh is c10ser to the ditransitive type and one (including inlend and expect) eloser to the monotransitive type Elect and allow respond to cri terion (e)

They elected Miss Coe to suceeed the present seeretary They elected the present seeretary to be sueceeded by Miss Coe

We dont allow residents to entertain visitors We dont allow visitors to be entertained by residents

1220 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

while intend and expeet do not

They intended the students to see the professor = They intended the professor to be seen by the students

They expeet the students to enjoy the classes = They expeet the classes to be enjoyed by the students

Note Por verbs in group (3) the voice oflhe infinitive clause and the voiceofthe main clausemay be independently varied with the result Ihat a SlIacutentence like They expected the students lo enjoy lile classes has tbree corresponding passiv~s with iexclhe same meaning

They expected the classes to be enjoyed by the students The students were expecled lo enjoy the classes

The classes were expected lo be enjoyed by the students

The last example has a passive verb phrase in both the superordinate clause and Ihe infinitive clame

Adjective complementation

168 Categories of complementation in adjective phrases (ef 228 721-2) are similar in variety to those ofverb complementation We distinguish [El-ES)as follows

[El] Complementation by a prepositional phrase [E2] Complementation by a that-clause [E3] Complementation by a wh-clause

i[E4) Complementation by a than-clause [ES] Complementation by a to-infinitive clause [E6] Complementation by an -ing participle clause

These complementation patterns can occur after an adjective (andmiddot its modifiers if any) in various syntactic functions For example

The violiacuten iacutes (rather) difficut to play (adjective phrase as CJ

Mary found the violiacuten (rather) diffieut to play (adjective phrase as CJ

The violiacuten is an instrument (rather) diffieult to play (adjective phrase as postmodifier)

The on1y posiacutetion in which an adjective cannot normally be followed by iacutets complementation is the premodifying position in a noun phrase a keen child on ehess But here too with certain constructions (Types [ES(iraquo) and [ES(v)D the complementation can follow discontinuously after the head noun The violiacuten is a diffieult instrument to play (ef discontinuity with comparative constructions IS75) For illustrative purposes we will confine examples in the following sections to the subject complement function The lists like the verb lists in 1620-63 will be selective

Adjective complementation 1221

Note There is a considerable parallel as the categories [El-ES] aboye demonstrate between patterns associated with adjectives and those associated with monotransitive verbs The chief difference is that adjectives cannot be followed by a noun phrase object To bring out the parallel further we could describe adjectives exemplified in 1669 below (averse to conscous oJ etc) as prepositional adjectives comparable with prepositional verbs We could moreover identify phrasal adjectives (derived from participiaI forms ofphrasal verbs) such as ron down (exhausled depressed) and phrasaI-prepositionaI adjectives such as fed up (with) These tatter variants however are rare enough lo be disregarded in the foUowing lists

[E1] Adjective complementation by a prepositional phrase 1669 Like prepositional verbs adjectives often forro a lexical unit with a following

preposition good atfond oj opposedto etc The lexical bond is strongest with adjectives for which in a given sense the complementation is obligatory Max is averse to games Max is averse Such adjectives are marked 1 in the following lists

The lists make a distinction between participial (ef 715-19) and nonparticipial adjectives The differencebetween participial adjectives and the -ed participle of the passive construction is discussed in 375-77 These lists provide on1y a small sample of the adjectives accompanying the prepositions concemed In particular it is often possible for the same adjective to go with two or more prepositions as in angry about angry at and angrywith

ABOUT He was very worried about her reaction (ef960)

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

angry knowledgeabe aggrieved frightened glad mad annoyed pleased happy reasonable delighted worried

AT She was badat mathematics (ef962)

NONP ARTICIPIAL P ARTlCIPIAL

angry good alarmed disgusted brilliant hopeless amusedmiddotmiddot pleased elever terrible delighted puzzled

FROM Thevillage is remotefromthe bustle ofcity life (ef918 947)

different distant distinct free remo te

OF She was aware ofhis difficulties

NONPARTlCIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

eonvineed ashamed empty proud1 afraid conseiousl glad

seared eapable fond 1 short1 tired certain full worthy

ONUPON Their plan was based on cooperation

NONPARTICIPIAL IPARTICIPIAL

contingent1 intent1 reliantl basedl set1

dependent keen severe hentl

Yiexcl

1222 Complementation of verbs and adjectives ~ Adjective complementation 1223

Note lal In general choice of preposilion remains the same after morphologicalIy related verbs adjectives and nouns differentftom differ from differencefrom But Ihis eorrespondence is not always lo be relied on contrastfull ofwilhfilied wllh proudofwith pride in lb] Other prepositions whieh less comrnonly enlee into adjective + prepositlon idioms iexclnelude for and lowards graleful for sorry for inclined towards le] Usedfollowed by the preposition lO a more informal synonym ofaccustomed(to) is participial in spelling but has the speeial pronuneiation nus~ Unlike accustomed however used does not oceur with a following infinitive (ef 1679) This adjeetival used to in spite of identity of spelling and pronunciation is quite distinet from used lO as a marginal modal (cf344) Contrast

Im used lO hard work I used ro work hard Id] In the past prescriptive objeetions have been made to the use of to ralher Ihan from after averse and different Howevee ro is the normal preposition to fol1lt11 averse and differenr 10 is quite widely used (esp in BrE) as an altemative lo differentfrom On iJifferent rhan cf1566 Note 1674

le] Wilh can be omitted after (fn)compalibie if the subject is plural cfmutual participation 1360

middotCarl is incompatible OUT Cad and Eva are incompatible

[E2] Adjective complementation by a that-clause 670 Like that-clauses following a verb that-clauses folIowiacuteng an adjective may

have

(A) indicative verb 1am sure (that) he is here now (B) subjunctiacuteve verb They were insistent (that) we be ready (formal) (C) putativeshould Im sorry (that) he should hove left ltformal)

The uses of the mandative subjunctive and of putative should have been discussed in 359 and 1425 respectiacutevely Putative should often occurs after expressions of emotion (sorrowjoy displeasure surprise wonder etc) and is often accompanied by intensifying expressions such as so such like thisl that ever or at all The indicative that-clause on the other hand refers to an established fact The foHowing pairs illustrate choices of construction

1 (that) 1 have to leave so early am sorry (that) you should have been (so) inconvenienced

(that) you didnt call the doctor before 1 am surprised (that) anyone ofyour intelligence should swallow a tie

likethat

With some adjectives (those in category [E2b(iiacute)] 1672) the should-clause can be paraphrased by an infinitive clause with a subject

It was natural for him to go to London after the war = It was natural that he should go to London after the war

That-clauses cannot be preceded by preposiacutetions Hence adjectives which are constructed with prepositions before noun phrases ([El]) drop the preposition before a that-clause (cfI628) Compare the folIowing

OfhiS innocence [E1 ] 1am convlnced (th ) h t [E2]at e IS mnocen

Many that-clauses folIowing an adjective are actualIy subjects postponed by extraposition (cf1833)

lt is lucky (that) you came - That you came is lucky

These are listed separately in 1672

lEla) Adjectives with experiencer (cflO23 Note) as subject 1671 (i) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATIVE VERB ONL Y (cfNote [a] below)

These adjectives express degrees of certainty or confidence aware certain corifident sure

We were corifident that Karen was stiacutell alive

(ii) THAT-CLAUSE HAS PUTATIVE SHOULD OR SUBJUNCTIVE VERB

(or marginally aloo an indicative verb) The three principal adjectives in this class are anxious eager and willing

he should be permitted to resiacutegn 1 Are you willing that he be permitted to resign 1

1he is permitted to resign 1 ~

(On the distribution of these three altematives cfI630)

(iH) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATIVE VERB OR PUTATIVE SHOULD

These adjectives express emotions

Im so thankful that nobody was hurto Were you surprised that Ray should win the prize

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

afraid hopeful alarmed depressed horrified angry proud amazed disappointed irritated glad sad amused distressed pleased grateful sorry annoyed disturbed shocked happy tha7lkful astonished frightened upset

There is a tendency to prefer the putative should construction in nonassertive contexts or where the adjective has negative or unfavourshyable associations

TO AH capital gains are subject to taxation NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

answerable close liableacute accustomedl

averse l due1 simz1ar allied1I WiTH This plan is not compatible with our princiacuteples

NONPARTICIPIAL I PARTICIPIAL

angry busy

happy impatient

annoyed bored

ClJmfortable incompatible1 concerned compatibleacute sick delighted content familiar friendly furious

uneasy depressed disappointed disgusted dismayed distressed

inclined1

opposed1

drunk enchanted obsessed occupied overcome pleased satisfied taken1

1672

1224 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Adjective complementatlon 1225

Note [a] The restriction oC Type (i) above lo indicative verbs only is meant to allow Cor the use of T

Note [a] Although tlle pro-forms so and n01 cannot be used after tllese [E2bI adjectives (ef 1671modal auxiliaries including should in a nonputative sense eg I am a~are that I should [= ought 1lo] havejoined longago iexcl Note [bJ) there iexclsa possibilityofreplacing the adjective + solnat by a related adverb + sonot

[b) Afraid is unique among adjectives in that it accepts the pro~oun so (and iexclts negative equivalent Mt) as a that-clause substitute (cfI631) rm afraid SOMI

IElbJ Adjectives with anticipatory it as subject

The that-elause in this eonstruetion is an extraposed subjeet Three types are again distinguished matehing those in 167l

(i) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATlVE VERBONLY (cfI671 Note CaD These adjectives have to do with truthor knowledge

It is true that she never cemes on time

apparent evident likely possible untrue certain implicit obvious true well-known clear indubitable plain unlikely

(ji) THAT-CLAUSE HAS PUTATIVIl SHOULD OR SUBJUNCTIVE VERB (or marginshyaIly also an indicative verb) These adjectives express eoncepts concerned with modality or volition

should be lifted tomorrow It is essential that the ban be lifted tomorrow

(1) is lifted tomorrow

appropriate essentiacuteal important necessary vital compulsory fitting impossible obligatoryshycrucial imperative improper proper

Various deverbal adjectives ending in -able also belong to this group egadvisable desrabIe preferable

(iii) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATlVE VERB OR PUTATIVE SHOULD

This group consists mainly of emotive adjectives and ineludes a large num ber ofparticipial ad jecti ves ending in -ing

Itmiddot strange th t She is so late IS upsetting a she should be so late

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTlCIPIAL

awkward logical alarming perplexing curious odd annoying pleasing disastrous peculiar depressing shocking dreadful sad disappointing surprising extraordinary silly embarrassing fortunate tragie frightening iexclrrational unfortunate irritating

Various -able-ible adjectives also be10ng tp this group admirable eommendable deplorable despieable incomprehensible inconceivable lamentable remarkable understandable unjustifiable etc

ha h l Id l h B Yes obviouslyfortunately soA 1 t IS apparentt t s e IVes oesn t Ive ere B N J I I di t o event y sa y no [b] When an adjective ofType (iii) above occurs after a modal verb construction the that-clause is commonly replaced by an if-clause If the modal verb in the main c1ause is hypothetical (eg would) the verb in the ifmiddotdause is placed in tlle hypothetical pasto Compare

It is sad that you have to leave It will be sad ifyou hove to lea ve

It would be sad ifyou had lo lea ve

[E3] Adjective complementation by a wh-clause 1673 As with that-clauses we have to distinguish those adjeetives ([E3a]) which

are predicated of an experieneer (normalIy a person) as subject and those ([E3bD which go with antieipatory it In the latter case the wh-clause is an extraposed subject Examples are

(onwhat 1should sayo [1]E3a 1was unsure[ 1 (about) whether the problem was solved [2]

[E3b] It was unclear what they would do [3]

Type [E3a1 consists of adjectives which are constructed with prepositions and whieh therefore belong also to Type [EI1 The preposition is sometimes omitted before the wh-clause (ef155 Note reD In Type [E3b] on the other hand no preposition can be inserted bull It was uneear ofabout what lhey would do AIso no infinitive wh-cIause is possible (ef i637) It is unsure where to go is unacceptable unless it refers to sorne aniacutemate being (sueh as a mouse) and is consequently not interpreted in terms of extraposition

Retuming to Type [E3a] we note that in sorne cases the adjective takes a wh-elause in assertive eontexts eg eareful (about) doubtful (as to) fussy (about) puzzled (as to) uneear (about) uncertain (o) undecided (about) unsure (0) unaware (o)

John is careul (about) what he does with his money

Most of these adjeetives are intrinsiealIy negative In meaning In other cases although elsewhere it is associated with an indicative that-clause [E2a(i)] the adjective tends to oceur with a wh-cIause in nonassertive contexts (efI635) eg aware certain eear sure

Are you sure (o) how mueh the maehine costs 1wasnt altogether cleaiexcl- (about) what we had to do

A similar division may be made among adjectives of the antieipatory-it type ([E3b]) Those whieh intrinsieally express doubt and therefore take this strueture even in assertive contexts include doubtful uneertain uneear unsure and unknown Those normally oceurring with an indieative that-elause (le Type [E2b(i)]) inelude apparent eertain obvious and plain They can take a wh-cIause in nonassertive contexts Each type is illustrated in

It was uneear whether an amendment would be accepted It was not obvious how far the westernization process would IO

~ltgt ~~~1~ 1 -~ Adjective complementation 1227

1226 Complementation of verbs and adjectives iexcl

After adjectives of Type [E3a] there may also occur an infinitive wh-clause 1 was uncertain (oi) what to do This is preferable to the finite c1ause in cases illustrated by [1-3] aboye since the subject can remain unexpressed in the reduced nonfinite version

[E4] Adjective complementation by a than-clause 1674 There is an unusual construction in which a noncomparative adjective is

foIlowed by a comparative than-clause as complementation Different is the only adjective which fits into this pattero and even then there is a tradition which regards the use of than here as impropero There is however no felicitous alternative to the different than construction in examples such as

Shes quite a different girl than she wasfilie years ago [11 The various styliacutestic variants of and alteroatives to the than-clause after different are examined in 1566 Note lb] When the c1ause is reduceacuted to a noun phrase it becomes possible to usefrom as an alternative to than

The unions are taking a very different attitude ~ the employers

When the noun phrase folIowing thanffrom cannot be derived by ellipsis from a c1ause than is decidedly less acceptable thanfrom

The main languages of southern India are totaIly different In origin

~~~ those ofthe northern partofthe country

Note [al On differenlrom and different 10 1669 Note [dI [bj It is aloo possible for a Ihan-c1ause to be used after he adverb difilrently

In the west of the country they pronounce their vowels quite aifferently han (they do) in the easl

The same prescriptive objections are made to differenlly Ihan as to different Ihan

[E5] Adjective complementation by a to-infinitive clause [675 We distinguish seven kinds of construction in which an adjective is foIlowed

by a to-infinitive c1ause They are exemplified in the following sentences which are superficially alike

Bob is splendid to wait (ii) Bob is slow to react

(iii) Bob is sorry to hear it (iv) Bob is hesitant to agree with yOU (v) Bob is hard to convince

(vi) The food is ready to eat (vii) lt is important to be accurate

In Types (i-iv) the subject of the main clause (Bob) is also the subject of the infinitive c1ause We can therefore always have a direct object in the infinitive clause if its verb is transitive Por example if we replace intransitive wait by transitive build in (i) we can have Bob is splendid to build this house

Por Types (v-vii) on the other hand the subject of the infinitive is unspecified although the contextoften makes clear which subject is intended

In these types it is possible to insert a subject preceded by for eg in Type (vi) The food is ready (jOr Ihe children) to eat

Infinitive complementation following adjectives modified by lOO and enQugh is discussed eIse Note where in 1S73

(ES(i)) Bob is Iplendid to wait Type (i) has an analogue in a construction involving extraposition (cf1833)1676 1t is splendid of Bob lo wait This type OC construction also permits a head noun between the adjective and the infinitive

Bob must be a spiendid craftsman ~ ~~bUilt this house

As this example shows the infinitive may be perfective We may also compare constructions in which an evaluative noun with its determiner

replaces the adjective

ffoolishYourelafool to spend so mucho

WOnderfUl Youre 1 to walt for me anange

Adjectives in this group are evaluative of human beha~iour They inelude

careful crazy mad silly wise careless greedy nice unwise wrong

These adjectives can also occur with anticipatory il and an of-phrase as additional complementation (cf1682)

It was foolish of you to spend so mucho

IE5(Hraquo) Bob is IOW to react In Type (ii) the sentence corresponds to one in which the adjective becomes 1677 an adverbwhile the infinitive becomes the finite verb

Bob is slow to react - Bob reacts slowlyc

In another analogue the adjective is followed by in and an -ing participle Bob is slow in reacting The infinitive verb phrase must be simple for example unlike the inftnitive phrase in [E5(i)] it cannot be perfective Bob is slow ItJ have reacted Other adjectives in this small group are quick and prompt

There is also a partial adverbial analogue (e8127ff) for Type (i) but in Type (i) unlike Type Note (ii) the perfective infinitive andeven the get-passive (e366) can be used

loan was wise to resigno ~ loan wisely resigned loan was careless to get beaten - loan carelessly got beaten

loan is careless to have got beaten

IES(iuumlraquo) Bob is 10rry lo hear it In Type (iexcliexcli) the head of the adjective phrase is an emotive adjective 1678 (commonly a participial adjective) and the infinitive clause expresses

causation

1679

1228 Complementation of verbs end adjectives

Im sorry to have kept you waiting [rm sorry because I have kept you waiting]

1 was exeited to be there [- To be there exeited me]

Adjectives in this group correspond c10sely to the adjectives followed by a that-clause in 1671 (Type [E2a(iii)D

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

afraid angry ashamed content furious glad

happy impatient indignant jubilant thankful

annoyed astonished bored coneerned delighted depressed

disgusted dissatisfied embarrassed fasemated frightened interested

overwhelmed perturbed puzzled relieved surprised worried

disappointed overjoyed

IE5(ivraquo) Boh is heaitant to agree withyou In Type (iv) the head of the adjective phrase expresses volitional meaning or a modal meaning such as ability possibility or liability Examples are

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

able keen determined anxious Iiable disposed apt Iikely [E2b] fated[E2b] eertain [E2b] loath inclined curious powerless poiseddue prone prepared eager ready [E5] (all) set eligible reluetant unqualified fit [ES] sure [E2b] free [ES] unable greedy weleome hesitant willing impotent worthy

The adjectives marked [E2b] occur with a corresponding construction with extraposition of a that-clause

JilI is likely to attend - It is likely that JiU will attend

Those marked [E5] are capable of occurring with an infinitive construction of passive meaning ie with an indefinite implied subject and a coreferential implied object

Theyare not fit to eat = They are not tit to be eaten

Some ofthe most common adjectives in this list have a tendency to coalesce with the preceding copula 10 form a semimiddotauxiliary verb (ef3A7) be able to be willing to be sure to In addition to modal and volitional adjectives some adjectives ofaspectual meaning such as aeeustomed and wont may be placed here

Adjective complementation 1229

We are aecustomedto take teaon the terrace (formal) He was wont to leave the office at 5 pm (formal archaic)

(ES(vraquo) Bob is lard to convince 1680 In Type (v) the subject of the sentence is identified with the unexpressed

object of the infinitive clause which must therefore have a transitive verb hence the unacceptable Bob Is hard to arrive There is an analogous construction in which the adjective is complement to an infinitive c1ause acting as (extraposed) subject (ef 1836)

- To convince Bob is hard Bob IS hard to convmce It is hard to convince Bob

Adjeeacutetives so used refer 10 degrees of ease or comfort and iexclnclude

awkward hard tough (informal) eonvenient impossible trieky (informal) difficult niee (informal) unpleasant easy pleasant

Unless there is ellipsis we cannot omit the infinitive c1ause and so there is no semantic implication between (say) The bread was hard to bake and The bread was hard Unlike the preceding types Type (v) permitsfor + subject to be inserted at the beginning of the infinitive clause Those darts are trieky (for a beginner) to use Where the infinitive has no overt subject its implicit subject is understood to have an indefinite meanihg

Jack is easy 10 fool =Jack is easy for anyone to foo

Note With some adjectives in this group such as nice or unpleasant the entailment relation between be + adjective ro V and be + adjective is less easy lO avoid eg Jenny is nice lo know iacutemplies that Jenny is nice

IE5(viraquo) Thefood is ready to eat 1681 Again in this type the subject of the main clause is identified with the object

of the intinitive c1ause But unlike Type (v) Typemiddot(vi) has no analogous construction with an infinitive clause subject

The food is ready to eat To eat the food is ready

Also we can generally (a) omit the infinitive clause or (b) substitute a passive infinitive clause without change ofmeaning

Are these cups available (to use) = Are these cups available (to be used)

Some adjectives of this type such as availablefitfree ready and suffieient belong additionally 10 Type (iv) so that a sentence like The lamb ia ready to eat is ambiguous in one sense (the most accessible) being equivalent to the passive The lamb is ready to be eaten Then there is a wider set of adjectives which often occur without complementation at all

The air isfrosty (to breathe) Its fur is soft (to touch)

1230 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

In both Type (v) and Type (vi) the subjectofthe main clause can be equated with the prepositional object of the infinitive clause so that the infinitive c1ause ends with a deferred preposition

She is pleasant to talk to (-It is pleasant to talk to her) This paper is terribly flimsy to write on Is the cloth sufficient to make a dress out ol

In Type (vi) as well as in Type (v)for + subjeet may be inserted before the infinitive verb Are these books free (for visitors) to borrow Are these books available to borrow]

(E5(vii)J Jt is important to he accurate 1682 We saw in 1672 that a that-clause following an adjeetive may prove to be a

subjeet postponed by extraposition (ef1833) A to-infinitive clause following an adjeetive may have the same oouree

It is essential to spray the trees every year - To spray the trees every year is essential

The infinitive clause can also be introduced by for + subjeet

It is vital (for the ehildren) to be properly cIad It will be strange (for us) to be living alone

Adjectives ofTypes (ji) and (iii) in 1672 ([E2b]) may have this construction importantJortunate lueky surprising etc Possible also belongs te this group

An addiacutetional group of adjeetives oeeurring after anticipatory it are those adjeetives (ehiefly naming evaluative attributes of persons) whieh occur in pattern [E5(i)] (ef 1676) The adjeetive in this group is often followed byan of-phrase identifying the persones) being discussed

It was wrong (of him) to teIllies iexcli

It is niee ofyou to phone

[E6] Adjective complementation by an -ing participle cfause [683 A number of sub-types ofthis pattem may be mentioned

(i) Busy is followed by an -ing participle clause without subject

Margery is busy writiacuteng Ietters

Worth and worthwhile on the other hand oceur both with and without subjeet

It is seareely worth(while) (youyour) going home

Here worth(while) follows preparatory it and the participle clause is an extraposed subjeet (ef1834) Other adjectives ofthis pattern are pointless and useless (Its pointless buying so mueh food) and adjectives of Type [E2b(iiacutei)J (efl6 72) also sometimes have this complementation absurd awkwardJortunate annoying etc

EIsewhere worth and worthwhile accompany an -ing participle elause without subjeet but with a passive meaning comparable to tbat of the infinitive elause in pattern [E5(v)] (ef1680)

Complementation of abstract nouns 1231

The cartons are worth(while) saving ( Its worth(while) saving the cartens)

(iv) There is a variant eonstruction in whieh a preposition oecurs between the adjective and the participle clause In some cases the preposition is optional (cf(i) aboye)

Im busy (with) getting the house redeeorated Werefortunate (in) having Aunt Mary as a baby-sitter

In other cases the preposition is obligatory We are used to not having a car (cf1669 Note [e]) Im hopeless at keeping the garden tidy Shes not capable oflooking after herself

Note [al The adjectival constructions in (ii) above may be compared in some cases with nominal constructionsof equivalent meaning

ts 110 goaduse telling him anything Theres 110 point (in) telling him anything

8uch constructions are introduced either by anticipatory il (el 1833) or by eltistential there (el 184$) AmE also hu Theres no use telling him anythlng (b) Worthwhlle is sometimes spelled as two words The vacillation between the spellings worthwhile and worth while reflects an unclarity about the status of this sequence which may altematively be regarded as the preposition worth (eI96) followed by a noun Compare

lts not worth your whife staying lts not worlhh whh~e (your) staying worl w 1

Complementation of abstract nouns

1684 In this coneluding section we will show as a conneeting link between this chapter and the next how the pattems of complementation described for verbs and adjectives in 1620-83 are aloo to be found with abstraet nouns which are morphologieally related to those verbs and adjectives (ef nominalization 1751ff and appositional constructions 1726 1735) For example the noun likelihood is derived from and semantically related to the adjective likely It is therefore not surprising that a construction associated with the adjeetive Is found with the corresponding noun

It is likely that Joan will get married [1]

The likelihood is that loan will get married [21 the likelihood that Joan will get married [31

But the assumption of eorrespondence eannot be automatie for it may faiacutel in both direetions

loan is likely to get married Joan s likelihood to get married

It is likely of J oans getting married the likelihood of Joans getting married

------__shyiacute1 11

COMPLEX INTRANSITIVE CONSTRUCTIONS p H MATIHEWS

1 Introduction

In sentences such as [1J

ArR C~Iltiacuteltmiddotli N ([1J Th~deitgreen ~

he construct~oEJ~QLordf JJP~ that GCE850ff describes as 9QMfLEX JRANSITIV~ Ofthe elements in questionit and made are related a~Jn tQllt ~imple transitive

j [2J They made it

YihiJe ir and green a~_~latelasinasimple_ltQI1llar_sentence ( [3] lt is green (- lt

~f the type that following Lyons (l977469ff) raquoe will call ASCRIPTIVE raquouacutet greacuteen- also standsJna direcueJordf9lsJIacuteIL ordm~_iii~de the object and adjective exemplifying a single I2atteIILof VERB COMllEMe~nrJ91 This paUCIDl can be sajd torepresenta IJJS10N (G e E 850) ofJ~ltsimpler transitiv iexcll~J~Jjpiexcly_e_tjPes - _shy

IH~~_sfiE~~Ve can be fused with th~~~tY_e_(lri~alsoP~ fused with theintransitixe1 Insentildetentildeces SUChas[4] -

MI It turned green

~construc~~~~~]y idmtifkQyaacuteth th~ of l3J in both examples the

l]

~ ~ ~ ENGLISH GRAMMAR

verb is described as copularor in the terminology of GCE820f as taking intensive complementation But neither description is quite appropriate to1 both cases In the~ptive sentence there i indeed no mor~than~pYhL~

1 2ampffiMical iP~ betwe~ the adjective and its subject~ plainly this ~ ~ is not true of [4] whose verb TURN has its own specific meaning lf turned~ iacute I is a full verb it must then be the govemor of green as made is in (1) in that

iexcl ~ sense there is cornplernentatjon But we express nothing by assigning such a complernentation to the copula A solution is to c1ass I4] as a COMPLBX

IITMNSITIVE iL~onsect_trJltiordmL being an extension of th~simpleJmransiUacutelLe _shy~ i I5] It turned

j precisely as that of (1) is extended from that of [2)iexcl

2 Fused constructions

Let us take our cue from GCEs referenee to fusionlo the simpl~L =nfu~~~_~~~~~~~)t1ecltgtnstVf1ionconsistso(asingJULeAicJ~tQI(lgde) which in a dependency ana~is has both the subject and the object as its dependents or to adapt G CEs term has both a subjeet and an oJkltt asit complementation lnJhaL~se (2) has a _K1U~~~_~ruetion (Lyons i977) w1jch cannotJiexclJLr~s~Cl9JUnQ(lt_e~mentary relationships of ptediCJJQJkSo too has the simple intransitive (5] vi1ihidepeiioenforior forming the complementation of tumed So too has the simple aseriptive [3] its predicator on the analysis ofLyons and others is the adjective green One reason for relatlng the subject to the adjective is that the elements are jointly subject to selectional restrictions A reason for not relating either to the copula is that the latter stands aside (rom these restrictions adding none ofitsown

In a fused construction the pattem ls neither strictly kernel nor straightforwardly non-kemellnJhegmplex transitive [lL1oth1tan41~Y are again direct ~cngents of made these relatio~_elQ~ the words in FigJbx direC1~ltaI~_uacutela~~I~Qordf-ordfl9blleiexcl)Uumlnamp21uacuteward frollLthe

~d

(aJiquest-Fig 1

[42]

P H Matthew$

p~ed~~ So is green arc el this too being supported by selectional restrictions We are therefore dealing with a single clause rooted in made of which each word is a distinct element But green js a1soapredicator in iexclelation to il (are d)J that wav we are dealing with two kernelp~QlS th~ fuurtermclauseinfQmQrating bothtM_~tuet~[IDJr~JlsitiYlljh~ twoshytenn a~-middot -_shy

In Fig 1 we have diagrammed what any grammarian will propose provided that his terminology or his notational apparatus allow him to say it Iut similar reasonjng applies to the construction which we have called the ~IpJex ln~~-ordfEsitive Of the relationships showninf1g --~~t~~~~_

it turned green

aAacutebJ Fig2

to ir (arcc)_isagainasintheascripJjy~ and needs no further cornment But the final element is clearly suJiexcliect to ru19jtional resr=l~ordmI~ tlTlJRI_ im~~tordm-~~it~~rAUQj~9iY_I9U~l~~ed noun (He turned pink He turned kings eVidence) iQ~~~1lined phrase is exCiuacuteded (He turned arog)

tDle~sthe p~e~~i0rl~lJ9rtn is ~~jordmntildei[qiireifitetuumlmed iexclnto a frog) ~itt G-ordm-1h exdusi(m is abgolule one cannot even say He went into a criminal

f [he adjeqtive is also Iimlted to specific collocations For example one can say It turned sour or Ir went sour but it is harder to accept Ir grew sour 1 Conversely one can say He grew od but not He went od On that evidence

j we may establish a relationship of dependency between green and tumedj (arc b) The verb too can then be related to the subject (arc a)

1 Epgth o~2am~ thefe is one terro ir lVhich is a9~de~~~~t1 theascriptile anCITlieletbalk~m~1 (Fig 1 ares b and d Fig 2 ares a and c) The fusion is then effected by a further link (Fig 1 arc e Fig 2 are b) in which ond of the two predicators een is ineo orat~a~_ ordf d~RendenlO(th~ I re atlon that uirk an4hl~ COU~_~ampI~s-1 jn the case of th complex intransitille hall app1ied the Iean intlaquo=nsve

mmplementatio~gly describe he yaleruLQ(IUN or iexcl l otIllBNinthisuseJuh~int~siYeint[ansitivx But the insight intildeaacute I

alsQ be extended to the complex transitiye In that spirit MAKE or MAKE as

used in sentences such as W might appropriatelL be described ~~_~n_ i ~ntensive transitive -J -bull_--------shy

[43)

ENGLISH GRAMMAR

3 Distinctions between tbe complex intransitive and other partly similar constructions

For a three-term construction Fig 2 shows the maximum number of interconnections with each term related to each of the others The miacutenimum isone thus for the ascriptive (3) we have adopted the structure shown i~

L with l~~E2nd te~~Il2= tlliacuten amaroe~ ordmrS1PP9~g~lexn~~ ~eLClatiacute9D~t~~~~t~first an~~~hir~ But this leaves five other possibilities which in theory might be realized ust as the second element_lt~p~ltmark(r ordfs inEig 3bullKlJQQmgordmHhetordm-iriexcl in thatJ~SiquestOillY

iacutet is green

Fig3

1he_verb vQ1lld_be a predicatorrwithonl)l1he_~ygtject related 10 it This structure does not seem to be realized at least not in away whiacuteCh is -relevant to our analysis Asecond_possibil~iuhatJmly the verb a~ ~~~iexcltiY~L iquestnjgl~~_rell~q in that ca~e bot~redicatoS_w-ordmyldIgt~ impersonal-vUh lh~su~ject a me~m~ce-filler This structure might conceivably be suggested for exampIacuteesmiddotSuumlch as [6]

[6] It got mistier

with a so-called ambient it But although it may indeed be ambient with respect to mistier it need not follow that it is ambient with respect to got

In the remaining cases no element is a marker but there are only two instead of three interconnections Ir there wem no link betw-IlJhe subject ~YMh(Ejg 2 are a) the verb1tSelf would agajn be impersmordf-~ I~ transformational terms its surface subject would be derived by raising (Postal 1974) from a subordinate adjectival clause lf th3ewere no intensiye lipk between the first and second predicators (Fg 2 arWJUlt verb would be a simple intransitive taking just t~_S)lbject as its complementation th~on of tbe adjec1iYtLL~ then be uumlMrn-~0n[7] forexample --- -_~

Eacutel He arrived saber J (~ eacute cc L f ~ 2 f

grammars do not establish an intensive or copular use of ARIUVB Finally

[44]

1 P H Marrhew$

if the ascriQive lik wer~~2ken iacuteEiKbJ~~ f)hHordmjlti~~ment woulordm-no longer bJlta predicaQ~ltiexclHQle wQuldin~teadb~ADVJllqt~iexcl as in 8)

(8) He ran fa~t

There is no doubt that the intensive construction is distinct from the adverbial and that sober in [7] is at least more circumstantial than green in It turned green But the subject-verb relation is more problematic in that a raising transformation has been proposed for one at least of the G C E s intensive verbs Let us therefore take that distinction first

31 Ofthe twenty or so most common intensive verbs (GCE821) SEEM and APPEAR particularly lend themselves to transformational analysis On the evidence of sentences such as [9]

(2) It seemed that they wereamp~e~

_U~naIlJral lo establish an underlying ~~ct~~

J~sIhey were green]~ seemed

irlYhIacutetEw~4)srelate(L1ot to they J~Q9green indhiOacute1lally but to the yiole ascri2tive kernelrom the same structure a sentence such as [10)

[10] They seemed to be green

can then be derived by further transformations of subject raising and infinitive formation Froro the structure reaJized by [Io]lIleare n3tllcalli

~m~ed to derive the comple~_~transiti~euacutell

[u) They seemed gre~

by a further transformation deleting the copuiacutea For SEEM the rules deriving [10] and [u] would both be optional But for

other verbs such as TURN or GO We could make them obligatory so It turned green could be the only realization of an underlying sUr was greenls turned the ambient Ir got misrier - [6] aboye - a realization of say s[mistier]s gorand so on If the obligatory rules were then restricted to the copula we would also ensure that any other form of embedded structure (g[he eft]s turned or g[he kissed her]s grew) was filtered out By such means a treatment which is widely accepted for SEEM and for which the evidence is at first compelling could be extended if it were thought appropriate to the entire intensive intransitive class

There are good reasons for not thinking it appropriate In a sentence such as [12]

[12] Harry got drunk

Qn~JsllQIacuteli~ply talking of a_~ate tha~ reslllttI s~o t~a~ ~~rry vs (45)

ENGLISH GRAMMAR

drunk or Harrys drunkenness happened) Nor is Harrya mere theme or tliexclfc (Aacute~-to-KarryQruniexcliquestenneacuteSs-l1ippened to him) tlamp11tbject iexclS1

potentia1lt-at-l~st--alMl~tgh-ge~~amp9run_~ wassoID1hiiL~hatJIal did The--verb mayaccordiacutentilde-gly take a subject adjunct (O CE 466]) thus I delibera tey got drunk or He foo(lshy turned traitor It may also supply the complement of a conative verb (1 did try to get drunk) may appear in the imperative (Dont get drunk ) and so on For sorne collocations this potentiacuteality is doubtless harder to realize (compare He delibera tey turned bue with He delibera tey turned nasty or He tried ro grow oder with He tried ro grow farter) but that is precisely the case for subjects and predicators generally lt is this semantic role that justifies the first link shown in Fig 2

which an impersonal structure as in (b)

(b) s[Harry was drunkls got

would relegate to the surface If (b) is wrong for Harry got drunk a transformationalist should consider

more carefully w hether a similar structure is correct for Harry seemed drunk Let us assume that it is correct for the construction with a that-clause (It seemed that Harry was dhmk) for SEEM and APPEAR a c1ausal complement does form one possibility Let us also accept that SBBM has a constant sense in all its constructions But for other current intensives (G eE 820 f) the evidence is more complexo With SOUNO a that-clause can be forced for example if a dative is inserted (lt sounds ro me that (hey arent coming) There is also an impersonal construction with as if

[131 It sounds as ifthey were green

which might be thought to derive from the same source The construction of [13] is also acceptable witb LOOK (lt ooks as ifthey arent coming) But between it and the complex intransitive we can find clear disparities in meaning In [13] the judgment is based on indirect clues what sounds or appears from audible information is indeed the whole proposition they were green But in the complex intransitive [14]

[141 They sound drunk

it is based on sounds that they are making For that reason it is harder 10 make sense of They sound green Likewise They [ook drunk means that they from their appearance are so But in It loob as ifthey are drunk the speaker does not even imply that he has seen them (Compare Prom what you say it ooks as if rhey are drunk) Ir we wanted a complex source it would be tempting 10 relate [14] not 10 the impersonal [13] with raising but rather to the personal [Is1

[IS] They sound as iexclfthey are drunk

with the second they deleted

[46]

P H Marthews

Personal and impersonal are often hard to separate as Palmer (1972) and before him Bolinger(l96la) have shown Ofthis group ofintensives TASTE

and 5MBLL are the most restricted in meaning and it is with these that the impersonal construction as in [91 and [131 is least acceptable With TASTE

neither seems likely Ir rasres to me that the soup is saty It tastes to me as if they are sweer If the second example can be interpreted it is by virtue of a blending with the personal construction (compare It tasres as ifit ) With SMELL the construction of [131 may be more acceptable (Ir smells ro me as if dinner is ready) but the blending remains With PEEL a non-tactile sense is possible (Ir fees Iikey) but is less established than the broader senses of LOOK or SOUNO (compare Ir ooks likey II sounds likey) It is in this case that my judgment is least secure would one say for example It fees (or Ir fees to me) as if they were green With SOUNO and LOOK the general sense is well established as in [131 or Ir sounds likely but there is still a sensory meaning as in [14] and [Isl which inhibits the pure impersonal with that With SEEM and APPEAR we are at the end of the continuum both having general senses only Hence the construction of[91 alongside the impersonal with as if (Ir seems as if they were green) Hence perhaps the infinitive construction of [101 with SOUNO and the others this too is awkward (They ooked ro have arrived Or Ir tastes ro me to be sweer) But it does not follow that the semantical1y general They seem drunk differs in syntax from the specifically sensory They sound drunk or They smell drunk We can even force an active interpretation of the subject thus They tried lO appear drunk or I deliberarey seemed irrftated

32 As [11] with SEEM Hes on a gradience between personal and impersonal so there are others which raise problems in distinguishing intensive from adverbial and circumstantial constructions For there is no criterion which is both sufficient and necessary

The obvious step is to tesectt for simpler transforms Thus J9r [12] Harl~ qrunk ~e can comp~jiexcleJgtimple a~ve Harry was drul~ TRANSFORM in that firstIy it is a a d secondly the predicator

-ORUNK hasnot a tq~ sense s no intraiiSIuvetrans[oacuterintilde ~stiiis~se of G BI is oot ~ble Nor has 4 r tumeirgeacute-iexcl an intransitive transform It turned since this involves a different sense oC TURN Ir there~~ an ascriptive transform but n9-Wn~itive the JhirdeiacuteeDlen t mult be a complementi so [41 and [12] must be complex intransitive Ir there is neither transform it MA y be complement but the col~of verb and adjective mjgbt rCaSantildea be classed as idiomatic Thus The roses have run wild has no transform The roses ve iiOr-aacuteoes it strictly match The rOSes are wild But WILO is at least an adiecti~ must stand in sorne relationship to the verb therefore R UN WILO is right1y

chmldw-rresultintensive (O eE) ---shy-- -_--g ~ _---_bull ~ shy

[471

ENOLISH ORAMMAR

If there is a simple intransitive but no ascriptive transr2ffil--_~~~ coacutentildeSffiiClioacutentilde-intildeuumlSt]ie iexcljdve(J2iacuteaIYlIacuteustrivialIy He ran iexcliuieacutekly has no ascriptive tiexclansfo~ He was quickly less trivially He travelled light does not match He was ight But what if we find both rlJgJQQordf~tillha$ordflJ ascriEtive _~ran~f~rrlJ~eYI1Jer~_~~ ~sectmL1aY-J~_a~~plement circumstantjallik~iilelltjnThey-sJoQdsilent ordfytlb~~j~llsothe simpler intran~1ti~ fbilystQPf so still ~ight be anadver~ like sileniTyintilde-fiieystood silenty Since there is no distinct form srilly the latter is hard to rule out For It shone white we can compare the formally adjectivallt shone brighr again there are both transforms (Ir shone Ir was white) But It shone brighr is c10se in meaning to the formaUy adverbial Ir shone brighry could white be an adverb in default of or as the commoner altemative to whirely Blending may aIso be found in idioms For example it is fruitless to ask if doggo is an adjective or an adverb in He is Iying doggo

For the circumstantial case both transforms are necessary thus [7] He arriuacuteiid sober has the triexcliexclntildeiiiacuteormsmiddotiexcliexcluacuteli-iexcliexclved andHe wasectSoacutebe Wewoacuteuumllifiliso ixpeeacutetthilUumlheveromiddotantildedmiddotildjectTe-shouId befreeOi collocationaI restrictions so He arrived sober He left sober He Jeft satisjied He arrived satisfied and so on But it is very hard to say when such a requirement iacutes meto One does not say for example They stood noisy or They sroodpeacefuJ on that evidence They stood sient might be classed as complex intransitive But neither is one likely to say They arrived noisy or They arrived kind Is that too a matter of collocational restrictions so that [7] is also intensive Or is it merely that NOISY and KIND are ill suIacuteted 10 this construction7 At this point jt is tempting to distinguish degrees of circumstantiality The extreme case would be represented by such sentences as [16]

[16] They stood there exhausted

(Iikewise They have arrived quite sober) where the adjective and verb are marked as separate Beside [16] the construction in [7] is less clearly circumstantial in They stood sient or They stoodfidgering it is perhaps even r less so But this last might stilJ be seen as less intensive than for example

iexcl They stood amazed Likewise They feJl exhausted is less clearly intensi ve than 1 They fell sick since it involves no special sense of FALL

~

f lrOacutel p1lI1riHmD ~ amires f0tr eompiex trlmSitive fu Tlieyfbuntlliim~

guilry there is a special sense OfPIND as ofMAKE in They mode it green In TIwy rrun Juacutem JOber tbat IacuteoS DO spcciiexcll SCDSII of)lEET~ by tbat cS ~ is more eircumsumlial BUl onc la unlikely lO say for eumple They me hlm meditative

4 Finally there is an obvious gradience between the coxnP-1ex intransitive ~nct the simple ascriptj~ With TURN 01 GROW there are~-selecUumlonal restrictions as we have seen With SBJlli or SIhV tney are far fewer

[48J

P H Matthews

neverthelesson~canI1Q~~yfordmr_~ordfmplelfil_sectil1Ied chairmqf1-ltcompareH~ stayelt chairman Qr1fsectJjiquest_riquest~cordfirmordfl1) or It srays obvious that (compare It seemsobvious that or It remainsobvious that ) With REMAIN it is hard to find any but at least the intransitive exists He remained) and their senses can be related Wth BECOMB that evidence too is lacking He became drunk can be distinguish-ed(rontildei1lieasgiptiYlt1g lu7ntl1k onlyJ~iiui~s from jts resultative meaning -_-

This merging has ied grammarians to treat the constructions together But we can do this only by assimi)ating BE to the mode) of verb complementation (as in GCE) not by assimilating TURN and so on to the model of a copula likethecpmplexrordfnsectitiy~nl_e compleimrap~W~i~ ayoor ca~~idatefltY-l~LIl~Jlt~IQ~-ordf_~~rnelltructllr~middot

M

~_

Page 5: in - UGR · (III). 11-70 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1171 Note [a] The ... In addition, we shall use where necessary the suffixes 'ph' (for

1176 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

In the case of lake the duration adverbjiexcliexcll is obligatory since iexclhe verb entails the eompletion of the task In the ease of [1st the adverbial is omissible in such examples as The hOI weolher wonl [asl

Monotransitive complementation 1625 Verbs used in monotransitive function require a direct object which may be

a noun phrase a finite clause or a nonfinite clause In addition to these categories the verb may be a Type 1 prepositional verb (ef 165) or phrasalshyprepositional verb (efI69) which for our present purposes will be treated as analogous to a verb with a direct object We will begin by considering the straightforward case of verbs with a noun phrase as direct object and then continue with variants of this basic pattern

Complementation by a noun phrase as direct object

IBl1 With the passive 1626 Direct objects are typically noun phrases which may become the subject of a

corresponding passive clause

Tom eaught the ball ~ The ball was caught (by Tom)

(On the limitations of the passive transformation ef 367ff) Common examples of monotransitive verbs allowing the passiacuteve are

begin desire get love pass support believe do hear make produce take bite doubt help marr) receive use bring end hold mean remember visil eall enjoy keep meet require want carry expect know mind say wash close feel lead move see waste cut find like need start wateh describe follow lose obtain study win

Sorne of these verbs such as end and move belong to types which can be either intransitive or transitive (ef 1619) Something of the range of monotransitiacuteve verbs can be seen by dividing them into semantic groups according to the kinds of subject and object that they take

(i) Typiacutecally aniacutemate subject + typically concrete object

Professor Dobbs won the prize - The prize was won (by Professor Dobbs)

carry eover examine see throw win clean eat lower stop watch write

(ji) Typically animate subject + either concrete or abstract object

Everybody understood the problem - The problem was understood (by everybody)

abolish define explain invent report utter eover discuss forget lose rt1-le win

Types of verb complementatiacuteon 1177

(iii) Typically animate subject + typically animate object

Mrs W ood liked the new neighbours - The new neighbours were liked (by Mrs Wood)

admire despise hug kiss reject ridieule beat flatter kill meet respect supporl

(iv) Typically concrete or abstract subject + animate object The news shoeked our family

- Our family was shoeked (by the news) affeet boher fasciacutenate incense satisfy trouble appal deceive grieve please surprise upset

Note The following is a sample of monotransitive (or Type Il) phrasal verbs [Blph] with typical objects Further examples are iacutelIustrated in 164

back up [supporf someone] el down [disappoint someone] b[ow dowll (a tree) make up (a story) break off(negotiations) pass over (a questiacuteon) bring about (a change) put acros (an idea) burn down (a house) put off(an appointment) draw up (a contraet) lell off[rebuke someone] fill out (a form) lum off(the light) knock down (someone) win over [convince someoneJ

These Jike the verbs in (Hv) aboye can be used in the passive voiee

IB21 Without the passive 1627 A few stative monotransitive verbs the most common of which is have

normally do not allow a passive transformation

They have a nice house - A nice house is had (by them)

These somiddotcalled MIDDLE VERBS including have laekfit suit and resemble are discussed in detail in 1014

Note A related type ofverb is found in expressiacuteons of measure sueh as cosl len dollars weigh 20 kUos but these can equally well be analysed as having an obligatory adjunet as complementation since How much is an alternatiacuteve question to Whal in eliacuteeiting this kind of expression asa reply

A Whal d eost B Tendollars A Howmuch oes lt weigh B Twentyki[os

Variants of monotransitive complementation

Complementation by nODn phrase as prepositional object

iexclBlprl Prepositional verbs 1628 Although verbs such aslook al have been classified as Type 1 prepositional

verbs (those without a direct object efI65) in the analysis of complemenmiddot tatiacuteon they lit more happily with monotransitive rather than intransitive verbs This is partIy because of the resemblance of the prepositional object to a direet object eg in accepting a passive volee (ef 1614) though usually with some awkwardness of style

1178 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

The managementpaidjor his air rares _ His air rares were paidjor by the management

But also when a prepositiacuteonal verb is followed by a that-clause Oiacute a toshyinfinitiacuteve c1ause the preposition disappears and the prepositional object merges with the direct object of the monotransitive pattern Compare the following two series (A) with a prepositional verb and (B) with an ordinary monotransitive verb

on ~he meeting onlt

(A) The a reed lon meeting each other

y g on when to meet (that) they would meet to meet each other

the meeting it

8) Th b d meeting each other ( ey remem ere when to meet

(that) they had meto to meet each other

Ye the preposition omitted before a that-clause can reappear in the corresponding passive That they showd meet was agreed (on) even in extraposition (ef 1833ff) where the preposition immediately follows the passive verb phrase

It was agreed (on) eventually that they should meet

Examples of Type 1 prepositional verbs are

aeeountfor concemrate on ook alteratunto

addto eonformto objeet lO

adjust lO eonsen to part with

admit lO eontribute to payfor

agree withonto deal with prayfor

aim atfor decideon preaeh aboutlon

aowfor dwe (up)on providefor

applyfor enlarge (up)on quarrel aboutwith

argueabout hear aboutof read about

arrangefor hint at refer to

askfor hopefor rejoiee at

attend to insist on relyon

believe in interfere with resort to

eallfor(up)on learnabout runfor

earefor leeture abouton speak abouton

commenton listen to taketo

complain about Uve on think aboutlof

eonceiveof longfor wishfor

[a] When to precedes an infinitive it is an infinitive marker (as inforgel 10 mee her) and not aNote preposition when it precedes an -ing participle however it is a preposition (as in She consenled lO gelting engaged) Other examples of lO in a prepositional verb preceding an -ing clause are

Types of verb complementation 1179

He admitted lo doing his bit rconfess 10 telling a lie This amounts 10 doing nothing She look In playing golf

[b] Prepositions may combine with that to form complex suoordinators such as in thal saue that excepl that (ef 1412) [e] [n general choice of prepositiacuteon is the sume for morphologicalIy related verbs and nouns refer to - reference lo believe in - beliein etc There are exceptions however hope as a verb is followed by for while the corresponding noun construction has of He hopesfor suecess bu His hope ofsuecess

[Blph-prJ Phrasal-prepositional verbs [629 Type 1 PHRASAL-PREPOSITIONAL VERBS also take a prepositional object As

we saw in 169 such verbs can like prepositional verbs occur in the passive (eg She dealt with the problem ~ The problem was deat with) but many of them are awkward in fact barely acceptable in this construction The discussion was waked out on (by the principal negotiator) In the sample list below the verbs marked [Pl are among those that can fairly readily occur in the passive

break inon (someones conversation)

cateh up on (my reading) eateh up with [overtake] check up on [investigate] [Pl come down with (a cold) cut down on (expenses) do away with [abolish] faee up to [confront] get away with (a crime) gel down to (serious taik)

keep away from [a void] keep up with (the Joneses) look down on [despise] [P] look forward ro

[anticipate with pleasureJIP] look outfor [watch for] look up ro [respect] put up wirh [tolerate] run away with stand up for [defend] turn out for (a meeting)

Phrasal-prepositional verbs are rather informal and many of them have idiomatic metaphorical meanings which are difficult or impossible to paraphrase (eg run away

Complementation by a finite clause

(B31 That-clause as object [630 The conjunction in that-clauses which function as object may be zero as in 1

hope he arrives soon but when the clause is made passi ve the that cannot be de1eted and thus obeys the same rules as other that-clauses as subject (ef 154) The normal passive analogue has ir and extraposition that being again optional

Everybody hoped (that) she would sing That she would sing was hoped byeverybody ltstilted)

She would sing was hoped by everybody It was hoped by everybody (that) she would sing

That-clauses have one of three types of verb phrase depending on the governing verb in the matrix clause

1180 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

iacutes coming alone will be comin alone

(A) mdlCatIve verb 1 supposethat he fl l gWl come a one has come alone

(B) putative should I regret that he should be so stubborn (C) subjunctive verb I request that she go alone

(A) with the indicative is the most usual type The putative should type(cf 1425) (B) is more common in BrE than AmE and (C) the mandative subjunctive (cf 358-9) is more common in AmE than in BrE In BrE the 5ubjunctive 15 felt to be formal and is found typicalIy in official styles of writiacuteng Corresponding to these three constructions it is necessary to recognize only two main categories of superordinate verbs Type (i) may be called FACTUAL since it goes with the indicative verb (A) and introduces what one might generalIy describe as factual or propositional information Type (ii) may be described as SUASIVE such verbs imply intentions to bring about sorne change in the future whether or not these are verbal1y formulated as commands suggestions etc Suasive verbs can be followed in the thatshyclause by aH three constructions (A-C) but the indicative (A) construction is restricted and is not generally accepted in AmE

There are two minor categories Type (iii) emotive verbs (cf429 1023) and Type (iv) hypothesis verbs which are dealt with in 1633 These types are displayed in Fig 1630

CLASSES OF VERB VERB PHRASE IN TH A T-CLAUSE

Type (i) FACTUAL

(1631) (eg claim) ~iexcl

~ (A) indicative verb

MaJor -Type (ji) ~UA~IVE (1632) (eg suggest) (B) puta ti ve should

(C) mandative subjunctive verb Type (iii) EMOTlVE (I633)(eg regret)

Minor

Type (h) HYPOTHESIS (D) hypotheuumlcal past OR wereshy(1633) (eg wish) subjuncti ve

Fig 1630 Monotransitive verbs with a that-cause as complementation (Class [B3])

Note In terms of the speech act classes of 112 Type (iacute) (factual) verbs are associated with the expressiacuteon of speech acts concerned with STATEMEN1S while Type (ji) (suasive) verbs are associacuteated wiacuteth DIRECI1VBS

Type (i) Factual verbs 1631 We may subdivide factual verbs into PUBLIC and PRIVATE types The

former consists of speeeh act verbs introducing indirect statements

They agreeadmitclaim that she was misled

The superscripts 1-5 in the lists below are to be interpreted as follows

Types of verb complementation 1181

1middot The verb also occurs in the active with a to-infinitive directly foIlowing He promised to come (cf 1638)

2 The verb also occurs with a following noun phrase followed by a toshyinfinitive They supposed her lo be dead (cfI650)

3 The verb is also a member ofthe suasive group below inmiddotl632 4 The pro-form so can stand in place of the that-clause (cf 1228) eg 1 think

so 5 Say occurs with an infinitive as in She said to come before len in the

directive sense ofShe told us to come before ten

Examples acknowledge2 boast declareacute mention report2

add certify 2 deny2 object retort admit2

affirm2 claim l

comment disclose exclaim

predict4

proclaim2

say24S

state2bull4 agree l bull 3 complain explain2 promise l bull 2bull4 submit alege2 concede3 forecast pronounceacute suggest3

announceshyconfess2 foretel prophesy swear argue confide guarantee l bull 2 protest testify 2

assert confirm2 hint remark DOWI

bet contend insist3 repeat warn2

convey maintain4 reply write

The PRIVATE type of factual verb expresses intelIeetual states sueh as belief and intellectual acts sueh as discovery These states and acts are private in the sense that they are not observable a person may be observed to assert that God exists but not to believe that God exists Belief is in this sense pdvate Examples of such verbs are

4accept doubt imagine2bull realize anticipate dream imply reason ascertain ensure3 indicateacute recal assume2bull4 establish infer4 reckonl 4

believe2bull4 estimate2 insure recognize2

calculate expectl24 judgeacute reflect check f ancy2 know2 remember

4conclude fear l bull learn l reveaP conjecture feeP mean Lbull 2 see consider2 find2 note2 sense

4decide 13 foresee notice2bull show2

deduce forget 1 observe2 signify 4deem 2 gather4 perceive2

bull supposeacutemiddot4 4 4 4demonstrate guess presume2 bull suspect2bull

determine13 hear4 presuppose2 think2 bull4

discern hold pretendl understand2bull4

discover2 hOpemiddot4 prove2

Many ofthese verbs especially the public verbs are also used for introdueing directspeech eg

Perhaps its time to leave suggestedTim

1182 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

For detailed discussion of this use of verbs of speaking and thinking el 1430it

[al NOl induded in the first list aboye are verbs expressing manner of ulterance such as mumbe muuer5hou( imper whisper and yell These can introduce direct speech quotations (eg 1 am

Note

bull Ie muuereaacute) but they can also introduce indirect or reported speech by means of a thalshyelause She mulered Ihal she was ilI The list of such verbs is large and some verbs occur more easily with Ihalmiddotclauses than others do [b] Al the following phrasal verbs belonging lO this factual category are public verbs chime

in lel an lel OU make out poinl out repor back Tim poiacutented oUI that the train was often late

In this construction the particle has to precede the thal-clause [el Among the priacutevate verbs see suppose and assume can be uscd with a Ihal-clause in which lhe present tense rerers to future time (cfI423)

See (to iacutet) that they get somethiacuteng to eal See here means make sure [di Doubl being a verb of negative meaning is typically followed by whelherfif(ef 156 1635) Bu more especially when it is in a nonassertive context doubt occurs with a thal-clause

1don doubt (buI) thal theyJI accept a once Note hat in this construction doubl is sometimes followed by bUI Doubl canno be followed by

an altemative wh-clause (efI56) 1 doubt wheher or no theyU accept

Type (ii) Suasive verbs 1632 These verbs can be followed by a that-clause either with putative should (ef

1425) or with the mandative subjunctive A third possibility a that-clause with an indicative verb is largely restriacutected to BrE

ShOUld leave People are demanding that she leave the company

lea ves ltesp BrE)

1t is nuacutelc difficuumllt in the casc of suasive verb to rrak a subdiacute vision between PUBLICo and PRIVATE verbs for this reason we present the verbs below in a single listo Nevertheless gene rally it is usefuI to see a distinction between the public verbs which describe indirect directives (such as request ef 1433) and the private verbs which describe states of volition or desire such as intend

agree l demandl intendl 2 reeommend2

allow2 desire12 moveacute request2 arrange l

askl 2

determine I

enjoin2 ordain2 4

order require resolvel

beg2 ensure pledge 2 rule command2 entreat2 prayl 24 stipulate concede grant prefer 24 suggest24

decideacute deeree4

insist instruct2

pronounee2

propose 2

urgeacute vote 2

The superscripts 12 and 4 have the same meaning as in 1631 aboye The choice between the three constructions in the that-clause in [1] above varies between AmE and BrE For detailed discussion of these preferences ef

1425 It will be noted that the noun phrase + infinitive construction (ef1650) is

a common alternative to the that-clause for suasive verbs

Types of verb complementation 1183

d dthe news to be suppressedThe mten e y that the news (should) be suppressed ltmore formal)

With some verbs such as allow the infinitive construction is by far the more usual

Other types oC verb with that-c1ause complementation Type (iii) Emotive verbs

1633 This consists of a small group of verbs such as regret marvel rejoiee and wonder which can occur with (A) the indicative or (B) the putative should construction but not with the mandative subjunctive construction

worries about it 1 regret that she should worry about it

worry about it

Semantically this group belongs with adjectival constructions such as be sorry be anxious (ef 1671)

_-Type (iv) Hypothesis verbs The two verbs wish and (in the imperative) suppose may be followed by a that-clause containing a verb in the hypothetical past or the were-su bjunctive I wish (that) she were here She wished she hadnt spent the money Suppose (that) one of us died ef 1424 on the use of tense and mood following these verbs which may also occur in a number ofother patterns In particular for other uses of wish efI638 1641 1644 1646 1657

The modal idiom would rather (or lts contraction d rather) (ef 346) is a third example of a hypothesis verb

Id rafher you didnt mention the price Many resid1ts wotd rather that the bus service were subsidized

Complementation by an extraposed subject that-clause 1634 The that-clause in examples like It seems that you are mistaken is not an object

ofthe verb but rather an extraposed subject Nevertheless it resembles other that-clauses we have been examiniacuteng (a) in having a deletable that and (b) iacuten being semantically associated wiacuteth the preceding verbo Moreover no nonextraposed that-clause is possible in this case (That you are mistaken seems) and so it seems appropriate to include this with that-c1ause complementatiacuteon The main verbs occurring in this pattern fonn two groups of synonyms (i) seem and appear and (H) ehanee happen and transpire

It appears that Frank lost his tempero It happened that the weather was exceptionally cold

The phrasal verbs come about happen] and turn out [= transpire] also belong here Appear and seem can be followed by the pro-form so Jt seemsj appears so The adverb so sometimes occurs before happen or one of its synonyms It so happensj happened that

Note [a) A related construction with extraposed object (ef 1835) occurs in the following transitive phrasal verbs

let (il) OUI noise (it) aboutfabroad put (ie) about rub (ie) in Jack let (jI) out [= divulged] that the animal had been stolen

1184 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1185

Thc it which occurs as prcparato~y ohjcct is in this case optional although the omission is not 3 The verb can also occur with a foHowing wh-infinitive clause (ef 1637) usual In the comparable construction rake jI Ihal the il iacutes obligatory f lake ir Ihat you are eg 1 didniexcl know what to sayoenjoying yourselLes [b] Compare the complementation of seem appear etc by an as ifclause (ej 1624 Note [a)) The preposition of a prepositional verb is optionally omitted before a whshy[e) On the related constructions tI slrikes me IlwI tI (Jccursiseems O me 1iexcl111 eJ 1659 clause and hence it is convenient to include in the aboye list verbs for which Note 1660 Note

the wh-clause is basically a prepositional object For example

I inquired (about) whether the tiacuteckets were ready IB41 Wh-cause as object Theyhavent yet decided (on) which ftight they will take 1635 Many of the verbs which take a that-clause as object can also take a whshy

interrogative clause (cfI55ff) For the corresponding passive again the preposition is optional whether or not the nominal clause is in extraposition I asked her to confirm whether the f1ight had be en booked

Can you confirm which ftight we are taking Which ffight they will take has not yet been deeided (on) They havent yet confirmed how much the f1ight costs It has not yet been deeided (on) which f1ight they will take

Notice that in aH three illustrative sentences aboye confirm occurs in what Sometimes there is a slight difference of meaning if the preposition is may be described as a nonassertive context (ef 253) The use of the whshyincluded contrast interrogative clause (which generally implies Iack of knowledge on the part

She asked what he wanted of the speaker) is particularly common where the superordinate c1ause is iexcl She asked about what he wantedinterrogatiacuteve or negative Gn the other hand there are sorne verbs which

themselves express uncertainty such as ask and wonder these occur with the Whereas ask introduces the question which the speaker actually asked and wh-c1ause without this nonassertive constraint Examples of verbs taking the for which she requires an answer ask about does not indicate what the wh-interrogati ve clause are question might have been Gther prepositional verbs in this class are argue

(about) beware (01) (ef354 Note) not eare (about) check (on) depend (on) antieipate [NA] doubt note [NA]3 hear (about) refieet (on) There is also the phrasal-prepositional verb find out argue [NA]2 enquire23 notiee[NAj3 (about)arrange [NA]3 establish3 observe [NAj3

aseertain3 explain3 pereeive [NA]3 Note A few verbs are followed by a wh-exclamative clause (indirect exclamation (f I01 04) beginning

ask23 express point out [NAj with whal or hoH l realized whar aJeoll had been 1 kno hol busy Jou are These clauses are beware2 fathom [NA] ponder3

difficult to distinguish from wh-interrogative clauses Other verh in (he pttero indloe ~~rlt1im calcula te [NAP ftnd out2 3 prediet [NA] express maroel reflectlhiacutenk

care[NA] 1 2 forget 3 prove eheek23 guess realize [NA]

Complementation by a nonfinite clause ehooseacute hear [NA]2 record [NA] confirm [NA] imagine [NA]3 refieet2

Nonfinite clauses in complementationeonsider [NAP indieate [NA]3 remember [NA]3 1636 When a nonfinite clause follows the verb it is often difficult to separate three decide23 inquire23 say(NA]3

of the major types of complementation which we distinguished in 216 Thisdemonstrate3 judge3 see(NAj3

is especially true if a noun phrase intervenes between the superordinate verb depend2 knoW[NAP show3

and the verb of the nonfinite construction disclose learn [NAj3 tel [NA 3

diseover3 make out NA] think (NA]3 They like the ehildren to visit them discuss3 mind [NA]l wonder3 They supposed (he ehildren to be guilty (2]

They asked the ehildren lo bring somefood [3]The symbol (NA] after a verb indicates that this complementation is particularly likely to occur in a nonassertive contexto The superscripts 1-3 Gn the face of it aH three of these sentences conform to the same pattern are interpreted as follows (verb + noun phrase + to-infinitive ) But there are reasons for classifying

them differentIy1 This verb is part of a negative or predominantly negative construction

when combined with the wh-interrogative clause not eare not mind eant [l exemplifies MONOTRANSITIVE complementation (l638ff) fathom eant tell (ef They like the ehildrens visits - SVO)

2 The verb is basically a prepositional verb and has a preposition which (2) exemplifies COMPLEX TRANSITlVE complementation (l643ff) may be optionaHy added (see below) (ef They supposed the ehildren guilty - SVOC)

1186 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

[3] exemplifies DITRANSITIVE complementation (l655ff) (ef They asked the ehildren a question SVOO)

We will return in 1664ffto differences between examples such as these At present since we are dealing with monotransitive complementation we are concerned only with the type illustrated by [1] In nominal function only two kinds of nonfinite c1ause normally occur the to-infinitive c1ause and the -ing participle c1ause Hence nonfinite c1auses functioning as object can be distinguished for the present purposes in terms of the categories in Tabe 1636

Table 1636 Nonfinite clauses as object

Without subject With subject

lo-infinitive [B6] ack hates [B8] J ack hates to miss the train her to miss the train

-ing participle [B7] Jack hates [B9] Jack hates missing the train her missing the train

In Tabe 1636 the italicized parts are analysed as nonfinite c1auses acting as direct object The status of the infini tive c1ause and its subject in pattern [B8] is discussed in 1641 Later in 1666 we consider the arguments for considering her an object in the [B8] and [B9] examples

The fol1owing criteria confirm that the itaJicized portion of [B6-B9] is basically a nonfinite c1ause as direct object

(A) The nonfinite c1ause can be replaced by a pronoun it coreferring to a clause or by a no~n norninalizing the meaning of l clause Everyone likes it He likes her frequent visits

(B) The nonfinite clause can be made the focus of a pseudo-cleft sentence (ef 1829)

What everyone likes (best) is to tak to her [B6] What everyone likes (best) is taking 10 her [B7] What he likes (best) is for her lO eall ofien [B8]

In this version of [B8] as the infinitive c1ause is now in complement position the introductory for has to make its appearance

(C) For [B8] the introductory for itself where it appears is a marker of the construction as a nonfinIacutete clause

(D) Correspondingly for [B9] a subject pronoun in the objective case can often be replaced in formal style by a possessive pronoun (cfl46)

He doesnt like melmy coming often

This is what one would expect (ef 1 512) given that me and my can both be subjects of an -ing clause

Not all verbs that we consider direct objects satisfy al these criteria Nevertheless it is on this basis that the verbs Usted below are included in the classes [B6-B9]

Types of verb complementation 1187

[B51 Wh-infinitive clause as object 1637 It is as well to begin the survey of nonfinite c1auses as objects with c1auses

which happen to be immediately related to those dealt with in 1635 These are wh-infinitive c1auses (ef 155)

He learned how lO sail a boat as a small boy You must not forget when lO keep your mouth shut 1couldnt decide (on) whieh bieycle to buy

The last example illustrates the occurrence of the optional preposition with prepositional verbs as already observed with finite c1auses of the same type The corresponding passive pattern also occurs

The Curies discovered how to isolate radioaetive elements - How to isolate radiacuteoaetive elements was discovered by the Curies

The passive with extraposition (efI630 1635) is also sometimes possible

Early in the present century it was discovered how to isoate radioaetive elements

The verbs marked 3 in the list in 1635 aboye provide a sample of verbs occurring with the wh-infinitive c1ause as object

Note Many verbs which introduce wh-infinitive clauses rarely ir ever introduce yes-110 interrogative clauses (introduced by whelher) of the same type 1 have joacutergollell how 10 swiacutem but no iexcl have forgorten wheher lo swim Among such verbs are demostrale diacutesco~er and explain Nevertheless in unusual conexts such sentences can be found

1 have forgotten helher 10 ulljiacute-eeze thiacutesfood before cooking il

jB61 Subjectless infinitive cause as direet object f638 When a subjectless iacutenhmtlve clause is direct object the understood subJect

of the infinitive clause is always the same as the subject of the superordinate clause Verbs taking this kind of complementation are listed below subdivided into semantic categories

O) dread[B7 B8] (iv) ehoose[B7] (vi) ask (vii) affeel hate [B7 B8] hope beg c1aim like [B7 B8] intend [B7 B8] decline profess [B7] loathe [B7 B8] mean [B7 B8] demand

(viii) afford [B7]love [B7 B8] need[B7] offer attemplprefer[B7 B8] plan [B7] promise eontrive propose [B7] refuse(ii) begin [B7] endeavourwant[B7 B8] swear eease [B7] failwish [B8] undertake commenee [B7] learn

vowcominue [B7] (v) deign manage starl [B7] disdain [B7] negleet

hep [B7 B8] omit(iii) forgel [B7] scorn [B7] try [B7]remember [B7] venture [B7]

regret [B7]

1188 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1189

The symbols to the right of sorne verbs indicate that these verbs also occur Tbe lo-infiniacutetive here howcver has a resuhative meaning which makes the construction

with the subjectless -ing clause (Type [B7]) or with the infinitive clause with a subject (Type [B8]) From the latter group howeyer verbs such as ask are excluded because the construction of sentences like He asked me to help is ditransitive (el 1663) rather than rnonotransitive

We now add a list of prepositional verbs belonging lo the same pattern [B6pr] The preposition is omitted before the infinitive clause object (cI92) but is present where the prepositional object is a noun phrase or for that matter an -ingclause Compare

about the baby [Blpr]

She didnt bOlher aoout feeding the baby

to feed the baby [B7pr] [B6pr]

In the following list the verbs are placed in semantic groupings corresponding to sorne of those aboye (apart from an additional miscellaneous group (ixraquo and the omitted preposition is placed in square brackets

(i) long [for] [B8] ache (for] aim (for] [B8] aspire [to] burn(for] burst (for] (not) care (for] c1amour (for] [B8] itch (for] [B8] yearn (for] [B8]

(jiiexcl) bother(about] [B7 B8] condescend [10] delight [in] [B7] hesitate [about] [B7]

Examples

(vi) agree [tojonjabout] [B8] assent [to] consent [to]

(vii) pretend [to]

(viii) strive (for] seek (for]

(ix) arrange(forJ[B7 B8] decide ron] [B7] resolve [on] [B7] prepare [ror] [B7] serve (for] [B7]

Martin longed to leave home They sought to rnake amends 1would hesita te to interfere Weve decided to move to a new house

Note [al We distiacutenguish the verbs of Type [B6] from ltltenative verbs (el 349) of seemiacuteng and occurrence preceding infinitiacuteve clauses which ltare not diacuterect objects but whiacutech relate semanliacutecally to a Ihal-c1ause as subjecl He appears lO like Ihe sha - Tilar he likes the show appears [Irue] The verbs in Ihis c1ass correlate c10sely with those occurring with obligatory extraposition ofthe subjecl (cfI634) appcar seem chance happenlurn OUI

Jt appearedfthancedthat the children were asleep The children appearedchanced to be asleep

lb] Another group of verbs which are closely associated with a following infinitive but which do not belong to Type [B6J ioc1udes hasten conspire and set out

1 hastened lO reassure her They conspired lO murder Caesar He set out lO conquer the world

resemble on the one hand that of a catenative verb md on the other hand that of an inlransitiacuteve verb folJowed byan adjunct With pay and (to a lesser extent) woit Ihe adjunct status is more obvious as is clear from th~ possibility offroming the iacutenfinitivc c1ause

You have to pay ro go in

- (In arder) lO go in you ha ve to payo He waited lo see her

- (Inorder) lO see her he wailed Similarly unlike begin + infinitive the infinitive following SIO iacutes purposive contras

She [S] began IV] to eat lunch [O] BUT She [S] stopped [V] to eat lunch lA]

On the other hand these two verbs have matchiacuteng uses iacuten complementation Type [B7J

began She t d eatmg lunch s oppe

(B7) Subjectless -ing participle clause as object 1639 Again with this type of complementation the subject of the nonfinite verb

is usually identical with the subject ofthe preceding verb

1 love liacutestening to music The accused denied having met the witness

[The accused denied that hejshe had met the witness]

This rule accounts for the restriction that when the participle is followed by a reflexiye pronoun the pronoun norrnally has to agree (in number person and gender) with the subject of the superordinate c1ause

She herself He -iexcl enJoys smgmg to lhimselj lI

But wiacuteth one small group of verbs (rnarked 2 in the list below) it is not the understood subjectofthe particiacuteple but its understood object that is identified with the subject of the superordinate clause In such cases therefore the participle construction matches in meaning the passive of the corresponding infinitiacuteve construction [B6]

mendiacuteng painting Your shoes need to be mended That door needs to be painted

(Th~ aboye use of need iacutes often replaced in dialectally restricted usage by an equivalent use of want)

For an addiacutetional group of verbs (marked 3 in the list below) the subject of the particiacuteple is indefiniacutete and is independent of the subject of the preceding verbo For example in He recommended introducing a wealth tax it is clear that the person recommending the tax is likely to be different from the persones) who would be responsible for introducing it The meaning of this sentence is equiacutevalent to that of He recommended the introduction 01 a wealth tax

In the following list of verbs in the pattern of [B7] Types (i) and (ii) correspond to Type [B6(i)] (emotive) and Type B6(ii)] (aspectual) The verbs grouped under (iiiacute) are however in thiscase a miscellany since further sernantic grouping is difficult

1190 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

(i) (cant) bear l (not)fanci miss l

begrudge l hate l regret l bull4

detest like relish

dislike l loathe resent l

dread l love l (cant) stand 1

enjoy (not) mind l

(ii) cease quit start l

commence resume stop I

eontinue

(jii) admit4 forget l bull J4 recommend l J

avoid (eant) heli rememberl 34

eonfess4 imagine repent eonsider iacutenvolvel J require2

deny4 justifylJ risk l 3

deserue2 need l 2 save l 3 diseouragel 3 permit l ) tryS envisage l 3 propose want l

(dialectaI2)

escape reealll 34

The verbs ofType (i) preceded by a negative (such as eant bear) have a builtshyin negative bias so that they cannot occur in straightforward assertive contexts

Cora doesnt mind waiting Cora minds waiting

They can however occur in nonassertive contexts

Do you mind waiting How can anyone bear wearing clothes like that

and also in second instance contexts ie where the construction refers back to a nonassertive occurrence of the same construction earlier in the discourse

cant stand] k h h 1A 1[ d ji wor mgwlt t atglron t anc)

fd ti [stand it JB We1I 1m a ral you HAVE to ji k h h ancy wor mg Wlt ero

Superscripts in the aboye lists are interpreted as follows

1 The verb also occurs in pattern [B9] ie with a subject preceding the participle (ef 1642)

2 The participle has a passive interpretation (see aboye) 3 The participle has independent interpretation ie the subject of the

participle clause is not necessarily coreferential with the subject of the preceding verb and may have indefinite meaning

4 The participle may occur with a perfective construction

1admit having seen it (l]

But with such verbs the nonperfective construction can also be used with past meaning Thus [1] is synonymous with [2]

1 admit seeing it [2]

Types of verb complementation 1191

This paraphrase relation however exists mainly withverbs of dynamic meaning contrast verbs of stati ve meaning

I admit knowing him 1admit having known him

5 On the construction with (ry cf 1640

Examples of prepositional verbs belonging to this class ([B7pr]) are

bankonl decide on playat seeabout counton l delight in l resort to shrinkfrom

O Examples of phrasal verbs ([B7ph]) are

break off give up Jeaue off putoff takeup

Examples of(B7ph-pr] are

doaway with get around to go infor look forward fo

The following sentences ilIustrate these patterns

We counted on getting there early [B7pr] Ive taken up playing tenniacutes [B7ph] Jim is looking forward lo having the house to himself [B7ph-pr]

It IS important to notice that the lo in gel around to lookforward to and resor to is not an infinitive marker but a preposition Hence 1 am looking forward to seeing you is grammatical but not 1 am looking forward fo see you

Note [al The superscript 1 in the aboye lisU is not added lo verbs like stop although a noun phrase can be inserted between the participle and (he preceding verb in ~uch cases

They stopped (her) working all night Thiacutes ls because the construction containing the extra noun phrase (her in the aboye example) is arguably complex transiacutetive (e 1653) rather than monotransiacutetive (as is evident from the marginally acceptable passive She was slopped working all nighl) [b) Also we exclude from the aboye lists catenative verbs such as go in We wenl running and gel in Gel moving (e349)

Choice betwecn the infinitive and participle constructions (lB6) and (B71) 1640 Where both constructions [B6] and B7] are admitted there is usualIy felt to

be a difference of aspect or mood which infiuences the choice As a rule the infinitive gives a sense of mere potentiality for action as in She hoped fo leam French while the participle gives a sense of the actual performance of the action itself as in She enjoyed leaming Freneh In the case of try the double meaning is particularly clear

Sh 1 t d to bribe the jailor [1 ] el a ne b b hln mg teJa or

[1] implies that Sheila attempted an act ofbribery but did not manage it [2] implies that she actualIy did bribe the jailor but without (necessarily) achieving what she wanted With other verbs the difference is more subtle and may be overruled or neutralized by the meaning of the verb of the main clause For example the negative meaning of avoid and escape cancels out the sense of performance in He escapedlavoided being branded as a traitor

1192 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Let us consider more carefully three classes of verb which take both

constructions

(O EMOTlVE VERas (see Type (i) in the lists in 1638 and 1639) With the verbs which take both constructions (eread hate like loathe love and prefer) the bias of the infinitive towards potentiacuteality tends to fa vour its use in hypothetiacutecal and nonfactual contexts eg

Would you like o see my stamp collectiacuteon seemg

1hateto seem rude but youre blocking the view seemmg

On the other hand the particiacutepial construction is favoured where the speaker is referring to something which definitely happens or has

happened

to live Bnan loalhed 1 m the countrylUmg

(But with would loathe the infinitive is just as acceptable as the -ing participle)

Here to Uve implies that Brian could exercise choice about where to live whereas living presupposes that he actually did live in the country and probably had no choice in the matter But in other contexts there is little appreciable difference between the two constructions

tocoOk 1 [to eat JDo you prefer k for yourself or t m a restaurant[coa mg ea mg

(in ASF2C7uumlAL VERBS of beginni1g (a~ti1urng) and ending also in many cases take both constructions

Lucy startedcOntinUedceasedto W~iteWhile in hospital IIntmg

In such examples as this there is no observable difference of meaning between the constnlctiacuteons But in other cases a contrast between potentiality and performance may influerice the choice

to speak but stopped because she objected He s tarted speakmg and k ept on for more t han an hbur

The association of the -ing participle with the progressive aspect may also influence a p[ference for the participle where multiple activities

are involved

to open allthe cupboardsHe began openlflg all the cupboards

Here opening is more appropriate than to open While sorne verbs in this group (begin continue cease sean) allow both constructions others (finish stop) altowonly the participle construction (Go on and keep (on) may be classified as catenative verbs (cf349) onfinishfstop followed by the infinitive cf1638 Note [b])

Types of verb complementation 1193

(di) RETROSPECTlVE VERBS For three verbslorget remember and regret the potentialityperformance distiacutenction becomes extended into the past so that there is a temporal (as well as in part modal) difference between the two constructions The infinitive construction indicates that the action or event takes place after (and as a result of) the mental process denoted by the verb has begun while the reverse is true for the participle construction which refers to a preceding event or occasion coming to mind at the time indicated by the main verb

1 remembered to fill out the formo [1 remembered that 1 was to fill out the form and then did so]

1 remembered filling out the form rl remembered that 1 had filled out the form]

lforgot 10 go to the bank [1 forgot that 1was to go to the bank and therefore did not do soJ

lforgot (about) going to the bank [rare without about 1 forgot that 1went to the bank or that 1should have gone ]

1regret to tel you that John stole i1 [1 regret that 1am about to tel you that John sto le i1]

1 regret telling you that John stole i1 [I regret that 1 told you that John stole i1 or that 1 am now telling you J

[B8) Complementation by to-infinitive clause (with subject) 1641 The verbs in this group (as distinct from the apparently similar object +

t infinitive -o1struction el 1650) are restricted to a small numbcr chicfly denoting (nol) liking or wanting (cant) bear desire hate like iexcloLe prefer want and wish

They dont like the house to be left empty 1 wouldn t want you to lose your way

After these verbs the noun phrase preceding the infinitive cannot be made the subject of a passive main c1ause The house isnt liked to be left empty (by them)

There is moreover an alternative construction (chiefly restricted to AmE) in which the noun phrase is preceded by for which marks it as the subject of an infinitive clause rather than as object ofthe main clause

Jack prefersfor his wife to drive the truck ltesp AmE)

These two observations point in the direction of a monotransitive analysis of such verbs

In the following howeverJor has a different status and must occur in both AmE and BrE

They arranged for Mary to come at once

In this case the construction is that of a prepositional verb arrange for ([B8prl) the infinitive clause acting as prepositional object Other examples

1194 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

wherejor occurs as part of a prepositional verb are askfor eatlfor aehefor aim for bum for burst jor eare for clamour for erave for hope for iteh for long jor plan joacuter prepare for wait for yearn for

We were al achingburningbursting jor the performance to begin They plannedfor the mayor to arrive on the following day

For some of the verbs in these clauses the that-clause with should ([B3(iiacute)j) is an alternative form of complementation

They planned that the mayor should arrive on the following day

A further reason in favour of a monotransitive analysis of verbs of Type [B8pr] is the possibility (in some cases) of a passive with or without extraposition

For the administration to resign so quickly was not called foro It had been arranged for the food to be served indoors

Note [al Sorne [B8pr] verbs such as arrangefor planfor and preparefor also have a [B2] construction in which they are followed by a direct object Compare Have you arranged the meeting Have you arrangedfor iexclhe meeting Compare also She askedfor the children to leave and She asked iexclhe children O leave [b] Desire expect and intend although they tit into this category with respect to introductory for and the extraposed passive also accept the passive of the raised object which applies to [C4] (cfI650) Thus expect for example pennits two associated passives

It was nOt expected for the administration to resigno The administration was not expected to resigno

The former of these however is felt to be awkward and of marginal acceptability On such contlicts of c1assiacutefication cfI664jf

jB91 Complementation by -ing participle clause (with subject) 642 Verbs which accept this pattern comprise a considerable subset of those

verbs accepting the subjectless -ing clause as object they include the verbs marked 1 in the list of 1639 The genitive form of the subject is an option in formal English (ef 1512) but is often felt to be awkward or stilted

1 dislike him his driving my car We look forward to youyour beeoming our neighbour

In some cases particularIy when the subject of the participle is not a pronoun and does not have personal reference the geniti ve option is rare

vehicle h hPeter stoppe d te h l cras mg mto t e ence h ve lees

The genitive is also rare with a pronoun with nonpersonal reference

1 look forward to ~t geUing warmer in spring lts

The verbs of negative meaning stop prevent and prohibit have a related ditransitive construction (cfI656f) in which the prepositionfrom precedes the -ing clause as second object

They tried toacute preven the planefrom landing on the runway

Types of verb complementation 1195

Thus thefrom is optional In the very few cases where we have a choice between an -ing participle

and a to-infinitive construction there is usual1y felt to be a difference ofaspect or mood such as that described in 1640

1hate the children lo quarrel [ theyre ordinarily such good friacuteends] [1]

1 hate the children quarrelling [ all the time] [2]

focuses on the childrens potential for quarrelling [2] emphasizes their performance the point being that they do quarrel rather often in fact An aspectual difference is uppermost in

ehiming ( all night long) 1h he c oc k ate t l

to ehlme ( Just when Im gOtng to sleep)

The infinitive suggests a single chime while the participle suggests continual chiming (ef435 467f)

Note Verbs ofthe observational type eg notice in 1 noticed him writing a leller do not belong in this group and are dealt with in 1653 For such verbs the genitive is not a possible alternative iexcl noticed hiacutes writiacuteng a Jeter

Complex transitive complementation 1643 In 216 we applied the term COMPLEX TRANSlTIVE to verbs in the pattems

SVOC and SVOA In this chapter we extend the term to other clause patterns in which an object is followed by another element which is not an object (eg a nonfinite clause) A distinguishing characteristic o[ complex transitive compiemculiIacuteuacutelI j thallhe two elltments iacuteuiiuwiug the yerb (eg object and object complement) are notionally equated with the subject and predication respectively of a nominal c1ause For example

MONOTRANSlTIVE She presumed lhat her father was dead [1] She presumed her father to be dead [2]

COMPLEX TRANSITIVE Sh d h 1 h d d [3]e presume er Jat er ea

In [3J her father (O) and dead (C) are equivalent in meaning to a separate clause viz the that-clause in [l] This relationship remains where the object complement is expanded into an infinitive clause as in 2] Yet her father to be dead in spite of its clause-like meaning and appearance does not act syntactica1ly as a single constituent as is evident in the passive where the O is separated from its complement

Her father was presumed (by her) to be dead

This divisibility into two elements of a semantically clausal construction following the verb is the defining property ofcomplex transitive complementshyation

We begin with three already familiar patterns of complex transitive complementation those corresponding to [A I-A3] (ef 1621-4)

Note On the simiacutelarities between complex transitive and ditransitive complementation see 1666ff

1196 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

ICII Adjective phrase as object complement 1644 The SVOC pattern (ef216) in whiacutech the object complement is an adjective

phrase is found with verbs which like copular verbs may be divided into CURRENT and RESULTING types

You should keep the cabbagefresh (1] That music drives me mad [2]

The verb keep in [1] introduces the current attributefresh while the verb drive in [2] introduces the resulting attribute mad These two verbs therefore exemplify the two main categories ofcomplex transiti ve complementatiacuteon in this pattern The current verbs (ef1621ff) are usually staiive and the resulting verbs are always dynamic Further examples ofeach type are

CURRENT RESULTING

hod[C2] (v) drive [C4] keep [C2] get [C4] eave [C2] make [C2 C4]

prove [B3 C2 C4] (ii) eall [C2] render[C4]eonfess [B3 C2 C4] sendprofess [B3 C2 C4]

pronounce [B3 C2 C4] turn

report [B3 C4] eertify [B3 C2 C4] declare [B3 C2 C4] like proclaim [B3 C2 C4] prefer[B3]

want wish [B3 C2 C4]

(iv) beliacuteeve [B3 C2 eonsider [B3 C2 C4] deem [B3 C2 C4] find [B3 C2 C4] hod[B3 C4] imagine [B3 C2 C4] judge [B3 C2 C4] presume[B3 C2 C4] rate [C2 C4] reekon [B3 C2 C4] suppose [B3 C2 C4] think [B3 C2 C4]

Type (O is a category of current verbs of general meaning Type (ii) consists offactual speech act verbs (cf1631) Type (iii) of volitional verbs Type (iv) of verbs of inte11ectual state Type (v) of general resulting verbs and Type (vi) ofresulting verbs referring to speech acts which havethe performative force of declarations (Hod occurs twice in the aboye list as a general verb [Type (i) as in She hed her head high] and as an inte11ectual state verb [Type (iv) as in 1 hod you responsibe]) The symbols added after sorne verbs indicate other related complementation types to which those verbs belong

Types of verb complementation 1197

[B3] The verb can also be used monotransitively (el Note (a]) with a that-clause

[C2] The verb can also occur wiacuteth a noun phrase as object complement [C4] The verb can a1so occur with an object + infiniacutetive construction

Examples

The secretary eft a1l the letters unopened The doctors pronounced her conditiacuteon uttery hopeess Oi) 1want my coffee stronger than this (iii) Weve alwaysfound the assistants very frtendy (iv) The long waIk made us a11 hungry They have declared the house unfit for habitatiacuteon (vi)

Note that the adjectival complement may contain modifiers and adjectival complementation (ef1668-83) A passive construction in which the direct object becomes subject is also an important criterion

AH the letters were left unopened (by the secretary) (i) Her condition was pronounced uttery hopeess (by the doctors) (ji)

Note [a] There is sometimes a meaning difference between the object complement construction and the corresponding that-clause [B3) or objeet + infinitive [C4] eonstruction

1 imagined myself severely ill [3] p 1 imagined myself to be severely ill [4]

Sentence [3] suggests that the speaker is indulgiacuteng in a flight of faney sentence [4J suggests that the speaker is deluding himself (eg that he is a hypochondriae) A differenee is also to be observed between [5] and [6]

They gol him angry [5J p They got him lo be angry (6]

where [5J suggests made him angry in spite of himself and [6] suggests persuaded him to be angry (Yet a third meaning is represented by Donl get me wrong [Dont misunderstand me J) Two iacuteurther comrasts are

We found the ehildren undernourished [ We encou nte red them iacute n tha t cond i tiacuteon J [7] p Wefoundthe children lo be undernourished [8]

[Our examination revealed their condition] and

He declared the meeting offieial He declared the meeting lO be officiaL

where [9] has a performati ve and resultati ve force (The meeting beeame official as a result of his announeement) not regularly present in [lO] [b] Have in sentences sueh as We have IWO employees sck is not a member of the [CI] category but belongs to a special have-existential construetion lo be discussed with existential sentences in general in 1851 Since it has no passive this elause construction lacks one criterial feature of comp1ex transitive constructions Two employees are had sick [e] There is a variant order in which the object complement precedes the object eg He thought desirable most ofthe women in the room (efIS37) This order tends to occur when the object is a long noun phlase

1645 In addition to the verbs listed in 1644 aboye there are many verbs which belong more peripherally to Type [C1] Their membership is more peripheral in one or both of the following respects (a) They occur only in restricted sequences such as rub dry (ef 1617) (b) They can occur in the [BI] monotransitive construction without appreciable change of meaning iacutee the object complement is optional and resembles an optional adverbial Iil the following typical co11ocations the object noun phtase is symbolized by N

1

Types of verb complementation 11991198 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

CURRENT RESULTING

bring (a child) up health boil (an egg) 8aft 1

buy N eheapl erap (hair) shoriexcl1 return (a letter) unopened freeze N hard serve (food) hOlleold paint N redblue 1

seU N eheaplnew1 roll N flat sweep (the fioor) clean 1

calour N blueyellow 1

dye N pinklgreen 1

knock (someone) senseless polish N smooth 1

scrape N clean I swing (a door) open

For those combinations marked l the object complement could be easily omitted without a change in the basic sense of the verbo

Among resulting attributes the adjectives open loose free and clean are particularly common push N open shake N loose set N free wipe N clean

The collocations make sure and make certain are peculiar in that the object is a that-clause and always follows the adjectivaI complement

Please make sureleertain that you endose your birth certificate

There is no passive be made surecertain With other collocations the that-clause object is postponed by extraposiacutetion (ef 1835)

He found it strange that no one else had arri ved 1think it very odd that she left without saying goodbye The emperor pronounced it illegal for landlords to enfranchise their

tenants

Extraposition is optional with make N clear and therefore the preparatory it may be omitted She made (it) eear that we were regarded as trespassers

Note [al Sorne collocations require the object to be a rellexive pronoun Ilaughed myself sick They roared themselves hoarse Here the object complement cannot be omitted llaughed myself [b] The resultative pattern illustrated in thiacutes section is quite productive and occurs with rare or newly-converted verbs such as selotape and scotchtape selotape N fiat ltRrE) seotehtape N fiat (AmE) Similarly

iexclve deepfrozen the bread solido

(C21 Noun phrase as object complement 646 Most of the verbs listed in 1644 can occur also with a noun phrase

complement In addition there are a few verbs which occur with anoun phrase but not with an adjective phrase as complement eg appoint These verbs marked 1 in the list below can also occur with theobject + infinitive construction

The queen appointedWilliam Cecil (to be) her personal secretary

The list is subdivided into categories corresponding to those in 1644

(i) hold2 (iv) believe (v) appoint l2middot 3

keep2 consider2 choose 2 3

eleetl 2 3leave deem esteem l 2 3 make(ii) cal find provecanfess imagine2 voteprofess

pronounce judge2 (vi) baptize13

presume certify 23 (iii) wish 3rate2 christent bull

reckon2 erown l bull 2bull 3

suppose declare think proclaim

namemiddot23

The superscript 2 indicates that the as-construction (cf 1 647) is also possible The superscript 3 indicates that the verb is also monotransitive and that the verb retains the same meaning when the object complement is omitted Hence She appointed him secretary implies that she appointed him Examples of each sub-type follow With profess and wish which are used to illustrate subtypes (H) and (iii) respectively a reflexive pronoun as object is normal

She held her niece (a) captive for several years (i) The prince professed himself a supporter of free speech (ji) 1have often wished myself a millionaire (iii) Charles does not esteem him a trustworthy adviser (iv) The committee has elected you its chairman (v) Her parents named her Sophia after her grandmother (vi)

Some verbs in this pattem are unlikely to occur in the adive eg think beiacuteieve reckon The foilowing are exampies of the passive conslruclIacuteon

Her niece was held (a) captive for several years (i) She was named Sophia after her grandmother (vi)

As with Type (el] the object may be a clause postponed by extraposition

We have made it a condition that the new agreement be signed by all the original signatories

He has proved it a falIacy that old age brings wisdom

Note [al The zero article occurs optionally with captive and prisoner as object complements as in (i) above She held her niece (a) caplive Hold capliveprisoner and keep captivepriacutesoner are unusual in that the omitted article is indefinite rather than definite Examples of the zero article with definite meaning (eS42) are

Edgar was judged overall winner They appointed Sue captain of the athletics team

[b] The object + infinitive construction with 10 be as with Type [Gl] is not always equivalent to the pattero with a phrasal object complement For example name can be used with 10 be only if the following noun phrase designates a future role or status

Her parents named her (0 be) Gladys The selectors named her (lo be) a memberofthe touring team

As can be used with name only on the same condition as applies to lO be Her parenls named her as (adys (cf 1 647 below) [el The copular retation can obtain not only between the object and complement as in [11 bu also between subject and complement as in [21

t iexcl

1200 Complementation of verbs and adjectiacuteves

She made him iexcliexcl good husband (S V OC) [1 J She made him a good wife (S VOC) [2J

[1 Jhas the passive analogue He as gtladea good husband but in the entirelydifferentconstruetion of (2] where the copular rdation is between she and a good middotle no passive is possible Thc meuning is She Vas a good wire to himmiddot A prepositional verb 01 this Same unusuallattcrn is strike l in 101 example

He stmck me os a brilliant slralegist where a brilianl strategist is su bjcet eomplement

(Clprl and (C2prl Object complement foUowing prepositional verb 1647 The preposition as designates a copular relation particularly in specifying a

role or status associated with the direct object The ehureh eondemned the relie as a lraud Following a complex transitive verb and a direct object the prepositional complement of as functions semantiacutecally as an attribute and may be termed a prepositional object complement in the same way as the noun phrase following a transitive prepositional verb is called a prepositional object

a geniacuteus [C2] We considered him as a genius [C2pr]

tobeagenius [C4]

1 bull (as) a genius ~ He was consdered t b

o e agemus

Consider as like regard as class as etc therefore exemplifies yet another type of prepositional verb one that is followed by a prepositiacuteonal object complement rather than a prepositional object

Occasionally the prepositionlor occurs in this copular function instead of as

He took these words as evidence He took me lor a fool

In the following list for verbs in column (i) the preposition is optional where for verbs in column (H) the preposition is obligatory

(i) appoint (as) (ii) aeeept as ehoose (as) aeknowledge as eonsider (as) eharaeterize as eount (as) class as deem (as) define as esteem (as) describe as rate (as) intend as reekon (as) mistakelor report (as) regard as eleet (as) see as eertify (as) take asllor erown (as) trea as make Unto) use as proclaim (as)

Most verbs in [elpr] and[e2pr] can also introduce an adjective phrase in the function of prepositional object complement

Types of verb complementation 1201

The experts raled his paintings (as) poor bUI representalive ol their class

They classed Jane as partialty sighted The media described the situation as hopeless ~ The situation was described as hopeless

Verbs not allowing this construction are marked 1 in the aboye lists The construction iacutes exceptional in allowing an adjective phrase to occur after a prepositiacuteon A more orthodox construction is obtained by adding the word being before the adjective phrase and thereby converting the prepositional complement into a nominal -ing clause

The media descriacutebed the situation as being hopeless

Note [al Count as and rate as can also oecur in an analogous as-conslruction without lhe object as prepositional copular verbs eg This coanslraes as a tWtable success (e 1622 Note lb]) [b] Allhough as is classcd as a preposition in Ibe above pattern il in some ways resemblcs the conjunction as which introduces clauses of comparison (e15 71) Consider Ihe following curious examples in which as introduces on Ihe one hand a clause and on the other hand a noun phrase in an appositional relation lo Ihe clause

Report me as 10m - a superannuated dolt Hedescribcd her as heound her a liar

(C31 Complementation by object and adjunct 1648 Our next category Type [e3] consists of verbs which occur in the SVOA

pattern (el216) ie verbs which ha ve as their complementation an object followed by a predication adjunct The most characteristic adjuncts to occur in this pattern are prepositional phrases of space and more particularly of direction eg

1 slipped the key into the lock He stood my argument on its head [2] Take your hands out olyour poekets

The passive iacutes illustrated by

The key was slipped into the lock [1 al Sentence [2] exemplifies the abstract or metaphorical use of such verbs and adjuncts Many of the verbs which fit into this pattern are causative verbs of motiacuteon put get stand se sit lay place send bring take lead drive etc The class is open-ended since verbs normally without causative meaning can be adapted to this function eg show see elbow etc in

The attendant showed us to our seats [conducted us ] May I see you home [escort you ] He elbowed and bribed his way to fame They talked me into it [persuaded me ]

Other verbs are associated with space position adjuncts rather than direction adjuncts

They lelt the papers at my offiee Always keep your eyes on the road when driving

1

i

1202 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

The attackers eaught us ofJour guardo He wished them at the bottom ofthe sea

Again the spatial meaning ofthe adjunct rnay be understood in sorne abstract or rnetaphorical sense as in the third exarnple aboye

Adjuncts of other sernantic types are less cornrnon but instances are the adjunct of rnanner following treat

badIY Her parents treated her as ifshe were a baby

as like a small ehild

and the optional adjunct of duration following last

This rnoney will ha ve to last you laquo(for) six months)

Note [al Treot has a dilferent meaning when the adjunct is omitted Her parents treated her [= did something pleasant for her]

[b] Superficiacuteally similar to the aboye pattern iacutes that iIIustrated by remind andfurnish followed by an object and a prepositional phrase

She reminds me ofmy sister They furnished all the passengers with iexclfe jackets

These however are classed as transiti ve prepositional verbs (cfI6 7-8) and will be dealt with in 1656fbelow The difference between Ihese prepositional verbs and verbs of complemenlation Type [e3] is that in Ihe former case the lexical verb governs a particular preposition remind offurnish with (Alternative prepositional constructions are sometimes available however provide withprovide for)

Variants of complex transitive complementation 649 We now examine variants of complex transitive cornplernentation in which

thc direct object iexcls f01lowltd by ji nonfinite dau~1 acting as predication adjunct Al four kinds of nonfinite construction (ef 146-8) are possible

[C4] to-infinitive [C6] -ing participle They knew hirn to be a spy 1caught Ann reading my diary

[CS] bare infinitive [C7] -ed participle 1heard someone slam We saw him beaten by the

World Heavyweight Champion thedoor

The nonfinite clause in these patterns (in italics in the above table) has no subject itself but its implied subject is always the preceding noun phrase which is object of the superordinate c1ause This noun phrase which if a personal pronoun is in the objective case is commonly termed a RAISED

OBJECT (ef further 16640) semantically it has the role of subject of the nonfinite verb but syntactically it is raised from the nonfinite c1ause to function as object of the superordinate verbo Hence in general this noun phrase (in italics in the table below) can become subject of the corresponding passive (The passive of [C5] normaly requires substitution of a to-infinitive for abare infinitive the passive of [C7) is of marginal currency ef 1654 Note [a))

(C4] He was known to be a spy

[eS] Someone was heard to slam the door

Types of verb complementation 1203

[C6] Ann was caught reading rny diary

[e] He was seen executed by a firing squad

On the face ofit the patterns [C4] and [e6] are indistinguishable from the rnonotransitive patterns [B8] (eg She hates the train to be late) and [B9] (eg She hates the train being late) in which the nonfinite c1ause has a subject of its own The ability of the noun phrase preceding the nonfinite verb to become subject of a passive is however an important distinction between thern (see further 1651 and 1653)

These patteros [e4] and (e6] are distinguished from corresponding patterns in which the Note nonfinite c1ause is an adverbial by the raet that the iacutemplied subject of the nonfinite verb is O rather than S Note the ambiguity of

She left him to finish the jobo She lert him holding the baby

IC4J Object + to-infinitive complementation The verbs in this group are rather numerous and rnay be subdivided 1650

(vii) assist bother bribe eondemll dariquest defy encourage help induce inspire press summon

semantically into the following categories

(iacute) announee declare proclaim pronounee

(H)

reporl repute [esp P rumour (P only] say[P only] tip (esp BrEgt

assume believe eonceive (formalgt eonsider expeet feel jind imagine know presume reekon see [P only1 suppose take thiacutenk[esp P1 understand

(iiiacute) intend mean

(iv) appoint elect name vote

(v) cause drive force get[no P] lead prompt

(vi) alow authorize compel eonstrain enable entitle equip jit oblige permit requiacutere

[P = Passive]

1ZU4 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Types (i) and (ti) correspond to the factual verbs of category [B3J discussed in 1631 the nonfinite construction following these verbs can often be replaced by a lhal-clause with an indicative verbo Compare

The poli ce reported that the traffic was heavy [B3] The police reported the traffic to be heavy (formal) [C4]

JOhn believed that the stranger was a policeman [B3 = John believed the stranger to be a policeman (formal) [C4]

With factual verbs such as these the nonfinite clause normaIly contains the verb be or sorne other verb of stative meaning EspecialIy when the nonfinite main verb is other than be the finite clause (of pattern [B3]) is preferred to the infiniti ve one except that the infinitive construction provides a convenient passive form

The traffic was reported to be heavy The stranger was believed to be a poli cernan

Sorne verbs in this construction have no lhat-clause equivalent

They tipped him to be the next president (esp BrE) - He was tipped to be the next president (They tipped that he would be the next president)

Sorne verbs (marked [P only] in the list abo ve) occur only in the passive version of this construction

The field marshal was said to be planning a new strategy (Someone said the field marshal to be planning a new strategy)

Other verbs (marked [esp PJ) occur chiefly in the passive

The BroadwiY piOJutioli was inoughi to have made Maxs fortune (Newsmen lhought the Broadway production to have made Maxs fortune)

Ofthe twq classes of factual verbs Type (i) consists ofpublic verbs (cf1631) referring to a speech act and Type (ii) consists of private verbs expressing belief etc

1651 Of the remaining semantic types Type (iii) consists of verbs of intention (on intend itself ef 1641 Note lb]) Types (iv) and (v) consist of causative verls where the infinitive clause identifies the resultant state (Type (iv) verbs also belong to class [Cl]) Type (vi) cClUsists of verbs with a modal character expressing such concepts as enablement permission and compulsion and Type (vii) consists of a variety of verbs of influencing between which a common factor appears to be that the nonfinite clause has a purposive meaning Examples are

(iii) They intended Mary to sing an aria (- Mary was intended to sing an aria)

(iv) The meeting elected Mr Martiacuten to be the next treasurer (- Mr Martin was elected to be the next treasurer)

Types of verb complementation 1205

(v) This optimistic forecast led the administration to promise tax cuts ( _ The administration was led (by this optimistic forecast) to promise tax cuts)

(vi) My contract allows me to take one months lea ve (- 1arn allowed to take one months leave)

(vii) Our teachers eneouraged us to think for ourselves (- We were eneouraged to think for ourselves)

In Type (iv) the infinitive main verb is normaIly be and can be omitted They appointed her (lO be) the social secretar) This type overlaps with Type (v) 1646

Note [al There are a number of multi-word verbs in this category [C4prl counl Ofl bullbullbull lO depend Ol bullbull lo rey on lO bullbullbull [C4phl make OUI 10 bullbull [C4ph-pr] keep 01 al lo bull

(which has no passive) Examples are 1 am dependillg 011 you lO give us your fu support They malle him oul to be a monster ofdepravity Why do you keep On al me 10 work harder

[b] Sorne passives of pattem [C4] (eg be allowed be supposed) have a semi-auxiliary (cf347f) interpretation in which they lose their connection with the corresponding active construction especiay as regareis agency

(es) Object + bare infinitive complementation 1652 This pattern occurs with a relatively smaIl number of verbs

(i) have (ii) fee overhear[P] (iii) help [P] let hear [PI see [PJ know [P] rnake [PI notice [P watch

observe[P]

Typl (i) consists uf vlrbs uf iexcluiexclciacuteVI meaning Type (ii) has percepwal verbs of seeing and hearing and Type (iii) is a residual class of two verbs which are optionally followed by a to-infinitive The marker [PI indicates that the passive (normaIly with a to-infinitive) is possible [P] indicates that the passive is of doubtful or limited acceptability

(i) You shouldnt lel your family iacutenterfere with our plans We must rnake the public take notice ofuso

(- The public must be rnade to take notice ofus) (ji) Did you notiacutece anyone leaue the house

The crowd saw Gray score lwo rnagnificeni goals ( - Gray was seen lo seore two rnagnificent goas)

(iii) Sarah helped us (to) edil the seript 1 have known John (to) give better speeches than that

(- John has been known lO giue better speeches than that)

Know followed by the bare infinitive is confined mainly to BrE and to the perfective aspect have known Lel in group (i) is in other constructions cIassified as similar to an auxiliary (ef3SI) Let has an apparent passive in combination with such verbs as lel go and lel fal but these are best regarded as fixed expressions in which let has an auxiliary or particIe-like function

They let the prisoner go horneo - The prisoner was let go horneo

1206 Complementation of verbs and adjectiacuteves

Note that this apparent passive has the bare infinitive in contrast for example to make which has to have the to-infinitive in the passive

They mude him understand ~ He was made to understalld

A third verb in group (i) is have which (like have in monotransitive constructions) does not occur in the passi ve

They had me repeat the message ~ 1 was had (to) repeat the message

Note [a] The formulaic nature of let him go and similar expressions is illustrated by variants such as [1-3J which cannot be fitted into any regular complementation pattern

gothe rope [1] They lel the rope go [2]

goofthe rope (3)

[b] Of the two constructions with help tha with 10 is more common in BrE and that without 10

is more common in AmE [e] Arare verb in category (i) is the now rather archaic bid with a to-infinitive complementation in the passive

They bidbade me sil down - rwas bidden 10 sil down

[C61 Object + -ing participle complementation 1653 The verbs in category [C6] consist of verbs of perception (Type (iraquo verbs of

encounter (Type (iO) and two verbs of coercive meaniacuteng (Type

feel[C5] see[C5) (ji) eateh (iiiacute) have hear[C5) smell diseover get notiee [C5] spot find observe[C5) spy leave overhear[CS) wateh [CS) pereeive

Perception verbs marked [CS] occur also with the bare infinitive pattern [CS) Wiacuteth such verbs there iacutes an aspect difference between [C5) and [C6) as described in 461f

Tim watched Bill mendlmendingthe lampo

The bare infinitive having nonprogressive meaning implies that Bill did the wholejob while Tiacutem was watching the -ing clause with progressive meaning has no such implicatiacuteon

This complementatiacuteon pattern differs from that of [B9) not only in its progressive aspect but also in that the noun phrase following the superordinate verb cannot take the genitive (or possessive) form (ef 1642)

1 saw him lying on the beach 1 saw his lying on the beach

Another difference from pattern [B9) is that the -ing predication can normally be omitted without radically altering the meaning

1 saw him lying on the beach [entails iexcl saw him)

Contrast

1 hate my friends leaving early [does notentaiacutel 1 hate my friends)

Types of verb complementation 1207

The passive with this pattern is regular

We could hear the rain splashing on the roof ~ The rain could be heard splashing on che roof

A teacher eaughc them smoking in the playground - They were eaught smoking in the playground (by a teacher)

Prepositional verbs with this type of complementation ([C6prJ) include eome aeross eome upon listen to and look at Look at those ehildren climbing the wall But these [C6prJ prepositional verbs have no prepositiacuteonal passive

seen The guards had been spouhed searchiacuteng the building

wate e d looked at

Have in this construction (e18S1ff) also has no passive in keeping with its use in other constructions

She had us working day after day We were had working day after day

Note Feeloccurs especially with a reflexive pronoun object Shefelt herself falling in love

[C7) Object + -ed participle complementation 1654 We can distinguish three small groups of verbs complemented bv a raised

object followed by an -ed participle c1ause

(i) CAUSATIVE verbs get ha ve She gotlhad the watch repaired immediately

Oi) VOLITlONAL verbs want need like I wantlneed this watch repaired immediately

(jii) PERCEPTUAL verbs see hearJeel (oneself) wateh Someone must have seenl heard the car stolen

A fourth group is peripheral to this construction

(iv) Verbs for which the -ed participle describes a resulting statefind

diseoverleave They founddiseoveredfleft him worn out by tra vel and exertion

j In this construction as in that of (C6) have can ha ve either an agentive causative meaning or a stative meaning Hence The guard patrol had two men shot is ambiguous meaning either The patrol caused two men to be shot or

I The patrol suffered the los s oftwo men by shooting The latter meaning is that of the have-existential construction (ef 18S1ff) In general this

complementation type is semantically equivalent to one with an iacutenfinitive form of the verb be Thus in Type (ii) iexcl would like my room cleaned is synonymous with iexcl would like my room to be cleaned in Type Oiiacute) He saw the team beaten is synonymous with He saw the team be beaten

Note [al There is no passive for most verbs in pattem [e7] and at best the passive is dubious The car must have been seen stolen The acceptability of the passive with Type (iv) is exceptional

---

--

1208 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

The car wasfound abandoned This is indeed an indication that Type (iv) may not belong here so much as with the objecl complement construction [el l iexclhe participle construclion being adjectival (cf an abandoned car) lb1In addition to the two meanings of haue + objec + -ed participle above a third meaning results ifthe -ed clause is analysed as a postmodifier of Ihe object eg She had a book (which gtvas) stolenfrom the library

Ditransitive complementation

ID11 Noun phrases as both indirect and direct object 1655 Ditransiacutetive complementation in its basic fonu involves two object no un

phrases an indirect object which is nonually aniacutemate and positioned first and a direct object which is nonually concrete The two noun phrases differ from those of[C2] in not being in a copular relationship

He gave the girl a doll --v-- --r-

S V Oiacute Od

The difference between this and complex transitive complementation is seen in

svoe He found her a loyal friendo ( She was a loyal friend)

SVOO He found her an apartment ( - The apartment was for her)

The characteristics of indirect objects in contrast to direct objects are fully disclssed in 107

Sorne ditransitive verbs have two passive analogues which we shall distinguish as first and second

The girl was given a doll [FIRST PASSIVE]

A doll was given the girl [SECOND PASSIVE]

Of these two the first passive in which the indirect object becomes subject is the more common The prepositional paraphrase is more usual as an alternative than the second passive A dol was given to the girl (For a list of verbs ofType [01] ef1657 below)

[D21 Object and prepositional object 1656 In the ditransitive category prepositional verbs fonu an important group

with its own sub-divisions and may therefore be given a separate category number D2] These verbs are those we have called Type II prepositional verbs (cfI67-8) Alongside the ordinary indirect object pattern two main prepositional patterns rnaybe distinguished _

Indirect object + direct object [D1] Direct object + prepositional object D2a] lndirect object + prepositional object [D2b]

Types of verb complementation 1209

The indirect object is normally animate and is the recipient or beneficiary of the process described by the verb (ef 1019) Unlike ditransitive verbs of category [D 1] (eg give) ditransiti ve verbs with prepositional objects nonually have only one passive

We addressed our remarks to the children [D2a] - Our remarks were addressed to the children (The children were addressed our remarks (toraquo

W e reminded him of the agreement [D2bl - He was reminded of the agreement (The agreement was reminded him (of)

-1 Sorne verbs have a11 three possibilities of construction in the active many have two forothers there is only one possibility (in sorne cases the alternatives are not identical but very similar in meaning)

tel [01 + 2a + 2b]

1

offer [01 + 2a] 1

envy [01 + 2b] I

wish [01]

bamefD2a + 2b]

say [D2a]

warn [D2b]

Mary told only John the secret DI] Mary told the secret only to John [D2a] Mary told only John about the secreto [D2b]

John offered Mary sorne help [DI] John offered sorne help to Mary [D2a]

She envied John his success [DI] She envied Johnfor his success [D2b]

They wished him good luck [DI]

Helen blamed the divorce on John rD2al Helen blamed Johnfor the divorce [D2bj

Why didnt anybody say this to me [D2a] I

Mary warned John ofthe dangers [D2b) I

The different constructional possibilities of certain verbs provide a means of achieving different focus (cfI837f) Compare the fo11owing pairsofsentences as pronounced with unmarked (end) focus

Mary blamed the broken vase on IOHN Mary blamed John for the broken VAacuteSE

(ef John was blamed by MARY)

The government supplied blankets for the HOMEless The government supplied the homeless with BLANKets

(ef Blankets were supplied by the Goacutevernment)

Note [al The aboye constructions are presented in the most typical syntactic ordering but postshyponernent of the direct or iacutendirect object may take place in contexts where end-focus or endshyweight is required (cf1837) eg John offered lO Mary Ihe help thal she needed [b] Additional prepositional verb patterns should be briefly mentioned There is for example the double-prepositional-verb pattern noted in 1617(c)

1210 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1211

1657

1 am applying lo the hospitalor ajobo There is a further possibility that two prepositional objects may follow a diacuterect object

We are paying $100 lo the garage for the repairs

Verbs of complementation types ID1 and [D2 The following list gives sorne of the verbs that occur in Types [DI] [D2aJ [D2b] organized aeeording to the cross-classifications of 1656 aboye We are interested here only in synonymous or nearly synonyrnous constructions in which the same participant roles (ef lO18jJ) oceur Hence many possible prepositional verbs are ignored Pay for for example is ignored because it introduces a further participant (the commodity bought) not incuded in pay (with) and pay (to)

Table 1657

Type [DI) Type [D2a] Type[D2b]

EXAMPLE serve (Jaek scampi) serve (searnpi) serve (Jack) to (Jack) with (scampi)

[DI + 2a + 2b) pay payto pay with provide (AmE) providefor provide with serve serve to serve with tel tell to tell about

[DI + 2a) (l) bring bring to den deny to give give lo

grant gram to hand hand to leave leave tofor lend lend to offer offer to owe oweto promise promiseto read read lo send send to show show to teaeh teaeh to throw throw to

(ii) do doacutefor find findfor make makefor order order for reserve reservefor save savefor spare sparefor

(iii) ask askof

1658

[DI + 2b]

[Di]

[D2a + 2b]

[D2a]

[D2b)

envy excuse forgive

allow eharge fine refuse wish

blameon supply forto

address to announee to eommunieate to explain to sayto

envyfor exeusefor forgivefor

blamefor supply with

advise about punishfor etc

The membership of[D2b] is numerous Here are further examples arranged by prepositions

thankfor eonvineeof robof refer to preventfmm depriacutevenf ltuspee f 9f sentenee to proleet from informof warnof subject ro imerest in persuadeof congratulate on treat to aecuseof relieveof confine to charge with convictof remindof introduce to compare with

Note that reflexive verbs (cf 625) sometirnes oecur with a prepositional object eg We pride ourselves on the serviee we ofler Sorne of the verbs abo ve (such as compare with) ean have two inanimate objects

In Table 1657 we have distinguished under[Dl + 2a] verbs taking to as their preposition from those takingfor eg

(i) She sent Paul a present She sent a present to Paul (ji) She made Paul a meaL She made a mealfor Paul

Occasionally a preposition other than to and for oceurs in this function

OiO She asked Paul a favour She asked a favour ofPaul

Distinct from [D2aJ and [D2bJ aboye is a kind of prepositional verb which has already been discussed in 167-8 a verb for which the direet object forms part of an idiomatic unit with the verb and the preposition The syntactic properties of this type which we label (D2e] have already been dealt with and it is enough here to list a further sample ofsueh idioms

1212 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1213I I

eateh siacuteght of make allowanee for put a stop to give place to make fun of set jire to give way to make afuss overabout take aeeount Ofl keep pace with make roomfor take advantage ojI lose sight of make use ojI take eare of 1

lose toueh with pay attention to 1 take note ojI lose traek of put an end to take notice ojI

Those marked with a raised 1 can take not only a prepositional passive (ef 167-8) but also can easily take a passive for which the idiomatically-fixed direct object beco mes subject eg (Some) allowanee was made for loss of eamings (Little) notiee was taken of this evento Other verbs can take the passive but with greater difficulty with these examples as with prepositional verbs in general idiomatic cohesion is a matter of gradience

Variants of ditransitive complementation

ID3J Indirect object + that-cIause object 1659 Corresponding to monotransitive verbs ofType [B3] (efI630) are ditransiti ve

verbs for which the direct object is a that-clause

John eonvinced me (that) he was right ~ I was eonvineed (by John) (that) he was right

The second passive is unacceptable when the direct object is a clause That he was right was eonvineed me Thus the first passive (ef 1655) above is the only passive that can occur with this pattern With sorne verbs such as eonvinee above it is impossible to delete the noun phrase object

John conviucJ (lhat) he was riguiacute

With other verbs such as show the indirect object is optional

The professor of mathematics showed me that Pythagoras was mistaken ~ The professor of mathematics showed that Pythagoras was

mistaken

Ditransitive verbs followed by a that-clause may be divided into a subtype introducing an indirect statement and a subtype introducing an indirect directive (ef 1433) In the indirect statement the that-clause contains an indicative verb in the indirect directive the verb may be indicative or subjunctive and often contains putative should or another modal verb (ef 1632 for the distribution ofthese options)

INDIRECT STATEMENT

May 1 inform you that your order is ready for eolleetion INDIRECT DIRECTIVE

mightbeShe petitioned the king that her father ~ould be pardoned

In the following list Type (i) verbs introduce indirect statements and Type (H) verbs introduce indirect directives The indirect directive construction is

rare and formal in comparison with the similar infinitive construction (ef 1663)

WOUldI begged her that she should help ltformal) 1 begged her to help ltmore usual)

For those verbs marked O the indirect object is obligatory foc those marked (O) the indirect object is optional for those marked laquoOraquo the indirect object is not only optional but unusual

(i) advise (O) remindO (iiacute) ask3 laquoOraquo assureO satisfyO beg3 (O) bet (O) show3 (O) eharge (O) eonvineeO teaeh3 (O) eommand laquoOraquo forewarn (O) tellO iacutenstruet laquoOraquo informO wager(O) order laquoOraquo notify 3 O warn (O) petition3 (O) persuadelO write2bull 3 (O) tellO promise3 (O)

The superscripts are interpreted as follows

1 Persuade in the sense ofconvince belongs to Type (i) but it may also be used in a Type (iiacute) sense of persuade someone to do something

2 Write is found with an indirect object + that-clause especially in AmE 3 With verbs so marked the indiacuterect object can be replaced by a

prepositional object (ef 1660)

Note Superficially similar W the [D3] pallern is lhe impersonal construction Iacutef strikeslstruck me (Ihal) asin

It strikes me this work is for his own amusement But here the Ihal-c1ause (as in 1634) is the extraposed subject of the verbo Compare He strikes me as (cf1646 Note [el) and lt occursto me that (cfI634 Note [e))

ID3prl Prepositionalobject + that-cIause object 1660 The verbs marked 3 in the aboye list can be optionally followed by a

preposition thus forming a category similar to [D2a] in 1656

He promised laquoto) me) that the debt would be repaid

For most verbs of [03] which permit a prepositional object the preposition is to

He wrote to me He reported to me that etc

Exceptions are ask and beg which (in somewhat formal usage) are followed by the preposition of

I askbegofyou that you will keep this secret ltformal)

There is in addition a group of verbs which were classified in 1631-32 as monotransitive but which optionally allow the preposition to preceding a prepositional object These may be distinguished as Type [D3pr] and subdivided into sub-types (i) and (iacutei) as in the paraUel description of [B3] verbs

1214 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Joan mentioned (to me) that her father was siacuteck [Type (O] Or Oay recommended (to her) that the treatment be continued [Type (ii)]

For elample

(i) acknowledge declare remark (ji) propose admit explain repon recommend announce mention say suggest complain pointout signal eoness prove state

As before Type (i) verbs introduce indirect statements and the less numerous Type (ii) verbs introduce indirect directives As befare too sorne exceptional verbs take a preposition other than to

She demanded ome that She agreed with me that etc

Unlike the nonprepositional verbs of [03] these prepositional verbs alow the that-c1ause to become subject of a corresponding passive clause an option which is more acceptable with extraposition

That several ministers are resigning has been admitted to our correspondent ~ It has been admitted to our correspondent that several ministers

are resigning It has been shown to us al that Miss Jones was innocent

Without the preposition ie with an ordinary indirect object such sentences are at best marginally grammatical 1It has been shown us al that Miss Jones was innocent

~~otc The constructions of lt appc-siexclappe(~iexclcfurseems ro me ha slipclfidaly appear ti) bclvuumlg to the paltero [D3prl but in faet these contain monotransitive verbs with an extraposed tnatshyelause as subject

It occurredlseemed to me that he was Iying esimilar patteros with extraposition in 1634 1659 Note

ID4) Indirect object + finite wh-c1ause object 1661 This pattern of complementatiacuteon is primarily found with the verb ask which

introduces a reported question

John asked me what time the meeting would end ~ 1 was Gsked (by John) what time the meeting would end

AIso used with this pattern are verbs which take an indirect object followed by a that-clause (Type (i) of [03]) but for these the wh-clause tends to be limited 10 nonassertive contexts (cf1635) Compare

George didnt tell them that the train was late [1] George didn t tel them whether the train was late [21

The difference of meaning between the that- and whether-constructiacuteons can be stated in terms of presupposition Sentence [1] typically implies that the train was late while [2] is noncommittal on the matter [04] verbs can also introduce other question words such as where and how

Tvpes of verb complementation 1215

Jim was reluctant to inform us (o) where he got the money Would you remind me (about) how we start the engine

A preposition may always be placed before the wh-c1ause In the aJiexclove cases the prepositiacuteon is optional but in the case of verbs like enquire o (Type [04prJ) the preposition is obligatory iexcl enquired ofthe clerk which doeuments were needed The complex preposition as to can be rather general1y used for introducing the wh-clause eg I enquired as to which documents were needed

[D5) Indirect object + wh-infinitive clause object 1662 This is yet another complementation pattern (comparable with [B5] 1637)

which may be taken by sorne verbs listed under[03] in 1659

advise ask instruct remind show teach tell wam

The instructor taught us how lo land saely - We were taught (by the instructor) how to land saely

They advised him what lO wear in the tropies Please remind me where to meet you afier lunch

The equivalent prepositional verb pattern [05pr] is iIIustrated by suggest to recommend to

Could you please suggest to the visitors which museums to visit

Here as in the [04] type a prepositional phrase introduced by as lO can be used

Helen advised us (as to) how to maintain the machine

f~ iexcl llt ~- I ~ i ~

~i ~ ~~

1663 ID61lndirect object + to-infinitive clause object We have seen that the [03] pattern may be used to introduce indirect statements and that the [04] pattern may be used to introduce indirect questions Now we tuen to the verbs of class [06] which introduce indirect directives (c1433)

1 lOldjadvisedjpersuaded Mark to see a doctor ~ Mark was toldjadvisedjpersuaded to see a doctor

[I] [2]

This complementation category looks like those of[B81 and [C5] in that the verb is followed by a noun phrase and an infinitive construction But the [06] pattern differs from these in that the noun phrase following the verb is an indirect object as will be c1arified in 1666 below As with other verbs introducing indiacuterect speech the subject refers to the speaker of sorne speech act and the indirect object refers to the addressee Like [03] verbs [06] verbs form only the first passive exemplified in [2] above we do not find To see a doctor was lOld Mark The folowing verbs belong to this c1ass

advise command entreat instruct remind teach ask counsel exhort invite request1 tell beg detai[l orbid order recommend urge beseech direct implore persuade challenge enjoin 1 incite l prayl

1216 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Those verbs marked with araised 1 do not have the equivalent construction with a that-clause containing a modal or a subjunctive verb (Types [B3(ii)J [030i)]) Contrast

They ~eg~tedd her to stay another week mm e

They ~eKgtedd (her) that she would stay another week mm e

The alternative that-clause construction however is more formal especially when the indirect object is presento

Note [a] The verb promire when it occurs wiacuteth this kind of complementation is exceptional in that the understood subject of the infinitiacuteve is identified with the subject rather than with the object of the maiacuten c1ause

Sarn prornised me to get some rood

= Sam promised me that he would get sorne roed o Sam promised me that lwould get sorne roed

The present pattern [D6] iexcls however less cornmon with promise than the [B6] pattern without the indiacuterect object Sam promised to get someiexclood lb] Only ordercan be followed by a passive infinitive He ordered Ihem lo be impriacutesonedlreleased

Multiple analysis and gradience in verb complementation 1664 Before we leave verb classification it is important to reflect on the problems

of dividing verbs into complementation types The major division of complementation patterns into copular [AJ monotransitive [BJ complex transitive [C] and ditransitive [OJ categories (introduced in 216) has been extended with little difficulty te include patterns in which the verbs ccmplementation includes finite and nonntildenitc clauses This is the basis rOiacute

the classification Qf verbs into types in 1620-63 aboye But unavoidably our aim of presenting a clear classification has obscured sorne problems of gradience and multiple analysis (e 260ff) and to illustrate these we return to three superficially iacutedentical structures aIread y discussed in 1636 These are now illustrated with three new examples each of which conforms to the pattern NI V N 2 to V N 3 (where N = noun phrase and V = verb phrase)

Table L664a

V N2 to V NJNI

[B8] S V O

We like all parents to visit the schooL

I [1]

[C4] Is V O Co

They James therace I [2]

[D6] I S Oiexcl

We I asked I the students I toattend

Ia lectu~en_~

Types of verb complementation 1217

Each ofthese sentences consists ofthe sequence Niexcl V N 2 to V N 3 and yet we have analysed them respectively as monotransitive (S V O) complex transitive (S V degCol and ditransitiacuteve (S V Oiexcl 0d) A different analysis in sorne ways more revealing would recognize an overlap between two competing descriptions of the intennediacuteate noun phrase N2 There is little doubt that in [1 J this is to be analysed as subject of the infinitive clause (e 1636) whereas in [3J there are equally strong reasons for regarding N as (indirect) object of the main clause (e 1666)

Smiddot V S V O 1shyI I

I I ISmiddot V 0 V OI I I I I iexcl I I I I I I I I I iexcl

NI V Nz 10 V NJ NI V N2 lo V N) I I I I

Fig 1664b Sentence[l] Fig 1664c Sentence [3J

Sentence [2J however partakes ofboth these descriptions From the semantic point of view it requires the analysis of Fig 1664b (ef They expeeted [that James would win the race]) But from the structural point of view the analysis in Fig 1664c is more appropriate reflecting N2s ability to become subject of the passive sentence James was expeeted to win the raee We might reasonably say that in [2J N 2 behaves like an object (0 rather than Oiacute) in relation to the first verb but like a subject in relation to the second infinitive verh Tbe term RAISED OBJECT applied in 1649ffto the intermediate noun phrase of patterns [C4 - Cn incorporates yet another way of recognizing this double analysis by envisaging a process whereby the subject of the infinitive becomes the object of the preceding finite verbo This raised object will be symbolized in what follows SO

1665 Given that the double analysis aboye provides sorne insight into clauses containing nonfinite complementation we could take such an analysis further and apply it to aH complex transitive patterns including the more straightforward SVOC and SVOA pattems of[Cl - C3]

that John is a good driver lB3J 1consider John to be a good driver [C4]

John a good driver [C2]

The paraHelism of meaning and phrasal relations demonstrated in these three sentences recommends an analysis in which the complementation of pattern [C2J John a good driver would be regarded as a clause in its own right ie as a verbless clause consisting of S = John and Cs = a good driver without an intervening V This description would not however displace the by now familiar S V Od Co analysis but would rather be seen as an alternative way of looking at the same construction

---

---

--- ---

1218 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Gradience 1666 The teehnique of multiple analysis stiU leaves some subtletiacutees unexposed

What this teehnique has suggested is that there are the folowing three eategories eorresponding to [1 in 1664

N 2 S We like all parenls to visit the school [1) N2 = SO They expeeted James to win the raee [2] Nz = O We asked Ihe sludents to attend a leeture

But more than three eategories ean be appropriately distinguished if we reeognize [1) and [3] as end-points of a gradient with [2) at some point on the seate between them This area of grammar affords a good example of gradienee

At the monotransitive end of the seale [I) ean be characterized by a number of criteria whieh suggest that N 2 to V N3 (al parents to visit the school) constitutes the direct object of an SVO pattern

(a) It ean be replaced by a pronoun referring to the cIause or noun phrase nominalizing it We like it We like al parens visits

(b) It can be an answer to a what-question A What do you like best

B We like al parents to visit the school (e) In some dialects it can be preceded by the infinitive clause introdueer

for We like (it)for all parens to visit the school (d) It ean easily (when preeeded by for) be the focus of a pseudo-cIeft

sentence What we like (best) is for al parents to visit the school (e) When the sequenee N 2 to V N 3 is turned into the passive form N 3 to be

Vedz by Nz there is no ehange ofmeaning We ike aIl parents to visit the sehcel

= We like the school te be visited biexcl al parents (f) In a reduced construetion the infinitive marker to remains We like them

does not have the same meaning as We like them to

At the other ditransitive end of the seale a eontrasting set of criteria eharaeterize [3) and support the analysis of N2 (the students) as an indireet object and to V N3 (to attend a lecture) as a cIausal direet objeet

(a) 10 V N 3 ean be replaced by a pronoun a noun phrase or a finite clause with Nz still funetioning as indireet object

SOmething We asked the students a question

what they wanted

(b) 10 V N 3 can be the answer to a wh-question while N2 funetions as indirect object

A What did you ask the students B We asked them to attend a lecture

(e) When the sequenee N2 to V N3 is turned into the passive sequence N3 to be Ved2 by N 2 the meaning is always changed

They asked the students to attend a leeture They asked a lecture to be attended by the students

this case indeed the passive transform results in an absurdity)

Types of verb complementation 1219

(d) to V N 3 can marginally become the focus of a pseudo-cleft sentence What they asked the students was to attend a lecture (Contrast the decidedly unaeeeptable What we like the parents is to visil the school)

(e) Nz which like Oi in general is usually personal can be detached from its place after the first V to beeome subjeet of a eorresponding passive sentenee The students were asked to attend a lecture

(n In a reduced eonstruction the infinitive marker to ean be omitted We asked them We persuaded them etc

Note [a] With some ditransitive verbs criterion (a) has to be interpreted as the replacement of the infinitive clause by a preposition and prepositional object (cfI656-8)

They reminded hiacutem ofhis responsibiacutelities One man challenged the other lo a duel

[b] Criterion (d) is less reliacuteable than the others since the pseudo-cleft sentence is unacceptable for many verbs But a pseudo-cleft sentence in which the indirect object is replaced by a prepositional object tends to be more grammatical Whal Ihey asked ollhe sludenls was lO attend a leclure (The alternative construction with the substitute verb do which also occurs with [1] is always more acceptable What Ihey asked Ihe students lo do was lO attend a lecture)

1667 To give a simplified illustration of the analysis of gradience in the sequence NI V N 2 to V N 3 we now take a subset ofthe eriteria listed aboye and apply them to a range of verbs on the gradient eonneeting [1] and [3] of 16_66

(1) (3) (4)(2) wantask elect intend

CRITERIA likeallow expectlel~ etc I etc etc etc~ (a) lo V N 3 can be replaeed by - - -+a finite clause

(e) ehange of meaning in passive -+ +of N 2 10 VN3

(e) N 2 can beeome subjeet of passive -+ ++

Fig 1667 A eomplementatiacuteon gradient

The matrix uses only three criteria and thereby distinguishes only four categories This is sufficient to indicate the principie however that the three categories [BS] [C4] and [D6) of our taxonomy eould be broken down iexclnto a finer spectrum of eategories between which the differences are small In effeet Fig 1667 distinguishes two subeategories of [C4] one (including elect and allow) whieh is c10ser to the ditransitive type and one (including inlend and expect) eloser to the monotransitive type Elect and allow respond to cri terion (e)

They elected Miss Coe to suceeed the present seeretary They elected the present seeretary to be sueceeded by Miss Coe

We dont allow residents to entertain visitors We dont allow visitors to be entertained by residents

1220 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

while intend and expeet do not

They intended the students to see the professor = They intended the professor to be seen by the students

They expeet the students to enjoy the classes = They expeet the classes to be enjoyed by the students

Note Por verbs in group (3) the voice oflhe infinitive clause and the voiceofthe main clausemay be independently varied with the result Ihat a SlIacutentence like They expected the students lo enjoy lile classes has tbree corresponding passiv~s with iexclhe same meaning

They expected the classes to be enjoyed by the students The students were expecled lo enjoy the classes

The classes were expected lo be enjoyed by the students

The last example has a passive verb phrase in both the superordinate clause and Ihe infinitive clame

Adjective complementation

168 Categories of complementation in adjective phrases (ef 228 721-2) are similar in variety to those ofverb complementation We distinguish [El-ES)as follows

[El] Complementation by a prepositional phrase [E2] Complementation by a that-clause [E3] Complementation by a wh-clause

i[E4) Complementation by a than-clause [ES] Complementation by a to-infinitive clause [E6] Complementation by an -ing participle clause

These complementation patterns can occur after an adjective (andmiddot its modifiers if any) in various syntactic functions For example

The violiacuten iacutes (rather) difficut to play (adjective phrase as CJ

Mary found the violiacuten (rather) diffieut to play (adjective phrase as CJ

The violiacuten is an instrument (rather) diffieult to play (adjective phrase as postmodifier)

The on1y posiacutetion in which an adjective cannot normally be followed by iacutets complementation is the premodifying position in a noun phrase a keen child on ehess But here too with certain constructions (Types [ES(iraquo) and [ES(v)D the complementation can follow discontinuously after the head noun The violiacuten is a diffieult instrument to play (ef discontinuity with comparative constructions IS75) For illustrative purposes we will confine examples in the following sections to the subject complement function The lists like the verb lists in 1620-63 will be selective

Adjective complementation 1221

Note There is a considerable parallel as the categories [El-ES] aboye demonstrate between patterns associated with adjectives and those associated with monotransitive verbs The chief difference is that adjectives cannot be followed by a noun phrase object To bring out the parallel further we could describe adjectives exemplified in 1669 below (averse to conscous oJ etc) as prepositional adjectives comparable with prepositional verbs We could moreover identify phrasal adjectives (derived from participiaI forms ofphrasal verbs) such as ron down (exhausled depressed) and phrasaI-prepositionaI adjectives such as fed up (with) These tatter variants however are rare enough lo be disregarded in the foUowing lists

[E1] Adjective complementation by a prepositional phrase 1669 Like prepositional verbs adjectives often forro a lexical unit with a following

preposition good atfond oj opposedto etc The lexical bond is strongest with adjectives for which in a given sense the complementation is obligatory Max is averse to games Max is averse Such adjectives are marked 1 in the following lists

The lists make a distinction between participial (ef 715-19) and nonparticipial adjectives The differencebetween participial adjectives and the -ed participle of the passive construction is discussed in 375-77 These lists provide on1y a small sample of the adjectives accompanying the prepositions concemed In particular it is often possible for the same adjective to go with two or more prepositions as in angry about angry at and angrywith

ABOUT He was very worried about her reaction (ef960)

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

angry knowledgeabe aggrieved frightened glad mad annoyed pleased happy reasonable delighted worried

AT She was badat mathematics (ef962)

NONP ARTICIPIAL P ARTlCIPIAL

angry good alarmed disgusted brilliant hopeless amusedmiddotmiddot pleased elever terrible delighted puzzled

FROM Thevillage is remotefromthe bustle ofcity life (ef918 947)

different distant distinct free remo te

OF She was aware ofhis difficulties

NONPARTlCIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

eonvineed ashamed empty proud1 afraid conseiousl glad

seared eapable fond 1 short1 tired certain full worthy

ONUPON Their plan was based on cooperation

NONPARTICIPIAL IPARTICIPIAL

contingent1 intent1 reliantl basedl set1

dependent keen severe hentl

Yiexcl

1222 Complementation of verbs and adjectives ~ Adjective complementation 1223

Note lal In general choice of preposilion remains the same after morphologicalIy related verbs adjectives and nouns differentftom differ from differencefrom But Ihis eorrespondence is not always lo be relied on contrastfull ofwilhfilied wllh proudofwith pride in lb] Other prepositions whieh less comrnonly enlee into adjective + prepositlon idioms iexclnelude for and lowards graleful for sorry for inclined towards le] Usedfollowed by the preposition lO a more informal synonym ofaccustomed(to) is participial in spelling but has the speeial pronuneiation nus~ Unlike accustomed however used does not oceur with a following infinitive (ef 1679) This adjeetival used to in spite of identity of spelling and pronunciation is quite distinet from used lO as a marginal modal (cf344) Contrast

Im used lO hard work I used ro work hard Id] In the past prescriptive objeetions have been made to the use of to ralher Ihan from after averse and different Howevee ro is the normal preposition to fol1lt11 averse and differenr 10 is quite widely used (esp in BrE) as an altemative lo differentfrom On iJifferent rhan cf1566 Note 1674

le] Wilh can be omitted after (fn)compalibie if the subject is plural cfmutual participation 1360

middotCarl is incompatible OUT Cad and Eva are incompatible

[E2] Adjective complementation by a that-clause 670 Like that-clauses following a verb that-clauses folIowiacuteng an adjective may

have

(A) indicative verb 1am sure (that) he is here now (B) subjunctiacuteve verb They were insistent (that) we be ready (formal) (C) putativeshould Im sorry (that) he should hove left ltformal)

The uses of the mandative subjunctive and of putative should have been discussed in 359 and 1425 respectiacutevely Putative should often occurs after expressions of emotion (sorrowjoy displeasure surprise wonder etc) and is often accompanied by intensifying expressions such as so such like thisl that ever or at all The indicative that-clause on the other hand refers to an established fact The foHowing pairs illustrate choices of construction

1 (that) 1 have to leave so early am sorry (that) you should have been (so) inconvenienced

(that) you didnt call the doctor before 1 am surprised (that) anyone ofyour intelligence should swallow a tie

likethat

With some adjectives (those in category [E2b(iiacute)] 1672) the should-clause can be paraphrased by an infinitive clause with a subject

It was natural for him to go to London after the war = It was natural that he should go to London after the war

That-clauses cannot be preceded by preposiacutetions Hence adjectives which are constructed with prepositions before noun phrases ([El]) drop the preposition before a that-clause (cfI628) Compare the folIowing

OfhiS innocence [E1 ] 1am convlnced (th ) h t [E2]at e IS mnocen

Many that-clauses folIowing an adjective are actualIy subjects postponed by extraposition (cf1833)

lt is lucky (that) you came - That you came is lucky

These are listed separately in 1672

lEla) Adjectives with experiencer (cflO23 Note) as subject 1671 (i) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATIVE VERB ONL Y (cfNote [a] below)

These adjectives express degrees of certainty or confidence aware certain corifident sure

We were corifident that Karen was stiacutell alive

(ii) THAT-CLAUSE HAS PUTATIVE SHOULD OR SUBJUNCTIVE VERB

(or marginally aloo an indicative verb) The three principal adjectives in this class are anxious eager and willing

he should be permitted to resiacutegn 1 Are you willing that he be permitted to resign 1

1he is permitted to resign 1 ~

(On the distribution of these three altematives cfI630)

(iH) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATIVE VERB OR PUTATIVE SHOULD

These adjectives express emotions

Im so thankful that nobody was hurto Were you surprised that Ray should win the prize

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

afraid hopeful alarmed depressed horrified angry proud amazed disappointed irritated glad sad amused distressed pleased grateful sorry annoyed disturbed shocked happy tha7lkful astonished frightened upset

There is a tendency to prefer the putative should construction in nonassertive contexts or where the adjective has negative or unfavourshyable associations

TO AH capital gains are subject to taxation NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

answerable close liableacute accustomedl

averse l due1 simz1ar allied1I WiTH This plan is not compatible with our princiacuteples

NONPARTICIPIAL I PARTICIPIAL

angry busy

happy impatient

annoyed bored

ClJmfortable incompatible1 concerned compatibleacute sick delighted content familiar friendly furious

uneasy depressed disappointed disgusted dismayed distressed

inclined1

opposed1

drunk enchanted obsessed occupied overcome pleased satisfied taken1

1672

1224 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Adjective complementatlon 1225

Note [a] The restriction oC Type (i) above lo indicative verbs only is meant to allow Cor the use of T

Note [a] Although tlle pro-forms so and n01 cannot be used after tllese [E2bI adjectives (ef 1671modal auxiliaries including should in a nonputative sense eg I am a~are that I should [= ought 1lo] havejoined longago iexcl Note [bJ) there iexclsa possibilityofreplacing the adjective + solnat by a related adverb + sonot

[b) Afraid is unique among adjectives in that it accepts the pro~oun so (and iexclts negative equivalent Mt) as a that-clause substitute (cfI631) rm afraid SOMI

IElbJ Adjectives with anticipatory it as subject

The that-elause in this eonstruetion is an extraposed subjeet Three types are again distinguished matehing those in 167l

(i) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATlVE VERBONLY (cfI671 Note CaD These adjectives have to do with truthor knowledge

It is true that she never cemes on time

apparent evident likely possible untrue certain implicit obvious true well-known clear indubitable plain unlikely

(ji) THAT-CLAUSE HAS PUTATIVIl SHOULD OR SUBJUNCTIVE VERB (or marginshyaIly also an indicative verb) These adjectives express eoncepts concerned with modality or volition

should be lifted tomorrow It is essential that the ban be lifted tomorrow

(1) is lifted tomorrow

appropriate essentiacuteal important necessary vital compulsory fitting impossible obligatoryshycrucial imperative improper proper

Various deverbal adjectives ending in -able also belong to this group egadvisable desrabIe preferable

(iii) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATlVE VERB OR PUTATIVE SHOULD

This group consists mainly of emotive adjectives and ineludes a large num ber ofparticipial ad jecti ves ending in -ing

Itmiddot strange th t She is so late IS upsetting a she should be so late

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTlCIPIAL

awkward logical alarming perplexing curious odd annoying pleasing disastrous peculiar depressing shocking dreadful sad disappointing surprising extraordinary silly embarrassing fortunate tragie frightening iexclrrational unfortunate irritating

Various -able-ible adjectives also be10ng tp this group admirable eommendable deplorable despieable incomprehensible inconceivable lamentable remarkable understandable unjustifiable etc

ha h l Id l h B Yes obviouslyfortunately soA 1 t IS apparentt t s e IVes oesn t Ive ere B N J I I di t o event y sa y no [b] When an adjective ofType (iii) above occurs after a modal verb construction the that-clause is commonly replaced by an if-clause If the modal verb in the main c1ause is hypothetical (eg would) the verb in the ifmiddotdause is placed in tlle hypothetical pasto Compare

It is sad that you have to leave It will be sad ifyou hove to lea ve

It would be sad ifyou had lo lea ve

[E3] Adjective complementation by a wh-clause 1673 As with that-clauses we have to distinguish those adjeetives ([E3a]) which

are predicated of an experieneer (normalIy a person) as subject and those ([E3bD which go with antieipatory it In the latter case the wh-clause is an extraposed subject Examples are

(onwhat 1should sayo [1]E3a 1was unsure[ 1 (about) whether the problem was solved [2]

[E3b] It was unclear what they would do [3]

Type [E3a1 consists of adjectives which are constructed with prepositions and whieh therefore belong also to Type [EI1 The preposition is sometimes omitted before the wh-clause (ef155 Note reD In Type [E3b] on the other hand no preposition can be inserted bull It was uneear ofabout what lhey would do AIso no infinitive wh-cIause is possible (ef i637) It is unsure where to go is unacceptable unless it refers to sorne aniacutemate being (sueh as a mouse) and is consequently not interpreted in terms of extraposition

Retuming to Type [E3a] we note that in sorne cases the adjective takes a wh-elause in assertive eontexts eg eareful (about) doubtful (as to) fussy (about) puzzled (as to) uneear (about) uncertain (o) undecided (about) unsure (0) unaware (o)

John is careul (about) what he does with his money

Most of these adjeetives are intrinsiealIy negative In meaning In other cases although elsewhere it is associated with an indicative that-clause [E2a(i)] the adjective tends to oceur with a wh-cIause in nonassertive contexts (efI635) eg aware certain eear sure

Are you sure (o) how mueh the maehine costs 1wasnt altogether cleaiexcl- (about) what we had to do

A similar division may be made among adjectives of the antieipatory-it type ([E3b]) Those whieh intrinsieally express doubt and therefore take this strueture even in assertive contexts include doubtful uneertain uneear unsure and unknown Those normally oceurring with an indieative that-elause (le Type [E2b(i)]) inelude apparent eertain obvious and plain They can take a wh-cIause in nonassertive contexts Each type is illustrated in

It was uneear whether an amendment would be accepted It was not obvious how far the westernization process would IO

~ltgt ~~~1~ 1 -~ Adjective complementation 1227

1226 Complementation of verbs and adjectives iexcl

After adjectives of Type [E3a] there may also occur an infinitive wh-clause 1 was uncertain (oi) what to do This is preferable to the finite c1ause in cases illustrated by [1-3] aboye since the subject can remain unexpressed in the reduced nonfinite version

[E4] Adjective complementation by a than-clause 1674 There is an unusual construction in which a noncomparative adjective is

foIlowed by a comparative than-clause as complementation Different is the only adjective which fits into this pattero and even then there is a tradition which regards the use of than here as impropero There is however no felicitous alternative to the different than construction in examples such as

Shes quite a different girl than she wasfilie years ago [11 The various styliacutestic variants of and alteroatives to the than-clause after different are examined in 1566 Note lb] When the c1ause is reduceacuted to a noun phrase it becomes possible to usefrom as an alternative to than

The unions are taking a very different attitude ~ the employers

When the noun phrase folIowing thanffrom cannot be derived by ellipsis from a c1ause than is decidedly less acceptable thanfrom

The main languages of southern India are totaIly different In origin

~~~ those ofthe northern partofthe country

Note [al On differenlrom and different 10 1669 Note [dI [bj It is aloo possible for a Ihan-c1ause to be used after he adverb difilrently

In the west of the country they pronounce their vowels quite aifferently han (they do) in the easl

The same prescriptive objections are made to differenlly Ihan as to different Ihan

[E5] Adjective complementation by a to-infinitive clause [675 We distinguish seven kinds of construction in which an adjective is foIlowed

by a to-infinitive c1ause They are exemplified in the following sentences which are superficially alike

Bob is splendid to wait (ii) Bob is slow to react

(iii) Bob is sorry to hear it (iv) Bob is hesitant to agree with yOU (v) Bob is hard to convince

(vi) The food is ready to eat (vii) lt is important to be accurate

In Types (i-iv) the subject of the main clause (Bob) is also the subject of the infinitive c1ause We can therefore always have a direct object in the infinitive clause if its verb is transitive Por example if we replace intransitive wait by transitive build in (i) we can have Bob is splendid to build this house

Por Types (v-vii) on the other hand the subject of the infinitive is unspecified although the contextoften makes clear which subject is intended

In these types it is possible to insert a subject preceded by for eg in Type (vi) The food is ready (jOr Ihe children) to eat

Infinitive complementation following adjectives modified by lOO and enQugh is discussed eIse Note where in 1S73

(ES(i)) Bob is Iplendid to wait Type (i) has an analogue in a construction involving extraposition (cf1833)1676 1t is splendid of Bob lo wait This type OC construction also permits a head noun between the adjective and the infinitive

Bob must be a spiendid craftsman ~ ~~bUilt this house

As this example shows the infinitive may be perfective We may also compare constructions in which an evaluative noun with its determiner

replaces the adjective

ffoolishYourelafool to spend so mucho

WOnderfUl Youre 1 to walt for me anange

Adjectives in this group are evaluative of human beha~iour They inelude

careful crazy mad silly wise careless greedy nice unwise wrong

These adjectives can also occur with anticipatory il and an of-phrase as additional complementation (cf1682)

It was foolish of you to spend so mucho

IE5(Hraquo) Bob is IOW to react In Type (ii) the sentence corresponds to one in which the adjective becomes 1677 an adverbwhile the infinitive becomes the finite verb

Bob is slow to react - Bob reacts slowlyc

In another analogue the adjective is followed by in and an -ing participle Bob is slow in reacting The infinitive verb phrase must be simple for example unlike the inftnitive phrase in [E5(i)] it cannot be perfective Bob is slow ItJ have reacted Other adjectives in this small group are quick and prompt

There is also a partial adverbial analogue (e8127ff) for Type (i) but in Type (i) unlike Type Note (ii) the perfective infinitive andeven the get-passive (e366) can be used

loan was wise to resigno ~ loan wisely resigned loan was careless to get beaten - loan carelessly got beaten

loan is careless to have got beaten

IES(iuumlraquo) Bob is 10rry lo hear it In Type (iexcliexcli) the head of the adjective phrase is an emotive adjective 1678 (commonly a participial adjective) and the infinitive clause expresses

causation

1679

1228 Complementation of verbs end adjectives

Im sorry to have kept you waiting [rm sorry because I have kept you waiting]

1 was exeited to be there [- To be there exeited me]

Adjectives in this group correspond c10sely to the adjectives followed by a that-clause in 1671 (Type [E2a(iii)D

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

afraid angry ashamed content furious glad

happy impatient indignant jubilant thankful

annoyed astonished bored coneerned delighted depressed

disgusted dissatisfied embarrassed fasemated frightened interested

overwhelmed perturbed puzzled relieved surprised worried

disappointed overjoyed

IE5(ivraquo) Boh is heaitant to agree withyou In Type (iv) the head of the adjective phrase expresses volitional meaning or a modal meaning such as ability possibility or liability Examples are

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

able keen determined anxious Iiable disposed apt Iikely [E2b] fated[E2b] eertain [E2b] loath inclined curious powerless poiseddue prone prepared eager ready [E5] (all) set eligible reluetant unqualified fit [ES] sure [E2b] free [ES] unable greedy weleome hesitant willing impotent worthy

The adjectives marked [E2b] occur with a corresponding construction with extraposition of a that-clause

JilI is likely to attend - It is likely that JiU will attend

Those marked [E5] are capable of occurring with an infinitive construction of passive meaning ie with an indefinite implied subject and a coreferential implied object

Theyare not fit to eat = They are not tit to be eaten

Some ofthe most common adjectives in this list have a tendency to coalesce with the preceding copula 10 form a semimiddotauxiliary verb (ef3A7) be able to be willing to be sure to In addition to modal and volitional adjectives some adjectives ofaspectual meaning such as aeeustomed and wont may be placed here

Adjective complementation 1229

We are aecustomedto take teaon the terrace (formal) He was wont to leave the office at 5 pm (formal archaic)

(ES(vraquo) Bob is lard to convince 1680 In Type (v) the subject of the sentence is identified with the unexpressed

object of the infinitive clause which must therefore have a transitive verb hence the unacceptable Bob Is hard to arrive There is an analogous construction in which the adjective is complement to an infinitive c1ause acting as (extraposed) subject (ef 1836)

- To convince Bob is hard Bob IS hard to convmce It is hard to convince Bob

Adjeeacutetives so used refer 10 degrees of ease or comfort and iexclnclude

awkward hard tough (informal) eonvenient impossible trieky (informal) difficult niee (informal) unpleasant easy pleasant

Unless there is ellipsis we cannot omit the infinitive c1ause and so there is no semantic implication between (say) The bread was hard to bake and The bread was hard Unlike the preceding types Type (v) permitsfor + subject to be inserted at the beginning of the infinitive clause Those darts are trieky (for a beginner) to use Where the infinitive has no overt subject its implicit subject is understood to have an indefinite meanihg

Jack is easy 10 fool =Jack is easy for anyone to foo

Note With some adjectives in this group such as nice or unpleasant the entailment relation between be + adjective ro V and be + adjective is less easy lO avoid eg Jenny is nice lo know iacutemplies that Jenny is nice

IE5(viraquo) Thefood is ready to eat 1681 Again in this type the subject of the main clause is identified with the object

of the intinitive c1ause But unlike Type (v) Typemiddot(vi) has no analogous construction with an infinitive clause subject

The food is ready to eat To eat the food is ready

Also we can generally (a) omit the infinitive clause or (b) substitute a passive infinitive clause without change ofmeaning

Are these cups available (to use) = Are these cups available (to be used)

Some adjectives of this type such as availablefitfree ready and suffieient belong additionally 10 Type (iv) so that a sentence like The lamb ia ready to eat is ambiguous in one sense (the most accessible) being equivalent to the passive The lamb is ready to be eaten Then there is a wider set of adjectives which often occur without complementation at all

The air isfrosty (to breathe) Its fur is soft (to touch)

1230 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

In both Type (v) and Type (vi) the subjectofthe main clause can be equated with the prepositional object of the infinitive clause so that the infinitive c1ause ends with a deferred preposition

She is pleasant to talk to (-It is pleasant to talk to her) This paper is terribly flimsy to write on Is the cloth sufficient to make a dress out ol

In Type (vi) as well as in Type (v)for + subjeet may be inserted before the infinitive verb Are these books free (for visitors) to borrow Are these books available to borrow]

(E5(vii)J Jt is important to he accurate 1682 We saw in 1672 that a that-clause following an adjeetive may prove to be a

subjeet postponed by extraposition (ef1833) A to-infinitive clause following an adjeetive may have the same oouree

It is essential to spray the trees every year - To spray the trees every year is essential

The infinitive clause can also be introduced by for + subjeet

It is vital (for the ehildren) to be properly cIad It will be strange (for us) to be living alone

Adjectives ofTypes (ji) and (iii) in 1672 ([E2b]) may have this construction importantJortunate lueky surprising etc Possible also belongs te this group

An addiacutetional group of adjeetives oeeurring after anticipatory it are those adjeetives (ehiefly naming evaluative attributes of persons) whieh occur in pattern [E5(i)] (ef 1676) The adjeetive in this group is often followed byan of-phrase identifying the persones) being discussed

It was wrong (of him) to teIllies iexcli

It is niee ofyou to phone

[E6] Adjective complementation by an -ing participle cfause [683 A number of sub-types ofthis pattem may be mentioned

(i) Busy is followed by an -ing participle clause without subject

Margery is busy writiacuteng Ietters

Worth and worthwhile on the other hand oceur both with and without subjeet

It is seareely worth(while) (youyour) going home

Here worth(while) follows preparatory it and the participle clause is an extraposed subjeet (ef1834) Other adjectives ofthis pattern are pointless and useless (Its pointless buying so mueh food) and adjectives of Type [E2b(iiacutei)J (efl6 72) also sometimes have this complementation absurd awkwardJortunate annoying etc

EIsewhere worth and worthwhile accompany an -ing participle elause without subjeet but with a passive meaning comparable to tbat of the infinitive elause in pattern [E5(v)] (ef1680)

Complementation of abstract nouns 1231

The cartons are worth(while) saving ( Its worth(while) saving the cartens)

(iv) There is a variant eonstruction in whieh a preposition oecurs between the adjective and the participle clause In some cases the preposition is optional (cf(i) aboye)

Im busy (with) getting the house redeeorated Werefortunate (in) having Aunt Mary as a baby-sitter

In other cases the preposition is obligatory We are used to not having a car (cf1669 Note [e]) Im hopeless at keeping the garden tidy Shes not capable oflooking after herself

Note [al The adjectival constructions in (ii) above may be compared in some cases with nominal constructionsof equivalent meaning

ts 110 goaduse telling him anything Theres 110 point (in) telling him anything

8uch constructions are introduced either by anticipatory il (el 1833) or by eltistential there (el 184$) AmE also hu Theres no use telling him anythlng (b) Worthwhlle is sometimes spelled as two words The vacillation between the spellings worthwhile and worth while reflects an unclarity about the status of this sequence which may altematively be regarded as the preposition worth (eI96) followed by a noun Compare

lts not worth your whife staying lts not worlhh whh~e (your) staying worl w 1

Complementation of abstract nouns

1684 In this coneluding section we will show as a conneeting link between this chapter and the next how the pattems of complementation described for verbs and adjectives in 1620-83 are aloo to be found with abstraet nouns which are morphologieally related to those verbs and adjectives (ef nominalization 1751ff and appositional constructions 1726 1735) For example the noun likelihood is derived from and semantically related to the adjective likely It is therefore not surprising that a construction associated with the adjeetive Is found with the corresponding noun

It is likely that Joan will get married [1]

The likelihood is that loan will get married [21 the likelihood that Joan will get married [31

But the assumption of eorrespondence eannot be automatie for it may faiacutel in both direetions

loan is likely to get married Joan s likelihood to get married

It is likely of J oans getting married the likelihood of Joans getting married

------__shyiacute1 11

COMPLEX INTRANSITIVE CONSTRUCTIONS p H MATIHEWS

1 Introduction

In sentences such as [1J

ArR C~Iltiacuteltmiddotli N ([1J Th~deitgreen ~

he construct~oEJ~QLordf JJP~ that GCE850ff describes as 9QMfLEX JRANSITIV~ Ofthe elements in questionit and made are related a~Jn tQllt ~imple transitive

j [2J They made it

YihiJe ir and green a~_~latelasinasimple_ltQI1llar_sentence ( [3] lt is green (- lt

~f the type that following Lyons (l977469ff) raquoe will call ASCRIPTIVE raquouacutet greacuteen- also standsJna direcueJordf9lsJIacuteIL ordm~_iii~de the object and adjective exemplifying a single I2atteIILof VERB COMllEMe~nrJ91 This paUCIDl can be sajd torepresenta IJJS10N (G e E 850) ofJ~ltsimpler transitiv iexcll~J~Jjpiexcly_e_tjPes - _shy

IH~~_sfiE~~Ve can be fused with th~~~tY_e_(lri~alsoP~ fused with theintransitixe1 Insentildetentildeces SUChas[4] -

MI It turned green

~construc~~~~~]y idmtifkQyaacuteth th~ of l3J in both examples the

l]

~ ~ ~ ENGLISH GRAMMAR

verb is described as copularor in the terminology of GCE820f as taking intensive complementation But neither description is quite appropriate to1 both cases In the~ptive sentence there i indeed no mor~than~pYhL~

1 2ampffiMical iP~ betwe~ the adjective and its subject~ plainly this ~ ~ is not true of [4] whose verb TURN has its own specific meaning lf turned~ iacute I is a full verb it must then be the govemor of green as made is in (1) in that

iexcl ~ sense there is cornplernentatjon But we express nothing by assigning such a complernentation to the copula A solution is to c1ass I4] as a COMPLBX

IITMNSITIVE iL~onsect_trJltiordmL being an extension of th~simpleJmransiUacutelLe _shy~ i I5] It turned

j precisely as that of (1) is extended from that of [2)iexcl

2 Fused constructions

Let us take our cue from GCEs referenee to fusionlo the simpl~L =nfu~~~_~~~~~~~)t1ecltgtnstVf1ionconsistso(asingJULeAicJ~tQI(lgde) which in a dependency ana~is has both the subject and the object as its dependents or to adapt G CEs term has both a subjeet and an oJkltt asit complementation lnJhaL~se (2) has a _K1U~~~_~ruetion (Lyons i977) w1jch cannotJiexclJLr~s~Cl9JUnQ(lt_e~mentary relationships of ptediCJJQJkSo too has the simple intransitive (5] vi1ihidepeiioenforior forming the complementation of tumed So too has the simple aseriptive [3] its predicator on the analysis ofLyons and others is the adjective green One reason for relatlng the subject to the adjective is that the elements are jointly subject to selectional restrictions A reason for not relating either to the copula is that the latter stands aside (rom these restrictions adding none ofitsown

In a fused construction the pattem ls neither strictly kernel nor straightforwardly non-kemellnJhegmplex transitive [lL1oth1tan41~Y are again direct ~cngents of made these relatio~_elQ~ the words in FigJbx direC1~ltaI~_uacutela~~I~Qordf-ordfl9blleiexcl)Uumlnamp21uacuteward frollLthe

~d

(aJiquest-Fig 1

[42]

P H Matthew$

p~ed~~ So is green arc el this too being supported by selectional restrictions We are therefore dealing with a single clause rooted in made of which each word is a distinct element But green js a1soapredicator in iexclelation to il (are d)J that wav we are dealing with two kernelp~QlS th~ fuurtermclauseinfQmQrating bothtM_~tuet~[IDJr~JlsitiYlljh~ twoshytenn a~-middot -_shy

In Fig 1 we have diagrammed what any grammarian will propose provided that his terminology or his notational apparatus allow him to say it Iut similar reasonjng applies to the construction which we have called the ~IpJex ln~~-ordfEsitive Of the relationships showninf1g --~~t~~~~_

it turned green

aAacutebJ Fig2

to ir (arcc)_isagainasintheascripJjy~ and needs no further cornment But the final element is clearly suJiexcliect to ru19jtional resr=l~ordmI~ tlTlJRI_ im~~tordm-~~it~~rAUQj~9iY_I9U~l~~ed noun (He turned pink He turned kings eVidence) iQ~~~1lined phrase is exCiuacuteded (He turned arog)

tDle~sthe p~e~~i0rl~lJ9rtn is ~~jordmntildei[qiireifitetuumlmed iexclnto a frog) ~itt G-ordm-1h exdusi(m is abgolule one cannot even say He went into a criminal

f [he adjeqtive is also Iimlted to specific collocations For example one can say It turned sour or Ir went sour but it is harder to accept Ir grew sour 1 Conversely one can say He grew od but not He went od On that evidence

j we may establish a relationship of dependency between green and tumedj (arc b) The verb too can then be related to the subject (arc a)

1 Epgth o~2am~ thefe is one terro ir lVhich is a9~de~~~~t1 theascriptile anCITlieletbalk~m~1 (Fig 1 ares b and d Fig 2 ares a and c) The fusion is then effected by a further link (Fig 1 arc e Fig 2 are b) in which ond of the two predicators een is ineo orat~a~_ ordf d~RendenlO(th~ I re atlon that uirk an4hl~ COU~_~ampI~s-1 jn the case of th complex intransitille hall app1ied the Iean intlaquo=nsve

mmplementatio~gly describe he yaleruLQ(IUN or iexcl l otIllBNinthisuseJuh~int~siYeint[ansitivx But the insight intildeaacute I

alsQ be extended to the complex transitiye In that spirit MAKE or MAKE as

used in sentences such as W might appropriatelL be described ~~_~n_ i ~ntensive transitive -J -bull_--------shy

[43)

ENGLISH GRAMMAR

3 Distinctions between tbe complex intransitive and other partly similar constructions

For a three-term construction Fig 2 shows the maximum number of interconnections with each term related to each of the others The miacutenimum isone thus for the ascriptive (3) we have adopted the structure shown i~

L with l~~E2nd te~~Il2= tlliacuten amaroe~ ordmrS1PP9~g~lexn~~ ~eLClatiacute9D~t~~~~t~first an~~~hir~ But this leaves five other possibilities which in theory might be realized ust as the second element_lt~p~ltmark(r ordfs inEig 3bullKlJQQmgordmHhetordm-iriexcl in thatJ~SiquestOillY

iacutet is green

Fig3

1he_verb vQ1lld_be a predicatorrwithonl)l1he_~ygtject related 10 it This structure does not seem to be realized at least not in away whiacuteCh is -relevant to our analysis Asecond_possibil~iuhatJmly the verb a~ ~~~iexcltiY~L iquestnjgl~~_rell~q in that ca~e bot~redicatoS_w-ordmyldIgt~ impersonal-vUh lh~su~ject a me~m~ce-filler This structure might conceivably be suggested for exampIacuteesmiddotSuumlch as [6]

[6] It got mistier

with a so-called ambient it But although it may indeed be ambient with respect to mistier it need not follow that it is ambient with respect to got

In the remaining cases no element is a marker but there are only two instead of three interconnections Ir there wem no link betw-IlJhe subject ~YMh(Ejg 2 are a) the verb1tSelf would agajn be impersmordf-~ I~ transformational terms its surface subject would be derived by raising (Postal 1974) from a subordinate adjectival clause lf th3ewere no intensiye lipk between the first and second predicators (Fg 2 arWJUlt verb would be a simple intransitive taking just t~_S)lbject as its complementation th~on of tbe adjec1iYtLL~ then be uumlMrn-~0n[7] forexample --- -_~

Eacutel He arrived saber J (~ eacute cc L f ~ 2 f

grammars do not establish an intensive or copular use of ARIUVB Finally

[44]

1 P H Marrhew$

if the ascriQive lik wer~~2ken iacuteEiKbJ~~ f)hHordmjlti~~ment woulordm-no longer bJlta predicaQ~ltiexclHQle wQuldin~teadb~ADVJllqt~iexcl as in 8)

(8) He ran fa~t

There is no doubt that the intensive construction is distinct from the adverbial and that sober in [7] is at least more circumstantial than green in It turned green But the subject-verb relation is more problematic in that a raising transformation has been proposed for one at least of the G C E s intensive verbs Let us therefore take that distinction first

31 Ofthe twenty or so most common intensive verbs (GCE821) SEEM and APPEAR particularly lend themselves to transformational analysis On the evidence of sentences such as [9]

(2) It seemed that they wereamp~e~

_U~naIlJral lo establish an underlying ~~ct~~

J~sIhey were green]~ seemed

irlYhIacutetEw~4)srelate(L1ot to they J~Q9green indhiOacute1lally but to the yiole ascri2tive kernelrom the same structure a sentence such as [10)

[10] They seemed to be green

can then be derived by further transformations of subject raising and infinitive formation Froro the structure reaJized by [Io]lIleare n3tllcalli

~m~ed to derive the comple~_~transiti~euacutell

[u) They seemed gre~

by a further transformation deleting the copuiacutea For SEEM the rules deriving [10] and [u] would both be optional But for

other verbs such as TURN or GO We could make them obligatory so It turned green could be the only realization of an underlying sUr was greenls turned the ambient Ir got misrier - [6] aboye - a realization of say s[mistier]s gorand so on If the obligatory rules were then restricted to the copula we would also ensure that any other form of embedded structure (g[he eft]s turned or g[he kissed her]s grew) was filtered out By such means a treatment which is widely accepted for SEEM and for which the evidence is at first compelling could be extended if it were thought appropriate to the entire intensive intransitive class

There are good reasons for not thinking it appropriate In a sentence such as [12]

[12] Harry got drunk

Qn~JsllQIacuteli~ply talking of a_~ate tha~ reslllttI s~o t~a~ ~~rry vs (45)

ENGLISH GRAMMAR

drunk or Harrys drunkenness happened) Nor is Harrya mere theme or tliexclfc (Aacute~-to-KarryQruniexcliquestenneacuteSs-l1ippened to him) tlamp11tbject iexclS1

potentia1lt-at-l~st--alMl~tgh-ge~~amp9run_~ wassoID1hiiL~hatJIal did The--verb mayaccordiacutentilde-gly take a subject adjunct (O CE 466]) thus I delibera tey got drunk or He foo(lshy turned traitor It may also supply the complement of a conative verb (1 did try to get drunk) may appear in the imperative (Dont get drunk ) and so on For sorne collocations this potentiacuteality is doubtless harder to realize (compare He delibera tey turned bue with He delibera tey turned nasty or He tried ro grow oder with He tried ro grow farter) but that is precisely the case for subjects and predicators generally lt is this semantic role that justifies the first link shown in Fig 2

which an impersonal structure as in (b)

(b) s[Harry was drunkls got

would relegate to the surface If (b) is wrong for Harry got drunk a transformationalist should consider

more carefully w hether a similar structure is correct for Harry seemed drunk Let us assume that it is correct for the construction with a that-clause (It seemed that Harry was dhmk) for SEEM and APPEAR a c1ausal complement does form one possibility Let us also accept that SBBM has a constant sense in all its constructions But for other current intensives (G eE 820 f) the evidence is more complexo With SOUNO a that-clause can be forced for example if a dative is inserted (lt sounds ro me that (hey arent coming) There is also an impersonal construction with as if

[131 It sounds as ifthey were green

which might be thought to derive from the same source The construction of [13] is also acceptable witb LOOK (lt ooks as ifthey arent coming) But between it and the complex intransitive we can find clear disparities in meaning In [13] the judgment is based on indirect clues what sounds or appears from audible information is indeed the whole proposition they were green But in the complex intransitive [14]

[141 They sound drunk

it is based on sounds that they are making For that reason it is harder 10 make sense of They sound green Likewise They [ook drunk means that they from their appearance are so But in It loob as ifthey are drunk the speaker does not even imply that he has seen them (Compare Prom what you say it ooks as if rhey are drunk) Ir we wanted a complex source it would be tempting 10 relate [14] not 10 the impersonal [13] with raising but rather to the personal [Is1

[IS] They sound as iexclfthey are drunk

with the second they deleted

[46]

P H Marthews

Personal and impersonal are often hard to separate as Palmer (1972) and before him Bolinger(l96la) have shown Ofthis group ofintensives TASTE

and 5MBLL are the most restricted in meaning and it is with these that the impersonal construction as in [91 and [131 is least acceptable With TASTE

neither seems likely Ir rasres to me that the soup is saty It tastes to me as if they are sweer If the second example can be interpreted it is by virtue of a blending with the personal construction (compare It tasres as ifit ) With SMELL the construction of [131 may be more acceptable (Ir smells ro me as if dinner is ready) but the blending remains With PEEL a non-tactile sense is possible (Ir fees Iikey) but is less established than the broader senses of LOOK or SOUNO (compare Ir ooks likey II sounds likey) It is in this case that my judgment is least secure would one say for example It fees (or Ir fees to me) as if they were green With SOUNO and LOOK the general sense is well established as in [131 or Ir sounds likely but there is still a sensory meaning as in [14] and [Isl which inhibits the pure impersonal with that With SEEM and APPEAR we are at the end of the continuum both having general senses only Hence the construction of[91 alongside the impersonal with as if (Ir seems as if they were green) Hence perhaps the infinitive construction of [101 with SOUNO and the others this too is awkward (They ooked ro have arrived Or Ir tastes ro me to be sweer) But it does not follow that the semantical1y general They seem drunk differs in syntax from the specifically sensory They sound drunk or They smell drunk We can even force an active interpretation of the subject thus They tried lO appear drunk or I deliberarey seemed irrftated

32 As [11] with SEEM Hes on a gradience between personal and impersonal so there are others which raise problems in distinguishing intensive from adverbial and circumstantial constructions For there is no criterion which is both sufficient and necessary

The obvious step is to tesectt for simpler transforms Thus J9r [12] Harl~ qrunk ~e can comp~jiexcleJgtimple a~ve Harry was drul~ TRANSFORM in that firstIy it is a a d secondly the predicator

-ORUNK hasnot a tq~ sense s no intraiiSIuvetrans[oacuterintilde ~stiiis~se of G BI is oot ~ble Nor has 4 r tumeirgeacute-iexcl an intransitive transform It turned since this involves a different sense oC TURN Ir there~~ an ascriptive transform but n9-Wn~itive the JhirdeiacuteeDlen t mult be a complementi so [41 and [12] must be complex intransitive Ir there is neither transform it MA y be complement but the col~of verb and adjective mjgbt rCaSantildea be classed as idiomatic Thus The roses have run wild has no transform The roses ve iiOr-aacuteoes it strictly match The rOSes are wild But WILO is at least an adiecti~ must stand in sorne relationship to the verb therefore R UN WILO is right1y

chmldw-rresultintensive (O eE) ---shy-- -_--g ~ _---_bull ~ shy

[471

ENOLISH ORAMMAR

If there is a simple intransitive but no ascriptive transr2ffil--_~~~ coacutentildeSffiiClioacutentilde-intildeuumlSt]ie iexcljdve(J2iacuteaIYlIacuteustrivialIy He ran iexcliuieacutekly has no ascriptive tiexclansfo~ He was quickly less trivially He travelled light does not match He was ight But what if we find both rlJgJQQordf~tillha$ordflJ ascriEtive _~ran~f~rrlJ~eYI1Jer~_~~ ~sectmL1aY-J~_a~~plement circumstantjallik~iilelltjnThey-sJoQdsilent ordfytlb~~j~llsothe simpler intran~1ti~ fbilystQPf so still ~ight be anadver~ like sileniTyintilde-fiieystood silenty Since there is no distinct form srilly the latter is hard to rule out For It shone white we can compare the formally adjectivallt shone brighr again there are both transforms (Ir shone Ir was white) But It shone brighr is c10se in meaning to the formaUy adverbial Ir shone brighry could white be an adverb in default of or as the commoner altemative to whirely Blending may aIso be found in idioms For example it is fruitless to ask if doggo is an adjective or an adverb in He is Iying doggo

For the circumstantial case both transforms are necessary thus [7] He arriuacuteiid sober has the triexcliexclntildeiiiacuteormsmiddotiexcliexcluacuteli-iexcliexclved andHe wasectSoacutebe Wewoacuteuumllifiliso ixpeeacutetthilUumlheveromiddotantildedmiddotildjectTe-shouId befreeOi collocationaI restrictions so He arrived sober He left sober He Jeft satisjied He arrived satisfied and so on But it is very hard to say when such a requirement iacutes meto One does not say for example They stood noisy or They sroodpeacefuJ on that evidence They stood sient might be classed as complex intransitive But neither is one likely to say They arrived noisy or They arrived kind Is that too a matter of collocational restrictions so that [7] is also intensive Or is it merely that NOISY and KIND are ill suIacuteted 10 this construction7 At this point jt is tempting to distinguish degrees of circumstantiality The extreme case would be represented by such sentences as [16]

[16] They stood there exhausted

(Iikewise They have arrived quite sober) where the adjective and verb are marked as separate Beside [16] the construction in [7] is less clearly circumstantial in They stood sient or They stoodfidgering it is perhaps even r less so But this last might stilJ be seen as less intensive than for example

iexcl They stood amazed Likewise They feJl exhausted is less clearly intensi ve than 1 They fell sick since it involves no special sense of FALL

~

f lrOacutel p1lI1riHmD ~ amires f0tr eompiex trlmSitive fu Tlieyfbuntlliim~

guilry there is a special sense OfPIND as ofMAKE in They mode it green In TIwy rrun Juacutem JOber tbat IacuteoS DO spcciiexcll SCDSII of)lEET~ by tbat cS ~ is more eircumsumlial BUl onc la unlikely lO say for eumple They me hlm meditative

4 Finally there is an obvious gradience between the coxnP-1ex intransitive ~nct the simple ascriptj~ With TURN 01 GROW there are~-selecUumlonal restrictions as we have seen With SBJlli or SIhV tney are far fewer

[48J

P H Matthews

neverthelesson~canI1Q~~yfordmr_~ordfmplelfil_sectil1Ied chairmqf1-ltcompareH~ stayelt chairman Qr1fsectJjiquest_riquest~cordfirmordfl1) or It srays obvious that (compare It seemsobvious that or It remainsobvious that ) With REMAIN it is hard to find any but at least the intransitive exists He remained) and their senses can be related Wth BECOMB that evidence too is lacking He became drunk can be distinguish-ed(rontildei1lieasgiptiYlt1g lu7ntl1k onlyJ~iiui~s from jts resultative meaning -_-

This merging has ied grammarians to treat the constructions together But we can do this only by assimi)ating BE to the mode) of verb complementation (as in GCE) not by assimilating TURN and so on to the model of a copula likethecpmplexrordfnsectitiy~nl_e compleimrap~W~i~ ayoor ca~~idatefltY-l~LIl~Jlt~IQ~-ordf_~~rnelltructllr~middot

M

~_

Page 6: in - UGR · (III). 11-70 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1171 Note [a] The ... In addition, we shall use where necessary the suffixes 'ph' (for

1178 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

The managementpaidjor his air rares _ His air rares were paidjor by the management

But also when a prepositiacuteonal verb is followed by a that-clause Oiacute a toshyinfinitiacuteve c1ause the preposition disappears and the prepositional object merges with the direct object of the monotransitive pattern Compare the following two series (A) with a prepositional verb and (B) with an ordinary monotransitive verb

on ~he meeting onlt

(A) The a reed lon meeting each other

y g on when to meet (that) they would meet to meet each other

the meeting it

8) Th b d meeting each other ( ey remem ere when to meet

(that) they had meto to meet each other

Ye the preposition omitted before a that-clause can reappear in the corresponding passive That they showd meet was agreed (on) even in extraposition (ef 1833ff) where the preposition immediately follows the passive verb phrase

It was agreed (on) eventually that they should meet

Examples of Type 1 prepositional verbs are

aeeountfor concemrate on ook alteratunto

addto eonformto objeet lO

adjust lO eonsen to part with

admit lO eontribute to payfor

agree withonto deal with prayfor

aim atfor decideon preaeh aboutlon

aowfor dwe (up)on providefor

applyfor enlarge (up)on quarrel aboutwith

argueabout hear aboutof read about

arrangefor hint at refer to

askfor hopefor rejoiee at

attend to insist on relyon

believe in interfere with resort to

eallfor(up)on learnabout runfor

earefor leeture abouton speak abouton

commenton listen to taketo

complain about Uve on think aboutlof

eonceiveof longfor wishfor

[a] When to precedes an infinitive it is an infinitive marker (as inforgel 10 mee her) and not aNote preposition when it precedes an -ing participle however it is a preposition (as in She consenled lO gelting engaged) Other examples of lO in a prepositional verb preceding an -ing clause are

Types of verb complementation 1179

He admitted lo doing his bit rconfess 10 telling a lie This amounts 10 doing nothing She look In playing golf

[b] Prepositions may combine with that to form complex suoordinators such as in thal saue that excepl that (ef 1412) [e] [n general choice of prepositiacuteon is the sume for morphologicalIy related verbs and nouns refer to - reference lo believe in - beliein etc There are exceptions however hope as a verb is followed by for while the corresponding noun construction has of He hopesfor suecess bu His hope ofsuecess

[Blph-prJ Phrasal-prepositional verbs [629 Type 1 PHRASAL-PREPOSITIONAL VERBS also take a prepositional object As

we saw in 169 such verbs can like prepositional verbs occur in the passive (eg She dealt with the problem ~ The problem was deat with) but many of them are awkward in fact barely acceptable in this construction The discussion was waked out on (by the principal negotiator) In the sample list below the verbs marked [Pl are among those that can fairly readily occur in the passive

break inon (someones conversation)

cateh up on (my reading) eateh up with [overtake] check up on [investigate] [Pl come down with (a cold) cut down on (expenses) do away with [abolish] faee up to [confront] get away with (a crime) gel down to (serious taik)

keep away from [a void] keep up with (the Joneses) look down on [despise] [P] look forward ro

[anticipate with pleasureJIP] look outfor [watch for] look up ro [respect] put up wirh [tolerate] run away with stand up for [defend] turn out for (a meeting)

Phrasal-prepositional verbs are rather informal and many of them have idiomatic metaphorical meanings which are difficult or impossible to paraphrase (eg run away

Complementation by a finite clause

(B31 That-clause as object [630 The conjunction in that-clauses which function as object may be zero as in 1

hope he arrives soon but when the clause is made passi ve the that cannot be de1eted and thus obeys the same rules as other that-clauses as subject (ef 154) The normal passive analogue has ir and extraposition that being again optional

Everybody hoped (that) she would sing That she would sing was hoped byeverybody ltstilted)

She would sing was hoped by everybody It was hoped by everybody (that) she would sing

That-clauses have one of three types of verb phrase depending on the governing verb in the matrix clause

1180 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

iacutes coming alone will be comin alone

(A) mdlCatIve verb 1 supposethat he fl l gWl come a one has come alone

(B) putative should I regret that he should be so stubborn (C) subjunctive verb I request that she go alone

(A) with the indicative is the most usual type The putative should type(cf 1425) (B) is more common in BrE than AmE and (C) the mandative subjunctive (cf 358-9) is more common in AmE than in BrE In BrE the 5ubjunctive 15 felt to be formal and is found typicalIy in official styles of writiacuteng Corresponding to these three constructions it is necessary to recognize only two main categories of superordinate verbs Type (i) may be called FACTUAL since it goes with the indicative verb (A) and introduces what one might generalIy describe as factual or propositional information Type (ii) may be described as SUASIVE such verbs imply intentions to bring about sorne change in the future whether or not these are verbal1y formulated as commands suggestions etc Suasive verbs can be followed in the thatshyclause by aH three constructions (A-C) but the indicative (A) construction is restricted and is not generally accepted in AmE

There are two minor categories Type (iii) emotive verbs (cf429 1023) and Type (iv) hypothesis verbs which are dealt with in 1633 These types are displayed in Fig 1630

CLASSES OF VERB VERB PHRASE IN TH A T-CLAUSE

Type (i) FACTUAL

(1631) (eg claim) ~iexcl

~ (A) indicative verb

MaJor -Type (ji) ~UA~IVE (1632) (eg suggest) (B) puta ti ve should

(C) mandative subjunctive verb Type (iii) EMOTlVE (I633)(eg regret)

Minor

Type (h) HYPOTHESIS (D) hypotheuumlcal past OR wereshy(1633) (eg wish) subjuncti ve

Fig 1630 Monotransitive verbs with a that-cause as complementation (Class [B3])

Note In terms of the speech act classes of 112 Type (iacute) (factual) verbs are associated with the expressiacuteon of speech acts concerned with STATEMEN1S while Type (ji) (suasive) verbs are associacuteated wiacuteth DIRECI1VBS

Type (i) Factual verbs 1631 We may subdivide factual verbs into PUBLIC and PRIVATE types The

former consists of speeeh act verbs introducing indirect statements

They agreeadmitclaim that she was misled

The superscripts 1-5 in the lists below are to be interpreted as follows

Types of verb complementation 1181

1middot The verb also occurs in the active with a to-infinitive directly foIlowing He promised to come (cf 1638)

2 The verb also occurs with a following noun phrase followed by a toshyinfinitive They supposed her lo be dead (cfI650)

3 The verb is also a member ofthe suasive group below inmiddotl632 4 The pro-form so can stand in place of the that-clause (cf 1228) eg 1 think

so 5 Say occurs with an infinitive as in She said to come before len in the

directive sense ofShe told us to come before ten

Examples acknowledge2 boast declareacute mention report2

add certify 2 deny2 object retort admit2

affirm2 claim l

comment disclose exclaim

predict4

proclaim2

say24S

state2bull4 agree l bull 3 complain explain2 promise l bull 2bull4 submit alege2 concede3 forecast pronounceacute suggest3

announceshyconfess2 foretel prophesy swear argue confide guarantee l bull 2 protest testify 2

assert confirm2 hint remark DOWI

bet contend insist3 repeat warn2

convey maintain4 reply write

The PRIVATE type of factual verb expresses intelIeetual states sueh as belief and intellectual acts sueh as discovery These states and acts are private in the sense that they are not observable a person may be observed to assert that God exists but not to believe that God exists Belief is in this sense pdvate Examples of such verbs are

4accept doubt imagine2bull realize anticipate dream imply reason ascertain ensure3 indicateacute recal assume2bull4 establish infer4 reckonl 4

believe2bull4 estimate2 insure recognize2

calculate expectl24 judgeacute reflect check f ancy2 know2 remember

4conclude fear l bull learn l reveaP conjecture feeP mean Lbull 2 see consider2 find2 note2 sense

4decide 13 foresee notice2bull show2

deduce forget 1 observe2 signify 4deem 2 gather4 perceive2

bull supposeacutemiddot4 4 4 4demonstrate guess presume2 bull suspect2bull

determine13 hear4 presuppose2 think2 bull4

discern hold pretendl understand2bull4

discover2 hOpemiddot4 prove2

Many ofthese verbs especially the public verbs are also used for introdueing directspeech eg

Perhaps its time to leave suggestedTim

1182 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

For detailed discussion of this use of verbs of speaking and thinking el 1430it

[al NOl induded in the first list aboye are verbs expressing manner of ulterance such as mumbe muuer5hou( imper whisper and yell These can introduce direct speech quotations (eg 1 am

Note

bull Ie muuereaacute) but they can also introduce indirect or reported speech by means of a thalshyelause She mulered Ihal she was ilI The list of such verbs is large and some verbs occur more easily with Ihalmiddotclauses than others do [b] Al the following phrasal verbs belonging lO this factual category are public verbs chime

in lel an lel OU make out poinl out repor back Tim poiacutented oUI that the train was often late

In this construction the particle has to precede the thal-clause [el Among the priacutevate verbs see suppose and assume can be uscd with a Ihal-clause in which lhe present tense rerers to future time (cfI423)

See (to iacutet) that they get somethiacuteng to eal See here means make sure [di Doubl being a verb of negative meaning is typically followed by whelherfif(ef 156 1635) Bu more especially when it is in a nonassertive context doubt occurs with a thal-clause

1don doubt (buI) thal theyJI accept a once Note hat in this construction doubl is sometimes followed by bUI Doubl canno be followed by

an altemative wh-clause (efI56) 1 doubt wheher or no theyU accept

Type (ii) Suasive verbs 1632 These verbs can be followed by a that-clause either with putative should (ef

1425) or with the mandative subjunctive A third possibility a that-clause with an indicative verb is largely restriacutected to BrE

ShOUld leave People are demanding that she leave the company

lea ves ltesp BrE)

1t is nuacutelc difficuumllt in the casc of suasive verb to rrak a subdiacute vision between PUBLICo and PRIVATE verbs for this reason we present the verbs below in a single listo Nevertheless gene rally it is usefuI to see a distinction between the public verbs which describe indirect directives (such as request ef 1433) and the private verbs which describe states of volition or desire such as intend

agree l demandl intendl 2 reeommend2

allow2 desire12 moveacute request2 arrange l

askl 2

determine I

enjoin2 ordain2 4

order require resolvel

beg2 ensure pledge 2 rule command2 entreat2 prayl 24 stipulate concede grant prefer 24 suggest24

decideacute deeree4

insist instruct2

pronounee2

propose 2

urgeacute vote 2

The superscripts 12 and 4 have the same meaning as in 1631 aboye The choice between the three constructions in the that-clause in [1] above varies between AmE and BrE For detailed discussion of these preferences ef

1425 It will be noted that the noun phrase + infinitive construction (ef1650) is

a common alternative to the that-clause for suasive verbs

Types of verb complementation 1183

d dthe news to be suppressedThe mten e y that the news (should) be suppressed ltmore formal)

With some verbs such as allow the infinitive construction is by far the more usual

Other types oC verb with that-c1ause complementation Type (iii) Emotive verbs

1633 This consists of a small group of verbs such as regret marvel rejoiee and wonder which can occur with (A) the indicative or (B) the putative should construction but not with the mandative subjunctive construction

worries about it 1 regret that she should worry about it

worry about it

Semantically this group belongs with adjectival constructions such as be sorry be anxious (ef 1671)

_-Type (iv) Hypothesis verbs The two verbs wish and (in the imperative) suppose may be followed by a that-clause containing a verb in the hypothetical past or the were-su bjunctive I wish (that) she were here She wished she hadnt spent the money Suppose (that) one of us died ef 1424 on the use of tense and mood following these verbs which may also occur in a number ofother patterns In particular for other uses of wish efI638 1641 1644 1646 1657

The modal idiom would rather (or lts contraction d rather) (ef 346) is a third example of a hypothesis verb

Id rafher you didnt mention the price Many resid1ts wotd rather that the bus service were subsidized

Complementation by an extraposed subject that-clause 1634 The that-clause in examples like It seems that you are mistaken is not an object

ofthe verb but rather an extraposed subject Nevertheless it resembles other that-clauses we have been examiniacuteng (a) in having a deletable that and (b) iacuten being semantically associated wiacuteth the preceding verbo Moreover no nonextraposed that-clause is possible in this case (That you are mistaken seems) and so it seems appropriate to include this with that-c1ause complementatiacuteon The main verbs occurring in this pattern fonn two groups of synonyms (i) seem and appear and (H) ehanee happen and transpire

It appears that Frank lost his tempero It happened that the weather was exceptionally cold

The phrasal verbs come about happen] and turn out [= transpire] also belong here Appear and seem can be followed by the pro-form so Jt seemsj appears so The adverb so sometimes occurs before happen or one of its synonyms It so happensj happened that

Note [a) A related construction with extraposed object (ef 1835) occurs in the following transitive phrasal verbs

let (il) OUI noise (it) aboutfabroad put (ie) about rub (ie) in Jack let (jI) out [= divulged] that the animal had been stolen

1184 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1185

Thc it which occurs as prcparato~y ohjcct is in this case optional although the omission is not 3 The verb can also occur with a foHowing wh-infinitive clause (ef 1637) usual In the comparable construction rake jI Ihal the il iacutes obligatory f lake ir Ihat you are eg 1 didniexcl know what to sayoenjoying yourselLes [b] Compare the complementation of seem appear etc by an as ifclause (ej 1624 Note [a)) The preposition of a prepositional verb is optionally omitted before a whshy[e) On the related constructions tI slrikes me IlwI tI (Jccursiseems O me 1iexcl111 eJ 1659 clause and hence it is convenient to include in the aboye list verbs for which Note 1660 Note

the wh-clause is basically a prepositional object For example

I inquired (about) whether the tiacuteckets were ready IB41 Wh-cause as object Theyhavent yet decided (on) which ftight they will take 1635 Many of the verbs which take a that-clause as object can also take a whshy

interrogative clause (cfI55ff) For the corresponding passive again the preposition is optional whether or not the nominal clause is in extraposition I asked her to confirm whether the f1ight had be en booked

Can you confirm which ftight we are taking Which ffight they will take has not yet been deeided (on) They havent yet confirmed how much the f1ight costs It has not yet been deeided (on) which f1ight they will take

Notice that in aH three illustrative sentences aboye confirm occurs in what Sometimes there is a slight difference of meaning if the preposition is may be described as a nonassertive context (ef 253) The use of the whshyincluded contrast interrogative clause (which generally implies Iack of knowledge on the part

She asked what he wanted of the speaker) is particularly common where the superordinate c1ause is iexcl She asked about what he wantedinterrogatiacuteve or negative Gn the other hand there are sorne verbs which

themselves express uncertainty such as ask and wonder these occur with the Whereas ask introduces the question which the speaker actually asked and wh-c1ause without this nonassertive constraint Examples of verbs taking the for which she requires an answer ask about does not indicate what the wh-interrogati ve clause are question might have been Gther prepositional verbs in this class are argue

(about) beware (01) (ef354 Note) not eare (about) check (on) depend (on) antieipate [NA] doubt note [NA]3 hear (about) refieet (on) There is also the phrasal-prepositional verb find out argue [NA]2 enquire23 notiee[NAj3 (about)arrange [NA]3 establish3 observe [NAj3

aseertain3 explain3 pereeive [NA]3 Note A few verbs are followed by a wh-exclamative clause (indirect exclamation (f I01 04) beginning

ask23 express point out [NAj with whal or hoH l realized whar aJeoll had been 1 kno hol busy Jou are These clauses are beware2 fathom [NA] ponder3

difficult to distinguish from wh-interrogative clauses Other verh in (he pttero indloe ~~rlt1im calcula te [NAP ftnd out2 3 prediet [NA] express maroel reflectlhiacutenk

care[NA] 1 2 forget 3 prove eheek23 guess realize [NA]

Complementation by a nonfinite clause ehooseacute hear [NA]2 record [NA] confirm [NA] imagine [NA]3 refieet2

Nonfinite clauses in complementationeonsider [NAP indieate [NA]3 remember [NA]3 1636 When a nonfinite clause follows the verb it is often difficult to separate three decide23 inquire23 say(NA]3

of the major types of complementation which we distinguished in 216 Thisdemonstrate3 judge3 see(NAj3

is especially true if a noun phrase intervenes between the superordinate verb depend2 knoW[NAP show3

and the verb of the nonfinite construction disclose learn [NAj3 tel [NA 3

diseover3 make out NA] think (NA]3 They like the ehildren to visit them discuss3 mind [NA]l wonder3 They supposed (he ehildren to be guilty (2]

They asked the ehildren lo bring somefood [3]The symbol (NA] after a verb indicates that this complementation is particularly likely to occur in a nonassertive contexto The superscripts 1-3 Gn the face of it aH three of these sentences conform to the same pattern are interpreted as follows (verb + noun phrase + to-infinitive ) But there are reasons for classifying

them differentIy1 This verb is part of a negative or predominantly negative construction

when combined with the wh-interrogative clause not eare not mind eant [l exemplifies MONOTRANSITIVE complementation (l638ff) fathom eant tell (ef They like the ehildrens visits - SVO)

2 The verb is basically a prepositional verb and has a preposition which (2) exemplifies COMPLEX TRANSITlVE complementation (l643ff) may be optionaHy added (see below) (ef They supposed the ehildren guilty - SVOC)

1186 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

[3] exemplifies DITRANSITIVE complementation (l655ff) (ef They asked the ehildren a question SVOO)

We will return in 1664ffto differences between examples such as these At present since we are dealing with monotransitive complementation we are concerned only with the type illustrated by [1] In nominal function only two kinds of nonfinite c1ause normally occur the to-infinitive c1ause and the -ing participle c1ause Hence nonfinite c1auses functioning as object can be distinguished for the present purposes in terms of the categories in Tabe 1636

Table 1636 Nonfinite clauses as object

Without subject With subject

lo-infinitive [B6] ack hates [B8] J ack hates to miss the train her to miss the train

-ing participle [B7] Jack hates [B9] Jack hates missing the train her missing the train

In Tabe 1636 the italicized parts are analysed as nonfinite c1auses acting as direct object The status of the infini tive c1ause and its subject in pattern [B8] is discussed in 1641 Later in 1666 we consider the arguments for considering her an object in the [B8] and [B9] examples

The fol1owing criteria confirm that the itaJicized portion of [B6-B9] is basically a nonfinite c1ause as direct object

(A) The nonfinite c1ause can be replaced by a pronoun it coreferring to a clause or by a no~n norninalizing the meaning of l clause Everyone likes it He likes her frequent visits

(B) The nonfinite clause can be made the focus of a pseudo-cleft sentence (ef 1829)

What everyone likes (best) is to tak to her [B6] What everyone likes (best) is taking 10 her [B7] What he likes (best) is for her lO eall ofien [B8]

In this version of [B8] as the infinitive c1ause is now in complement position the introductory for has to make its appearance

(C) For [B8] the introductory for itself where it appears is a marker of the construction as a nonfinIacutete clause

(D) Correspondingly for [B9] a subject pronoun in the objective case can often be replaced in formal style by a possessive pronoun (cfl46)

He doesnt like melmy coming often

This is what one would expect (ef 1 512) given that me and my can both be subjects of an -ing clause

Not all verbs that we consider direct objects satisfy al these criteria Nevertheless it is on this basis that the verbs Usted below are included in the classes [B6-B9]

Types of verb complementation 1187

[B51 Wh-infinitive clause as object 1637 It is as well to begin the survey of nonfinite c1auses as objects with c1auses

which happen to be immediately related to those dealt with in 1635 These are wh-infinitive c1auses (ef 155)

He learned how lO sail a boat as a small boy You must not forget when lO keep your mouth shut 1couldnt decide (on) whieh bieycle to buy

The last example illustrates the occurrence of the optional preposition with prepositional verbs as already observed with finite c1auses of the same type The corresponding passive pattern also occurs

The Curies discovered how to isolate radioaetive elements - How to isolate radiacuteoaetive elements was discovered by the Curies

The passive with extraposition (efI630 1635) is also sometimes possible

Early in the present century it was discovered how to isoate radioaetive elements

The verbs marked 3 in the list in 1635 aboye provide a sample of verbs occurring with the wh-infinitive c1ause as object

Note Many verbs which introduce wh-infinitive clauses rarely ir ever introduce yes-110 interrogative clauses (introduced by whelher) of the same type 1 have joacutergollell how 10 swiacutem but no iexcl have forgorten wheher lo swim Among such verbs are demostrale diacutesco~er and explain Nevertheless in unusual conexts such sentences can be found

1 have forgotten helher 10 ulljiacute-eeze thiacutesfood before cooking il

jB61 Subjectless infinitive cause as direet object f638 When a subjectless iacutenhmtlve clause is direct object the understood subJect

of the infinitive clause is always the same as the subject of the superordinate clause Verbs taking this kind of complementation are listed below subdivided into semantic categories

O) dread[B7 B8] (iv) ehoose[B7] (vi) ask (vii) affeel hate [B7 B8] hope beg c1aim like [B7 B8] intend [B7 B8] decline profess [B7] loathe [B7 B8] mean [B7 B8] demand

(viii) afford [B7]love [B7 B8] need[B7] offer attemplprefer[B7 B8] plan [B7] promise eontrive propose [B7] refuse(ii) begin [B7] endeavourwant[B7 B8] swear eease [B7] failwish [B8] undertake commenee [B7] learn

vowcominue [B7] (v) deign manage starl [B7] disdain [B7] negleet

hep [B7 B8] omit(iii) forgel [B7] scorn [B7] try [B7]remember [B7] venture [B7]

regret [B7]

1188 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1189

The symbols to the right of sorne verbs indicate that these verbs also occur Tbe lo-infiniacutetive here howcver has a resuhative meaning which makes the construction

with the subjectless -ing clause (Type [B7]) or with the infinitive clause with a subject (Type [B8]) From the latter group howeyer verbs such as ask are excluded because the construction of sentences like He asked me to help is ditransitive (el 1663) rather than rnonotransitive

We now add a list of prepositional verbs belonging lo the same pattern [B6pr] The preposition is omitted before the infinitive clause object (cI92) but is present where the prepositional object is a noun phrase or for that matter an -ingclause Compare

about the baby [Blpr]

She didnt bOlher aoout feeding the baby

to feed the baby [B7pr] [B6pr]

In the following list the verbs are placed in semantic groupings corresponding to sorne of those aboye (apart from an additional miscellaneous group (ixraquo and the omitted preposition is placed in square brackets

(i) long [for] [B8] ache (for] aim (for] [B8] aspire [to] burn(for] burst (for] (not) care (for] c1amour (for] [B8] itch (for] [B8] yearn (for] [B8]

(jiiexcl) bother(about] [B7 B8] condescend [10] delight [in] [B7] hesitate [about] [B7]

Examples

(vi) agree [tojonjabout] [B8] assent [to] consent [to]

(vii) pretend [to]

(viii) strive (for] seek (for]

(ix) arrange(forJ[B7 B8] decide ron] [B7] resolve [on] [B7] prepare [ror] [B7] serve (for] [B7]

Martin longed to leave home They sought to rnake amends 1would hesita te to interfere Weve decided to move to a new house

Note [al We distiacutenguish the verbs of Type [B6] from ltltenative verbs (el 349) of seemiacuteng and occurrence preceding infinitiacuteve clauses which ltare not diacuterect objects but whiacutech relate semanliacutecally to a Ihal-c1ause as subjecl He appears lO like Ihe sha - Tilar he likes the show appears [Irue] The verbs in Ihis c1ass correlate c10sely with those occurring with obligatory extraposition ofthe subjecl (cfI634) appcar seem chance happenlurn OUI

Jt appearedfthancedthat the children were asleep The children appearedchanced to be asleep

lb] Another group of verbs which are closely associated with a following infinitive but which do not belong to Type [B6J ioc1udes hasten conspire and set out

1 hastened lO reassure her They conspired lO murder Caesar He set out lO conquer the world

resemble on the one hand that of a catenative verb md on the other hand that of an inlransitiacuteve verb folJowed byan adjunct With pay and (to a lesser extent) woit Ihe adjunct status is more obvious as is clear from th~ possibility offroming the iacutenfinitivc c1ause

You have to pay ro go in

- (In arder) lO go in you ha ve to payo He waited lo see her

- (Inorder) lO see her he wailed Similarly unlike begin + infinitive the infinitive following SIO iacutes purposive contras

She [S] began IV] to eat lunch [O] BUT She [S] stopped [V] to eat lunch lA]

On the other hand these two verbs have matchiacuteng uses iacuten complementation Type [B7J

began She t d eatmg lunch s oppe

(B7) Subjectless -ing participle clause as object 1639 Again with this type of complementation the subject of the nonfinite verb

is usually identical with the subject ofthe preceding verb

1 love liacutestening to music The accused denied having met the witness

[The accused denied that hejshe had met the witness]

This rule accounts for the restriction that when the participle is followed by a reflexiye pronoun the pronoun norrnally has to agree (in number person and gender) with the subject of the superordinate c1ause

She herself He -iexcl enJoys smgmg to lhimselj lI

But wiacuteth one small group of verbs (rnarked 2 in the list below) it is not the understood subjectofthe particiacuteple but its understood object that is identified with the subject of the superordinate clause In such cases therefore the participle construction matches in meaning the passive of the corresponding infinitiacuteve construction [B6]

mendiacuteng painting Your shoes need to be mended That door needs to be painted

(Th~ aboye use of need iacutes often replaced in dialectally restricted usage by an equivalent use of want)

For an addiacutetional group of verbs (marked 3 in the list below) the subject of the particiacuteple is indefiniacutete and is independent of the subject of the preceding verbo For example in He recommended introducing a wealth tax it is clear that the person recommending the tax is likely to be different from the persones) who would be responsible for introducing it The meaning of this sentence is equiacutevalent to that of He recommended the introduction 01 a wealth tax

In the following list of verbs in the pattern of [B7] Types (i) and (ii) correspond to Type [B6(i)] (emotive) and Type B6(ii)] (aspectual) The verbs grouped under (iiiacute) are however in thiscase a miscellany since further sernantic grouping is difficult

1190 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

(i) (cant) bear l (not)fanci miss l

begrudge l hate l regret l bull4

detest like relish

dislike l loathe resent l

dread l love l (cant) stand 1

enjoy (not) mind l

(ii) cease quit start l

commence resume stop I

eontinue

(jii) admit4 forget l bull J4 recommend l J

avoid (eant) heli rememberl 34

eonfess4 imagine repent eonsider iacutenvolvel J require2

deny4 justifylJ risk l 3

deserue2 need l 2 save l 3 diseouragel 3 permit l ) tryS envisage l 3 propose want l

(dialectaI2)

escape reealll 34

The verbs ofType (i) preceded by a negative (such as eant bear) have a builtshyin negative bias so that they cannot occur in straightforward assertive contexts

Cora doesnt mind waiting Cora minds waiting

They can however occur in nonassertive contexts

Do you mind waiting How can anyone bear wearing clothes like that

and also in second instance contexts ie where the construction refers back to a nonassertive occurrence of the same construction earlier in the discourse

cant stand] k h h 1A 1[ d ji wor mgwlt t atglron t anc)

fd ti [stand it JB We1I 1m a ral you HAVE to ji k h h ancy wor mg Wlt ero

Superscripts in the aboye lists are interpreted as follows

1 The verb also occurs in pattern [B9] ie with a subject preceding the participle (ef 1642)

2 The participle has a passive interpretation (see aboye) 3 The participle has independent interpretation ie the subject of the

participle clause is not necessarily coreferential with the subject of the preceding verb and may have indefinite meaning

4 The participle may occur with a perfective construction

1admit having seen it (l]

But with such verbs the nonperfective construction can also be used with past meaning Thus [1] is synonymous with [2]

1 admit seeing it [2]

Types of verb complementation 1191

This paraphrase relation however exists mainly withverbs of dynamic meaning contrast verbs of stati ve meaning

I admit knowing him 1admit having known him

5 On the construction with (ry cf 1640

Examples of prepositional verbs belonging to this class ([B7pr]) are

bankonl decide on playat seeabout counton l delight in l resort to shrinkfrom

O Examples of phrasal verbs ([B7ph]) are

break off give up Jeaue off putoff takeup

Examples of(B7ph-pr] are

doaway with get around to go infor look forward fo

The following sentences ilIustrate these patterns

We counted on getting there early [B7pr] Ive taken up playing tenniacutes [B7ph] Jim is looking forward lo having the house to himself [B7ph-pr]

It IS important to notice that the lo in gel around to lookforward to and resor to is not an infinitive marker but a preposition Hence 1 am looking forward to seeing you is grammatical but not 1 am looking forward fo see you

Note [al The superscript 1 in the aboye lisU is not added lo verbs like stop although a noun phrase can be inserted between the participle and (he preceding verb in ~uch cases

They stopped (her) working all night Thiacutes ls because the construction containing the extra noun phrase (her in the aboye example) is arguably complex transiacutetive (e 1653) rather than monotransiacutetive (as is evident from the marginally acceptable passive She was slopped working all nighl) [b) Also we exclude from the aboye lists catenative verbs such as go in We wenl running and gel in Gel moving (e349)

Choice betwecn the infinitive and participle constructions (lB6) and (B71) 1640 Where both constructions [B6] and B7] are admitted there is usualIy felt to

be a difference of aspect or mood which infiuences the choice As a rule the infinitive gives a sense of mere potentiality for action as in She hoped fo leam French while the participle gives a sense of the actual performance of the action itself as in She enjoyed leaming Freneh In the case of try the double meaning is particularly clear

Sh 1 t d to bribe the jailor [1 ] el a ne b b hln mg teJa or

[1] implies that Sheila attempted an act ofbribery but did not manage it [2] implies that she actualIy did bribe the jailor but without (necessarily) achieving what she wanted With other verbs the difference is more subtle and may be overruled or neutralized by the meaning of the verb of the main clause For example the negative meaning of avoid and escape cancels out the sense of performance in He escapedlavoided being branded as a traitor

1192 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Let us consider more carefully three classes of verb which take both

constructions

(O EMOTlVE VERas (see Type (i) in the lists in 1638 and 1639) With the verbs which take both constructions (eread hate like loathe love and prefer) the bias of the infinitive towards potentiacuteality tends to fa vour its use in hypothetiacutecal and nonfactual contexts eg

Would you like o see my stamp collectiacuteon seemg

1hateto seem rude but youre blocking the view seemmg

On the other hand the particiacutepial construction is favoured where the speaker is referring to something which definitely happens or has

happened

to live Bnan loalhed 1 m the countrylUmg

(But with would loathe the infinitive is just as acceptable as the -ing participle)

Here to Uve implies that Brian could exercise choice about where to live whereas living presupposes that he actually did live in the country and probably had no choice in the matter But in other contexts there is little appreciable difference between the two constructions

tocoOk 1 [to eat JDo you prefer k for yourself or t m a restaurant[coa mg ea mg

(in ASF2C7uumlAL VERBS of beginni1g (a~ti1urng) and ending also in many cases take both constructions

Lucy startedcOntinUedceasedto W~iteWhile in hospital IIntmg

In such examples as this there is no observable difference of meaning between the constnlctiacuteons But in other cases a contrast between potentiality and performance may influerice the choice

to speak but stopped because she objected He s tarted speakmg and k ept on for more t han an hbur

The association of the -ing participle with the progressive aspect may also influence a p[ference for the participle where multiple activities

are involved

to open allthe cupboardsHe began openlflg all the cupboards

Here opening is more appropriate than to open While sorne verbs in this group (begin continue cease sean) allow both constructions others (finish stop) altowonly the participle construction (Go on and keep (on) may be classified as catenative verbs (cf349) onfinishfstop followed by the infinitive cf1638 Note [b])

Types of verb complementation 1193

(di) RETROSPECTlVE VERBS For three verbslorget remember and regret the potentialityperformance distiacutenction becomes extended into the past so that there is a temporal (as well as in part modal) difference between the two constructions The infinitive construction indicates that the action or event takes place after (and as a result of) the mental process denoted by the verb has begun while the reverse is true for the participle construction which refers to a preceding event or occasion coming to mind at the time indicated by the main verb

1 remembered to fill out the formo [1 remembered that 1 was to fill out the form and then did so]

1 remembered filling out the form rl remembered that 1 had filled out the form]

lforgot 10 go to the bank [1 forgot that 1was to go to the bank and therefore did not do soJ

lforgot (about) going to the bank [rare without about 1 forgot that 1went to the bank or that 1should have gone ]

1regret to tel you that John stole i1 [1 regret that 1am about to tel you that John sto le i1]

1 regret telling you that John stole i1 [I regret that 1 told you that John stole i1 or that 1 am now telling you J

[B8) Complementation by to-infinitive clause (with subject) 1641 The verbs in this group (as distinct from the apparently similar object +

t infinitive -o1struction el 1650) are restricted to a small numbcr chicfly denoting (nol) liking or wanting (cant) bear desire hate like iexcloLe prefer want and wish

They dont like the house to be left empty 1 wouldn t want you to lose your way

After these verbs the noun phrase preceding the infinitive cannot be made the subject of a passive main c1ause The house isnt liked to be left empty (by them)

There is moreover an alternative construction (chiefly restricted to AmE) in which the noun phrase is preceded by for which marks it as the subject of an infinitive clause rather than as object ofthe main clause

Jack prefersfor his wife to drive the truck ltesp AmE)

These two observations point in the direction of a monotransitive analysis of such verbs

In the following howeverJor has a different status and must occur in both AmE and BrE

They arranged for Mary to come at once

In this case the construction is that of a prepositional verb arrange for ([B8prl) the infinitive clause acting as prepositional object Other examples

1194 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

wherejor occurs as part of a prepositional verb are askfor eatlfor aehefor aim for bum for burst jor eare for clamour for erave for hope for iteh for long jor plan joacuter prepare for wait for yearn for

We were al achingburningbursting jor the performance to begin They plannedfor the mayor to arrive on the following day

For some of the verbs in these clauses the that-clause with should ([B3(iiacute)j) is an alternative form of complementation

They planned that the mayor should arrive on the following day

A further reason in favour of a monotransitive analysis of verbs of Type [B8pr] is the possibility (in some cases) of a passive with or without extraposition

For the administration to resign so quickly was not called foro It had been arranged for the food to be served indoors

Note [al Sorne [B8pr] verbs such as arrangefor planfor and preparefor also have a [B2] construction in which they are followed by a direct object Compare Have you arranged the meeting Have you arrangedfor iexclhe meeting Compare also She askedfor the children to leave and She asked iexclhe children O leave [b] Desire expect and intend although they tit into this category with respect to introductory for and the extraposed passive also accept the passive of the raised object which applies to [C4] (cfI650) Thus expect for example pennits two associated passives

It was nOt expected for the administration to resigno The administration was not expected to resigno

The former of these however is felt to be awkward and of marginal acceptability On such contlicts of c1assiacutefication cfI664jf

jB91 Complementation by -ing participle clause (with subject) 642 Verbs which accept this pattern comprise a considerable subset of those

verbs accepting the subjectless -ing clause as object they include the verbs marked 1 in the list of 1639 The genitive form of the subject is an option in formal English (ef 1512) but is often felt to be awkward or stilted

1 dislike him his driving my car We look forward to youyour beeoming our neighbour

In some cases particularIy when the subject of the participle is not a pronoun and does not have personal reference the geniti ve option is rare

vehicle h hPeter stoppe d te h l cras mg mto t e ence h ve lees

The genitive is also rare with a pronoun with nonpersonal reference

1 look forward to ~t geUing warmer in spring lts

The verbs of negative meaning stop prevent and prohibit have a related ditransitive construction (cfI656f) in which the prepositionfrom precedes the -ing clause as second object

They tried toacute preven the planefrom landing on the runway

Types of verb complementation 1195

Thus thefrom is optional In the very few cases where we have a choice between an -ing participle

and a to-infinitive construction there is usual1y felt to be a difference ofaspect or mood such as that described in 1640

1hate the children lo quarrel [ theyre ordinarily such good friacuteends] [1]

1 hate the children quarrelling [ all the time] [2]

focuses on the childrens potential for quarrelling [2] emphasizes their performance the point being that they do quarrel rather often in fact An aspectual difference is uppermost in

ehiming ( all night long) 1h he c oc k ate t l

to ehlme ( Just when Im gOtng to sleep)

The infinitive suggests a single chime while the participle suggests continual chiming (ef435 467f)

Note Verbs ofthe observational type eg notice in 1 noticed him writing a leller do not belong in this group and are dealt with in 1653 For such verbs the genitive is not a possible alternative iexcl noticed hiacutes writiacuteng a Jeter

Complex transitive complementation 1643 In 216 we applied the term COMPLEX TRANSlTIVE to verbs in the pattems

SVOC and SVOA In this chapter we extend the term to other clause patterns in which an object is followed by another element which is not an object (eg a nonfinite clause) A distinguishing characteristic o[ complex transitive compiemculiIacuteuacutelI j thallhe two elltments iacuteuiiuwiug the yerb (eg object and object complement) are notionally equated with the subject and predication respectively of a nominal c1ause For example

MONOTRANSlTIVE She presumed lhat her father was dead [1] She presumed her father to be dead [2]

COMPLEX TRANSITIVE Sh d h 1 h d d [3]e presume er Jat er ea

In [3J her father (O) and dead (C) are equivalent in meaning to a separate clause viz the that-clause in [l] This relationship remains where the object complement is expanded into an infinitive clause as in 2] Yet her father to be dead in spite of its clause-like meaning and appearance does not act syntactica1ly as a single constituent as is evident in the passive where the O is separated from its complement

Her father was presumed (by her) to be dead

This divisibility into two elements of a semantically clausal construction following the verb is the defining property ofcomplex transitive complementshyation

We begin with three already familiar patterns of complex transitive complementation those corresponding to [A I-A3] (ef 1621-4)

Note On the simiacutelarities between complex transitive and ditransitive complementation see 1666ff

1196 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

ICII Adjective phrase as object complement 1644 The SVOC pattern (ef216) in whiacutech the object complement is an adjective

phrase is found with verbs which like copular verbs may be divided into CURRENT and RESULTING types

You should keep the cabbagefresh (1] That music drives me mad [2]

The verb keep in [1] introduces the current attributefresh while the verb drive in [2] introduces the resulting attribute mad These two verbs therefore exemplify the two main categories ofcomplex transiti ve complementatiacuteon in this pattern The current verbs (ef1621ff) are usually staiive and the resulting verbs are always dynamic Further examples ofeach type are

CURRENT RESULTING

hod[C2] (v) drive [C4] keep [C2] get [C4] eave [C2] make [C2 C4]

prove [B3 C2 C4] (ii) eall [C2] render[C4]eonfess [B3 C2 C4] sendprofess [B3 C2 C4]

pronounce [B3 C2 C4] turn

report [B3 C4] eertify [B3 C2 C4] declare [B3 C2 C4] like proclaim [B3 C2 C4] prefer[B3]

want wish [B3 C2 C4]

(iv) beliacuteeve [B3 C2 eonsider [B3 C2 C4] deem [B3 C2 C4] find [B3 C2 C4] hod[B3 C4] imagine [B3 C2 C4] judge [B3 C2 C4] presume[B3 C2 C4] rate [C2 C4] reekon [B3 C2 C4] suppose [B3 C2 C4] think [B3 C2 C4]

Type (O is a category of current verbs of general meaning Type (ii) consists offactual speech act verbs (cf1631) Type (iii) of volitional verbs Type (iv) of verbs of inte11ectual state Type (v) of general resulting verbs and Type (vi) ofresulting verbs referring to speech acts which havethe performative force of declarations (Hod occurs twice in the aboye list as a general verb [Type (i) as in She hed her head high] and as an inte11ectual state verb [Type (iv) as in 1 hod you responsibe]) The symbols added after sorne verbs indicate other related complementation types to which those verbs belong

Types of verb complementation 1197

[B3] The verb can also be used monotransitively (el Note (a]) with a that-clause

[C2] The verb can also occur wiacuteth a noun phrase as object complement [C4] The verb can a1so occur with an object + infiniacutetive construction

Examples

The secretary eft a1l the letters unopened The doctors pronounced her conditiacuteon uttery hopeess Oi) 1want my coffee stronger than this (iii) Weve alwaysfound the assistants very frtendy (iv) The long waIk made us a11 hungry They have declared the house unfit for habitatiacuteon (vi)

Note that the adjectival complement may contain modifiers and adjectival complementation (ef1668-83) A passive construction in which the direct object becomes subject is also an important criterion

AH the letters were left unopened (by the secretary) (i) Her condition was pronounced uttery hopeess (by the doctors) (ji)

Note [a] There is sometimes a meaning difference between the object complement construction and the corresponding that-clause [B3) or objeet + infinitive [C4] eonstruction

1 imagined myself severely ill [3] p 1 imagined myself to be severely ill [4]

Sentence [3] suggests that the speaker is indulgiacuteng in a flight of faney sentence [4J suggests that the speaker is deluding himself (eg that he is a hypochondriae) A differenee is also to be observed between [5] and [6]

They gol him angry [5J p They got him lo be angry (6]

where [5J suggests made him angry in spite of himself and [6] suggests persuaded him to be angry (Yet a third meaning is represented by Donl get me wrong [Dont misunderstand me J) Two iacuteurther comrasts are

We found the ehildren undernourished [ We encou nte red them iacute n tha t cond i tiacuteon J [7] p Wefoundthe children lo be undernourished [8]

[Our examination revealed their condition] and

He declared the meeting offieial He declared the meeting lO be officiaL

where [9] has a performati ve and resultati ve force (The meeting beeame official as a result of his announeement) not regularly present in [lO] [b] Have in sentences sueh as We have IWO employees sck is not a member of the [CI] category but belongs to a special have-existential construetion lo be discussed with existential sentences in general in 1851 Since it has no passive this elause construction lacks one criterial feature of comp1ex transitive constructions Two employees are had sick [e] There is a variant order in which the object complement precedes the object eg He thought desirable most ofthe women in the room (efIS37) This order tends to occur when the object is a long noun phlase

1645 In addition to the verbs listed in 1644 aboye there are many verbs which belong more peripherally to Type [C1] Their membership is more peripheral in one or both of the following respects (a) They occur only in restricted sequences such as rub dry (ef 1617) (b) They can occur in the [BI] monotransitive construction without appreciable change of meaning iacutee the object complement is optional and resembles an optional adverbial Iil the following typical co11ocations the object noun phtase is symbolized by N

1

Types of verb complementation 11991198 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

CURRENT RESULTING

bring (a child) up health boil (an egg) 8aft 1

buy N eheapl erap (hair) shoriexcl1 return (a letter) unopened freeze N hard serve (food) hOlleold paint N redblue 1

seU N eheaplnew1 roll N flat sweep (the fioor) clean 1

calour N blueyellow 1

dye N pinklgreen 1

knock (someone) senseless polish N smooth 1

scrape N clean I swing (a door) open

For those combinations marked l the object complement could be easily omitted without a change in the basic sense of the verbo

Among resulting attributes the adjectives open loose free and clean are particularly common push N open shake N loose set N free wipe N clean

The collocations make sure and make certain are peculiar in that the object is a that-clause and always follows the adjectivaI complement

Please make sureleertain that you endose your birth certificate

There is no passive be made surecertain With other collocations the that-clause object is postponed by extraposiacutetion (ef 1835)

He found it strange that no one else had arri ved 1think it very odd that she left without saying goodbye The emperor pronounced it illegal for landlords to enfranchise their

tenants

Extraposition is optional with make N clear and therefore the preparatory it may be omitted She made (it) eear that we were regarded as trespassers

Note [al Sorne collocations require the object to be a rellexive pronoun Ilaughed myself sick They roared themselves hoarse Here the object complement cannot be omitted llaughed myself [b] The resultative pattern illustrated in thiacutes section is quite productive and occurs with rare or newly-converted verbs such as selotape and scotchtape selotape N fiat ltRrE) seotehtape N fiat (AmE) Similarly

iexclve deepfrozen the bread solido

(C21 Noun phrase as object complement 646 Most of the verbs listed in 1644 can occur also with a noun phrase

complement In addition there are a few verbs which occur with anoun phrase but not with an adjective phrase as complement eg appoint These verbs marked 1 in the list below can also occur with theobject + infinitive construction

The queen appointedWilliam Cecil (to be) her personal secretary

The list is subdivided into categories corresponding to those in 1644

(i) hold2 (iv) believe (v) appoint l2middot 3

keep2 consider2 choose 2 3

eleetl 2 3leave deem esteem l 2 3 make(ii) cal find provecanfess imagine2 voteprofess

pronounce judge2 (vi) baptize13

presume certify 23 (iii) wish 3rate2 christent bull

reckon2 erown l bull 2bull 3

suppose declare think proclaim

namemiddot23

The superscript 2 indicates that the as-construction (cf 1 647) is also possible The superscript 3 indicates that the verb is also monotransitive and that the verb retains the same meaning when the object complement is omitted Hence She appointed him secretary implies that she appointed him Examples of each sub-type follow With profess and wish which are used to illustrate subtypes (H) and (iii) respectively a reflexive pronoun as object is normal

She held her niece (a) captive for several years (i) The prince professed himself a supporter of free speech (ji) 1have often wished myself a millionaire (iii) Charles does not esteem him a trustworthy adviser (iv) The committee has elected you its chairman (v) Her parents named her Sophia after her grandmother (vi)

Some verbs in this pattem are unlikely to occur in the adive eg think beiacuteieve reckon The foilowing are exampies of the passive conslruclIacuteon

Her niece was held (a) captive for several years (i) She was named Sophia after her grandmother (vi)

As with Type (el] the object may be a clause postponed by extraposition

We have made it a condition that the new agreement be signed by all the original signatories

He has proved it a falIacy that old age brings wisdom

Note [al The zero article occurs optionally with captive and prisoner as object complements as in (i) above She held her niece (a) caplive Hold capliveprisoner and keep captivepriacutesoner are unusual in that the omitted article is indefinite rather than definite Examples of the zero article with definite meaning (eS42) are

Edgar was judged overall winner They appointed Sue captain of the athletics team

[b] The object + infinitive construction with 10 be as with Type [Gl] is not always equivalent to the pattero with a phrasal object complement For example name can be used with 10 be only if the following noun phrase designates a future role or status

Her parents named her (0 be) Gladys The selectors named her (lo be) a memberofthe touring team

As can be used with name only on the same condition as applies to lO be Her parenls named her as (adys (cf 1 647 below) [el The copular retation can obtain not only between the object and complement as in [11 bu also between subject and complement as in [21

t iexcl

1200 Complementation of verbs and adjectiacuteves

She made him iexcliexcl good husband (S V OC) [1 J She made him a good wife (S VOC) [2J

[1 Jhas the passive analogue He as gtladea good husband but in the entirelydifferentconstruetion of (2] where the copular rdation is between she and a good middotle no passive is possible Thc meuning is She Vas a good wire to himmiddot A prepositional verb 01 this Same unusuallattcrn is strike l in 101 example

He stmck me os a brilliant slralegist where a brilianl strategist is su bjcet eomplement

(Clprl and (C2prl Object complement foUowing prepositional verb 1647 The preposition as designates a copular relation particularly in specifying a

role or status associated with the direct object The ehureh eondemned the relie as a lraud Following a complex transitive verb and a direct object the prepositional complement of as functions semantiacutecally as an attribute and may be termed a prepositional object complement in the same way as the noun phrase following a transitive prepositional verb is called a prepositional object

a geniacuteus [C2] We considered him as a genius [C2pr]

tobeagenius [C4]

1 bull (as) a genius ~ He was consdered t b

o e agemus

Consider as like regard as class as etc therefore exemplifies yet another type of prepositional verb one that is followed by a prepositiacuteonal object complement rather than a prepositional object

Occasionally the prepositionlor occurs in this copular function instead of as

He took these words as evidence He took me lor a fool

In the following list for verbs in column (i) the preposition is optional where for verbs in column (H) the preposition is obligatory

(i) appoint (as) (ii) aeeept as ehoose (as) aeknowledge as eonsider (as) eharaeterize as eount (as) class as deem (as) define as esteem (as) describe as rate (as) intend as reekon (as) mistakelor report (as) regard as eleet (as) see as eertify (as) take asllor erown (as) trea as make Unto) use as proclaim (as)

Most verbs in [elpr] and[e2pr] can also introduce an adjective phrase in the function of prepositional object complement

Types of verb complementation 1201

The experts raled his paintings (as) poor bUI representalive ol their class

They classed Jane as partialty sighted The media described the situation as hopeless ~ The situation was described as hopeless

Verbs not allowing this construction are marked 1 in the aboye lists The construction iacutes exceptional in allowing an adjective phrase to occur after a prepositiacuteon A more orthodox construction is obtained by adding the word being before the adjective phrase and thereby converting the prepositional complement into a nominal -ing clause

The media descriacutebed the situation as being hopeless

Note [al Count as and rate as can also oecur in an analogous as-conslruction without lhe object as prepositional copular verbs eg This coanslraes as a tWtable success (e 1622 Note lb]) [b] Allhough as is classcd as a preposition in Ibe above pattern il in some ways resemblcs the conjunction as which introduces clauses of comparison (e15 71) Consider Ihe following curious examples in which as introduces on Ihe one hand a clause and on the other hand a noun phrase in an appositional relation lo Ihe clause

Report me as 10m - a superannuated dolt Hedescribcd her as heound her a liar

(C31 Complementation by object and adjunct 1648 Our next category Type [e3] consists of verbs which occur in the SVOA

pattern (el216) ie verbs which ha ve as their complementation an object followed by a predication adjunct The most characteristic adjuncts to occur in this pattern are prepositional phrases of space and more particularly of direction eg

1 slipped the key into the lock He stood my argument on its head [2] Take your hands out olyour poekets

The passive iacutes illustrated by

The key was slipped into the lock [1 al Sentence [2] exemplifies the abstract or metaphorical use of such verbs and adjuncts Many of the verbs which fit into this pattern are causative verbs of motiacuteon put get stand se sit lay place send bring take lead drive etc The class is open-ended since verbs normally without causative meaning can be adapted to this function eg show see elbow etc in

The attendant showed us to our seats [conducted us ] May I see you home [escort you ] He elbowed and bribed his way to fame They talked me into it [persuaded me ]

Other verbs are associated with space position adjuncts rather than direction adjuncts

They lelt the papers at my offiee Always keep your eyes on the road when driving

1

i

1202 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

The attackers eaught us ofJour guardo He wished them at the bottom ofthe sea

Again the spatial meaning ofthe adjunct rnay be understood in sorne abstract or rnetaphorical sense as in the third exarnple aboye

Adjuncts of other sernantic types are less cornrnon but instances are the adjunct of rnanner following treat

badIY Her parents treated her as ifshe were a baby

as like a small ehild

and the optional adjunct of duration following last

This rnoney will ha ve to last you laquo(for) six months)

Note [al Treot has a dilferent meaning when the adjunct is omitted Her parents treated her [= did something pleasant for her]

[b] Superficiacuteally similar to the aboye pattern iacutes that iIIustrated by remind andfurnish followed by an object and a prepositional phrase

She reminds me ofmy sister They furnished all the passengers with iexclfe jackets

These however are classed as transiti ve prepositional verbs (cfI6 7-8) and will be dealt with in 1656fbelow The difference between Ihese prepositional verbs and verbs of complemenlation Type [e3] is that in Ihe former case the lexical verb governs a particular preposition remind offurnish with (Alternative prepositional constructions are sometimes available however provide withprovide for)

Variants of complex transitive complementation 649 We now examine variants of complex transitive cornplernentation in which

thc direct object iexcls f01lowltd by ji nonfinite dau~1 acting as predication adjunct Al four kinds of nonfinite construction (ef 146-8) are possible

[C4] to-infinitive [C6] -ing participle They knew hirn to be a spy 1caught Ann reading my diary

[CS] bare infinitive [C7] -ed participle 1heard someone slam We saw him beaten by the

World Heavyweight Champion thedoor

The nonfinite clause in these patterns (in italics in the above table) has no subject itself but its implied subject is always the preceding noun phrase which is object of the superordinate c1ause This noun phrase which if a personal pronoun is in the objective case is commonly termed a RAISED

OBJECT (ef further 16640) semantically it has the role of subject of the nonfinite verb but syntactically it is raised from the nonfinite c1ause to function as object of the superordinate verbo Hence in general this noun phrase (in italics in the table below) can become subject of the corresponding passive (The passive of [C5] normaly requires substitution of a to-infinitive for abare infinitive the passive of [C7) is of marginal currency ef 1654 Note [a))

(C4] He was known to be a spy

[eS] Someone was heard to slam the door

Types of verb complementation 1203

[C6] Ann was caught reading rny diary

[e] He was seen executed by a firing squad

On the face ofit the patterns [C4] and [e6] are indistinguishable from the rnonotransitive patterns [B8] (eg She hates the train to be late) and [B9] (eg She hates the train being late) in which the nonfinite c1ause has a subject of its own The ability of the noun phrase preceding the nonfinite verb to become subject of a passive is however an important distinction between thern (see further 1651 and 1653)

These patteros [e4] and (e6] are distinguished from corresponding patterns in which the Note nonfinite c1ause is an adverbial by the raet that the iacutemplied subject of the nonfinite verb is O rather than S Note the ambiguity of

She left him to finish the jobo She lert him holding the baby

IC4J Object + to-infinitive complementation The verbs in this group are rather numerous and rnay be subdivided 1650

(vii) assist bother bribe eondemll dariquest defy encourage help induce inspire press summon

semantically into the following categories

(iacute) announee declare proclaim pronounee

(H)

reporl repute [esp P rumour (P only] say[P only] tip (esp BrEgt

assume believe eonceive (formalgt eonsider expeet feel jind imagine know presume reekon see [P only1 suppose take thiacutenk[esp P1 understand

(iiiacute) intend mean

(iv) appoint elect name vote

(v) cause drive force get[no P] lead prompt

(vi) alow authorize compel eonstrain enable entitle equip jit oblige permit requiacutere

[P = Passive]

1ZU4 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Types (i) and (ti) correspond to the factual verbs of category [B3J discussed in 1631 the nonfinite construction following these verbs can often be replaced by a lhal-clause with an indicative verbo Compare

The poli ce reported that the traffic was heavy [B3] The police reported the traffic to be heavy (formal) [C4]

JOhn believed that the stranger was a policeman [B3 = John believed the stranger to be a policeman (formal) [C4]

With factual verbs such as these the nonfinite clause normaIly contains the verb be or sorne other verb of stative meaning EspecialIy when the nonfinite main verb is other than be the finite clause (of pattern [B3]) is preferred to the infiniti ve one except that the infinitive construction provides a convenient passive form

The traffic was reported to be heavy The stranger was believed to be a poli cernan

Sorne verbs in this construction have no lhat-clause equivalent

They tipped him to be the next president (esp BrE) - He was tipped to be the next president (They tipped that he would be the next president)

Sorne verbs (marked [P only] in the list abo ve) occur only in the passive version of this construction

The field marshal was said to be planning a new strategy (Someone said the field marshal to be planning a new strategy)

Other verbs (marked [esp PJ) occur chiefly in the passive

The BroadwiY piOJutioli was inoughi to have made Maxs fortune (Newsmen lhought the Broadway production to have made Maxs fortune)

Ofthe twq classes of factual verbs Type (i) consists ofpublic verbs (cf1631) referring to a speech act and Type (ii) consists of private verbs expressing belief etc

1651 Of the remaining semantic types Type (iii) consists of verbs of intention (on intend itself ef 1641 Note lb]) Types (iv) and (v) consist of causative verls where the infinitive clause identifies the resultant state (Type (iv) verbs also belong to class [Cl]) Type (vi) cClUsists of verbs with a modal character expressing such concepts as enablement permission and compulsion and Type (vii) consists of a variety of verbs of influencing between which a common factor appears to be that the nonfinite clause has a purposive meaning Examples are

(iii) They intended Mary to sing an aria (- Mary was intended to sing an aria)

(iv) The meeting elected Mr Martiacuten to be the next treasurer (- Mr Martin was elected to be the next treasurer)

Types of verb complementation 1205

(v) This optimistic forecast led the administration to promise tax cuts ( _ The administration was led (by this optimistic forecast) to promise tax cuts)

(vi) My contract allows me to take one months lea ve (- 1arn allowed to take one months leave)

(vii) Our teachers eneouraged us to think for ourselves (- We were eneouraged to think for ourselves)

In Type (iv) the infinitive main verb is normaIly be and can be omitted They appointed her (lO be) the social secretar) This type overlaps with Type (v) 1646

Note [al There are a number of multi-word verbs in this category [C4prl counl Ofl bullbullbull lO depend Ol bullbull lo rey on lO bullbullbull [C4phl make OUI 10 bullbull [C4ph-pr] keep 01 al lo bull

(which has no passive) Examples are 1 am dependillg 011 you lO give us your fu support They malle him oul to be a monster ofdepravity Why do you keep On al me 10 work harder

[b] Sorne passives of pattem [C4] (eg be allowed be supposed) have a semi-auxiliary (cf347f) interpretation in which they lose their connection with the corresponding active construction especiay as regareis agency

(es) Object + bare infinitive complementation 1652 This pattern occurs with a relatively smaIl number of verbs

(i) have (ii) fee overhear[P] (iii) help [P] let hear [PI see [PJ know [P] rnake [PI notice [P watch

observe[P]

Typl (i) consists uf vlrbs uf iexcluiexclciacuteVI meaning Type (ii) has percepwal verbs of seeing and hearing and Type (iii) is a residual class of two verbs which are optionally followed by a to-infinitive The marker [PI indicates that the passive (normaIly with a to-infinitive) is possible [P] indicates that the passive is of doubtful or limited acceptability

(i) You shouldnt lel your family iacutenterfere with our plans We must rnake the public take notice ofuso

(- The public must be rnade to take notice ofus) (ji) Did you notiacutece anyone leaue the house

The crowd saw Gray score lwo rnagnificeni goals ( - Gray was seen lo seore two rnagnificent goas)

(iii) Sarah helped us (to) edil the seript 1 have known John (to) give better speeches than that

(- John has been known lO giue better speeches than that)

Know followed by the bare infinitive is confined mainly to BrE and to the perfective aspect have known Lel in group (i) is in other constructions cIassified as similar to an auxiliary (ef3SI) Let has an apparent passive in combination with such verbs as lel go and lel fal but these are best regarded as fixed expressions in which let has an auxiliary or particIe-like function

They let the prisoner go horneo - The prisoner was let go horneo

1206 Complementation of verbs and adjectiacuteves

Note that this apparent passive has the bare infinitive in contrast for example to make which has to have the to-infinitive in the passive

They mude him understand ~ He was made to understalld

A third verb in group (i) is have which (like have in monotransitive constructions) does not occur in the passi ve

They had me repeat the message ~ 1 was had (to) repeat the message

Note [a] The formulaic nature of let him go and similar expressions is illustrated by variants such as [1-3J which cannot be fitted into any regular complementation pattern

gothe rope [1] They lel the rope go [2]

goofthe rope (3)

[b] Of the two constructions with help tha with 10 is more common in BrE and that without 10

is more common in AmE [e] Arare verb in category (i) is the now rather archaic bid with a to-infinitive complementation in the passive

They bidbade me sil down - rwas bidden 10 sil down

[C61 Object + -ing participle complementation 1653 The verbs in category [C6] consist of verbs of perception (Type (iraquo verbs of

encounter (Type (iO) and two verbs of coercive meaniacuteng (Type

feel[C5] see[C5) (ji) eateh (iiiacute) have hear[C5) smell diseover get notiee [C5] spot find observe[C5) spy leave overhear[CS) wateh [CS) pereeive

Perception verbs marked [CS] occur also with the bare infinitive pattern [CS) Wiacuteth such verbs there iacutes an aspect difference between [C5) and [C6) as described in 461f

Tim watched Bill mendlmendingthe lampo

The bare infinitive having nonprogressive meaning implies that Bill did the wholejob while Tiacutem was watching the -ing clause with progressive meaning has no such implicatiacuteon

This complementatiacuteon pattern differs from that of [B9) not only in its progressive aspect but also in that the noun phrase following the superordinate verb cannot take the genitive (or possessive) form (ef 1642)

1 saw him lying on the beach 1 saw his lying on the beach

Another difference from pattern [B9) is that the -ing predication can normally be omitted without radically altering the meaning

1 saw him lying on the beach [entails iexcl saw him)

Contrast

1 hate my friends leaving early [does notentaiacutel 1 hate my friends)

Types of verb complementation 1207

The passive with this pattern is regular

We could hear the rain splashing on the roof ~ The rain could be heard splashing on che roof

A teacher eaughc them smoking in the playground - They were eaught smoking in the playground (by a teacher)

Prepositional verbs with this type of complementation ([C6prJ) include eome aeross eome upon listen to and look at Look at those ehildren climbing the wall But these [C6prJ prepositional verbs have no prepositiacuteonal passive

seen The guards had been spouhed searchiacuteng the building

wate e d looked at

Have in this construction (e18S1ff) also has no passive in keeping with its use in other constructions

She had us working day after day We were had working day after day

Note Feeloccurs especially with a reflexive pronoun object Shefelt herself falling in love

[C7) Object + -ed participle complementation 1654 We can distinguish three small groups of verbs complemented bv a raised

object followed by an -ed participle c1ause

(i) CAUSATIVE verbs get ha ve She gotlhad the watch repaired immediately

Oi) VOLITlONAL verbs want need like I wantlneed this watch repaired immediately

(jii) PERCEPTUAL verbs see hearJeel (oneself) wateh Someone must have seenl heard the car stolen

A fourth group is peripheral to this construction

(iv) Verbs for which the -ed participle describes a resulting statefind

diseoverleave They founddiseoveredfleft him worn out by tra vel and exertion

j In this construction as in that of (C6) have can ha ve either an agentive causative meaning or a stative meaning Hence The guard patrol had two men shot is ambiguous meaning either The patrol caused two men to be shot or

I The patrol suffered the los s oftwo men by shooting The latter meaning is that of the have-existential construction (ef 18S1ff) In general this

complementation type is semantically equivalent to one with an iacutenfinitive form of the verb be Thus in Type (ii) iexcl would like my room cleaned is synonymous with iexcl would like my room to be cleaned in Type Oiiacute) He saw the team beaten is synonymous with He saw the team be beaten

Note [al There is no passive for most verbs in pattem [e7] and at best the passive is dubious The car must have been seen stolen The acceptability of the passive with Type (iv) is exceptional

---

--

1208 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

The car wasfound abandoned This is indeed an indication that Type (iv) may not belong here so much as with the objecl complement construction [el l iexclhe participle construclion being adjectival (cf an abandoned car) lb1In addition to the two meanings of haue + objec + -ed participle above a third meaning results ifthe -ed clause is analysed as a postmodifier of Ihe object eg She had a book (which gtvas) stolenfrom the library

Ditransitive complementation

ID11 Noun phrases as both indirect and direct object 1655 Ditransiacutetive complementation in its basic fonu involves two object no un

phrases an indirect object which is nonually aniacutemate and positioned first and a direct object which is nonually concrete The two noun phrases differ from those of[C2] in not being in a copular relationship

He gave the girl a doll --v-- --r-

S V Oiacute Od

The difference between this and complex transitive complementation is seen in

svoe He found her a loyal friendo ( She was a loyal friend)

SVOO He found her an apartment ( - The apartment was for her)

The characteristics of indirect objects in contrast to direct objects are fully disclssed in 107

Sorne ditransitive verbs have two passive analogues which we shall distinguish as first and second

The girl was given a doll [FIRST PASSIVE]

A doll was given the girl [SECOND PASSIVE]

Of these two the first passive in which the indirect object becomes subject is the more common The prepositional paraphrase is more usual as an alternative than the second passive A dol was given to the girl (For a list of verbs ofType [01] ef1657 below)

[D21 Object and prepositional object 1656 In the ditransitive category prepositional verbs fonu an important group

with its own sub-divisions and may therefore be given a separate category number D2] These verbs are those we have called Type II prepositional verbs (cfI67-8) Alongside the ordinary indirect object pattern two main prepositional patterns rnaybe distinguished _

Indirect object + direct object [D1] Direct object + prepositional object D2a] lndirect object + prepositional object [D2b]

Types of verb complementation 1209

The indirect object is normally animate and is the recipient or beneficiary of the process described by the verb (ef 1019) Unlike ditransitive verbs of category [D 1] (eg give) ditransiti ve verbs with prepositional objects nonually have only one passive

We addressed our remarks to the children [D2a] - Our remarks were addressed to the children (The children were addressed our remarks (toraquo

W e reminded him of the agreement [D2bl - He was reminded of the agreement (The agreement was reminded him (of)

-1 Sorne verbs have a11 three possibilities of construction in the active many have two forothers there is only one possibility (in sorne cases the alternatives are not identical but very similar in meaning)

tel [01 + 2a + 2b]

1

offer [01 + 2a] 1

envy [01 + 2b] I

wish [01]

bamefD2a + 2b]

say [D2a]

warn [D2b]

Mary told only John the secret DI] Mary told the secret only to John [D2a] Mary told only John about the secreto [D2b]

John offered Mary sorne help [DI] John offered sorne help to Mary [D2a]

She envied John his success [DI] She envied Johnfor his success [D2b]

They wished him good luck [DI]

Helen blamed the divorce on John rD2al Helen blamed Johnfor the divorce [D2bj

Why didnt anybody say this to me [D2a] I

Mary warned John ofthe dangers [D2b) I

The different constructional possibilities of certain verbs provide a means of achieving different focus (cfI837f) Compare the fo11owing pairsofsentences as pronounced with unmarked (end) focus

Mary blamed the broken vase on IOHN Mary blamed John for the broken VAacuteSE

(ef John was blamed by MARY)

The government supplied blankets for the HOMEless The government supplied the homeless with BLANKets

(ef Blankets were supplied by the Goacutevernment)

Note [al The aboye constructions are presented in the most typical syntactic ordering but postshyponernent of the direct or iacutendirect object may take place in contexts where end-focus or endshyweight is required (cf1837) eg John offered lO Mary Ihe help thal she needed [b] Additional prepositional verb patterns should be briefly mentioned There is for example the double-prepositional-verb pattern noted in 1617(c)

1210 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1211

1657

1 am applying lo the hospitalor ajobo There is a further possibility that two prepositional objects may follow a diacuterect object

We are paying $100 lo the garage for the repairs

Verbs of complementation types ID1 and [D2 The following list gives sorne of the verbs that occur in Types [DI] [D2aJ [D2b] organized aeeording to the cross-classifications of 1656 aboye We are interested here only in synonymous or nearly synonyrnous constructions in which the same participant roles (ef lO18jJ) oceur Hence many possible prepositional verbs are ignored Pay for for example is ignored because it introduces a further participant (the commodity bought) not incuded in pay (with) and pay (to)

Table 1657

Type [DI) Type [D2a] Type[D2b]

EXAMPLE serve (Jaek scampi) serve (searnpi) serve (Jack) to (Jack) with (scampi)

[DI + 2a + 2b) pay payto pay with provide (AmE) providefor provide with serve serve to serve with tel tell to tell about

[DI + 2a) (l) bring bring to den deny to give give lo

grant gram to hand hand to leave leave tofor lend lend to offer offer to owe oweto promise promiseto read read lo send send to show show to teaeh teaeh to throw throw to

(ii) do doacutefor find findfor make makefor order order for reserve reservefor save savefor spare sparefor

(iii) ask askof

1658

[DI + 2b]

[Di]

[D2a + 2b]

[D2a]

[D2b)

envy excuse forgive

allow eharge fine refuse wish

blameon supply forto

address to announee to eommunieate to explain to sayto

envyfor exeusefor forgivefor

blamefor supply with

advise about punishfor etc

The membership of[D2b] is numerous Here are further examples arranged by prepositions

thankfor eonvineeof robof refer to preventfmm depriacutevenf ltuspee f 9f sentenee to proleet from informof warnof subject ro imerest in persuadeof congratulate on treat to aecuseof relieveof confine to charge with convictof remindof introduce to compare with

Note that reflexive verbs (cf 625) sometirnes oecur with a prepositional object eg We pride ourselves on the serviee we ofler Sorne of the verbs abo ve (such as compare with) ean have two inanimate objects

In Table 1657 we have distinguished under[Dl + 2a] verbs taking to as their preposition from those takingfor eg

(i) She sent Paul a present She sent a present to Paul (ji) She made Paul a meaL She made a mealfor Paul

Occasionally a preposition other than to and for oceurs in this function

OiO She asked Paul a favour She asked a favour ofPaul

Distinct from [D2aJ and [D2bJ aboye is a kind of prepositional verb which has already been discussed in 167-8 a verb for which the direet object forms part of an idiomatic unit with the verb and the preposition The syntactic properties of this type which we label (D2e] have already been dealt with and it is enough here to list a further sample ofsueh idioms

1212 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1213I I

eateh siacuteght of make allowanee for put a stop to give place to make fun of set jire to give way to make afuss overabout take aeeount Ofl keep pace with make roomfor take advantage ojI lose sight of make use ojI take eare of 1

lose toueh with pay attention to 1 take note ojI lose traek of put an end to take notice ojI

Those marked with a raised 1 can take not only a prepositional passive (ef 167-8) but also can easily take a passive for which the idiomatically-fixed direct object beco mes subject eg (Some) allowanee was made for loss of eamings (Little) notiee was taken of this evento Other verbs can take the passive but with greater difficulty with these examples as with prepositional verbs in general idiomatic cohesion is a matter of gradience

Variants of ditransitive complementation

ID3J Indirect object + that-cIause object 1659 Corresponding to monotransitive verbs ofType [B3] (efI630) are ditransiti ve

verbs for which the direct object is a that-clause

John eonvinced me (that) he was right ~ I was eonvineed (by John) (that) he was right

The second passive is unacceptable when the direct object is a clause That he was right was eonvineed me Thus the first passive (ef 1655) above is the only passive that can occur with this pattern With sorne verbs such as eonvinee above it is impossible to delete the noun phrase object

John conviucJ (lhat) he was riguiacute

With other verbs such as show the indirect object is optional

The professor of mathematics showed me that Pythagoras was mistaken ~ The professor of mathematics showed that Pythagoras was

mistaken

Ditransitive verbs followed by a that-clause may be divided into a subtype introducing an indirect statement and a subtype introducing an indirect directive (ef 1433) In the indirect statement the that-clause contains an indicative verb in the indirect directive the verb may be indicative or subjunctive and often contains putative should or another modal verb (ef 1632 for the distribution ofthese options)

INDIRECT STATEMENT

May 1 inform you that your order is ready for eolleetion INDIRECT DIRECTIVE

mightbeShe petitioned the king that her father ~ould be pardoned

In the following list Type (i) verbs introduce indirect statements and Type (H) verbs introduce indirect directives The indirect directive construction is

rare and formal in comparison with the similar infinitive construction (ef 1663)

WOUldI begged her that she should help ltformal) 1 begged her to help ltmore usual)

For those verbs marked O the indirect object is obligatory foc those marked (O) the indirect object is optional for those marked laquoOraquo the indirect object is not only optional but unusual

(i) advise (O) remindO (iiacute) ask3 laquoOraquo assureO satisfyO beg3 (O) bet (O) show3 (O) eharge (O) eonvineeO teaeh3 (O) eommand laquoOraquo forewarn (O) tellO iacutenstruet laquoOraquo informO wager(O) order laquoOraquo notify 3 O warn (O) petition3 (O) persuadelO write2bull 3 (O) tellO promise3 (O)

The superscripts are interpreted as follows

1 Persuade in the sense ofconvince belongs to Type (i) but it may also be used in a Type (iiacute) sense of persuade someone to do something

2 Write is found with an indirect object + that-clause especially in AmE 3 With verbs so marked the indiacuterect object can be replaced by a

prepositional object (ef 1660)

Note Superficially similar W the [D3] pallern is lhe impersonal construction Iacutef strikeslstruck me (Ihal) asin

It strikes me this work is for his own amusement But here the Ihal-c1ause (as in 1634) is the extraposed subject of the verbo Compare He strikes me as (cf1646 Note [el) and lt occursto me that (cfI634 Note [e))

ID3prl Prepositionalobject + that-cIause object 1660 The verbs marked 3 in the aboye list can be optionally followed by a

preposition thus forming a category similar to [D2a] in 1656

He promised laquoto) me) that the debt would be repaid

For most verbs of [03] which permit a prepositional object the preposition is to

He wrote to me He reported to me that etc

Exceptions are ask and beg which (in somewhat formal usage) are followed by the preposition of

I askbegofyou that you will keep this secret ltformal)

There is in addition a group of verbs which were classified in 1631-32 as monotransitive but which optionally allow the preposition to preceding a prepositional object These may be distinguished as Type [D3pr] and subdivided into sub-types (i) and (iacutei) as in the paraUel description of [B3] verbs

1214 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Joan mentioned (to me) that her father was siacuteck [Type (O] Or Oay recommended (to her) that the treatment be continued [Type (ii)]

For elample

(i) acknowledge declare remark (ji) propose admit explain repon recommend announce mention say suggest complain pointout signal eoness prove state

As before Type (i) verbs introduce indirect statements and the less numerous Type (ii) verbs introduce indirect directives As befare too sorne exceptional verbs take a preposition other than to

She demanded ome that She agreed with me that etc

Unlike the nonprepositional verbs of [03] these prepositional verbs alow the that-c1ause to become subject of a corresponding passive clause an option which is more acceptable with extraposition

That several ministers are resigning has been admitted to our correspondent ~ It has been admitted to our correspondent that several ministers

are resigning It has been shown to us al that Miss Jones was innocent

Without the preposition ie with an ordinary indirect object such sentences are at best marginally grammatical 1It has been shown us al that Miss Jones was innocent

~~otc The constructions of lt appc-siexclappe(~iexclcfurseems ro me ha slipclfidaly appear ti) bclvuumlg to the paltero [D3prl but in faet these contain monotransitive verbs with an extraposed tnatshyelause as subject

It occurredlseemed to me that he was Iying esimilar patteros with extraposition in 1634 1659 Note

ID4) Indirect object + finite wh-c1ause object 1661 This pattern of complementatiacuteon is primarily found with the verb ask which

introduces a reported question

John asked me what time the meeting would end ~ 1 was Gsked (by John) what time the meeting would end

AIso used with this pattern are verbs which take an indirect object followed by a that-clause (Type (i) of [03]) but for these the wh-clause tends to be limited 10 nonassertive contexts (cf1635) Compare

George didnt tell them that the train was late [1] George didn t tel them whether the train was late [21

The difference of meaning between the that- and whether-constructiacuteons can be stated in terms of presupposition Sentence [1] typically implies that the train was late while [2] is noncommittal on the matter [04] verbs can also introduce other question words such as where and how

Tvpes of verb complementation 1215

Jim was reluctant to inform us (o) where he got the money Would you remind me (about) how we start the engine

A preposition may always be placed before the wh-c1ause In the aJiexclove cases the prepositiacuteon is optional but in the case of verbs like enquire o (Type [04prJ) the preposition is obligatory iexcl enquired ofthe clerk which doeuments were needed The complex preposition as to can be rather general1y used for introducing the wh-clause eg I enquired as to which documents were needed

[D5) Indirect object + wh-infinitive clause object 1662 This is yet another complementation pattern (comparable with [B5] 1637)

which may be taken by sorne verbs listed under[03] in 1659

advise ask instruct remind show teach tell wam

The instructor taught us how lo land saely - We were taught (by the instructor) how to land saely

They advised him what lO wear in the tropies Please remind me where to meet you afier lunch

The equivalent prepositional verb pattern [05pr] is iIIustrated by suggest to recommend to

Could you please suggest to the visitors which museums to visit

Here as in the [04] type a prepositional phrase introduced by as lO can be used

Helen advised us (as to) how to maintain the machine

f~ iexcl llt ~- I ~ i ~

~i ~ ~~

1663 ID61lndirect object + to-infinitive clause object We have seen that the [03] pattern may be used to introduce indirect statements and that the [04] pattern may be used to introduce indirect questions Now we tuen to the verbs of class [06] which introduce indirect directives (c1433)

1 lOldjadvisedjpersuaded Mark to see a doctor ~ Mark was toldjadvisedjpersuaded to see a doctor

[I] [2]

This complementation category looks like those of[B81 and [C5] in that the verb is followed by a noun phrase and an infinitive construction But the [06] pattern differs from these in that the noun phrase following the verb is an indirect object as will be c1arified in 1666 below As with other verbs introducing indiacuterect speech the subject refers to the speaker of sorne speech act and the indirect object refers to the addressee Like [03] verbs [06] verbs form only the first passive exemplified in [2] above we do not find To see a doctor was lOld Mark The folowing verbs belong to this c1ass

advise command entreat instruct remind teach ask counsel exhort invite request1 tell beg detai[l orbid order recommend urge beseech direct implore persuade challenge enjoin 1 incite l prayl

1216 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Those verbs marked with araised 1 do not have the equivalent construction with a that-clause containing a modal or a subjunctive verb (Types [B3(ii)J [030i)]) Contrast

They ~eg~tedd her to stay another week mm e

They ~eKgtedd (her) that she would stay another week mm e

The alternative that-clause construction however is more formal especially when the indirect object is presento

Note [a] The verb promire when it occurs wiacuteth this kind of complementation is exceptional in that the understood subject of the infinitiacuteve is identified with the subject rather than with the object of the maiacuten c1ause

Sarn prornised me to get some rood

= Sam promised me that he would get sorne roed o Sam promised me that lwould get sorne roed

The present pattern [D6] iexcls however less cornmon with promise than the [B6] pattern without the indiacuterect object Sam promised to get someiexclood lb] Only ordercan be followed by a passive infinitive He ordered Ihem lo be impriacutesonedlreleased

Multiple analysis and gradience in verb complementation 1664 Before we leave verb classification it is important to reflect on the problems

of dividing verbs into complementation types The major division of complementation patterns into copular [AJ monotransitive [BJ complex transitive [C] and ditransitive [OJ categories (introduced in 216) has been extended with little difficulty te include patterns in which the verbs ccmplementation includes finite and nonntildenitc clauses This is the basis rOiacute

the classification Qf verbs into types in 1620-63 aboye But unavoidably our aim of presenting a clear classification has obscured sorne problems of gradience and multiple analysis (e 260ff) and to illustrate these we return to three superficially iacutedentical structures aIread y discussed in 1636 These are now illustrated with three new examples each of which conforms to the pattern NI V N 2 to V N 3 (where N = noun phrase and V = verb phrase)

Table L664a

V N2 to V NJNI

[B8] S V O

We like all parents to visit the schooL

I [1]

[C4] Is V O Co

They James therace I [2]

[D6] I S Oiexcl

We I asked I the students I toattend

Ia lectu~en_~

Types of verb complementation 1217

Each ofthese sentences consists ofthe sequence Niexcl V N 2 to V N 3 and yet we have analysed them respectively as monotransitive (S V O) complex transitive (S V degCol and ditransitiacuteve (S V Oiexcl 0d) A different analysis in sorne ways more revealing would recognize an overlap between two competing descriptions of the intennediacuteate noun phrase N2 There is little doubt that in [1 J this is to be analysed as subject of the infinitive clause (e 1636) whereas in [3J there are equally strong reasons for regarding N as (indirect) object of the main clause (e 1666)

Smiddot V S V O 1shyI I

I I ISmiddot V 0 V OI I I I I iexcl I I I I I I I I I iexcl

NI V Nz 10 V NJ NI V N2 lo V N) I I I I

Fig 1664b Sentence[l] Fig 1664c Sentence [3J

Sentence [2J however partakes ofboth these descriptions From the semantic point of view it requires the analysis of Fig 1664b (ef They expeeted [that James would win the race]) But from the structural point of view the analysis in Fig 1664c is more appropriate reflecting N2s ability to become subject of the passive sentence James was expeeted to win the raee We might reasonably say that in [2J N 2 behaves like an object (0 rather than Oiacute) in relation to the first verb but like a subject in relation to the second infinitive verh Tbe term RAISED OBJECT applied in 1649ffto the intermediate noun phrase of patterns [C4 - Cn incorporates yet another way of recognizing this double analysis by envisaging a process whereby the subject of the infinitive becomes the object of the preceding finite verbo This raised object will be symbolized in what follows SO

1665 Given that the double analysis aboye provides sorne insight into clauses containing nonfinite complementation we could take such an analysis further and apply it to aH complex transitive patterns including the more straightforward SVOC and SVOA pattems of[Cl - C3]

that John is a good driver lB3J 1consider John to be a good driver [C4]

John a good driver [C2]

The paraHelism of meaning and phrasal relations demonstrated in these three sentences recommends an analysis in which the complementation of pattern [C2J John a good driver would be regarded as a clause in its own right ie as a verbless clause consisting of S = John and Cs = a good driver without an intervening V This description would not however displace the by now familiar S V Od Co analysis but would rather be seen as an alternative way of looking at the same construction

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1218 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Gradience 1666 The teehnique of multiple analysis stiU leaves some subtletiacutees unexposed

What this teehnique has suggested is that there are the folowing three eategories eorresponding to [1 in 1664

N 2 S We like all parenls to visit the school [1) N2 = SO They expeeted James to win the raee [2] Nz = O We asked Ihe sludents to attend a leeture

But more than three eategories ean be appropriately distinguished if we reeognize [1) and [3] as end-points of a gradient with [2) at some point on the seate between them This area of grammar affords a good example of gradienee

At the monotransitive end of the seale [I) ean be characterized by a number of criteria whieh suggest that N 2 to V N3 (al parents to visit the school) constitutes the direct object of an SVO pattern

(a) It ean be replaced by a pronoun referring to the cIause or noun phrase nominalizing it We like it We like al parens visits

(b) It can be an answer to a what-question A What do you like best

B We like al parents to visit the school (e) In some dialects it can be preceded by the infinitive clause introdueer

for We like (it)for all parens to visit the school (d) It ean easily (when preeeded by for) be the focus of a pseudo-cIeft

sentence What we like (best) is for al parents to visit the school (e) When the sequenee N 2 to V N 3 is turned into the passive form N 3 to be

Vedz by Nz there is no ehange ofmeaning We ike aIl parents to visit the sehcel

= We like the school te be visited biexcl al parents (f) In a reduced construetion the infinitive marker to remains We like them

does not have the same meaning as We like them to

At the other ditransitive end of the seale a eontrasting set of criteria eharaeterize [3) and support the analysis of N2 (the students) as an indireet object and to V N3 (to attend a lecture) as a cIausal direet objeet

(a) 10 V N 3 ean be replaced by a pronoun a noun phrase or a finite clause with Nz still funetioning as indireet object

SOmething We asked the students a question

what they wanted

(b) 10 V N 3 can be the answer to a wh-question while N2 funetions as indirect object

A What did you ask the students B We asked them to attend a lecture

(e) When the sequenee N2 to V N3 is turned into the passive sequence N3 to be Ved2 by N 2 the meaning is always changed

They asked the students to attend a leeture They asked a lecture to be attended by the students

this case indeed the passive transform results in an absurdity)

Types of verb complementation 1219

(d) to V N 3 can marginally become the focus of a pseudo-cleft sentence What they asked the students was to attend a lecture (Contrast the decidedly unaeeeptable What we like the parents is to visil the school)

(e) Nz which like Oi in general is usually personal can be detached from its place after the first V to beeome subjeet of a eorresponding passive sentenee The students were asked to attend a lecture

(n In a reduced eonstruction the infinitive marker to ean be omitted We asked them We persuaded them etc

Note [a] With some ditransitive verbs criterion (a) has to be interpreted as the replacement of the infinitive clause by a preposition and prepositional object (cfI656-8)

They reminded hiacutem ofhis responsibiacutelities One man challenged the other lo a duel

[b] Criterion (d) is less reliacuteable than the others since the pseudo-cleft sentence is unacceptable for many verbs But a pseudo-cleft sentence in which the indirect object is replaced by a prepositional object tends to be more grammatical Whal Ihey asked ollhe sludenls was lO attend a leclure (The alternative construction with the substitute verb do which also occurs with [1] is always more acceptable What Ihey asked Ihe students lo do was lO attend a lecture)

1667 To give a simplified illustration of the analysis of gradience in the sequence NI V N 2 to V N 3 we now take a subset ofthe eriteria listed aboye and apply them to a range of verbs on the gradient eonneeting [1] and [3] of 16_66

(1) (3) (4)(2) wantask elect intend

CRITERIA likeallow expectlel~ etc I etc etc etc~ (a) lo V N 3 can be replaeed by - - -+a finite clause

(e) ehange of meaning in passive -+ +of N 2 10 VN3

(e) N 2 can beeome subjeet of passive -+ ++

Fig 1667 A eomplementatiacuteon gradient

The matrix uses only three criteria and thereby distinguishes only four categories This is sufficient to indicate the principie however that the three categories [BS] [C4] and [D6) of our taxonomy eould be broken down iexclnto a finer spectrum of eategories between which the differences are small In effeet Fig 1667 distinguishes two subeategories of [C4] one (including elect and allow) whieh is c10ser to the ditransitive type and one (including inlend and expect) eloser to the monotransitive type Elect and allow respond to cri terion (e)

They elected Miss Coe to suceeed the present seeretary They elected the present seeretary to be sueceeded by Miss Coe

We dont allow residents to entertain visitors We dont allow visitors to be entertained by residents

1220 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

while intend and expeet do not

They intended the students to see the professor = They intended the professor to be seen by the students

They expeet the students to enjoy the classes = They expeet the classes to be enjoyed by the students

Note Por verbs in group (3) the voice oflhe infinitive clause and the voiceofthe main clausemay be independently varied with the result Ihat a SlIacutentence like They expected the students lo enjoy lile classes has tbree corresponding passiv~s with iexclhe same meaning

They expected the classes to be enjoyed by the students The students were expecled lo enjoy the classes

The classes were expected lo be enjoyed by the students

The last example has a passive verb phrase in both the superordinate clause and Ihe infinitive clame

Adjective complementation

168 Categories of complementation in adjective phrases (ef 228 721-2) are similar in variety to those ofverb complementation We distinguish [El-ES)as follows

[El] Complementation by a prepositional phrase [E2] Complementation by a that-clause [E3] Complementation by a wh-clause

i[E4) Complementation by a than-clause [ES] Complementation by a to-infinitive clause [E6] Complementation by an -ing participle clause

These complementation patterns can occur after an adjective (andmiddot its modifiers if any) in various syntactic functions For example

The violiacuten iacutes (rather) difficut to play (adjective phrase as CJ

Mary found the violiacuten (rather) diffieut to play (adjective phrase as CJ

The violiacuten is an instrument (rather) diffieult to play (adjective phrase as postmodifier)

The on1y posiacutetion in which an adjective cannot normally be followed by iacutets complementation is the premodifying position in a noun phrase a keen child on ehess But here too with certain constructions (Types [ES(iraquo) and [ES(v)D the complementation can follow discontinuously after the head noun The violiacuten is a diffieult instrument to play (ef discontinuity with comparative constructions IS75) For illustrative purposes we will confine examples in the following sections to the subject complement function The lists like the verb lists in 1620-63 will be selective

Adjective complementation 1221

Note There is a considerable parallel as the categories [El-ES] aboye demonstrate between patterns associated with adjectives and those associated with monotransitive verbs The chief difference is that adjectives cannot be followed by a noun phrase object To bring out the parallel further we could describe adjectives exemplified in 1669 below (averse to conscous oJ etc) as prepositional adjectives comparable with prepositional verbs We could moreover identify phrasal adjectives (derived from participiaI forms ofphrasal verbs) such as ron down (exhausled depressed) and phrasaI-prepositionaI adjectives such as fed up (with) These tatter variants however are rare enough lo be disregarded in the foUowing lists

[E1] Adjective complementation by a prepositional phrase 1669 Like prepositional verbs adjectives often forro a lexical unit with a following

preposition good atfond oj opposedto etc The lexical bond is strongest with adjectives for which in a given sense the complementation is obligatory Max is averse to games Max is averse Such adjectives are marked 1 in the following lists

The lists make a distinction between participial (ef 715-19) and nonparticipial adjectives The differencebetween participial adjectives and the -ed participle of the passive construction is discussed in 375-77 These lists provide on1y a small sample of the adjectives accompanying the prepositions concemed In particular it is often possible for the same adjective to go with two or more prepositions as in angry about angry at and angrywith

ABOUT He was very worried about her reaction (ef960)

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

angry knowledgeabe aggrieved frightened glad mad annoyed pleased happy reasonable delighted worried

AT She was badat mathematics (ef962)

NONP ARTICIPIAL P ARTlCIPIAL

angry good alarmed disgusted brilliant hopeless amusedmiddotmiddot pleased elever terrible delighted puzzled

FROM Thevillage is remotefromthe bustle ofcity life (ef918 947)

different distant distinct free remo te

OF She was aware ofhis difficulties

NONPARTlCIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

eonvineed ashamed empty proud1 afraid conseiousl glad

seared eapable fond 1 short1 tired certain full worthy

ONUPON Their plan was based on cooperation

NONPARTICIPIAL IPARTICIPIAL

contingent1 intent1 reliantl basedl set1

dependent keen severe hentl

Yiexcl

1222 Complementation of verbs and adjectives ~ Adjective complementation 1223

Note lal In general choice of preposilion remains the same after morphologicalIy related verbs adjectives and nouns differentftom differ from differencefrom But Ihis eorrespondence is not always lo be relied on contrastfull ofwilhfilied wllh proudofwith pride in lb] Other prepositions whieh less comrnonly enlee into adjective + prepositlon idioms iexclnelude for and lowards graleful for sorry for inclined towards le] Usedfollowed by the preposition lO a more informal synonym ofaccustomed(to) is participial in spelling but has the speeial pronuneiation nus~ Unlike accustomed however used does not oceur with a following infinitive (ef 1679) This adjeetival used to in spite of identity of spelling and pronunciation is quite distinet from used lO as a marginal modal (cf344) Contrast

Im used lO hard work I used ro work hard Id] In the past prescriptive objeetions have been made to the use of to ralher Ihan from after averse and different Howevee ro is the normal preposition to fol1lt11 averse and differenr 10 is quite widely used (esp in BrE) as an altemative lo differentfrom On iJifferent rhan cf1566 Note 1674

le] Wilh can be omitted after (fn)compalibie if the subject is plural cfmutual participation 1360

middotCarl is incompatible OUT Cad and Eva are incompatible

[E2] Adjective complementation by a that-clause 670 Like that-clauses following a verb that-clauses folIowiacuteng an adjective may

have

(A) indicative verb 1am sure (that) he is here now (B) subjunctiacuteve verb They were insistent (that) we be ready (formal) (C) putativeshould Im sorry (that) he should hove left ltformal)

The uses of the mandative subjunctive and of putative should have been discussed in 359 and 1425 respectiacutevely Putative should often occurs after expressions of emotion (sorrowjoy displeasure surprise wonder etc) and is often accompanied by intensifying expressions such as so such like thisl that ever or at all The indicative that-clause on the other hand refers to an established fact The foHowing pairs illustrate choices of construction

1 (that) 1 have to leave so early am sorry (that) you should have been (so) inconvenienced

(that) you didnt call the doctor before 1 am surprised (that) anyone ofyour intelligence should swallow a tie

likethat

With some adjectives (those in category [E2b(iiacute)] 1672) the should-clause can be paraphrased by an infinitive clause with a subject

It was natural for him to go to London after the war = It was natural that he should go to London after the war

That-clauses cannot be preceded by preposiacutetions Hence adjectives which are constructed with prepositions before noun phrases ([El]) drop the preposition before a that-clause (cfI628) Compare the folIowing

OfhiS innocence [E1 ] 1am convlnced (th ) h t [E2]at e IS mnocen

Many that-clauses folIowing an adjective are actualIy subjects postponed by extraposition (cf1833)

lt is lucky (that) you came - That you came is lucky

These are listed separately in 1672

lEla) Adjectives with experiencer (cflO23 Note) as subject 1671 (i) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATIVE VERB ONL Y (cfNote [a] below)

These adjectives express degrees of certainty or confidence aware certain corifident sure

We were corifident that Karen was stiacutell alive

(ii) THAT-CLAUSE HAS PUTATIVE SHOULD OR SUBJUNCTIVE VERB

(or marginally aloo an indicative verb) The three principal adjectives in this class are anxious eager and willing

he should be permitted to resiacutegn 1 Are you willing that he be permitted to resign 1

1he is permitted to resign 1 ~

(On the distribution of these three altematives cfI630)

(iH) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATIVE VERB OR PUTATIVE SHOULD

These adjectives express emotions

Im so thankful that nobody was hurto Were you surprised that Ray should win the prize

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

afraid hopeful alarmed depressed horrified angry proud amazed disappointed irritated glad sad amused distressed pleased grateful sorry annoyed disturbed shocked happy tha7lkful astonished frightened upset

There is a tendency to prefer the putative should construction in nonassertive contexts or where the adjective has negative or unfavourshyable associations

TO AH capital gains are subject to taxation NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

answerable close liableacute accustomedl

averse l due1 simz1ar allied1I WiTH This plan is not compatible with our princiacuteples

NONPARTICIPIAL I PARTICIPIAL

angry busy

happy impatient

annoyed bored

ClJmfortable incompatible1 concerned compatibleacute sick delighted content familiar friendly furious

uneasy depressed disappointed disgusted dismayed distressed

inclined1

opposed1

drunk enchanted obsessed occupied overcome pleased satisfied taken1

1672

1224 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Adjective complementatlon 1225

Note [a] The restriction oC Type (i) above lo indicative verbs only is meant to allow Cor the use of T

Note [a] Although tlle pro-forms so and n01 cannot be used after tllese [E2bI adjectives (ef 1671modal auxiliaries including should in a nonputative sense eg I am a~are that I should [= ought 1lo] havejoined longago iexcl Note [bJ) there iexclsa possibilityofreplacing the adjective + solnat by a related adverb + sonot

[b) Afraid is unique among adjectives in that it accepts the pro~oun so (and iexclts negative equivalent Mt) as a that-clause substitute (cfI631) rm afraid SOMI

IElbJ Adjectives with anticipatory it as subject

The that-elause in this eonstruetion is an extraposed subjeet Three types are again distinguished matehing those in 167l

(i) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATlVE VERBONLY (cfI671 Note CaD These adjectives have to do with truthor knowledge

It is true that she never cemes on time

apparent evident likely possible untrue certain implicit obvious true well-known clear indubitable plain unlikely

(ji) THAT-CLAUSE HAS PUTATIVIl SHOULD OR SUBJUNCTIVE VERB (or marginshyaIly also an indicative verb) These adjectives express eoncepts concerned with modality or volition

should be lifted tomorrow It is essential that the ban be lifted tomorrow

(1) is lifted tomorrow

appropriate essentiacuteal important necessary vital compulsory fitting impossible obligatoryshycrucial imperative improper proper

Various deverbal adjectives ending in -able also belong to this group egadvisable desrabIe preferable

(iii) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATlVE VERB OR PUTATIVE SHOULD

This group consists mainly of emotive adjectives and ineludes a large num ber ofparticipial ad jecti ves ending in -ing

Itmiddot strange th t She is so late IS upsetting a she should be so late

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTlCIPIAL

awkward logical alarming perplexing curious odd annoying pleasing disastrous peculiar depressing shocking dreadful sad disappointing surprising extraordinary silly embarrassing fortunate tragie frightening iexclrrational unfortunate irritating

Various -able-ible adjectives also be10ng tp this group admirable eommendable deplorable despieable incomprehensible inconceivable lamentable remarkable understandable unjustifiable etc

ha h l Id l h B Yes obviouslyfortunately soA 1 t IS apparentt t s e IVes oesn t Ive ere B N J I I di t o event y sa y no [b] When an adjective ofType (iii) above occurs after a modal verb construction the that-clause is commonly replaced by an if-clause If the modal verb in the main c1ause is hypothetical (eg would) the verb in the ifmiddotdause is placed in tlle hypothetical pasto Compare

It is sad that you have to leave It will be sad ifyou hove to lea ve

It would be sad ifyou had lo lea ve

[E3] Adjective complementation by a wh-clause 1673 As with that-clauses we have to distinguish those adjeetives ([E3a]) which

are predicated of an experieneer (normalIy a person) as subject and those ([E3bD which go with antieipatory it In the latter case the wh-clause is an extraposed subject Examples are

(onwhat 1should sayo [1]E3a 1was unsure[ 1 (about) whether the problem was solved [2]

[E3b] It was unclear what they would do [3]

Type [E3a1 consists of adjectives which are constructed with prepositions and whieh therefore belong also to Type [EI1 The preposition is sometimes omitted before the wh-clause (ef155 Note reD In Type [E3b] on the other hand no preposition can be inserted bull It was uneear ofabout what lhey would do AIso no infinitive wh-cIause is possible (ef i637) It is unsure where to go is unacceptable unless it refers to sorne aniacutemate being (sueh as a mouse) and is consequently not interpreted in terms of extraposition

Retuming to Type [E3a] we note that in sorne cases the adjective takes a wh-elause in assertive eontexts eg eareful (about) doubtful (as to) fussy (about) puzzled (as to) uneear (about) uncertain (o) undecided (about) unsure (0) unaware (o)

John is careul (about) what he does with his money

Most of these adjeetives are intrinsiealIy negative In meaning In other cases although elsewhere it is associated with an indicative that-clause [E2a(i)] the adjective tends to oceur with a wh-cIause in nonassertive contexts (efI635) eg aware certain eear sure

Are you sure (o) how mueh the maehine costs 1wasnt altogether cleaiexcl- (about) what we had to do

A similar division may be made among adjectives of the antieipatory-it type ([E3b]) Those whieh intrinsieally express doubt and therefore take this strueture even in assertive contexts include doubtful uneertain uneear unsure and unknown Those normally oceurring with an indieative that-elause (le Type [E2b(i)]) inelude apparent eertain obvious and plain They can take a wh-cIause in nonassertive contexts Each type is illustrated in

It was uneear whether an amendment would be accepted It was not obvious how far the westernization process would IO

~ltgt ~~~1~ 1 -~ Adjective complementation 1227

1226 Complementation of verbs and adjectives iexcl

After adjectives of Type [E3a] there may also occur an infinitive wh-clause 1 was uncertain (oi) what to do This is preferable to the finite c1ause in cases illustrated by [1-3] aboye since the subject can remain unexpressed in the reduced nonfinite version

[E4] Adjective complementation by a than-clause 1674 There is an unusual construction in which a noncomparative adjective is

foIlowed by a comparative than-clause as complementation Different is the only adjective which fits into this pattero and even then there is a tradition which regards the use of than here as impropero There is however no felicitous alternative to the different than construction in examples such as

Shes quite a different girl than she wasfilie years ago [11 The various styliacutestic variants of and alteroatives to the than-clause after different are examined in 1566 Note lb] When the c1ause is reduceacuted to a noun phrase it becomes possible to usefrom as an alternative to than

The unions are taking a very different attitude ~ the employers

When the noun phrase folIowing thanffrom cannot be derived by ellipsis from a c1ause than is decidedly less acceptable thanfrom

The main languages of southern India are totaIly different In origin

~~~ those ofthe northern partofthe country

Note [al On differenlrom and different 10 1669 Note [dI [bj It is aloo possible for a Ihan-c1ause to be used after he adverb difilrently

In the west of the country they pronounce their vowels quite aifferently han (they do) in the easl

The same prescriptive objections are made to differenlly Ihan as to different Ihan

[E5] Adjective complementation by a to-infinitive clause [675 We distinguish seven kinds of construction in which an adjective is foIlowed

by a to-infinitive c1ause They are exemplified in the following sentences which are superficially alike

Bob is splendid to wait (ii) Bob is slow to react

(iii) Bob is sorry to hear it (iv) Bob is hesitant to agree with yOU (v) Bob is hard to convince

(vi) The food is ready to eat (vii) lt is important to be accurate

In Types (i-iv) the subject of the main clause (Bob) is also the subject of the infinitive c1ause We can therefore always have a direct object in the infinitive clause if its verb is transitive Por example if we replace intransitive wait by transitive build in (i) we can have Bob is splendid to build this house

Por Types (v-vii) on the other hand the subject of the infinitive is unspecified although the contextoften makes clear which subject is intended

In these types it is possible to insert a subject preceded by for eg in Type (vi) The food is ready (jOr Ihe children) to eat

Infinitive complementation following adjectives modified by lOO and enQugh is discussed eIse Note where in 1S73

(ES(i)) Bob is Iplendid to wait Type (i) has an analogue in a construction involving extraposition (cf1833)1676 1t is splendid of Bob lo wait This type OC construction also permits a head noun between the adjective and the infinitive

Bob must be a spiendid craftsman ~ ~~bUilt this house

As this example shows the infinitive may be perfective We may also compare constructions in which an evaluative noun with its determiner

replaces the adjective

ffoolishYourelafool to spend so mucho

WOnderfUl Youre 1 to walt for me anange

Adjectives in this group are evaluative of human beha~iour They inelude

careful crazy mad silly wise careless greedy nice unwise wrong

These adjectives can also occur with anticipatory il and an of-phrase as additional complementation (cf1682)

It was foolish of you to spend so mucho

IE5(Hraquo) Bob is IOW to react In Type (ii) the sentence corresponds to one in which the adjective becomes 1677 an adverbwhile the infinitive becomes the finite verb

Bob is slow to react - Bob reacts slowlyc

In another analogue the adjective is followed by in and an -ing participle Bob is slow in reacting The infinitive verb phrase must be simple for example unlike the inftnitive phrase in [E5(i)] it cannot be perfective Bob is slow ItJ have reacted Other adjectives in this small group are quick and prompt

There is also a partial adverbial analogue (e8127ff) for Type (i) but in Type (i) unlike Type Note (ii) the perfective infinitive andeven the get-passive (e366) can be used

loan was wise to resigno ~ loan wisely resigned loan was careless to get beaten - loan carelessly got beaten

loan is careless to have got beaten

IES(iuumlraquo) Bob is 10rry lo hear it In Type (iexcliexcli) the head of the adjective phrase is an emotive adjective 1678 (commonly a participial adjective) and the infinitive clause expresses

causation

1679

1228 Complementation of verbs end adjectives

Im sorry to have kept you waiting [rm sorry because I have kept you waiting]

1 was exeited to be there [- To be there exeited me]

Adjectives in this group correspond c10sely to the adjectives followed by a that-clause in 1671 (Type [E2a(iii)D

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

afraid angry ashamed content furious glad

happy impatient indignant jubilant thankful

annoyed astonished bored coneerned delighted depressed

disgusted dissatisfied embarrassed fasemated frightened interested

overwhelmed perturbed puzzled relieved surprised worried

disappointed overjoyed

IE5(ivraquo) Boh is heaitant to agree withyou In Type (iv) the head of the adjective phrase expresses volitional meaning or a modal meaning such as ability possibility or liability Examples are

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

able keen determined anxious Iiable disposed apt Iikely [E2b] fated[E2b] eertain [E2b] loath inclined curious powerless poiseddue prone prepared eager ready [E5] (all) set eligible reluetant unqualified fit [ES] sure [E2b] free [ES] unable greedy weleome hesitant willing impotent worthy

The adjectives marked [E2b] occur with a corresponding construction with extraposition of a that-clause

JilI is likely to attend - It is likely that JiU will attend

Those marked [E5] are capable of occurring with an infinitive construction of passive meaning ie with an indefinite implied subject and a coreferential implied object

Theyare not fit to eat = They are not tit to be eaten

Some ofthe most common adjectives in this list have a tendency to coalesce with the preceding copula 10 form a semimiddotauxiliary verb (ef3A7) be able to be willing to be sure to In addition to modal and volitional adjectives some adjectives ofaspectual meaning such as aeeustomed and wont may be placed here

Adjective complementation 1229

We are aecustomedto take teaon the terrace (formal) He was wont to leave the office at 5 pm (formal archaic)

(ES(vraquo) Bob is lard to convince 1680 In Type (v) the subject of the sentence is identified with the unexpressed

object of the infinitive clause which must therefore have a transitive verb hence the unacceptable Bob Is hard to arrive There is an analogous construction in which the adjective is complement to an infinitive c1ause acting as (extraposed) subject (ef 1836)

- To convince Bob is hard Bob IS hard to convmce It is hard to convince Bob

Adjeeacutetives so used refer 10 degrees of ease or comfort and iexclnclude

awkward hard tough (informal) eonvenient impossible trieky (informal) difficult niee (informal) unpleasant easy pleasant

Unless there is ellipsis we cannot omit the infinitive c1ause and so there is no semantic implication between (say) The bread was hard to bake and The bread was hard Unlike the preceding types Type (v) permitsfor + subject to be inserted at the beginning of the infinitive clause Those darts are trieky (for a beginner) to use Where the infinitive has no overt subject its implicit subject is understood to have an indefinite meanihg

Jack is easy 10 fool =Jack is easy for anyone to foo

Note With some adjectives in this group such as nice or unpleasant the entailment relation between be + adjective ro V and be + adjective is less easy lO avoid eg Jenny is nice lo know iacutemplies that Jenny is nice

IE5(viraquo) Thefood is ready to eat 1681 Again in this type the subject of the main clause is identified with the object

of the intinitive c1ause But unlike Type (v) Typemiddot(vi) has no analogous construction with an infinitive clause subject

The food is ready to eat To eat the food is ready

Also we can generally (a) omit the infinitive clause or (b) substitute a passive infinitive clause without change ofmeaning

Are these cups available (to use) = Are these cups available (to be used)

Some adjectives of this type such as availablefitfree ready and suffieient belong additionally 10 Type (iv) so that a sentence like The lamb ia ready to eat is ambiguous in one sense (the most accessible) being equivalent to the passive The lamb is ready to be eaten Then there is a wider set of adjectives which often occur without complementation at all

The air isfrosty (to breathe) Its fur is soft (to touch)

1230 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

In both Type (v) and Type (vi) the subjectofthe main clause can be equated with the prepositional object of the infinitive clause so that the infinitive c1ause ends with a deferred preposition

She is pleasant to talk to (-It is pleasant to talk to her) This paper is terribly flimsy to write on Is the cloth sufficient to make a dress out ol

In Type (vi) as well as in Type (v)for + subjeet may be inserted before the infinitive verb Are these books free (for visitors) to borrow Are these books available to borrow]

(E5(vii)J Jt is important to he accurate 1682 We saw in 1672 that a that-clause following an adjeetive may prove to be a

subjeet postponed by extraposition (ef1833) A to-infinitive clause following an adjeetive may have the same oouree

It is essential to spray the trees every year - To spray the trees every year is essential

The infinitive clause can also be introduced by for + subjeet

It is vital (for the ehildren) to be properly cIad It will be strange (for us) to be living alone

Adjectives ofTypes (ji) and (iii) in 1672 ([E2b]) may have this construction importantJortunate lueky surprising etc Possible also belongs te this group

An addiacutetional group of adjeetives oeeurring after anticipatory it are those adjeetives (ehiefly naming evaluative attributes of persons) whieh occur in pattern [E5(i)] (ef 1676) The adjeetive in this group is often followed byan of-phrase identifying the persones) being discussed

It was wrong (of him) to teIllies iexcli

It is niee ofyou to phone

[E6] Adjective complementation by an -ing participle cfause [683 A number of sub-types ofthis pattem may be mentioned

(i) Busy is followed by an -ing participle clause without subject

Margery is busy writiacuteng Ietters

Worth and worthwhile on the other hand oceur both with and without subjeet

It is seareely worth(while) (youyour) going home

Here worth(while) follows preparatory it and the participle clause is an extraposed subjeet (ef1834) Other adjectives ofthis pattern are pointless and useless (Its pointless buying so mueh food) and adjectives of Type [E2b(iiacutei)J (efl6 72) also sometimes have this complementation absurd awkwardJortunate annoying etc

EIsewhere worth and worthwhile accompany an -ing participle elause without subjeet but with a passive meaning comparable to tbat of the infinitive elause in pattern [E5(v)] (ef1680)

Complementation of abstract nouns 1231

The cartons are worth(while) saving ( Its worth(while) saving the cartens)

(iv) There is a variant eonstruction in whieh a preposition oecurs between the adjective and the participle clause In some cases the preposition is optional (cf(i) aboye)

Im busy (with) getting the house redeeorated Werefortunate (in) having Aunt Mary as a baby-sitter

In other cases the preposition is obligatory We are used to not having a car (cf1669 Note [e]) Im hopeless at keeping the garden tidy Shes not capable oflooking after herself

Note [al The adjectival constructions in (ii) above may be compared in some cases with nominal constructionsof equivalent meaning

ts 110 goaduse telling him anything Theres 110 point (in) telling him anything

8uch constructions are introduced either by anticipatory il (el 1833) or by eltistential there (el 184$) AmE also hu Theres no use telling him anythlng (b) Worthwhlle is sometimes spelled as two words The vacillation between the spellings worthwhile and worth while reflects an unclarity about the status of this sequence which may altematively be regarded as the preposition worth (eI96) followed by a noun Compare

lts not worth your whife staying lts not worlhh whh~e (your) staying worl w 1

Complementation of abstract nouns

1684 In this coneluding section we will show as a conneeting link between this chapter and the next how the pattems of complementation described for verbs and adjectives in 1620-83 are aloo to be found with abstraet nouns which are morphologieally related to those verbs and adjectives (ef nominalization 1751ff and appositional constructions 1726 1735) For example the noun likelihood is derived from and semantically related to the adjective likely It is therefore not surprising that a construction associated with the adjeetive Is found with the corresponding noun

It is likely that Joan will get married [1]

The likelihood is that loan will get married [21 the likelihood that Joan will get married [31

But the assumption of eorrespondence eannot be automatie for it may faiacutel in both direetions

loan is likely to get married Joan s likelihood to get married

It is likely of J oans getting married the likelihood of Joans getting married

------__shyiacute1 11

COMPLEX INTRANSITIVE CONSTRUCTIONS p H MATIHEWS

1 Introduction

In sentences such as [1J

ArR C~Iltiacuteltmiddotli N ([1J Th~deitgreen ~

he construct~oEJ~QLordf JJP~ that GCE850ff describes as 9QMfLEX JRANSITIV~ Ofthe elements in questionit and made are related a~Jn tQllt ~imple transitive

j [2J They made it

YihiJe ir and green a~_~latelasinasimple_ltQI1llar_sentence ( [3] lt is green (- lt

~f the type that following Lyons (l977469ff) raquoe will call ASCRIPTIVE raquouacutet greacuteen- also standsJna direcueJordf9lsJIacuteIL ordm~_iii~de the object and adjective exemplifying a single I2atteIILof VERB COMllEMe~nrJ91 This paUCIDl can be sajd torepresenta IJJS10N (G e E 850) ofJ~ltsimpler transitiv iexcll~J~Jjpiexcly_e_tjPes - _shy

IH~~_sfiE~~Ve can be fused with th~~~tY_e_(lri~alsoP~ fused with theintransitixe1 Insentildetentildeces SUChas[4] -

MI It turned green

~construc~~~~~]y idmtifkQyaacuteth th~ of l3J in both examples the

l]

~ ~ ~ ENGLISH GRAMMAR

verb is described as copularor in the terminology of GCE820f as taking intensive complementation But neither description is quite appropriate to1 both cases In the~ptive sentence there i indeed no mor~than~pYhL~

1 2ampffiMical iP~ betwe~ the adjective and its subject~ plainly this ~ ~ is not true of [4] whose verb TURN has its own specific meaning lf turned~ iacute I is a full verb it must then be the govemor of green as made is in (1) in that

iexcl ~ sense there is cornplernentatjon But we express nothing by assigning such a complernentation to the copula A solution is to c1ass I4] as a COMPLBX

IITMNSITIVE iL~onsect_trJltiordmL being an extension of th~simpleJmransiUacutelLe _shy~ i I5] It turned

j precisely as that of (1) is extended from that of [2)iexcl

2 Fused constructions

Let us take our cue from GCEs referenee to fusionlo the simpl~L =nfu~~~_~~~~~~~)t1ecltgtnstVf1ionconsistso(asingJULeAicJ~tQI(lgde) which in a dependency ana~is has both the subject and the object as its dependents or to adapt G CEs term has both a subjeet and an oJkltt asit complementation lnJhaL~se (2) has a _K1U~~~_~ruetion (Lyons i977) w1jch cannotJiexclJLr~s~Cl9JUnQ(lt_e~mentary relationships of ptediCJJQJkSo too has the simple intransitive (5] vi1ihidepeiioenforior forming the complementation of tumed So too has the simple aseriptive [3] its predicator on the analysis ofLyons and others is the adjective green One reason for relatlng the subject to the adjective is that the elements are jointly subject to selectional restrictions A reason for not relating either to the copula is that the latter stands aside (rom these restrictions adding none ofitsown

In a fused construction the pattem ls neither strictly kernel nor straightforwardly non-kemellnJhegmplex transitive [lL1oth1tan41~Y are again direct ~cngents of made these relatio~_elQ~ the words in FigJbx direC1~ltaI~_uacutela~~I~Qordf-ordfl9blleiexcl)Uumlnamp21uacuteward frollLthe

~d

(aJiquest-Fig 1

[42]

P H Matthew$

p~ed~~ So is green arc el this too being supported by selectional restrictions We are therefore dealing with a single clause rooted in made of which each word is a distinct element But green js a1soapredicator in iexclelation to il (are d)J that wav we are dealing with two kernelp~QlS th~ fuurtermclauseinfQmQrating bothtM_~tuet~[IDJr~JlsitiYlljh~ twoshytenn a~-middot -_shy

In Fig 1 we have diagrammed what any grammarian will propose provided that his terminology or his notational apparatus allow him to say it Iut similar reasonjng applies to the construction which we have called the ~IpJex ln~~-ordfEsitive Of the relationships showninf1g --~~t~~~~_

it turned green

aAacutebJ Fig2

to ir (arcc)_isagainasintheascripJjy~ and needs no further cornment But the final element is clearly suJiexcliect to ru19jtional resr=l~ordmI~ tlTlJRI_ im~~tordm-~~it~~rAUQj~9iY_I9U~l~~ed noun (He turned pink He turned kings eVidence) iQ~~~1lined phrase is exCiuacuteded (He turned arog)

tDle~sthe p~e~~i0rl~lJ9rtn is ~~jordmntildei[qiireifitetuumlmed iexclnto a frog) ~itt G-ordm-1h exdusi(m is abgolule one cannot even say He went into a criminal

f [he adjeqtive is also Iimlted to specific collocations For example one can say It turned sour or Ir went sour but it is harder to accept Ir grew sour 1 Conversely one can say He grew od but not He went od On that evidence

j we may establish a relationship of dependency between green and tumedj (arc b) The verb too can then be related to the subject (arc a)

1 Epgth o~2am~ thefe is one terro ir lVhich is a9~de~~~~t1 theascriptile anCITlieletbalk~m~1 (Fig 1 ares b and d Fig 2 ares a and c) The fusion is then effected by a further link (Fig 1 arc e Fig 2 are b) in which ond of the two predicators een is ineo orat~a~_ ordf d~RendenlO(th~ I re atlon that uirk an4hl~ COU~_~ampI~s-1 jn the case of th complex intransitille hall app1ied the Iean intlaquo=nsve

mmplementatio~gly describe he yaleruLQ(IUN or iexcl l otIllBNinthisuseJuh~int~siYeint[ansitivx But the insight intildeaacute I

alsQ be extended to the complex transitiye In that spirit MAKE or MAKE as

used in sentences such as W might appropriatelL be described ~~_~n_ i ~ntensive transitive -J -bull_--------shy

[43)

ENGLISH GRAMMAR

3 Distinctions between tbe complex intransitive and other partly similar constructions

For a three-term construction Fig 2 shows the maximum number of interconnections with each term related to each of the others The miacutenimum isone thus for the ascriptive (3) we have adopted the structure shown i~

L with l~~E2nd te~~Il2= tlliacuten amaroe~ ordmrS1PP9~g~lexn~~ ~eLClatiacute9D~t~~~~t~first an~~~hir~ But this leaves five other possibilities which in theory might be realized ust as the second element_lt~p~ltmark(r ordfs inEig 3bullKlJQQmgordmHhetordm-iriexcl in thatJ~SiquestOillY

iacutet is green

Fig3

1he_verb vQ1lld_be a predicatorrwithonl)l1he_~ygtject related 10 it This structure does not seem to be realized at least not in away whiacuteCh is -relevant to our analysis Asecond_possibil~iuhatJmly the verb a~ ~~~iexcltiY~L iquestnjgl~~_rell~q in that ca~e bot~redicatoS_w-ordmyldIgt~ impersonal-vUh lh~su~ject a me~m~ce-filler This structure might conceivably be suggested for exampIacuteesmiddotSuumlch as [6]

[6] It got mistier

with a so-called ambient it But although it may indeed be ambient with respect to mistier it need not follow that it is ambient with respect to got

In the remaining cases no element is a marker but there are only two instead of three interconnections Ir there wem no link betw-IlJhe subject ~YMh(Ejg 2 are a) the verb1tSelf would agajn be impersmordf-~ I~ transformational terms its surface subject would be derived by raising (Postal 1974) from a subordinate adjectival clause lf th3ewere no intensiye lipk between the first and second predicators (Fg 2 arWJUlt verb would be a simple intransitive taking just t~_S)lbject as its complementation th~on of tbe adjec1iYtLL~ then be uumlMrn-~0n[7] forexample --- -_~

Eacutel He arrived saber J (~ eacute cc L f ~ 2 f

grammars do not establish an intensive or copular use of ARIUVB Finally

[44]

1 P H Marrhew$

if the ascriQive lik wer~~2ken iacuteEiKbJ~~ f)hHordmjlti~~ment woulordm-no longer bJlta predicaQ~ltiexclHQle wQuldin~teadb~ADVJllqt~iexcl as in 8)

(8) He ran fa~t

There is no doubt that the intensive construction is distinct from the adverbial and that sober in [7] is at least more circumstantial than green in It turned green But the subject-verb relation is more problematic in that a raising transformation has been proposed for one at least of the G C E s intensive verbs Let us therefore take that distinction first

31 Ofthe twenty or so most common intensive verbs (GCE821) SEEM and APPEAR particularly lend themselves to transformational analysis On the evidence of sentences such as [9]

(2) It seemed that they wereamp~e~

_U~naIlJral lo establish an underlying ~~ct~~

J~sIhey were green]~ seemed

irlYhIacutetEw~4)srelate(L1ot to they J~Q9green indhiOacute1lally but to the yiole ascri2tive kernelrom the same structure a sentence such as [10)

[10] They seemed to be green

can then be derived by further transformations of subject raising and infinitive formation Froro the structure reaJized by [Io]lIleare n3tllcalli

~m~ed to derive the comple~_~transiti~euacutell

[u) They seemed gre~

by a further transformation deleting the copuiacutea For SEEM the rules deriving [10] and [u] would both be optional But for

other verbs such as TURN or GO We could make them obligatory so It turned green could be the only realization of an underlying sUr was greenls turned the ambient Ir got misrier - [6] aboye - a realization of say s[mistier]s gorand so on If the obligatory rules were then restricted to the copula we would also ensure that any other form of embedded structure (g[he eft]s turned or g[he kissed her]s grew) was filtered out By such means a treatment which is widely accepted for SEEM and for which the evidence is at first compelling could be extended if it were thought appropriate to the entire intensive intransitive class

There are good reasons for not thinking it appropriate In a sentence such as [12]

[12] Harry got drunk

Qn~JsllQIacuteli~ply talking of a_~ate tha~ reslllttI s~o t~a~ ~~rry vs (45)

ENGLISH GRAMMAR

drunk or Harrys drunkenness happened) Nor is Harrya mere theme or tliexclfc (Aacute~-to-KarryQruniexcliquestenneacuteSs-l1ippened to him) tlamp11tbject iexclS1

potentia1lt-at-l~st--alMl~tgh-ge~~amp9run_~ wassoID1hiiL~hatJIal did The--verb mayaccordiacutentilde-gly take a subject adjunct (O CE 466]) thus I delibera tey got drunk or He foo(lshy turned traitor It may also supply the complement of a conative verb (1 did try to get drunk) may appear in the imperative (Dont get drunk ) and so on For sorne collocations this potentiacuteality is doubtless harder to realize (compare He delibera tey turned bue with He delibera tey turned nasty or He tried ro grow oder with He tried ro grow farter) but that is precisely the case for subjects and predicators generally lt is this semantic role that justifies the first link shown in Fig 2

which an impersonal structure as in (b)

(b) s[Harry was drunkls got

would relegate to the surface If (b) is wrong for Harry got drunk a transformationalist should consider

more carefully w hether a similar structure is correct for Harry seemed drunk Let us assume that it is correct for the construction with a that-clause (It seemed that Harry was dhmk) for SEEM and APPEAR a c1ausal complement does form one possibility Let us also accept that SBBM has a constant sense in all its constructions But for other current intensives (G eE 820 f) the evidence is more complexo With SOUNO a that-clause can be forced for example if a dative is inserted (lt sounds ro me that (hey arent coming) There is also an impersonal construction with as if

[131 It sounds as ifthey were green

which might be thought to derive from the same source The construction of [13] is also acceptable witb LOOK (lt ooks as ifthey arent coming) But between it and the complex intransitive we can find clear disparities in meaning In [13] the judgment is based on indirect clues what sounds or appears from audible information is indeed the whole proposition they were green But in the complex intransitive [14]

[141 They sound drunk

it is based on sounds that they are making For that reason it is harder 10 make sense of They sound green Likewise They [ook drunk means that they from their appearance are so But in It loob as ifthey are drunk the speaker does not even imply that he has seen them (Compare Prom what you say it ooks as if rhey are drunk) Ir we wanted a complex source it would be tempting 10 relate [14] not 10 the impersonal [13] with raising but rather to the personal [Is1

[IS] They sound as iexclfthey are drunk

with the second they deleted

[46]

P H Marthews

Personal and impersonal are often hard to separate as Palmer (1972) and before him Bolinger(l96la) have shown Ofthis group ofintensives TASTE

and 5MBLL are the most restricted in meaning and it is with these that the impersonal construction as in [91 and [131 is least acceptable With TASTE

neither seems likely Ir rasres to me that the soup is saty It tastes to me as if they are sweer If the second example can be interpreted it is by virtue of a blending with the personal construction (compare It tasres as ifit ) With SMELL the construction of [131 may be more acceptable (Ir smells ro me as if dinner is ready) but the blending remains With PEEL a non-tactile sense is possible (Ir fees Iikey) but is less established than the broader senses of LOOK or SOUNO (compare Ir ooks likey II sounds likey) It is in this case that my judgment is least secure would one say for example It fees (or Ir fees to me) as if they were green With SOUNO and LOOK the general sense is well established as in [131 or Ir sounds likely but there is still a sensory meaning as in [14] and [Isl which inhibits the pure impersonal with that With SEEM and APPEAR we are at the end of the continuum both having general senses only Hence the construction of[91 alongside the impersonal with as if (Ir seems as if they were green) Hence perhaps the infinitive construction of [101 with SOUNO and the others this too is awkward (They ooked ro have arrived Or Ir tastes ro me to be sweer) But it does not follow that the semantical1y general They seem drunk differs in syntax from the specifically sensory They sound drunk or They smell drunk We can even force an active interpretation of the subject thus They tried lO appear drunk or I deliberarey seemed irrftated

32 As [11] with SEEM Hes on a gradience between personal and impersonal so there are others which raise problems in distinguishing intensive from adverbial and circumstantial constructions For there is no criterion which is both sufficient and necessary

The obvious step is to tesectt for simpler transforms Thus J9r [12] Harl~ qrunk ~e can comp~jiexcleJgtimple a~ve Harry was drul~ TRANSFORM in that firstIy it is a a d secondly the predicator

-ORUNK hasnot a tq~ sense s no intraiiSIuvetrans[oacuterintilde ~stiiis~se of G BI is oot ~ble Nor has 4 r tumeirgeacute-iexcl an intransitive transform It turned since this involves a different sense oC TURN Ir there~~ an ascriptive transform but n9-Wn~itive the JhirdeiacuteeDlen t mult be a complementi so [41 and [12] must be complex intransitive Ir there is neither transform it MA y be complement but the col~of verb and adjective mjgbt rCaSantildea be classed as idiomatic Thus The roses have run wild has no transform The roses ve iiOr-aacuteoes it strictly match The rOSes are wild But WILO is at least an adiecti~ must stand in sorne relationship to the verb therefore R UN WILO is right1y

chmldw-rresultintensive (O eE) ---shy-- -_--g ~ _---_bull ~ shy

[471

ENOLISH ORAMMAR

If there is a simple intransitive but no ascriptive transr2ffil--_~~~ coacutentildeSffiiClioacutentilde-intildeuumlSt]ie iexcljdve(J2iacuteaIYlIacuteustrivialIy He ran iexcliuieacutekly has no ascriptive tiexclansfo~ He was quickly less trivially He travelled light does not match He was ight But what if we find both rlJgJQQordf~tillha$ordflJ ascriEtive _~ran~f~rrlJ~eYI1Jer~_~~ ~sectmL1aY-J~_a~~plement circumstantjallik~iilelltjnThey-sJoQdsilent ordfytlb~~j~llsothe simpler intran~1ti~ fbilystQPf so still ~ight be anadver~ like sileniTyintilde-fiieystood silenty Since there is no distinct form srilly the latter is hard to rule out For It shone white we can compare the formally adjectivallt shone brighr again there are both transforms (Ir shone Ir was white) But It shone brighr is c10se in meaning to the formaUy adverbial Ir shone brighry could white be an adverb in default of or as the commoner altemative to whirely Blending may aIso be found in idioms For example it is fruitless to ask if doggo is an adjective or an adverb in He is Iying doggo

For the circumstantial case both transforms are necessary thus [7] He arriuacuteiid sober has the triexcliexclntildeiiiacuteormsmiddotiexcliexcluacuteli-iexcliexclved andHe wasectSoacutebe Wewoacuteuumllifiliso ixpeeacutetthilUumlheveromiddotantildedmiddotildjectTe-shouId befreeOi collocationaI restrictions so He arrived sober He left sober He Jeft satisjied He arrived satisfied and so on But it is very hard to say when such a requirement iacutes meto One does not say for example They stood noisy or They sroodpeacefuJ on that evidence They stood sient might be classed as complex intransitive But neither is one likely to say They arrived noisy or They arrived kind Is that too a matter of collocational restrictions so that [7] is also intensive Or is it merely that NOISY and KIND are ill suIacuteted 10 this construction7 At this point jt is tempting to distinguish degrees of circumstantiality The extreme case would be represented by such sentences as [16]

[16] They stood there exhausted

(Iikewise They have arrived quite sober) where the adjective and verb are marked as separate Beside [16] the construction in [7] is less clearly circumstantial in They stood sient or They stoodfidgering it is perhaps even r less so But this last might stilJ be seen as less intensive than for example

iexcl They stood amazed Likewise They feJl exhausted is less clearly intensi ve than 1 They fell sick since it involves no special sense of FALL

~

f lrOacutel p1lI1riHmD ~ amires f0tr eompiex trlmSitive fu Tlieyfbuntlliim~

guilry there is a special sense OfPIND as ofMAKE in They mode it green In TIwy rrun Juacutem JOber tbat IacuteoS DO spcciiexcll SCDSII of)lEET~ by tbat cS ~ is more eircumsumlial BUl onc la unlikely lO say for eumple They me hlm meditative

4 Finally there is an obvious gradience between the coxnP-1ex intransitive ~nct the simple ascriptj~ With TURN 01 GROW there are~-selecUumlonal restrictions as we have seen With SBJlli or SIhV tney are far fewer

[48J

P H Matthews

neverthelesson~canI1Q~~yfordmr_~ordfmplelfil_sectil1Ied chairmqf1-ltcompareH~ stayelt chairman Qr1fsectJjiquest_riquest~cordfirmordfl1) or It srays obvious that (compare It seemsobvious that or It remainsobvious that ) With REMAIN it is hard to find any but at least the intransitive exists He remained) and their senses can be related Wth BECOMB that evidence too is lacking He became drunk can be distinguish-ed(rontildei1lieasgiptiYlt1g lu7ntl1k onlyJ~iiui~s from jts resultative meaning -_-

This merging has ied grammarians to treat the constructions together But we can do this only by assimi)ating BE to the mode) of verb complementation (as in GCE) not by assimilating TURN and so on to the model of a copula likethecpmplexrordfnsectitiy~nl_e compleimrap~W~i~ ayoor ca~~idatefltY-l~LIl~Jlt~IQ~-ordf_~~rnelltructllr~middot

M

~_

Page 7: in - UGR · (III). 11-70 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1171 Note [a] The ... In addition, we shall use where necessary the suffixes 'ph' (for

1180 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

iacutes coming alone will be comin alone

(A) mdlCatIve verb 1 supposethat he fl l gWl come a one has come alone

(B) putative should I regret that he should be so stubborn (C) subjunctive verb I request that she go alone

(A) with the indicative is the most usual type The putative should type(cf 1425) (B) is more common in BrE than AmE and (C) the mandative subjunctive (cf 358-9) is more common in AmE than in BrE In BrE the 5ubjunctive 15 felt to be formal and is found typicalIy in official styles of writiacuteng Corresponding to these three constructions it is necessary to recognize only two main categories of superordinate verbs Type (i) may be called FACTUAL since it goes with the indicative verb (A) and introduces what one might generalIy describe as factual or propositional information Type (ii) may be described as SUASIVE such verbs imply intentions to bring about sorne change in the future whether or not these are verbal1y formulated as commands suggestions etc Suasive verbs can be followed in the thatshyclause by aH three constructions (A-C) but the indicative (A) construction is restricted and is not generally accepted in AmE

There are two minor categories Type (iii) emotive verbs (cf429 1023) and Type (iv) hypothesis verbs which are dealt with in 1633 These types are displayed in Fig 1630

CLASSES OF VERB VERB PHRASE IN TH A T-CLAUSE

Type (i) FACTUAL

(1631) (eg claim) ~iexcl

~ (A) indicative verb

MaJor -Type (ji) ~UA~IVE (1632) (eg suggest) (B) puta ti ve should

(C) mandative subjunctive verb Type (iii) EMOTlVE (I633)(eg regret)

Minor

Type (h) HYPOTHESIS (D) hypotheuumlcal past OR wereshy(1633) (eg wish) subjuncti ve

Fig 1630 Monotransitive verbs with a that-cause as complementation (Class [B3])

Note In terms of the speech act classes of 112 Type (iacute) (factual) verbs are associated with the expressiacuteon of speech acts concerned with STATEMEN1S while Type (ji) (suasive) verbs are associacuteated wiacuteth DIRECI1VBS

Type (i) Factual verbs 1631 We may subdivide factual verbs into PUBLIC and PRIVATE types The

former consists of speeeh act verbs introducing indirect statements

They agreeadmitclaim that she was misled

The superscripts 1-5 in the lists below are to be interpreted as follows

Types of verb complementation 1181

1middot The verb also occurs in the active with a to-infinitive directly foIlowing He promised to come (cf 1638)

2 The verb also occurs with a following noun phrase followed by a toshyinfinitive They supposed her lo be dead (cfI650)

3 The verb is also a member ofthe suasive group below inmiddotl632 4 The pro-form so can stand in place of the that-clause (cf 1228) eg 1 think

so 5 Say occurs with an infinitive as in She said to come before len in the

directive sense ofShe told us to come before ten

Examples acknowledge2 boast declareacute mention report2

add certify 2 deny2 object retort admit2

affirm2 claim l

comment disclose exclaim

predict4

proclaim2

say24S

state2bull4 agree l bull 3 complain explain2 promise l bull 2bull4 submit alege2 concede3 forecast pronounceacute suggest3

announceshyconfess2 foretel prophesy swear argue confide guarantee l bull 2 protest testify 2

assert confirm2 hint remark DOWI

bet contend insist3 repeat warn2

convey maintain4 reply write

The PRIVATE type of factual verb expresses intelIeetual states sueh as belief and intellectual acts sueh as discovery These states and acts are private in the sense that they are not observable a person may be observed to assert that God exists but not to believe that God exists Belief is in this sense pdvate Examples of such verbs are

4accept doubt imagine2bull realize anticipate dream imply reason ascertain ensure3 indicateacute recal assume2bull4 establish infer4 reckonl 4

believe2bull4 estimate2 insure recognize2

calculate expectl24 judgeacute reflect check f ancy2 know2 remember

4conclude fear l bull learn l reveaP conjecture feeP mean Lbull 2 see consider2 find2 note2 sense

4decide 13 foresee notice2bull show2

deduce forget 1 observe2 signify 4deem 2 gather4 perceive2

bull supposeacutemiddot4 4 4 4demonstrate guess presume2 bull suspect2bull

determine13 hear4 presuppose2 think2 bull4

discern hold pretendl understand2bull4

discover2 hOpemiddot4 prove2

Many ofthese verbs especially the public verbs are also used for introdueing directspeech eg

Perhaps its time to leave suggestedTim

1182 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

For detailed discussion of this use of verbs of speaking and thinking el 1430it

[al NOl induded in the first list aboye are verbs expressing manner of ulterance such as mumbe muuer5hou( imper whisper and yell These can introduce direct speech quotations (eg 1 am

Note

bull Ie muuereaacute) but they can also introduce indirect or reported speech by means of a thalshyelause She mulered Ihal she was ilI The list of such verbs is large and some verbs occur more easily with Ihalmiddotclauses than others do [b] Al the following phrasal verbs belonging lO this factual category are public verbs chime

in lel an lel OU make out poinl out repor back Tim poiacutented oUI that the train was often late

In this construction the particle has to precede the thal-clause [el Among the priacutevate verbs see suppose and assume can be uscd with a Ihal-clause in which lhe present tense rerers to future time (cfI423)

See (to iacutet) that they get somethiacuteng to eal See here means make sure [di Doubl being a verb of negative meaning is typically followed by whelherfif(ef 156 1635) Bu more especially when it is in a nonassertive context doubt occurs with a thal-clause

1don doubt (buI) thal theyJI accept a once Note hat in this construction doubl is sometimes followed by bUI Doubl canno be followed by

an altemative wh-clause (efI56) 1 doubt wheher or no theyU accept

Type (ii) Suasive verbs 1632 These verbs can be followed by a that-clause either with putative should (ef

1425) or with the mandative subjunctive A third possibility a that-clause with an indicative verb is largely restriacutected to BrE

ShOUld leave People are demanding that she leave the company

lea ves ltesp BrE)

1t is nuacutelc difficuumllt in the casc of suasive verb to rrak a subdiacute vision between PUBLICo and PRIVATE verbs for this reason we present the verbs below in a single listo Nevertheless gene rally it is usefuI to see a distinction between the public verbs which describe indirect directives (such as request ef 1433) and the private verbs which describe states of volition or desire such as intend

agree l demandl intendl 2 reeommend2

allow2 desire12 moveacute request2 arrange l

askl 2

determine I

enjoin2 ordain2 4

order require resolvel

beg2 ensure pledge 2 rule command2 entreat2 prayl 24 stipulate concede grant prefer 24 suggest24

decideacute deeree4

insist instruct2

pronounee2

propose 2

urgeacute vote 2

The superscripts 12 and 4 have the same meaning as in 1631 aboye The choice between the three constructions in the that-clause in [1] above varies between AmE and BrE For detailed discussion of these preferences ef

1425 It will be noted that the noun phrase + infinitive construction (ef1650) is

a common alternative to the that-clause for suasive verbs

Types of verb complementation 1183

d dthe news to be suppressedThe mten e y that the news (should) be suppressed ltmore formal)

With some verbs such as allow the infinitive construction is by far the more usual

Other types oC verb with that-c1ause complementation Type (iii) Emotive verbs

1633 This consists of a small group of verbs such as regret marvel rejoiee and wonder which can occur with (A) the indicative or (B) the putative should construction but not with the mandative subjunctive construction

worries about it 1 regret that she should worry about it

worry about it

Semantically this group belongs with adjectival constructions such as be sorry be anxious (ef 1671)

_-Type (iv) Hypothesis verbs The two verbs wish and (in the imperative) suppose may be followed by a that-clause containing a verb in the hypothetical past or the were-su bjunctive I wish (that) she were here She wished she hadnt spent the money Suppose (that) one of us died ef 1424 on the use of tense and mood following these verbs which may also occur in a number ofother patterns In particular for other uses of wish efI638 1641 1644 1646 1657

The modal idiom would rather (or lts contraction d rather) (ef 346) is a third example of a hypothesis verb

Id rafher you didnt mention the price Many resid1ts wotd rather that the bus service were subsidized

Complementation by an extraposed subject that-clause 1634 The that-clause in examples like It seems that you are mistaken is not an object

ofthe verb but rather an extraposed subject Nevertheless it resembles other that-clauses we have been examiniacuteng (a) in having a deletable that and (b) iacuten being semantically associated wiacuteth the preceding verbo Moreover no nonextraposed that-clause is possible in this case (That you are mistaken seems) and so it seems appropriate to include this with that-c1ause complementatiacuteon The main verbs occurring in this pattern fonn two groups of synonyms (i) seem and appear and (H) ehanee happen and transpire

It appears that Frank lost his tempero It happened that the weather was exceptionally cold

The phrasal verbs come about happen] and turn out [= transpire] also belong here Appear and seem can be followed by the pro-form so Jt seemsj appears so The adverb so sometimes occurs before happen or one of its synonyms It so happensj happened that

Note [a) A related construction with extraposed object (ef 1835) occurs in the following transitive phrasal verbs

let (il) OUI noise (it) aboutfabroad put (ie) about rub (ie) in Jack let (jI) out [= divulged] that the animal had been stolen

1184 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1185

Thc it which occurs as prcparato~y ohjcct is in this case optional although the omission is not 3 The verb can also occur with a foHowing wh-infinitive clause (ef 1637) usual In the comparable construction rake jI Ihal the il iacutes obligatory f lake ir Ihat you are eg 1 didniexcl know what to sayoenjoying yourselLes [b] Compare the complementation of seem appear etc by an as ifclause (ej 1624 Note [a)) The preposition of a prepositional verb is optionally omitted before a whshy[e) On the related constructions tI slrikes me IlwI tI (Jccursiseems O me 1iexcl111 eJ 1659 clause and hence it is convenient to include in the aboye list verbs for which Note 1660 Note

the wh-clause is basically a prepositional object For example

I inquired (about) whether the tiacuteckets were ready IB41 Wh-cause as object Theyhavent yet decided (on) which ftight they will take 1635 Many of the verbs which take a that-clause as object can also take a whshy

interrogative clause (cfI55ff) For the corresponding passive again the preposition is optional whether or not the nominal clause is in extraposition I asked her to confirm whether the f1ight had be en booked

Can you confirm which ftight we are taking Which ffight they will take has not yet been deeided (on) They havent yet confirmed how much the f1ight costs It has not yet been deeided (on) which f1ight they will take

Notice that in aH three illustrative sentences aboye confirm occurs in what Sometimes there is a slight difference of meaning if the preposition is may be described as a nonassertive context (ef 253) The use of the whshyincluded contrast interrogative clause (which generally implies Iack of knowledge on the part

She asked what he wanted of the speaker) is particularly common where the superordinate c1ause is iexcl She asked about what he wantedinterrogatiacuteve or negative Gn the other hand there are sorne verbs which

themselves express uncertainty such as ask and wonder these occur with the Whereas ask introduces the question which the speaker actually asked and wh-c1ause without this nonassertive constraint Examples of verbs taking the for which she requires an answer ask about does not indicate what the wh-interrogati ve clause are question might have been Gther prepositional verbs in this class are argue

(about) beware (01) (ef354 Note) not eare (about) check (on) depend (on) antieipate [NA] doubt note [NA]3 hear (about) refieet (on) There is also the phrasal-prepositional verb find out argue [NA]2 enquire23 notiee[NAj3 (about)arrange [NA]3 establish3 observe [NAj3

aseertain3 explain3 pereeive [NA]3 Note A few verbs are followed by a wh-exclamative clause (indirect exclamation (f I01 04) beginning

ask23 express point out [NAj with whal or hoH l realized whar aJeoll had been 1 kno hol busy Jou are These clauses are beware2 fathom [NA] ponder3

difficult to distinguish from wh-interrogative clauses Other verh in (he pttero indloe ~~rlt1im calcula te [NAP ftnd out2 3 prediet [NA] express maroel reflectlhiacutenk

care[NA] 1 2 forget 3 prove eheek23 guess realize [NA]

Complementation by a nonfinite clause ehooseacute hear [NA]2 record [NA] confirm [NA] imagine [NA]3 refieet2

Nonfinite clauses in complementationeonsider [NAP indieate [NA]3 remember [NA]3 1636 When a nonfinite clause follows the verb it is often difficult to separate three decide23 inquire23 say(NA]3

of the major types of complementation which we distinguished in 216 Thisdemonstrate3 judge3 see(NAj3

is especially true if a noun phrase intervenes between the superordinate verb depend2 knoW[NAP show3

and the verb of the nonfinite construction disclose learn [NAj3 tel [NA 3

diseover3 make out NA] think (NA]3 They like the ehildren to visit them discuss3 mind [NA]l wonder3 They supposed (he ehildren to be guilty (2]

They asked the ehildren lo bring somefood [3]The symbol (NA] after a verb indicates that this complementation is particularly likely to occur in a nonassertive contexto The superscripts 1-3 Gn the face of it aH three of these sentences conform to the same pattern are interpreted as follows (verb + noun phrase + to-infinitive ) But there are reasons for classifying

them differentIy1 This verb is part of a negative or predominantly negative construction

when combined with the wh-interrogative clause not eare not mind eant [l exemplifies MONOTRANSITIVE complementation (l638ff) fathom eant tell (ef They like the ehildrens visits - SVO)

2 The verb is basically a prepositional verb and has a preposition which (2) exemplifies COMPLEX TRANSITlVE complementation (l643ff) may be optionaHy added (see below) (ef They supposed the ehildren guilty - SVOC)

1186 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

[3] exemplifies DITRANSITIVE complementation (l655ff) (ef They asked the ehildren a question SVOO)

We will return in 1664ffto differences between examples such as these At present since we are dealing with monotransitive complementation we are concerned only with the type illustrated by [1] In nominal function only two kinds of nonfinite c1ause normally occur the to-infinitive c1ause and the -ing participle c1ause Hence nonfinite c1auses functioning as object can be distinguished for the present purposes in terms of the categories in Tabe 1636

Table 1636 Nonfinite clauses as object

Without subject With subject

lo-infinitive [B6] ack hates [B8] J ack hates to miss the train her to miss the train

-ing participle [B7] Jack hates [B9] Jack hates missing the train her missing the train

In Tabe 1636 the italicized parts are analysed as nonfinite c1auses acting as direct object The status of the infini tive c1ause and its subject in pattern [B8] is discussed in 1641 Later in 1666 we consider the arguments for considering her an object in the [B8] and [B9] examples

The fol1owing criteria confirm that the itaJicized portion of [B6-B9] is basically a nonfinite c1ause as direct object

(A) The nonfinite c1ause can be replaced by a pronoun it coreferring to a clause or by a no~n norninalizing the meaning of l clause Everyone likes it He likes her frequent visits

(B) The nonfinite clause can be made the focus of a pseudo-cleft sentence (ef 1829)

What everyone likes (best) is to tak to her [B6] What everyone likes (best) is taking 10 her [B7] What he likes (best) is for her lO eall ofien [B8]

In this version of [B8] as the infinitive c1ause is now in complement position the introductory for has to make its appearance

(C) For [B8] the introductory for itself where it appears is a marker of the construction as a nonfinIacutete clause

(D) Correspondingly for [B9] a subject pronoun in the objective case can often be replaced in formal style by a possessive pronoun (cfl46)

He doesnt like melmy coming often

This is what one would expect (ef 1 512) given that me and my can both be subjects of an -ing clause

Not all verbs that we consider direct objects satisfy al these criteria Nevertheless it is on this basis that the verbs Usted below are included in the classes [B6-B9]

Types of verb complementation 1187

[B51 Wh-infinitive clause as object 1637 It is as well to begin the survey of nonfinite c1auses as objects with c1auses

which happen to be immediately related to those dealt with in 1635 These are wh-infinitive c1auses (ef 155)

He learned how lO sail a boat as a small boy You must not forget when lO keep your mouth shut 1couldnt decide (on) whieh bieycle to buy

The last example illustrates the occurrence of the optional preposition with prepositional verbs as already observed with finite c1auses of the same type The corresponding passive pattern also occurs

The Curies discovered how to isolate radioaetive elements - How to isolate radiacuteoaetive elements was discovered by the Curies

The passive with extraposition (efI630 1635) is also sometimes possible

Early in the present century it was discovered how to isoate radioaetive elements

The verbs marked 3 in the list in 1635 aboye provide a sample of verbs occurring with the wh-infinitive c1ause as object

Note Many verbs which introduce wh-infinitive clauses rarely ir ever introduce yes-110 interrogative clauses (introduced by whelher) of the same type 1 have joacutergollell how 10 swiacutem but no iexcl have forgorten wheher lo swim Among such verbs are demostrale diacutesco~er and explain Nevertheless in unusual conexts such sentences can be found

1 have forgotten helher 10 ulljiacute-eeze thiacutesfood before cooking il

jB61 Subjectless infinitive cause as direet object f638 When a subjectless iacutenhmtlve clause is direct object the understood subJect

of the infinitive clause is always the same as the subject of the superordinate clause Verbs taking this kind of complementation are listed below subdivided into semantic categories

O) dread[B7 B8] (iv) ehoose[B7] (vi) ask (vii) affeel hate [B7 B8] hope beg c1aim like [B7 B8] intend [B7 B8] decline profess [B7] loathe [B7 B8] mean [B7 B8] demand

(viii) afford [B7]love [B7 B8] need[B7] offer attemplprefer[B7 B8] plan [B7] promise eontrive propose [B7] refuse(ii) begin [B7] endeavourwant[B7 B8] swear eease [B7] failwish [B8] undertake commenee [B7] learn

vowcominue [B7] (v) deign manage starl [B7] disdain [B7] negleet

hep [B7 B8] omit(iii) forgel [B7] scorn [B7] try [B7]remember [B7] venture [B7]

regret [B7]

1188 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1189

The symbols to the right of sorne verbs indicate that these verbs also occur Tbe lo-infiniacutetive here howcver has a resuhative meaning which makes the construction

with the subjectless -ing clause (Type [B7]) or with the infinitive clause with a subject (Type [B8]) From the latter group howeyer verbs such as ask are excluded because the construction of sentences like He asked me to help is ditransitive (el 1663) rather than rnonotransitive

We now add a list of prepositional verbs belonging lo the same pattern [B6pr] The preposition is omitted before the infinitive clause object (cI92) but is present where the prepositional object is a noun phrase or for that matter an -ingclause Compare

about the baby [Blpr]

She didnt bOlher aoout feeding the baby

to feed the baby [B7pr] [B6pr]

In the following list the verbs are placed in semantic groupings corresponding to sorne of those aboye (apart from an additional miscellaneous group (ixraquo and the omitted preposition is placed in square brackets

(i) long [for] [B8] ache (for] aim (for] [B8] aspire [to] burn(for] burst (for] (not) care (for] c1amour (for] [B8] itch (for] [B8] yearn (for] [B8]

(jiiexcl) bother(about] [B7 B8] condescend [10] delight [in] [B7] hesitate [about] [B7]

Examples

(vi) agree [tojonjabout] [B8] assent [to] consent [to]

(vii) pretend [to]

(viii) strive (for] seek (for]

(ix) arrange(forJ[B7 B8] decide ron] [B7] resolve [on] [B7] prepare [ror] [B7] serve (for] [B7]

Martin longed to leave home They sought to rnake amends 1would hesita te to interfere Weve decided to move to a new house

Note [al We distiacutenguish the verbs of Type [B6] from ltltenative verbs (el 349) of seemiacuteng and occurrence preceding infinitiacuteve clauses which ltare not diacuterect objects but whiacutech relate semanliacutecally to a Ihal-c1ause as subjecl He appears lO like Ihe sha - Tilar he likes the show appears [Irue] The verbs in Ihis c1ass correlate c10sely with those occurring with obligatory extraposition ofthe subjecl (cfI634) appcar seem chance happenlurn OUI

Jt appearedfthancedthat the children were asleep The children appearedchanced to be asleep

lb] Another group of verbs which are closely associated with a following infinitive but which do not belong to Type [B6J ioc1udes hasten conspire and set out

1 hastened lO reassure her They conspired lO murder Caesar He set out lO conquer the world

resemble on the one hand that of a catenative verb md on the other hand that of an inlransitiacuteve verb folJowed byan adjunct With pay and (to a lesser extent) woit Ihe adjunct status is more obvious as is clear from th~ possibility offroming the iacutenfinitivc c1ause

You have to pay ro go in

- (In arder) lO go in you ha ve to payo He waited lo see her

- (Inorder) lO see her he wailed Similarly unlike begin + infinitive the infinitive following SIO iacutes purposive contras

She [S] began IV] to eat lunch [O] BUT She [S] stopped [V] to eat lunch lA]

On the other hand these two verbs have matchiacuteng uses iacuten complementation Type [B7J

began She t d eatmg lunch s oppe

(B7) Subjectless -ing participle clause as object 1639 Again with this type of complementation the subject of the nonfinite verb

is usually identical with the subject ofthe preceding verb

1 love liacutestening to music The accused denied having met the witness

[The accused denied that hejshe had met the witness]

This rule accounts for the restriction that when the participle is followed by a reflexiye pronoun the pronoun norrnally has to agree (in number person and gender) with the subject of the superordinate c1ause

She herself He -iexcl enJoys smgmg to lhimselj lI

But wiacuteth one small group of verbs (rnarked 2 in the list below) it is not the understood subjectofthe particiacuteple but its understood object that is identified with the subject of the superordinate clause In such cases therefore the participle construction matches in meaning the passive of the corresponding infinitiacuteve construction [B6]

mendiacuteng painting Your shoes need to be mended That door needs to be painted

(Th~ aboye use of need iacutes often replaced in dialectally restricted usage by an equivalent use of want)

For an addiacutetional group of verbs (marked 3 in the list below) the subject of the particiacuteple is indefiniacutete and is independent of the subject of the preceding verbo For example in He recommended introducing a wealth tax it is clear that the person recommending the tax is likely to be different from the persones) who would be responsible for introducing it The meaning of this sentence is equiacutevalent to that of He recommended the introduction 01 a wealth tax

In the following list of verbs in the pattern of [B7] Types (i) and (ii) correspond to Type [B6(i)] (emotive) and Type B6(ii)] (aspectual) The verbs grouped under (iiiacute) are however in thiscase a miscellany since further sernantic grouping is difficult

1190 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

(i) (cant) bear l (not)fanci miss l

begrudge l hate l regret l bull4

detest like relish

dislike l loathe resent l

dread l love l (cant) stand 1

enjoy (not) mind l

(ii) cease quit start l

commence resume stop I

eontinue

(jii) admit4 forget l bull J4 recommend l J

avoid (eant) heli rememberl 34

eonfess4 imagine repent eonsider iacutenvolvel J require2

deny4 justifylJ risk l 3

deserue2 need l 2 save l 3 diseouragel 3 permit l ) tryS envisage l 3 propose want l

(dialectaI2)

escape reealll 34

The verbs ofType (i) preceded by a negative (such as eant bear) have a builtshyin negative bias so that they cannot occur in straightforward assertive contexts

Cora doesnt mind waiting Cora minds waiting

They can however occur in nonassertive contexts

Do you mind waiting How can anyone bear wearing clothes like that

and also in second instance contexts ie where the construction refers back to a nonassertive occurrence of the same construction earlier in the discourse

cant stand] k h h 1A 1[ d ji wor mgwlt t atglron t anc)

fd ti [stand it JB We1I 1m a ral you HAVE to ji k h h ancy wor mg Wlt ero

Superscripts in the aboye lists are interpreted as follows

1 The verb also occurs in pattern [B9] ie with a subject preceding the participle (ef 1642)

2 The participle has a passive interpretation (see aboye) 3 The participle has independent interpretation ie the subject of the

participle clause is not necessarily coreferential with the subject of the preceding verb and may have indefinite meaning

4 The participle may occur with a perfective construction

1admit having seen it (l]

But with such verbs the nonperfective construction can also be used with past meaning Thus [1] is synonymous with [2]

1 admit seeing it [2]

Types of verb complementation 1191

This paraphrase relation however exists mainly withverbs of dynamic meaning contrast verbs of stati ve meaning

I admit knowing him 1admit having known him

5 On the construction with (ry cf 1640

Examples of prepositional verbs belonging to this class ([B7pr]) are

bankonl decide on playat seeabout counton l delight in l resort to shrinkfrom

O Examples of phrasal verbs ([B7ph]) are

break off give up Jeaue off putoff takeup

Examples of(B7ph-pr] are

doaway with get around to go infor look forward fo

The following sentences ilIustrate these patterns

We counted on getting there early [B7pr] Ive taken up playing tenniacutes [B7ph] Jim is looking forward lo having the house to himself [B7ph-pr]

It IS important to notice that the lo in gel around to lookforward to and resor to is not an infinitive marker but a preposition Hence 1 am looking forward to seeing you is grammatical but not 1 am looking forward fo see you

Note [al The superscript 1 in the aboye lisU is not added lo verbs like stop although a noun phrase can be inserted between the participle and (he preceding verb in ~uch cases

They stopped (her) working all night Thiacutes ls because the construction containing the extra noun phrase (her in the aboye example) is arguably complex transiacutetive (e 1653) rather than monotransiacutetive (as is evident from the marginally acceptable passive She was slopped working all nighl) [b) Also we exclude from the aboye lists catenative verbs such as go in We wenl running and gel in Gel moving (e349)

Choice betwecn the infinitive and participle constructions (lB6) and (B71) 1640 Where both constructions [B6] and B7] are admitted there is usualIy felt to

be a difference of aspect or mood which infiuences the choice As a rule the infinitive gives a sense of mere potentiality for action as in She hoped fo leam French while the participle gives a sense of the actual performance of the action itself as in She enjoyed leaming Freneh In the case of try the double meaning is particularly clear

Sh 1 t d to bribe the jailor [1 ] el a ne b b hln mg teJa or

[1] implies that Sheila attempted an act ofbribery but did not manage it [2] implies that she actualIy did bribe the jailor but without (necessarily) achieving what she wanted With other verbs the difference is more subtle and may be overruled or neutralized by the meaning of the verb of the main clause For example the negative meaning of avoid and escape cancels out the sense of performance in He escapedlavoided being branded as a traitor

1192 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Let us consider more carefully three classes of verb which take both

constructions

(O EMOTlVE VERas (see Type (i) in the lists in 1638 and 1639) With the verbs which take both constructions (eread hate like loathe love and prefer) the bias of the infinitive towards potentiacuteality tends to fa vour its use in hypothetiacutecal and nonfactual contexts eg

Would you like o see my stamp collectiacuteon seemg

1hateto seem rude but youre blocking the view seemmg

On the other hand the particiacutepial construction is favoured where the speaker is referring to something which definitely happens or has

happened

to live Bnan loalhed 1 m the countrylUmg

(But with would loathe the infinitive is just as acceptable as the -ing participle)

Here to Uve implies that Brian could exercise choice about where to live whereas living presupposes that he actually did live in the country and probably had no choice in the matter But in other contexts there is little appreciable difference between the two constructions

tocoOk 1 [to eat JDo you prefer k for yourself or t m a restaurant[coa mg ea mg

(in ASF2C7uumlAL VERBS of beginni1g (a~ti1urng) and ending also in many cases take both constructions

Lucy startedcOntinUedceasedto W~iteWhile in hospital IIntmg

In such examples as this there is no observable difference of meaning between the constnlctiacuteons But in other cases a contrast between potentiality and performance may influerice the choice

to speak but stopped because she objected He s tarted speakmg and k ept on for more t han an hbur

The association of the -ing participle with the progressive aspect may also influence a p[ference for the participle where multiple activities

are involved

to open allthe cupboardsHe began openlflg all the cupboards

Here opening is more appropriate than to open While sorne verbs in this group (begin continue cease sean) allow both constructions others (finish stop) altowonly the participle construction (Go on and keep (on) may be classified as catenative verbs (cf349) onfinishfstop followed by the infinitive cf1638 Note [b])

Types of verb complementation 1193

(di) RETROSPECTlVE VERBS For three verbslorget remember and regret the potentialityperformance distiacutenction becomes extended into the past so that there is a temporal (as well as in part modal) difference between the two constructions The infinitive construction indicates that the action or event takes place after (and as a result of) the mental process denoted by the verb has begun while the reverse is true for the participle construction which refers to a preceding event or occasion coming to mind at the time indicated by the main verb

1 remembered to fill out the formo [1 remembered that 1 was to fill out the form and then did so]

1 remembered filling out the form rl remembered that 1 had filled out the form]

lforgot 10 go to the bank [1 forgot that 1was to go to the bank and therefore did not do soJ

lforgot (about) going to the bank [rare without about 1 forgot that 1went to the bank or that 1should have gone ]

1regret to tel you that John stole i1 [1 regret that 1am about to tel you that John sto le i1]

1 regret telling you that John stole i1 [I regret that 1 told you that John stole i1 or that 1 am now telling you J

[B8) Complementation by to-infinitive clause (with subject) 1641 The verbs in this group (as distinct from the apparently similar object +

t infinitive -o1struction el 1650) are restricted to a small numbcr chicfly denoting (nol) liking or wanting (cant) bear desire hate like iexcloLe prefer want and wish

They dont like the house to be left empty 1 wouldn t want you to lose your way

After these verbs the noun phrase preceding the infinitive cannot be made the subject of a passive main c1ause The house isnt liked to be left empty (by them)

There is moreover an alternative construction (chiefly restricted to AmE) in which the noun phrase is preceded by for which marks it as the subject of an infinitive clause rather than as object ofthe main clause

Jack prefersfor his wife to drive the truck ltesp AmE)

These two observations point in the direction of a monotransitive analysis of such verbs

In the following howeverJor has a different status and must occur in both AmE and BrE

They arranged for Mary to come at once

In this case the construction is that of a prepositional verb arrange for ([B8prl) the infinitive clause acting as prepositional object Other examples

1194 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

wherejor occurs as part of a prepositional verb are askfor eatlfor aehefor aim for bum for burst jor eare for clamour for erave for hope for iteh for long jor plan joacuter prepare for wait for yearn for

We were al achingburningbursting jor the performance to begin They plannedfor the mayor to arrive on the following day

For some of the verbs in these clauses the that-clause with should ([B3(iiacute)j) is an alternative form of complementation

They planned that the mayor should arrive on the following day

A further reason in favour of a monotransitive analysis of verbs of Type [B8pr] is the possibility (in some cases) of a passive with or without extraposition

For the administration to resign so quickly was not called foro It had been arranged for the food to be served indoors

Note [al Sorne [B8pr] verbs such as arrangefor planfor and preparefor also have a [B2] construction in which they are followed by a direct object Compare Have you arranged the meeting Have you arrangedfor iexclhe meeting Compare also She askedfor the children to leave and She asked iexclhe children O leave [b] Desire expect and intend although they tit into this category with respect to introductory for and the extraposed passive also accept the passive of the raised object which applies to [C4] (cfI650) Thus expect for example pennits two associated passives

It was nOt expected for the administration to resigno The administration was not expected to resigno

The former of these however is felt to be awkward and of marginal acceptability On such contlicts of c1assiacutefication cfI664jf

jB91 Complementation by -ing participle clause (with subject) 642 Verbs which accept this pattern comprise a considerable subset of those

verbs accepting the subjectless -ing clause as object they include the verbs marked 1 in the list of 1639 The genitive form of the subject is an option in formal English (ef 1512) but is often felt to be awkward or stilted

1 dislike him his driving my car We look forward to youyour beeoming our neighbour

In some cases particularIy when the subject of the participle is not a pronoun and does not have personal reference the geniti ve option is rare

vehicle h hPeter stoppe d te h l cras mg mto t e ence h ve lees

The genitive is also rare with a pronoun with nonpersonal reference

1 look forward to ~t geUing warmer in spring lts

The verbs of negative meaning stop prevent and prohibit have a related ditransitive construction (cfI656f) in which the prepositionfrom precedes the -ing clause as second object

They tried toacute preven the planefrom landing on the runway

Types of verb complementation 1195

Thus thefrom is optional In the very few cases where we have a choice between an -ing participle

and a to-infinitive construction there is usual1y felt to be a difference ofaspect or mood such as that described in 1640

1hate the children lo quarrel [ theyre ordinarily such good friacuteends] [1]

1 hate the children quarrelling [ all the time] [2]

focuses on the childrens potential for quarrelling [2] emphasizes their performance the point being that they do quarrel rather often in fact An aspectual difference is uppermost in

ehiming ( all night long) 1h he c oc k ate t l

to ehlme ( Just when Im gOtng to sleep)

The infinitive suggests a single chime while the participle suggests continual chiming (ef435 467f)

Note Verbs ofthe observational type eg notice in 1 noticed him writing a leller do not belong in this group and are dealt with in 1653 For such verbs the genitive is not a possible alternative iexcl noticed hiacutes writiacuteng a Jeter

Complex transitive complementation 1643 In 216 we applied the term COMPLEX TRANSlTIVE to verbs in the pattems

SVOC and SVOA In this chapter we extend the term to other clause patterns in which an object is followed by another element which is not an object (eg a nonfinite clause) A distinguishing characteristic o[ complex transitive compiemculiIacuteuacutelI j thallhe two elltments iacuteuiiuwiug the yerb (eg object and object complement) are notionally equated with the subject and predication respectively of a nominal c1ause For example

MONOTRANSlTIVE She presumed lhat her father was dead [1] She presumed her father to be dead [2]

COMPLEX TRANSITIVE Sh d h 1 h d d [3]e presume er Jat er ea

In [3J her father (O) and dead (C) are equivalent in meaning to a separate clause viz the that-clause in [l] This relationship remains where the object complement is expanded into an infinitive clause as in 2] Yet her father to be dead in spite of its clause-like meaning and appearance does not act syntactica1ly as a single constituent as is evident in the passive where the O is separated from its complement

Her father was presumed (by her) to be dead

This divisibility into two elements of a semantically clausal construction following the verb is the defining property ofcomplex transitive complementshyation

We begin with three already familiar patterns of complex transitive complementation those corresponding to [A I-A3] (ef 1621-4)

Note On the simiacutelarities between complex transitive and ditransitive complementation see 1666ff

1196 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

ICII Adjective phrase as object complement 1644 The SVOC pattern (ef216) in whiacutech the object complement is an adjective

phrase is found with verbs which like copular verbs may be divided into CURRENT and RESULTING types

You should keep the cabbagefresh (1] That music drives me mad [2]

The verb keep in [1] introduces the current attributefresh while the verb drive in [2] introduces the resulting attribute mad These two verbs therefore exemplify the two main categories ofcomplex transiti ve complementatiacuteon in this pattern The current verbs (ef1621ff) are usually staiive and the resulting verbs are always dynamic Further examples ofeach type are

CURRENT RESULTING

hod[C2] (v) drive [C4] keep [C2] get [C4] eave [C2] make [C2 C4]

prove [B3 C2 C4] (ii) eall [C2] render[C4]eonfess [B3 C2 C4] sendprofess [B3 C2 C4]

pronounce [B3 C2 C4] turn

report [B3 C4] eertify [B3 C2 C4] declare [B3 C2 C4] like proclaim [B3 C2 C4] prefer[B3]

want wish [B3 C2 C4]

(iv) beliacuteeve [B3 C2 eonsider [B3 C2 C4] deem [B3 C2 C4] find [B3 C2 C4] hod[B3 C4] imagine [B3 C2 C4] judge [B3 C2 C4] presume[B3 C2 C4] rate [C2 C4] reekon [B3 C2 C4] suppose [B3 C2 C4] think [B3 C2 C4]

Type (O is a category of current verbs of general meaning Type (ii) consists offactual speech act verbs (cf1631) Type (iii) of volitional verbs Type (iv) of verbs of inte11ectual state Type (v) of general resulting verbs and Type (vi) ofresulting verbs referring to speech acts which havethe performative force of declarations (Hod occurs twice in the aboye list as a general verb [Type (i) as in She hed her head high] and as an inte11ectual state verb [Type (iv) as in 1 hod you responsibe]) The symbols added after sorne verbs indicate other related complementation types to which those verbs belong

Types of verb complementation 1197

[B3] The verb can also be used monotransitively (el Note (a]) with a that-clause

[C2] The verb can also occur wiacuteth a noun phrase as object complement [C4] The verb can a1so occur with an object + infiniacutetive construction

Examples

The secretary eft a1l the letters unopened The doctors pronounced her conditiacuteon uttery hopeess Oi) 1want my coffee stronger than this (iii) Weve alwaysfound the assistants very frtendy (iv) The long waIk made us a11 hungry They have declared the house unfit for habitatiacuteon (vi)

Note that the adjectival complement may contain modifiers and adjectival complementation (ef1668-83) A passive construction in which the direct object becomes subject is also an important criterion

AH the letters were left unopened (by the secretary) (i) Her condition was pronounced uttery hopeess (by the doctors) (ji)

Note [a] There is sometimes a meaning difference between the object complement construction and the corresponding that-clause [B3) or objeet + infinitive [C4] eonstruction

1 imagined myself severely ill [3] p 1 imagined myself to be severely ill [4]

Sentence [3] suggests that the speaker is indulgiacuteng in a flight of faney sentence [4J suggests that the speaker is deluding himself (eg that he is a hypochondriae) A differenee is also to be observed between [5] and [6]

They gol him angry [5J p They got him lo be angry (6]

where [5J suggests made him angry in spite of himself and [6] suggests persuaded him to be angry (Yet a third meaning is represented by Donl get me wrong [Dont misunderstand me J) Two iacuteurther comrasts are

We found the ehildren undernourished [ We encou nte red them iacute n tha t cond i tiacuteon J [7] p Wefoundthe children lo be undernourished [8]

[Our examination revealed their condition] and

He declared the meeting offieial He declared the meeting lO be officiaL

where [9] has a performati ve and resultati ve force (The meeting beeame official as a result of his announeement) not regularly present in [lO] [b] Have in sentences sueh as We have IWO employees sck is not a member of the [CI] category but belongs to a special have-existential construetion lo be discussed with existential sentences in general in 1851 Since it has no passive this elause construction lacks one criterial feature of comp1ex transitive constructions Two employees are had sick [e] There is a variant order in which the object complement precedes the object eg He thought desirable most ofthe women in the room (efIS37) This order tends to occur when the object is a long noun phlase

1645 In addition to the verbs listed in 1644 aboye there are many verbs which belong more peripherally to Type [C1] Their membership is more peripheral in one or both of the following respects (a) They occur only in restricted sequences such as rub dry (ef 1617) (b) They can occur in the [BI] monotransitive construction without appreciable change of meaning iacutee the object complement is optional and resembles an optional adverbial Iil the following typical co11ocations the object noun phtase is symbolized by N

1

Types of verb complementation 11991198 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

CURRENT RESULTING

bring (a child) up health boil (an egg) 8aft 1

buy N eheapl erap (hair) shoriexcl1 return (a letter) unopened freeze N hard serve (food) hOlleold paint N redblue 1

seU N eheaplnew1 roll N flat sweep (the fioor) clean 1

calour N blueyellow 1

dye N pinklgreen 1

knock (someone) senseless polish N smooth 1

scrape N clean I swing (a door) open

For those combinations marked l the object complement could be easily omitted without a change in the basic sense of the verbo

Among resulting attributes the adjectives open loose free and clean are particularly common push N open shake N loose set N free wipe N clean

The collocations make sure and make certain are peculiar in that the object is a that-clause and always follows the adjectivaI complement

Please make sureleertain that you endose your birth certificate

There is no passive be made surecertain With other collocations the that-clause object is postponed by extraposiacutetion (ef 1835)

He found it strange that no one else had arri ved 1think it very odd that she left without saying goodbye The emperor pronounced it illegal for landlords to enfranchise their

tenants

Extraposition is optional with make N clear and therefore the preparatory it may be omitted She made (it) eear that we were regarded as trespassers

Note [al Sorne collocations require the object to be a rellexive pronoun Ilaughed myself sick They roared themselves hoarse Here the object complement cannot be omitted llaughed myself [b] The resultative pattern illustrated in thiacutes section is quite productive and occurs with rare or newly-converted verbs such as selotape and scotchtape selotape N fiat ltRrE) seotehtape N fiat (AmE) Similarly

iexclve deepfrozen the bread solido

(C21 Noun phrase as object complement 646 Most of the verbs listed in 1644 can occur also with a noun phrase

complement In addition there are a few verbs which occur with anoun phrase but not with an adjective phrase as complement eg appoint These verbs marked 1 in the list below can also occur with theobject + infinitive construction

The queen appointedWilliam Cecil (to be) her personal secretary

The list is subdivided into categories corresponding to those in 1644

(i) hold2 (iv) believe (v) appoint l2middot 3

keep2 consider2 choose 2 3

eleetl 2 3leave deem esteem l 2 3 make(ii) cal find provecanfess imagine2 voteprofess

pronounce judge2 (vi) baptize13

presume certify 23 (iii) wish 3rate2 christent bull

reckon2 erown l bull 2bull 3

suppose declare think proclaim

namemiddot23

The superscript 2 indicates that the as-construction (cf 1 647) is also possible The superscript 3 indicates that the verb is also monotransitive and that the verb retains the same meaning when the object complement is omitted Hence She appointed him secretary implies that she appointed him Examples of each sub-type follow With profess and wish which are used to illustrate subtypes (H) and (iii) respectively a reflexive pronoun as object is normal

She held her niece (a) captive for several years (i) The prince professed himself a supporter of free speech (ji) 1have often wished myself a millionaire (iii) Charles does not esteem him a trustworthy adviser (iv) The committee has elected you its chairman (v) Her parents named her Sophia after her grandmother (vi)

Some verbs in this pattem are unlikely to occur in the adive eg think beiacuteieve reckon The foilowing are exampies of the passive conslruclIacuteon

Her niece was held (a) captive for several years (i) She was named Sophia after her grandmother (vi)

As with Type (el] the object may be a clause postponed by extraposition

We have made it a condition that the new agreement be signed by all the original signatories

He has proved it a falIacy that old age brings wisdom

Note [al The zero article occurs optionally with captive and prisoner as object complements as in (i) above She held her niece (a) caplive Hold capliveprisoner and keep captivepriacutesoner are unusual in that the omitted article is indefinite rather than definite Examples of the zero article with definite meaning (eS42) are

Edgar was judged overall winner They appointed Sue captain of the athletics team

[b] The object + infinitive construction with 10 be as with Type [Gl] is not always equivalent to the pattero with a phrasal object complement For example name can be used with 10 be only if the following noun phrase designates a future role or status

Her parents named her (0 be) Gladys The selectors named her (lo be) a memberofthe touring team

As can be used with name only on the same condition as applies to lO be Her parenls named her as (adys (cf 1 647 below) [el The copular retation can obtain not only between the object and complement as in [11 bu also between subject and complement as in [21

t iexcl

1200 Complementation of verbs and adjectiacuteves

She made him iexcliexcl good husband (S V OC) [1 J She made him a good wife (S VOC) [2J

[1 Jhas the passive analogue He as gtladea good husband but in the entirelydifferentconstruetion of (2] where the copular rdation is between she and a good middotle no passive is possible Thc meuning is She Vas a good wire to himmiddot A prepositional verb 01 this Same unusuallattcrn is strike l in 101 example

He stmck me os a brilliant slralegist where a brilianl strategist is su bjcet eomplement

(Clprl and (C2prl Object complement foUowing prepositional verb 1647 The preposition as designates a copular relation particularly in specifying a

role or status associated with the direct object The ehureh eondemned the relie as a lraud Following a complex transitive verb and a direct object the prepositional complement of as functions semantiacutecally as an attribute and may be termed a prepositional object complement in the same way as the noun phrase following a transitive prepositional verb is called a prepositional object

a geniacuteus [C2] We considered him as a genius [C2pr]

tobeagenius [C4]

1 bull (as) a genius ~ He was consdered t b

o e agemus

Consider as like regard as class as etc therefore exemplifies yet another type of prepositional verb one that is followed by a prepositiacuteonal object complement rather than a prepositional object

Occasionally the prepositionlor occurs in this copular function instead of as

He took these words as evidence He took me lor a fool

In the following list for verbs in column (i) the preposition is optional where for verbs in column (H) the preposition is obligatory

(i) appoint (as) (ii) aeeept as ehoose (as) aeknowledge as eonsider (as) eharaeterize as eount (as) class as deem (as) define as esteem (as) describe as rate (as) intend as reekon (as) mistakelor report (as) regard as eleet (as) see as eertify (as) take asllor erown (as) trea as make Unto) use as proclaim (as)

Most verbs in [elpr] and[e2pr] can also introduce an adjective phrase in the function of prepositional object complement

Types of verb complementation 1201

The experts raled his paintings (as) poor bUI representalive ol their class

They classed Jane as partialty sighted The media described the situation as hopeless ~ The situation was described as hopeless

Verbs not allowing this construction are marked 1 in the aboye lists The construction iacutes exceptional in allowing an adjective phrase to occur after a prepositiacuteon A more orthodox construction is obtained by adding the word being before the adjective phrase and thereby converting the prepositional complement into a nominal -ing clause

The media descriacutebed the situation as being hopeless

Note [al Count as and rate as can also oecur in an analogous as-conslruction without lhe object as prepositional copular verbs eg This coanslraes as a tWtable success (e 1622 Note lb]) [b] Allhough as is classcd as a preposition in Ibe above pattern il in some ways resemblcs the conjunction as which introduces clauses of comparison (e15 71) Consider Ihe following curious examples in which as introduces on Ihe one hand a clause and on the other hand a noun phrase in an appositional relation lo Ihe clause

Report me as 10m - a superannuated dolt Hedescribcd her as heound her a liar

(C31 Complementation by object and adjunct 1648 Our next category Type [e3] consists of verbs which occur in the SVOA

pattern (el216) ie verbs which ha ve as their complementation an object followed by a predication adjunct The most characteristic adjuncts to occur in this pattern are prepositional phrases of space and more particularly of direction eg

1 slipped the key into the lock He stood my argument on its head [2] Take your hands out olyour poekets

The passive iacutes illustrated by

The key was slipped into the lock [1 al Sentence [2] exemplifies the abstract or metaphorical use of such verbs and adjuncts Many of the verbs which fit into this pattern are causative verbs of motiacuteon put get stand se sit lay place send bring take lead drive etc The class is open-ended since verbs normally without causative meaning can be adapted to this function eg show see elbow etc in

The attendant showed us to our seats [conducted us ] May I see you home [escort you ] He elbowed and bribed his way to fame They talked me into it [persuaded me ]

Other verbs are associated with space position adjuncts rather than direction adjuncts

They lelt the papers at my offiee Always keep your eyes on the road when driving

1

i

1202 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

The attackers eaught us ofJour guardo He wished them at the bottom ofthe sea

Again the spatial meaning ofthe adjunct rnay be understood in sorne abstract or rnetaphorical sense as in the third exarnple aboye

Adjuncts of other sernantic types are less cornrnon but instances are the adjunct of rnanner following treat

badIY Her parents treated her as ifshe were a baby

as like a small ehild

and the optional adjunct of duration following last

This rnoney will ha ve to last you laquo(for) six months)

Note [al Treot has a dilferent meaning when the adjunct is omitted Her parents treated her [= did something pleasant for her]

[b] Superficiacuteally similar to the aboye pattern iacutes that iIIustrated by remind andfurnish followed by an object and a prepositional phrase

She reminds me ofmy sister They furnished all the passengers with iexclfe jackets

These however are classed as transiti ve prepositional verbs (cfI6 7-8) and will be dealt with in 1656fbelow The difference between Ihese prepositional verbs and verbs of complemenlation Type [e3] is that in Ihe former case the lexical verb governs a particular preposition remind offurnish with (Alternative prepositional constructions are sometimes available however provide withprovide for)

Variants of complex transitive complementation 649 We now examine variants of complex transitive cornplernentation in which

thc direct object iexcls f01lowltd by ji nonfinite dau~1 acting as predication adjunct Al four kinds of nonfinite construction (ef 146-8) are possible

[C4] to-infinitive [C6] -ing participle They knew hirn to be a spy 1caught Ann reading my diary

[CS] bare infinitive [C7] -ed participle 1heard someone slam We saw him beaten by the

World Heavyweight Champion thedoor

The nonfinite clause in these patterns (in italics in the above table) has no subject itself but its implied subject is always the preceding noun phrase which is object of the superordinate c1ause This noun phrase which if a personal pronoun is in the objective case is commonly termed a RAISED

OBJECT (ef further 16640) semantically it has the role of subject of the nonfinite verb but syntactically it is raised from the nonfinite c1ause to function as object of the superordinate verbo Hence in general this noun phrase (in italics in the table below) can become subject of the corresponding passive (The passive of [C5] normaly requires substitution of a to-infinitive for abare infinitive the passive of [C7) is of marginal currency ef 1654 Note [a))

(C4] He was known to be a spy

[eS] Someone was heard to slam the door

Types of verb complementation 1203

[C6] Ann was caught reading rny diary

[e] He was seen executed by a firing squad

On the face ofit the patterns [C4] and [e6] are indistinguishable from the rnonotransitive patterns [B8] (eg She hates the train to be late) and [B9] (eg She hates the train being late) in which the nonfinite c1ause has a subject of its own The ability of the noun phrase preceding the nonfinite verb to become subject of a passive is however an important distinction between thern (see further 1651 and 1653)

These patteros [e4] and (e6] are distinguished from corresponding patterns in which the Note nonfinite c1ause is an adverbial by the raet that the iacutemplied subject of the nonfinite verb is O rather than S Note the ambiguity of

She left him to finish the jobo She lert him holding the baby

IC4J Object + to-infinitive complementation The verbs in this group are rather numerous and rnay be subdivided 1650

(vii) assist bother bribe eondemll dariquest defy encourage help induce inspire press summon

semantically into the following categories

(iacute) announee declare proclaim pronounee

(H)

reporl repute [esp P rumour (P only] say[P only] tip (esp BrEgt

assume believe eonceive (formalgt eonsider expeet feel jind imagine know presume reekon see [P only1 suppose take thiacutenk[esp P1 understand

(iiiacute) intend mean

(iv) appoint elect name vote

(v) cause drive force get[no P] lead prompt

(vi) alow authorize compel eonstrain enable entitle equip jit oblige permit requiacutere

[P = Passive]

1ZU4 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Types (i) and (ti) correspond to the factual verbs of category [B3J discussed in 1631 the nonfinite construction following these verbs can often be replaced by a lhal-clause with an indicative verbo Compare

The poli ce reported that the traffic was heavy [B3] The police reported the traffic to be heavy (formal) [C4]

JOhn believed that the stranger was a policeman [B3 = John believed the stranger to be a policeman (formal) [C4]

With factual verbs such as these the nonfinite clause normaIly contains the verb be or sorne other verb of stative meaning EspecialIy when the nonfinite main verb is other than be the finite clause (of pattern [B3]) is preferred to the infiniti ve one except that the infinitive construction provides a convenient passive form

The traffic was reported to be heavy The stranger was believed to be a poli cernan

Sorne verbs in this construction have no lhat-clause equivalent

They tipped him to be the next president (esp BrE) - He was tipped to be the next president (They tipped that he would be the next president)

Sorne verbs (marked [P only] in the list abo ve) occur only in the passive version of this construction

The field marshal was said to be planning a new strategy (Someone said the field marshal to be planning a new strategy)

Other verbs (marked [esp PJ) occur chiefly in the passive

The BroadwiY piOJutioli was inoughi to have made Maxs fortune (Newsmen lhought the Broadway production to have made Maxs fortune)

Ofthe twq classes of factual verbs Type (i) consists ofpublic verbs (cf1631) referring to a speech act and Type (ii) consists of private verbs expressing belief etc

1651 Of the remaining semantic types Type (iii) consists of verbs of intention (on intend itself ef 1641 Note lb]) Types (iv) and (v) consist of causative verls where the infinitive clause identifies the resultant state (Type (iv) verbs also belong to class [Cl]) Type (vi) cClUsists of verbs with a modal character expressing such concepts as enablement permission and compulsion and Type (vii) consists of a variety of verbs of influencing between which a common factor appears to be that the nonfinite clause has a purposive meaning Examples are

(iii) They intended Mary to sing an aria (- Mary was intended to sing an aria)

(iv) The meeting elected Mr Martiacuten to be the next treasurer (- Mr Martin was elected to be the next treasurer)

Types of verb complementation 1205

(v) This optimistic forecast led the administration to promise tax cuts ( _ The administration was led (by this optimistic forecast) to promise tax cuts)

(vi) My contract allows me to take one months lea ve (- 1arn allowed to take one months leave)

(vii) Our teachers eneouraged us to think for ourselves (- We were eneouraged to think for ourselves)

In Type (iv) the infinitive main verb is normaIly be and can be omitted They appointed her (lO be) the social secretar) This type overlaps with Type (v) 1646

Note [al There are a number of multi-word verbs in this category [C4prl counl Ofl bullbullbull lO depend Ol bullbull lo rey on lO bullbullbull [C4phl make OUI 10 bullbull [C4ph-pr] keep 01 al lo bull

(which has no passive) Examples are 1 am dependillg 011 you lO give us your fu support They malle him oul to be a monster ofdepravity Why do you keep On al me 10 work harder

[b] Sorne passives of pattem [C4] (eg be allowed be supposed) have a semi-auxiliary (cf347f) interpretation in which they lose their connection with the corresponding active construction especiay as regareis agency

(es) Object + bare infinitive complementation 1652 This pattern occurs with a relatively smaIl number of verbs

(i) have (ii) fee overhear[P] (iii) help [P] let hear [PI see [PJ know [P] rnake [PI notice [P watch

observe[P]

Typl (i) consists uf vlrbs uf iexcluiexclciacuteVI meaning Type (ii) has percepwal verbs of seeing and hearing and Type (iii) is a residual class of two verbs which are optionally followed by a to-infinitive The marker [PI indicates that the passive (normaIly with a to-infinitive) is possible [P] indicates that the passive is of doubtful or limited acceptability

(i) You shouldnt lel your family iacutenterfere with our plans We must rnake the public take notice ofuso

(- The public must be rnade to take notice ofus) (ji) Did you notiacutece anyone leaue the house

The crowd saw Gray score lwo rnagnificeni goals ( - Gray was seen lo seore two rnagnificent goas)

(iii) Sarah helped us (to) edil the seript 1 have known John (to) give better speeches than that

(- John has been known lO giue better speeches than that)

Know followed by the bare infinitive is confined mainly to BrE and to the perfective aspect have known Lel in group (i) is in other constructions cIassified as similar to an auxiliary (ef3SI) Let has an apparent passive in combination with such verbs as lel go and lel fal but these are best regarded as fixed expressions in which let has an auxiliary or particIe-like function

They let the prisoner go horneo - The prisoner was let go horneo

1206 Complementation of verbs and adjectiacuteves

Note that this apparent passive has the bare infinitive in contrast for example to make which has to have the to-infinitive in the passive

They mude him understand ~ He was made to understalld

A third verb in group (i) is have which (like have in monotransitive constructions) does not occur in the passi ve

They had me repeat the message ~ 1 was had (to) repeat the message

Note [a] The formulaic nature of let him go and similar expressions is illustrated by variants such as [1-3J which cannot be fitted into any regular complementation pattern

gothe rope [1] They lel the rope go [2]

goofthe rope (3)

[b] Of the two constructions with help tha with 10 is more common in BrE and that without 10

is more common in AmE [e] Arare verb in category (i) is the now rather archaic bid with a to-infinitive complementation in the passive

They bidbade me sil down - rwas bidden 10 sil down

[C61 Object + -ing participle complementation 1653 The verbs in category [C6] consist of verbs of perception (Type (iraquo verbs of

encounter (Type (iO) and two verbs of coercive meaniacuteng (Type

feel[C5] see[C5) (ji) eateh (iiiacute) have hear[C5) smell diseover get notiee [C5] spot find observe[C5) spy leave overhear[CS) wateh [CS) pereeive

Perception verbs marked [CS] occur also with the bare infinitive pattern [CS) Wiacuteth such verbs there iacutes an aspect difference between [C5) and [C6) as described in 461f

Tim watched Bill mendlmendingthe lampo

The bare infinitive having nonprogressive meaning implies that Bill did the wholejob while Tiacutem was watching the -ing clause with progressive meaning has no such implicatiacuteon

This complementatiacuteon pattern differs from that of [B9) not only in its progressive aspect but also in that the noun phrase following the superordinate verb cannot take the genitive (or possessive) form (ef 1642)

1 saw him lying on the beach 1 saw his lying on the beach

Another difference from pattern [B9) is that the -ing predication can normally be omitted without radically altering the meaning

1 saw him lying on the beach [entails iexcl saw him)

Contrast

1 hate my friends leaving early [does notentaiacutel 1 hate my friends)

Types of verb complementation 1207

The passive with this pattern is regular

We could hear the rain splashing on the roof ~ The rain could be heard splashing on che roof

A teacher eaughc them smoking in the playground - They were eaught smoking in the playground (by a teacher)

Prepositional verbs with this type of complementation ([C6prJ) include eome aeross eome upon listen to and look at Look at those ehildren climbing the wall But these [C6prJ prepositional verbs have no prepositiacuteonal passive

seen The guards had been spouhed searchiacuteng the building

wate e d looked at

Have in this construction (e18S1ff) also has no passive in keeping with its use in other constructions

She had us working day after day We were had working day after day

Note Feeloccurs especially with a reflexive pronoun object Shefelt herself falling in love

[C7) Object + -ed participle complementation 1654 We can distinguish three small groups of verbs complemented bv a raised

object followed by an -ed participle c1ause

(i) CAUSATIVE verbs get ha ve She gotlhad the watch repaired immediately

Oi) VOLITlONAL verbs want need like I wantlneed this watch repaired immediately

(jii) PERCEPTUAL verbs see hearJeel (oneself) wateh Someone must have seenl heard the car stolen

A fourth group is peripheral to this construction

(iv) Verbs for which the -ed participle describes a resulting statefind

diseoverleave They founddiseoveredfleft him worn out by tra vel and exertion

j In this construction as in that of (C6) have can ha ve either an agentive causative meaning or a stative meaning Hence The guard patrol had two men shot is ambiguous meaning either The patrol caused two men to be shot or

I The patrol suffered the los s oftwo men by shooting The latter meaning is that of the have-existential construction (ef 18S1ff) In general this

complementation type is semantically equivalent to one with an iacutenfinitive form of the verb be Thus in Type (ii) iexcl would like my room cleaned is synonymous with iexcl would like my room to be cleaned in Type Oiiacute) He saw the team beaten is synonymous with He saw the team be beaten

Note [al There is no passive for most verbs in pattem [e7] and at best the passive is dubious The car must have been seen stolen The acceptability of the passive with Type (iv) is exceptional

---

--

1208 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

The car wasfound abandoned This is indeed an indication that Type (iv) may not belong here so much as with the objecl complement construction [el l iexclhe participle construclion being adjectival (cf an abandoned car) lb1In addition to the two meanings of haue + objec + -ed participle above a third meaning results ifthe -ed clause is analysed as a postmodifier of Ihe object eg She had a book (which gtvas) stolenfrom the library

Ditransitive complementation

ID11 Noun phrases as both indirect and direct object 1655 Ditransiacutetive complementation in its basic fonu involves two object no un

phrases an indirect object which is nonually aniacutemate and positioned first and a direct object which is nonually concrete The two noun phrases differ from those of[C2] in not being in a copular relationship

He gave the girl a doll --v-- --r-

S V Oiacute Od

The difference between this and complex transitive complementation is seen in

svoe He found her a loyal friendo ( She was a loyal friend)

SVOO He found her an apartment ( - The apartment was for her)

The characteristics of indirect objects in contrast to direct objects are fully disclssed in 107

Sorne ditransitive verbs have two passive analogues which we shall distinguish as first and second

The girl was given a doll [FIRST PASSIVE]

A doll was given the girl [SECOND PASSIVE]

Of these two the first passive in which the indirect object becomes subject is the more common The prepositional paraphrase is more usual as an alternative than the second passive A dol was given to the girl (For a list of verbs ofType [01] ef1657 below)

[D21 Object and prepositional object 1656 In the ditransitive category prepositional verbs fonu an important group

with its own sub-divisions and may therefore be given a separate category number D2] These verbs are those we have called Type II prepositional verbs (cfI67-8) Alongside the ordinary indirect object pattern two main prepositional patterns rnaybe distinguished _

Indirect object + direct object [D1] Direct object + prepositional object D2a] lndirect object + prepositional object [D2b]

Types of verb complementation 1209

The indirect object is normally animate and is the recipient or beneficiary of the process described by the verb (ef 1019) Unlike ditransitive verbs of category [D 1] (eg give) ditransiti ve verbs with prepositional objects nonually have only one passive

We addressed our remarks to the children [D2a] - Our remarks were addressed to the children (The children were addressed our remarks (toraquo

W e reminded him of the agreement [D2bl - He was reminded of the agreement (The agreement was reminded him (of)

-1 Sorne verbs have a11 three possibilities of construction in the active many have two forothers there is only one possibility (in sorne cases the alternatives are not identical but very similar in meaning)

tel [01 + 2a + 2b]

1

offer [01 + 2a] 1

envy [01 + 2b] I

wish [01]

bamefD2a + 2b]

say [D2a]

warn [D2b]

Mary told only John the secret DI] Mary told the secret only to John [D2a] Mary told only John about the secreto [D2b]

John offered Mary sorne help [DI] John offered sorne help to Mary [D2a]

She envied John his success [DI] She envied Johnfor his success [D2b]

They wished him good luck [DI]

Helen blamed the divorce on John rD2al Helen blamed Johnfor the divorce [D2bj

Why didnt anybody say this to me [D2a] I

Mary warned John ofthe dangers [D2b) I

The different constructional possibilities of certain verbs provide a means of achieving different focus (cfI837f) Compare the fo11owing pairsofsentences as pronounced with unmarked (end) focus

Mary blamed the broken vase on IOHN Mary blamed John for the broken VAacuteSE

(ef John was blamed by MARY)

The government supplied blankets for the HOMEless The government supplied the homeless with BLANKets

(ef Blankets were supplied by the Goacutevernment)

Note [al The aboye constructions are presented in the most typical syntactic ordering but postshyponernent of the direct or iacutendirect object may take place in contexts where end-focus or endshyweight is required (cf1837) eg John offered lO Mary Ihe help thal she needed [b] Additional prepositional verb patterns should be briefly mentioned There is for example the double-prepositional-verb pattern noted in 1617(c)

1210 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1211

1657

1 am applying lo the hospitalor ajobo There is a further possibility that two prepositional objects may follow a diacuterect object

We are paying $100 lo the garage for the repairs

Verbs of complementation types ID1 and [D2 The following list gives sorne of the verbs that occur in Types [DI] [D2aJ [D2b] organized aeeording to the cross-classifications of 1656 aboye We are interested here only in synonymous or nearly synonyrnous constructions in which the same participant roles (ef lO18jJ) oceur Hence many possible prepositional verbs are ignored Pay for for example is ignored because it introduces a further participant (the commodity bought) not incuded in pay (with) and pay (to)

Table 1657

Type [DI) Type [D2a] Type[D2b]

EXAMPLE serve (Jaek scampi) serve (searnpi) serve (Jack) to (Jack) with (scampi)

[DI + 2a + 2b) pay payto pay with provide (AmE) providefor provide with serve serve to serve with tel tell to tell about

[DI + 2a) (l) bring bring to den deny to give give lo

grant gram to hand hand to leave leave tofor lend lend to offer offer to owe oweto promise promiseto read read lo send send to show show to teaeh teaeh to throw throw to

(ii) do doacutefor find findfor make makefor order order for reserve reservefor save savefor spare sparefor

(iii) ask askof

1658

[DI + 2b]

[Di]

[D2a + 2b]

[D2a]

[D2b)

envy excuse forgive

allow eharge fine refuse wish

blameon supply forto

address to announee to eommunieate to explain to sayto

envyfor exeusefor forgivefor

blamefor supply with

advise about punishfor etc

The membership of[D2b] is numerous Here are further examples arranged by prepositions

thankfor eonvineeof robof refer to preventfmm depriacutevenf ltuspee f 9f sentenee to proleet from informof warnof subject ro imerest in persuadeof congratulate on treat to aecuseof relieveof confine to charge with convictof remindof introduce to compare with

Note that reflexive verbs (cf 625) sometirnes oecur with a prepositional object eg We pride ourselves on the serviee we ofler Sorne of the verbs abo ve (such as compare with) ean have two inanimate objects

In Table 1657 we have distinguished under[Dl + 2a] verbs taking to as their preposition from those takingfor eg

(i) She sent Paul a present She sent a present to Paul (ji) She made Paul a meaL She made a mealfor Paul

Occasionally a preposition other than to and for oceurs in this function

OiO She asked Paul a favour She asked a favour ofPaul

Distinct from [D2aJ and [D2bJ aboye is a kind of prepositional verb which has already been discussed in 167-8 a verb for which the direet object forms part of an idiomatic unit with the verb and the preposition The syntactic properties of this type which we label (D2e] have already been dealt with and it is enough here to list a further sample ofsueh idioms

1212 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1213I I

eateh siacuteght of make allowanee for put a stop to give place to make fun of set jire to give way to make afuss overabout take aeeount Ofl keep pace with make roomfor take advantage ojI lose sight of make use ojI take eare of 1

lose toueh with pay attention to 1 take note ojI lose traek of put an end to take notice ojI

Those marked with a raised 1 can take not only a prepositional passive (ef 167-8) but also can easily take a passive for which the idiomatically-fixed direct object beco mes subject eg (Some) allowanee was made for loss of eamings (Little) notiee was taken of this evento Other verbs can take the passive but with greater difficulty with these examples as with prepositional verbs in general idiomatic cohesion is a matter of gradience

Variants of ditransitive complementation

ID3J Indirect object + that-cIause object 1659 Corresponding to monotransitive verbs ofType [B3] (efI630) are ditransiti ve

verbs for which the direct object is a that-clause

John eonvinced me (that) he was right ~ I was eonvineed (by John) (that) he was right

The second passive is unacceptable when the direct object is a clause That he was right was eonvineed me Thus the first passive (ef 1655) above is the only passive that can occur with this pattern With sorne verbs such as eonvinee above it is impossible to delete the noun phrase object

John conviucJ (lhat) he was riguiacute

With other verbs such as show the indirect object is optional

The professor of mathematics showed me that Pythagoras was mistaken ~ The professor of mathematics showed that Pythagoras was

mistaken

Ditransitive verbs followed by a that-clause may be divided into a subtype introducing an indirect statement and a subtype introducing an indirect directive (ef 1433) In the indirect statement the that-clause contains an indicative verb in the indirect directive the verb may be indicative or subjunctive and often contains putative should or another modal verb (ef 1632 for the distribution ofthese options)

INDIRECT STATEMENT

May 1 inform you that your order is ready for eolleetion INDIRECT DIRECTIVE

mightbeShe petitioned the king that her father ~ould be pardoned

In the following list Type (i) verbs introduce indirect statements and Type (H) verbs introduce indirect directives The indirect directive construction is

rare and formal in comparison with the similar infinitive construction (ef 1663)

WOUldI begged her that she should help ltformal) 1 begged her to help ltmore usual)

For those verbs marked O the indirect object is obligatory foc those marked (O) the indirect object is optional for those marked laquoOraquo the indirect object is not only optional but unusual

(i) advise (O) remindO (iiacute) ask3 laquoOraquo assureO satisfyO beg3 (O) bet (O) show3 (O) eharge (O) eonvineeO teaeh3 (O) eommand laquoOraquo forewarn (O) tellO iacutenstruet laquoOraquo informO wager(O) order laquoOraquo notify 3 O warn (O) petition3 (O) persuadelO write2bull 3 (O) tellO promise3 (O)

The superscripts are interpreted as follows

1 Persuade in the sense ofconvince belongs to Type (i) but it may also be used in a Type (iiacute) sense of persuade someone to do something

2 Write is found with an indirect object + that-clause especially in AmE 3 With verbs so marked the indiacuterect object can be replaced by a

prepositional object (ef 1660)

Note Superficially similar W the [D3] pallern is lhe impersonal construction Iacutef strikeslstruck me (Ihal) asin

It strikes me this work is for his own amusement But here the Ihal-c1ause (as in 1634) is the extraposed subject of the verbo Compare He strikes me as (cf1646 Note [el) and lt occursto me that (cfI634 Note [e))

ID3prl Prepositionalobject + that-cIause object 1660 The verbs marked 3 in the aboye list can be optionally followed by a

preposition thus forming a category similar to [D2a] in 1656

He promised laquoto) me) that the debt would be repaid

For most verbs of [03] which permit a prepositional object the preposition is to

He wrote to me He reported to me that etc

Exceptions are ask and beg which (in somewhat formal usage) are followed by the preposition of

I askbegofyou that you will keep this secret ltformal)

There is in addition a group of verbs which were classified in 1631-32 as monotransitive but which optionally allow the preposition to preceding a prepositional object These may be distinguished as Type [D3pr] and subdivided into sub-types (i) and (iacutei) as in the paraUel description of [B3] verbs

1214 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Joan mentioned (to me) that her father was siacuteck [Type (O] Or Oay recommended (to her) that the treatment be continued [Type (ii)]

For elample

(i) acknowledge declare remark (ji) propose admit explain repon recommend announce mention say suggest complain pointout signal eoness prove state

As before Type (i) verbs introduce indirect statements and the less numerous Type (ii) verbs introduce indirect directives As befare too sorne exceptional verbs take a preposition other than to

She demanded ome that She agreed with me that etc

Unlike the nonprepositional verbs of [03] these prepositional verbs alow the that-c1ause to become subject of a corresponding passive clause an option which is more acceptable with extraposition

That several ministers are resigning has been admitted to our correspondent ~ It has been admitted to our correspondent that several ministers

are resigning It has been shown to us al that Miss Jones was innocent

Without the preposition ie with an ordinary indirect object such sentences are at best marginally grammatical 1It has been shown us al that Miss Jones was innocent

~~otc The constructions of lt appc-siexclappe(~iexclcfurseems ro me ha slipclfidaly appear ti) bclvuumlg to the paltero [D3prl but in faet these contain monotransitive verbs with an extraposed tnatshyelause as subject

It occurredlseemed to me that he was Iying esimilar patteros with extraposition in 1634 1659 Note

ID4) Indirect object + finite wh-c1ause object 1661 This pattern of complementatiacuteon is primarily found with the verb ask which

introduces a reported question

John asked me what time the meeting would end ~ 1 was Gsked (by John) what time the meeting would end

AIso used with this pattern are verbs which take an indirect object followed by a that-clause (Type (i) of [03]) but for these the wh-clause tends to be limited 10 nonassertive contexts (cf1635) Compare

George didnt tell them that the train was late [1] George didn t tel them whether the train was late [21

The difference of meaning between the that- and whether-constructiacuteons can be stated in terms of presupposition Sentence [1] typically implies that the train was late while [2] is noncommittal on the matter [04] verbs can also introduce other question words such as where and how

Tvpes of verb complementation 1215

Jim was reluctant to inform us (o) where he got the money Would you remind me (about) how we start the engine

A preposition may always be placed before the wh-c1ause In the aJiexclove cases the prepositiacuteon is optional but in the case of verbs like enquire o (Type [04prJ) the preposition is obligatory iexcl enquired ofthe clerk which doeuments were needed The complex preposition as to can be rather general1y used for introducing the wh-clause eg I enquired as to which documents were needed

[D5) Indirect object + wh-infinitive clause object 1662 This is yet another complementation pattern (comparable with [B5] 1637)

which may be taken by sorne verbs listed under[03] in 1659

advise ask instruct remind show teach tell wam

The instructor taught us how lo land saely - We were taught (by the instructor) how to land saely

They advised him what lO wear in the tropies Please remind me where to meet you afier lunch

The equivalent prepositional verb pattern [05pr] is iIIustrated by suggest to recommend to

Could you please suggest to the visitors which museums to visit

Here as in the [04] type a prepositional phrase introduced by as lO can be used

Helen advised us (as to) how to maintain the machine

f~ iexcl llt ~- I ~ i ~

~i ~ ~~

1663 ID61lndirect object + to-infinitive clause object We have seen that the [03] pattern may be used to introduce indirect statements and that the [04] pattern may be used to introduce indirect questions Now we tuen to the verbs of class [06] which introduce indirect directives (c1433)

1 lOldjadvisedjpersuaded Mark to see a doctor ~ Mark was toldjadvisedjpersuaded to see a doctor

[I] [2]

This complementation category looks like those of[B81 and [C5] in that the verb is followed by a noun phrase and an infinitive construction But the [06] pattern differs from these in that the noun phrase following the verb is an indirect object as will be c1arified in 1666 below As with other verbs introducing indiacuterect speech the subject refers to the speaker of sorne speech act and the indirect object refers to the addressee Like [03] verbs [06] verbs form only the first passive exemplified in [2] above we do not find To see a doctor was lOld Mark The folowing verbs belong to this c1ass

advise command entreat instruct remind teach ask counsel exhort invite request1 tell beg detai[l orbid order recommend urge beseech direct implore persuade challenge enjoin 1 incite l prayl

1216 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Those verbs marked with araised 1 do not have the equivalent construction with a that-clause containing a modal or a subjunctive verb (Types [B3(ii)J [030i)]) Contrast

They ~eg~tedd her to stay another week mm e

They ~eKgtedd (her) that she would stay another week mm e

The alternative that-clause construction however is more formal especially when the indirect object is presento

Note [a] The verb promire when it occurs wiacuteth this kind of complementation is exceptional in that the understood subject of the infinitiacuteve is identified with the subject rather than with the object of the maiacuten c1ause

Sarn prornised me to get some rood

= Sam promised me that he would get sorne roed o Sam promised me that lwould get sorne roed

The present pattern [D6] iexcls however less cornmon with promise than the [B6] pattern without the indiacuterect object Sam promised to get someiexclood lb] Only ordercan be followed by a passive infinitive He ordered Ihem lo be impriacutesonedlreleased

Multiple analysis and gradience in verb complementation 1664 Before we leave verb classification it is important to reflect on the problems

of dividing verbs into complementation types The major division of complementation patterns into copular [AJ monotransitive [BJ complex transitive [C] and ditransitive [OJ categories (introduced in 216) has been extended with little difficulty te include patterns in which the verbs ccmplementation includes finite and nonntildenitc clauses This is the basis rOiacute

the classification Qf verbs into types in 1620-63 aboye But unavoidably our aim of presenting a clear classification has obscured sorne problems of gradience and multiple analysis (e 260ff) and to illustrate these we return to three superficially iacutedentical structures aIread y discussed in 1636 These are now illustrated with three new examples each of which conforms to the pattern NI V N 2 to V N 3 (where N = noun phrase and V = verb phrase)

Table L664a

V N2 to V NJNI

[B8] S V O

We like all parents to visit the schooL

I [1]

[C4] Is V O Co

They James therace I [2]

[D6] I S Oiexcl

We I asked I the students I toattend

Ia lectu~en_~

Types of verb complementation 1217

Each ofthese sentences consists ofthe sequence Niexcl V N 2 to V N 3 and yet we have analysed them respectively as monotransitive (S V O) complex transitive (S V degCol and ditransitiacuteve (S V Oiexcl 0d) A different analysis in sorne ways more revealing would recognize an overlap between two competing descriptions of the intennediacuteate noun phrase N2 There is little doubt that in [1 J this is to be analysed as subject of the infinitive clause (e 1636) whereas in [3J there are equally strong reasons for regarding N as (indirect) object of the main clause (e 1666)

Smiddot V S V O 1shyI I

I I ISmiddot V 0 V OI I I I I iexcl I I I I I I I I I iexcl

NI V Nz 10 V NJ NI V N2 lo V N) I I I I

Fig 1664b Sentence[l] Fig 1664c Sentence [3J

Sentence [2J however partakes ofboth these descriptions From the semantic point of view it requires the analysis of Fig 1664b (ef They expeeted [that James would win the race]) But from the structural point of view the analysis in Fig 1664c is more appropriate reflecting N2s ability to become subject of the passive sentence James was expeeted to win the raee We might reasonably say that in [2J N 2 behaves like an object (0 rather than Oiacute) in relation to the first verb but like a subject in relation to the second infinitive verh Tbe term RAISED OBJECT applied in 1649ffto the intermediate noun phrase of patterns [C4 - Cn incorporates yet another way of recognizing this double analysis by envisaging a process whereby the subject of the infinitive becomes the object of the preceding finite verbo This raised object will be symbolized in what follows SO

1665 Given that the double analysis aboye provides sorne insight into clauses containing nonfinite complementation we could take such an analysis further and apply it to aH complex transitive patterns including the more straightforward SVOC and SVOA pattems of[Cl - C3]

that John is a good driver lB3J 1consider John to be a good driver [C4]

John a good driver [C2]

The paraHelism of meaning and phrasal relations demonstrated in these three sentences recommends an analysis in which the complementation of pattern [C2J John a good driver would be regarded as a clause in its own right ie as a verbless clause consisting of S = John and Cs = a good driver without an intervening V This description would not however displace the by now familiar S V Od Co analysis but would rather be seen as an alternative way of looking at the same construction

---

---

--- ---

1218 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Gradience 1666 The teehnique of multiple analysis stiU leaves some subtletiacutees unexposed

What this teehnique has suggested is that there are the folowing three eategories eorresponding to [1 in 1664

N 2 S We like all parenls to visit the school [1) N2 = SO They expeeted James to win the raee [2] Nz = O We asked Ihe sludents to attend a leeture

But more than three eategories ean be appropriately distinguished if we reeognize [1) and [3] as end-points of a gradient with [2) at some point on the seate between them This area of grammar affords a good example of gradienee

At the monotransitive end of the seale [I) ean be characterized by a number of criteria whieh suggest that N 2 to V N3 (al parents to visit the school) constitutes the direct object of an SVO pattern

(a) It ean be replaced by a pronoun referring to the cIause or noun phrase nominalizing it We like it We like al parens visits

(b) It can be an answer to a what-question A What do you like best

B We like al parents to visit the school (e) In some dialects it can be preceded by the infinitive clause introdueer

for We like (it)for all parens to visit the school (d) It ean easily (when preeeded by for) be the focus of a pseudo-cIeft

sentence What we like (best) is for al parents to visit the school (e) When the sequenee N 2 to V N 3 is turned into the passive form N 3 to be

Vedz by Nz there is no ehange ofmeaning We ike aIl parents to visit the sehcel

= We like the school te be visited biexcl al parents (f) In a reduced construetion the infinitive marker to remains We like them

does not have the same meaning as We like them to

At the other ditransitive end of the seale a eontrasting set of criteria eharaeterize [3) and support the analysis of N2 (the students) as an indireet object and to V N3 (to attend a lecture) as a cIausal direet objeet

(a) 10 V N 3 ean be replaced by a pronoun a noun phrase or a finite clause with Nz still funetioning as indireet object

SOmething We asked the students a question

what they wanted

(b) 10 V N 3 can be the answer to a wh-question while N2 funetions as indirect object

A What did you ask the students B We asked them to attend a lecture

(e) When the sequenee N2 to V N3 is turned into the passive sequence N3 to be Ved2 by N 2 the meaning is always changed

They asked the students to attend a leeture They asked a lecture to be attended by the students

this case indeed the passive transform results in an absurdity)

Types of verb complementation 1219

(d) to V N 3 can marginally become the focus of a pseudo-cleft sentence What they asked the students was to attend a lecture (Contrast the decidedly unaeeeptable What we like the parents is to visil the school)

(e) Nz which like Oi in general is usually personal can be detached from its place after the first V to beeome subjeet of a eorresponding passive sentenee The students were asked to attend a lecture

(n In a reduced eonstruction the infinitive marker to ean be omitted We asked them We persuaded them etc

Note [a] With some ditransitive verbs criterion (a) has to be interpreted as the replacement of the infinitive clause by a preposition and prepositional object (cfI656-8)

They reminded hiacutem ofhis responsibiacutelities One man challenged the other lo a duel

[b] Criterion (d) is less reliacuteable than the others since the pseudo-cleft sentence is unacceptable for many verbs But a pseudo-cleft sentence in which the indirect object is replaced by a prepositional object tends to be more grammatical Whal Ihey asked ollhe sludenls was lO attend a leclure (The alternative construction with the substitute verb do which also occurs with [1] is always more acceptable What Ihey asked Ihe students lo do was lO attend a lecture)

1667 To give a simplified illustration of the analysis of gradience in the sequence NI V N 2 to V N 3 we now take a subset ofthe eriteria listed aboye and apply them to a range of verbs on the gradient eonneeting [1] and [3] of 16_66

(1) (3) (4)(2) wantask elect intend

CRITERIA likeallow expectlel~ etc I etc etc etc~ (a) lo V N 3 can be replaeed by - - -+a finite clause

(e) ehange of meaning in passive -+ +of N 2 10 VN3

(e) N 2 can beeome subjeet of passive -+ ++

Fig 1667 A eomplementatiacuteon gradient

The matrix uses only three criteria and thereby distinguishes only four categories This is sufficient to indicate the principie however that the three categories [BS] [C4] and [D6) of our taxonomy eould be broken down iexclnto a finer spectrum of eategories between which the differences are small In effeet Fig 1667 distinguishes two subeategories of [C4] one (including elect and allow) whieh is c10ser to the ditransitive type and one (including inlend and expect) eloser to the monotransitive type Elect and allow respond to cri terion (e)

They elected Miss Coe to suceeed the present seeretary They elected the present seeretary to be sueceeded by Miss Coe

We dont allow residents to entertain visitors We dont allow visitors to be entertained by residents

1220 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

while intend and expeet do not

They intended the students to see the professor = They intended the professor to be seen by the students

They expeet the students to enjoy the classes = They expeet the classes to be enjoyed by the students

Note Por verbs in group (3) the voice oflhe infinitive clause and the voiceofthe main clausemay be independently varied with the result Ihat a SlIacutentence like They expected the students lo enjoy lile classes has tbree corresponding passiv~s with iexclhe same meaning

They expected the classes to be enjoyed by the students The students were expecled lo enjoy the classes

The classes were expected lo be enjoyed by the students

The last example has a passive verb phrase in both the superordinate clause and Ihe infinitive clame

Adjective complementation

168 Categories of complementation in adjective phrases (ef 228 721-2) are similar in variety to those ofverb complementation We distinguish [El-ES)as follows

[El] Complementation by a prepositional phrase [E2] Complementation by a that-clause [E3] Complementation by a wh-clause

i[E4) Complementation by a than-clause [ES] Complementation by a to-infinitive clause [E6] Complementation by an -ing participle clause

These complementation patterns can occur after an adjective (andmiddot its modifiers if any) in various syntactic functions For example

The violiacuten iacutes (rather) difficut to play (adjective phrase as CJ

Mary found the violiacuten (rather) diffieut to play (adjective phrase as CJ

The violiacuten is an instrument (rather) diffieult to play (adjective phrase as postmodifier)

The on1y posiacutetion in which an adjective cannot normally be followed by iacutets complementation is the premodifying position in a noun phrase a keen child on ehess But here too with certain constructions (Types [ES(iraquo) and [ES(v)D the complementation can follow discontinuously after the head noun The violiacuten is a diffieult instrument to play (ef discontinuity with comparative constructions IS75) For illustrative purposes we will confine examples in the following sections to the subject complement function The lists like the verb lists in 1620-63 will be selective

Adjective complementation 1221

Note There is a considerable parallel as the categories [El-ES] aboye demonstrate between patterns associated with adjectives and those associated with monotransitive verbs The chief difference is that adjectives cannot be followed by a noun phrase object To bring out the parallel further we could describe adjectives exemplified in 1669 below (averse to conscous oJ etc) as prepositional adjectives comparable with prepositional verbs We could moreover identify phrasal adjectives (derived from participiaI forms ofphrasal verbs) such as ron down (exhausled depressed) and phrasaI-prepositionaI adjectives such as fed up (with) These tatter variants however are rare enough lo be disregarded in the foUowing lists

[E1] Adjective complementation by a prepositional phrase 1669 Like prepositional verbs adjectives often forro a lexical unit with a following

preposition good atfond oj opposedto etc The lexical bond is strongest with adjectives for which in a given sense the complementation is obligatory Max is averse to games Max is averse Such adjectives are marked 1 in the following lists

The lists make a distinction between participial (ef 715-19) and nonparticipial adjectives The differencebetween participial adjectives and the -ed participle of the passive construction is discussed in 375-77 These lists provide on1y a small sample of the adjectives accompanying the prepositions concemed In particular it is often possible for the same adjective to go with two or more prepositions as in angry about angry at and angrywith

ABOUT He was very worried about her reaction (ef960)

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

angry knowledgeabe aggrieved frightened glad mad annoyed pleased happy reasonable delighted worried

AT She was badat mathematics (ef962)

NONP ARTICIPIAL P ARTlCIPIAL

angry good alarmed disgusted brilliant hopeless amusedmiddotmiddot pleased elever terrible delighted puzzled

FROM Thevillage is remotefromthe bustle ofcity life (ef918 947)

different distant distinct free remo te

OF She was aware ofhis difficulties

NONPARTlCIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

eonvineed ashamed empty proud1 afraid conseiousl glad

seared eapable fond 1 short1 tired certain full worthy

ONUPON Their plan was based on cooperation

NONPARTICIPIAL IPARTICIPIAL

contingent1 intent1 reliantl basedl set1

dependent keen severe hentl

Yiexcl

1222 Complementation of verbs and adjectives ~ Adjective complementation 1223

Note lal In general choice of preposilion remains the same after morphologicalIy related verbs adjectives and nouns differentftom differ from differencefrom But Ihis eorrespondence is not always lo be relied on contrastfull ofwilhfilied wllh proudofwith pride in lb] Other prepositions whieh less comrnonly enlee into adjective + prepositlon idioms iexclnelude for and lowards graleful for sorry for inclined towards le] Usedfollowed by the preposition lO a more informal synonym ofaccustomed(to) is participial in spelling but has the speeial pronuneiation nus~ Unlike accustomed however used does not oceur with a following infinitive (ef 1679) This adjeetival used to in spite of identity of spelling and pronunciation is quite distinet from used lO as a marginal modal (cf344) Contrast

Im used lO hard work I used ro work hard Id] In the past prescriptive objeetions have been made to the use of to ralher Ihan from after averse and different Howevee ro is the normal preposition to fol1lt11 averse and differenr 10 is quite widely used (esp in BrE) as an altemative lo differentfrom On iJifferent rhan cf1566 Note 1674

le] Wilh can be omitted after (fn)compalibie if the subject is plural cfmutual participation 1360

middotCarl is incompatible OUT Cad and Eva are incompatible

[E2] Adjective complementation by a that-clause 670 Like that-clauses following a verb that-clauses folIowiacuteng an adjective may

have

(A) indicative verb 1am sure (that) he is here now (B) subjunctiacuteve verb They were insistent (that) we be ready (formal) (C) putativeshould Im sorry (that) he should hove left ltformal)

The uses of the mandative subjunctive and of putative should have been discussed in 359 and 1425 respectiacutevely Putative should often occurs after expressions of emotion (sorrowjoy displeasure surprise wonder etc) and is often accompanied by intensifying expressions such as so such like thisl that ever or at all The indicative that-clause on the other hand refers to an established fact The foHowing pairs illustrate choices of construction

1 (that) 1 have to leave so early am sorry (that) you should have been (so) inconvenienced

(that) you didnt call the doctor before 1 am surprised (that) anyone ofyour intelligence should swallow a tie

likethat

With some adjectives (those in category [E2b(iiacute)] 1672) the should-clause can be paraphrased by an infinitive clause with a subject

It was natural for him to go to London after the war = It was natural that he should go to London after the war

That-clauses cannot be preceded by preposiacutetions Hence adjectives which are constructed with prepositions before noun phrases ([El]) drop the preposition before a that-clause (cfI628) Compare the folIowing

OfhiS innocence [E1 ] 1am convlnced (th ) h t [E2]at e IS mnocen

Many that-clauses folIowing an adjective are actualIy subjects postponed by extraposition (cf1833)

lt is lucky (that) you came - That you came is lucky

These are listed separately in 1672

lEla) Adjectives with experiencer (cflO23 Note) as subject 1671 (i) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATIVE VERB ONL Y (cfNote [a] below)

These adjectives express degrees of certainty or confidence aware certain corifident sure

We were corifident that Karen was stiacutell alive

(ii) THAT-CLAUSE HAS PUTATIVE SHOULD OR SUBJUNCTIVE VERB

(or marginally aloo an indicative verb) The three principal adjectives in this class are anxious eager and willing

he should be permitted to resiacutegn 1 Are you willing that he be permitted to resign 1

1he is permitted to resign 1 ~

(On the distribution of these three altematives cfI630)

(iH) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATIVE VERB OR PUTATIVE SHOULD

These adjectives express emotions

Im so thankful that nobody was hurto Were you surprised that Ray should win the prize

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

afraid hopeful alarmed depressed horrified angry proud amazed disappointed irritated glad sad amused distressed pleased grateful sorry annoyed disturbed shocked happy tha7lkful astonished frightened upset

There is a tendency to prefer the putative should construction in nonassertive contexts or where the adjective has negative or unfavourshyable associations

TO AH capital gains are subject to taxation NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

answerable close liableacute accustomedl

averse l due1 simz1ar allied1I WiTH This plan is not compatible with our princiacuteples

NONPARTICIPIAL I PARTICIPIAL

angry busy

happy impatient

annoyed bored

ClJmfortable incompatible1 concerned compatibleacute sick delighted content familiar friendly furious

uneasy depressed disappointed disgusted dismayed distressed

inclined1

opposed1

drunk enchanted obsessed occupied overcome pleased satisfied taken1

1672

1224 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Adjective complementatlon 1225

Note [a] The restriction oC Type (i) above lo indicative verbs only is meant to allow Cor the use of T

Note [a] Although tlle pro-forms so and n01 cannot be used after tllese [E2bI adjectives (ef 1671modal auxiliaries including should in a nonputative sense eg I am a~are that I should [= ought 1lo] havejoined longago iexcl Note [bJ) there iexclsa possibilityofreplacing the adjective + solnat by a related adverb + sonot

[b) Afraid is unique among adjectives in that it accepts the pro~oun so (and iexclts negative equivalent Mt) as a that-clause substitute (cfI631) rm afraid SOMI

IElbJ Adjectives with anticipatory it as subject

The that-elause in this eonstruetion is an extraposed subjeet Three types are again distinguished matehing those in 167l

(i) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATlVE VERBONLY (cfI671 Note CaD These adjectives have to do with truthor knowledge

It is true that she never cemes on time

apparent evident likely possible untrue certain implicit obvious true well-known clear indubitable plain unlikely

(ji) THAT-CLAUSE HAS PUTATIVIl SHOULD OR SUBJUNCTIVE VERB (or marginshyaIly also an indicative verb) These adjectives express eoncepts concerned with modality or volition

should be lifted tomorrow It is essential that the ban be lifted tomorrow

(1) is lifted tomorrow

appropriate essentiacuteal important necessary vital compulsory fitting impossible obligatoryshycrucial imperative improper proper

Various deverbal adjectives ending in -able also belong to this group egadvisable desrabIe preferable

(iii) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATlVE VERB OR PUTATIVE SHOULD

This group consists mainly of emotive adjectives and ineludes a large num ber ofparticipial ad jecti ves ending in -ing

Itmiddot strange th t She is so late IS upsetting a she should be so late

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTlCIPIAL

awkward logical alarming perplexing curious odd annoying pleasing disastrous peculiar depressing shocking dreadful sad disappointing surprising extraordinary silly embarrassing fortunate tragie frightening iexclrrational unfortunate irritating

Various -able-ible adjectives also be10ng tp this group admirable eommendable deplorable despieable incomprehensible inconceivable lamentable remarkable understandable unjustifiable etc

ha h l Id l h B Yes obviouslyfortunately soA 1 t IS apparentt t s e IVes oesn t Ive ere B N J I I di t o event y sa y no [b] When an adjective ofType (iii) above occurs after a modal verb construction the that-clause is commonly replaced by an if-clause If the modal verb in the main c1ause is hypothetical (eg would) the verb in the ifmiddotdause is placed in tlle hypothetical pasto Compare

It is sad that you have to leave It will be sad ifyou hove to lea ve

It would be sad ifyou had lo lea ve

[E3] Adjective complementation by a wh-clause 1673 As with that-clauses we have to distinguish those adjeetives ([E3a]) which

are predicated of an experieneer (normalIy a person) as subject and those ([E3bD which go with antieipatory it In the latter case the wh-clause is an extraposed subject Examples are

(onwhat 1should sayo [1]E3a 1was unsure[ 1 (about) whether the problem was solved [2]

[E3b] It was unclear what they would do [3]

Type [E3a1 consists of adjectives which are constructed with prepositions and whieh therefore belong also to Type [EI1 The preposition is sometimes omitted before the wh-clause (ef155 Note reD In Type [E3b] on the other hand no preposition can be inserted bull It was uneear ofabout what lhey would do AIso no infinitive wh-cIause is possible (ef i637) It is unsure where to go is unacceptable unless it refers to sorne aniacutemate being (sueh as a mouse) and is consequently not interpreted in terms of extraposition

Retuming to Type [E3a] we note that in sorne cases the adjective takes a wh-elause in assertive eontexts eg eareful (about) doubtful (as to) fussy (about) puzzled (as to) uneear (about) uncertain (o) undecided (about) unsure (0) unaware (o)

John is careul (about) what he does with his money

Most of these adjeetives are intrinsiealIy negative In meaning In other cases although elsewhere it is associated with an indicative that-clause [E2a(i)] the adjective tends to oceur with a wh-cIause in nonassertive contexts (efI635) eg aware certain eear sure

Are you sure (o) how mueh the maehine costs 1wasnt altogether cleaiexcl- (about) what we had to do

A similar division may be made among adjectives of the antieipatory-it type ([E3b]) Those whieh intrinsieally express doubt and therefore take this strueture even in assertive contexts include doubtful uneertain uneear unsure and unknown Those normally oceurring with an indieative that-elause (le Type [E2b(i)]) inelude apparent eertain obvious and plain They can take a wh-cIause in nonassertive contexts Each type is illustrated in

It was uneear whether an amendment would be accepted It was not obvious how far the westernization process would IO

~ltgt ~~~1~ 1 -~ Adjective complementation 1227

1226 Complementation of verbs and adjectives iexcl

After adjectives of Type [E3a] there may also occur an infinitive wh-clause 1 was uncertain (oi) what to do This is preferable to the finite c1ause in cases illustrated by [1-3] aboye since the subject can remain unexpressed in the reduced nonfinite version

[E4] Adjective complementation by a than-clause 1674 There is an unusual construction in which a noncomparative adjective is

foIlowed by a comparative than-clause as complementation Different is the only adjective which fits into this pattero and even then there is a tradition which regards the use of than here as impropero There is however no felicitous alternative to the different than construction in examples such as

Shes quite a different girl than she wasfilie years ago [11 The various styliacutestic variants of and alteroatives to the than-clause after different are examined in 1566 Note lb] When the c1ause is reduceacuted to a noun phrase it becomes possible to usefrom as an alternative to than

The unions are taking a very different attitude ~ the employers

When the noun phrase folIowing thanffrom cannot be derived by ellipsis from a c1ause than is decidedly less acceptable thanfrom

The main languages of southern India are totaIly different In origin

~~~ those ofthe northern partofthe country

Note [al On differenlrom and different 10 1669 Note [dI [bj It is aloo possible for a Ihan-c1ause to be used after he adverb difilrently

In the west of the country they pronounce their vowels quite aifferently han (they do) in the easl

The same prescriptive objections are made to differenlly Ihan as to different Ihan

[E5] Adjective complementation by a to-infinitive clause [675 We distinguish seven kinds of construction in which an adjective is foIlowed

by a to-infinitive c1ause They are exemplified in the following sentences which are superficially alike

Bob is splendid to wait (ii) Bob is slow to react

(iii) Bob is sorry to hear it (iv) Bob is hesitant to agree with yOU (v) Bob is hard to convince

(vi) The food is ready to eat (vii) lt is important to be accurate

In Types (i-iv) the subject of the main clause (Bob) is also the subject of the infinitive c1ause We can therefore always have a direct object in the infinitive clause if its verb is transitive Por example if we replace intransitive wait by transitive build in (i) we can have Bob is splendid to build this house

Por Types (v-vii) on the other hand the subject of the infinitive is unspecified although the contextoften makes clear which subject is intended

In these types it is possible to insert a subject preceded by for eg in Type (vi) The food is ready (jOr Ihe children) to eat

Infinitive complementation following adjectives modified by lOO and enQugh is discussed eIse Note where in 1S73

(ES(i)) Bob is Iplendid to wait Type (i) has an analogue in a construction involving extraposition (cf1833)1676 1t is splendid of Bob lo wait This type OC construction also permits a head noun between the adjective and the infinitive

Bob must be a spiendid craftsman ~ ~~bUilt this house

As this example shows the infinitive may be perfective We may also compare constructions in which an evaluative noun with its determiner

replaces the adjective

ffoolishYourelafool to spend so mucho

WOnderfUl Youre 1 to walt for me anange

Adjectives in this group are evaluative of human beha~iour They inelude

careful crazy mad silly wise careless greedy nice unwise wrong

These adjectives can also occur with anticipatory il and an of-phrase as additional complementation (cf1682)

It was foolish of you to spend so mucho

IE5(Hraquo) Bob is IOW to react In Type (ii) the sentence corresponds to one in which the adjective becomes 1677 an adverbwhile the infinitive becomes the finite verb

Bob is slow to react - Bob reacts slowlyc

In another analogue the adjective is followed by in and an -ing participle Bob is slow in reacting The infinitive verb phrase must be simple for example unlike the inftnitive phrase in [E5(i)] it cannot be perfective Bob is slow ItJ have reacted Other adjectives in this small group are quick and prompt

There is also a partial adverbial analogue (e8127ff) for Type (i) but in Type (i) unlike Type Note (ii) the perfective infinitive andeven the get-passive (e366) can be used

loan was wise to resigno ~ loan wisely resigned loan was careless to get beaten - loan carelessly got beaten

loan is careless to have got beaten

IES(iuumlraquo) Bob is 10rry lo hear it In Type (iexcliexcli) the head of the adjective phrase is an emotive adjective 1678 (commonly a participial adjective) and the infinitive clause expresses

causation

1679

1228 Complementation of verbs end adjectives

Im sorry to have kept you waiting [rm sorry because I have kept you waiting]

1 was exeited to be there [- To be there exeited me]

Adjectives in this group correspond c10sely to the adjectives followed by a that-clause in 1671 (Type [E2a(iii)D

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

afraid angry ashamed content furious glad

happy impatient indignant jubilant thankful

annoyed astonished bored coneerned delighted depressed

disgusted dissatisfied embarrassed fasemated frightened interested

overwhelmed perturbed puzzled relieved surprised worried

disappointed overjoyed

IE5(ivraquo) Boh is heaitant to agree withyou In Type (iv) the head of the adjective phrase expresses volitional meaning or a modal meaning such as ability possibility or liability Examples are

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

able keen determined anxious Iiable disposed apt Iikely [E2b] fated[E2b] eertain [E2b] loath inclined curious powerless poiseddue prone prepared eager ready [E5] (all) set eligible reluetant unqualified fit [ES] sure [E2b] free [ES] unable greedy weleome hesitant willing impotent worthy

The adjectives marked [E2b] occur with a corresponding construction with extraposition of a that-clause

JilI is likely to attend - It is likely that JiU will attend

Those marked [E5] are capable of occurring with an infinitive construction of passive meaning ie with an indefinite implied subject and a coreferential implied object

Theyare not fit to eat = They are not tit to be eaten

Some ofthe most common adjectives in this list have a tendency to coalesce with the preceding copula 10 form a semimiddotauxiliary verb (ef3A7) be able to be willing to be sure to In addition to modal and volitional adjectives some adjectives ofaspectual meaning such as aeeustomed and wont may be placed here

Adjective complementation 1229

We are aecustomedto take teaon the terrace (formal) He was wont to leave the office at 5 pm (formal archaic)

(ES(vraquo) Bob is lard to convince 1680 In Type (v) the subject of the sentence is identified with the unexpressed

object of the infinitive clause which must therefore have a transitive verb hence the unacceptable Bob Is hard to arrive There is an analogous construction in which the adjective is complement to an infinitive c1ause acting as (extraposed) subject (ef 1836)

- To convince Bob is hard Bob IS hard to convmce It is hard to convince Bob

Adjeeacutetives so used refer 10 degrees of ease or comfort and iexclnclude

awkward hard tough (informal) eonvenient impossible trieky (informal) difficult niee (informal) unpleasant easy pleasant

Unless there is ellipsis we cannot omit the infinitive c1ause and so there is no semantic implication between (say) The bread was hard to bake and The bread was hard Unlike the preceding types Type (v) permitsfor + subject to be inserted at the beginning of the infinitive clause Those darts are trieky (for a beginner) to use Where the infinitive has no overt subject its implicit subject is understood to have an indefinite meanihg

Jack is easy 10 fool =Jack is easy for anyone to foo

Note With some adjectives in this group such as nice or unpleasant the entailment relation between be + adjective ro V and be + adjective is less easy lO avoid eg Jenny is nice lo know iacutemplies that Jenny is nice

IE5(viraquo) Thefood is ready to eat 1681 Again in this type the subject of the main clause is identified with the object

of the intinitive c1ause But unlike Type (v) Typemiddot(vi) has no analogous construction with an infinitive clause subject

The food is ready to eat To eat the food is ready

Also we can generally (a) omit the infinitive clause or (b) substitute a passive infinitive clause without change ofmeaning

Are these cups available (to use) = Are these cups available (to be used)

Some adjectives of this type such as availablefitfree ready and suffieient belong additionally 10 Type (iv) so that a sentence like The lamb ia ready to eat is ambiguous in one sense (the most accessible) being equivalent to the passive The lamb is ready to be eaten Then there is a wider set of adjectives which often occur without complementation at all

The air isfrosty (to breathe) Its fur is soft (to touch)

1230 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

In both Type (v) and Type (vi) the subjectofthe main clause can be equated with the prepositional object of the infinitive clause so that the infinitive c1ause ends with a deferred preposition

She is pleasant to talk to (-It is pleasant to talk to her) This paper is terribly flimsy to write on Is the cloth sufficient to make a dress out ol

In Type (vi) as well as in Type (v)for + subjeet may be inserted before the infinitive verb Are these books free (for visitors) to borrow Are these books available to borrow]

(E5(vii)J Jt is important to he accurate 1682 We saw in 1672 that a that-clause following an adjeetive may prove to be a

subjeet postponed by extraposition (ef1833) A to-infinitive clause following an adjeetive may have the same oouree

It is essential to spray the trees every year - To spray the trees every year is essential

The infinitive clause can also be introduced by for + subjeet

It is vital (for the ehildren) to be properly cIad It will be strange (for us) to be living alone

Adjectives ofTypes (ji) and (iii) in 1672 ([E2b]) may have this construction importantJortunate lueky surprising etc Possible also belongs te this group

An addiacutetional group of adjeetives oeeurring after anticipatory it are those adjeetives (ehiefly naming evaluative attributes of persons) whieh occur in pattern [E5(i)] (ef 1676) The adjeetive in this group is often followed byan of-phrase identifying the persones) being discussed

It was wrong (of him) to teIllies iexcli

It is niee ofyou to phone

[E6] Adjective complementation by an -ing participle cfause [683 A number of sub-types ofthis pattem may be mentioned

(i) Busy is followed by an -ing participle clause without subject

Margery is busy writiacuteng Ietters

Worth and worthwhile on the other hand oceur both with and without subjeet

It is seareely worth(while) (youyour) going home

Here worth(while) follows preparatory it and the participle clause is an extraposed subjeet (ef1834) Other adjectives ofthis pattern are pointless and useless (Its pointless buying so mueh food) and adjectives of Type [E2b(iiacutei)J (efl6 72) also sometimes have this complementation absurd awkwardJortunate annoying etc

EIsewhere worth and worthwhile accompany an -ing participle elause without subjeet but with a passive meaning comparable to tbat of the infinitive elause in pattern [E5(v)] (ef1680)

Complementation of abstract nouns 1231

The cartons are worth(while) saving ( Its worth(while) saving the cartens)

(iv) There is a variant eonstruction in whieh a preposition oecurs between the adjective and the participle clause In some cases the preposition is optional (cf(i) aboye)

Im busy (with) getting the house redeeorated Werefortunate (in) having Aunt Mary as a baby-sitter

In other cases the preposition is obligatory We are used to not having a car (cf1669 Note [e]) Im hopeless at keeping the garden tidy Shes not capable oflooking after herself

Note [al The adjectival constructions in (ii) above may be compared in some cases with nominal constructionsof equivalent meaning

ts 110 goaduse telling him anything Theres 110 point (in) telling him anything

8uch constructions are introduced either by anticipatory il (el 1833) or by eltistential there (el 184$) AmE also hu Theres no use telling him anythlng (b) Worthwhlle is sometimes spelled as two words The vacillation between the spellings worthwhile and worth while reflects an unclarity about the status of this sequence which may altematively be regarded as the preposition worth (eI96) followed by a noun Compare

lts not worth your whife staying lts not worlhh whh~e (your) staying worl w 1

Complementation of abstract nouns

1684 In this coneluding section we will show as a conneeting link between this chapter and the next how the pattems of complementation described for verbs and adjectives in 1620-83 are aloo to be found with abstraet nouns which are morphologieally related to those verbs and adjectives (ef nominalization 1751ff and appositional constructions 1726 1735) For example the noun likelihood is derived from and semantically related to the adjective likely It is therefore not surprising that a construction associated with the adjeetive Is found with the corresponding noun

It is likely that Joan will get married [1]

The likelihood is that loan will get married [21 the likelihood that Joan will get married [31

But the assumption of eorrespondence eannot be automatie for it may faiacutel in both direetions

loan is likely to get married Joan s likelihood to get married

It is likely of J oans getting married the likelihood of Joans getting married

------__shyiacute1 11

COMPLEX INTRANSITIVE CONSTRUCTIONS p H MATIHEWS

1 Introduction

In sentences such as [1J

ArR C~Iltiacuteltmiddotli N ([1J Th~deitgreen ~

he construct~oEJ~QLordf JJP~ that GCE850ff describes as 9QMfLEX JRANSITIV~ Ofthe elements in questionit and made are related a~Jn tQllt ~imple transitive

j [2J They made it

YihiJe ir and green a~_~latelasinasimple_ltQI1llar_sentence ( [3] lt is green (- lt

~f the type that following Lyons (l977469ff) raquoe will call ASCRIPTIVE raquouacutet greacuteen- also standsJna direcueJordf9lsJIacuteIL ordm~_iii~de the object and adjective exemplifying a single I2atteIILof VERB COMllEMe~nrJ91 This paUCIDl can be sajd torepresenta IJJS10N (G e E 850) ofJ~ltsimpler transitiv iexcll~J~Jjpiexcly_e_tjPes - _shy

IH~~_sfiE~~Ve can be fused with th~~~tY_e_(lri~alsoP~ fused with theintransitixe1 Insentildetentildeces SUChas[4] -

MI It turned green

~construc~~~~~]y idmtifkQyaacuteth th~ of l3J in both examples the

l]

~ ~ ~ ENGLISH GRAMMAR

verb is described as copularor in the terminology of GCE820f as taking intensive complementation But neither description is quite appropriate to1 both cases In the~ptive sentence there i indeed no mor~than~pYhL~

1 2ampffiMical iP~ betwe~ the adjective and its subject~ plainly this ~ ~ is not true of [4] whose verb TURN has its own specific meaning lf turned~ iacute I is a full verb it must then be the govemor of green as made is in (1) in that

iexcl ~ sense there is cornplernentatjon But we express nothing by assigning such a complernentation to the copula A solution is to c1ass I4] as a COMPLBX

IITMNSITIVE iL~onsect_trJltiordmL being an extension of th~simpleJmransiUacutelLe _shy~ i I5] It turned

j precisely as that of (1) is extended from that of [2)iexcl

2 Fused constructions

Let us take our cue from GCEs referenee to fusionlo the simpl~L =nfu~~~_~~~~~~~)t1ecltgtnstVf1ionconsistso(asingJULeAicJ~tQI(lgde) which in a dependency ana~is has both the subject and the object as its dependents or to adapt G CEs term has both a subjeet and an oJkltt asit complementation lnJhaL~se (2) has a _K1U~~~_~ruetion (Lyons i977) w1jch cannotJiexclJLr~s~Cl9JUnQ(lt_e~mentary relationships of ptediCJJQJkSo too has the simple intransitive (5] vi1ihidepeiioenforior forming the complementation of tumed So too has the simple aseriptive [3] its predicator on the analysis ofLyons and others is the adjective green One reason for relatlng the subject to the adjective is that the elements are jointly subject to selectional restrictions A reason for not relating either to the copula is that the latter stands aside (rom these restrictions adding none ofitsown

In a fused construction the pattem ls neither strictly kernel nor straightforwardly non-kemellnJhegmplex transitive [lL1oth1tan41~Y are again direct ~cngents of made these relatio~_elQ~ the words in FigJbx direC1~ltaI~_uacutela~~I~Qordf-ordfl9blleiexcl)Uumlnamp21uacuteward frollLthe

~d

(aJiquest-Fig 1

[42]

P H Matthew$

p~ed~~ So is green arc el this too being supported by selectional restrictions We are therefore dealing with a single clause rooted in made of which each word is a distinct element But green js a1soapredicator in iexclelation to il (are d)J that wav we are dealing with two kernelp~QlS th~ fuurtermclauseinfQmQrating bothtM_~tuet~[IDJr~JlsitiYlljh~ twoshytenn a~-middot -_shy

In Fig 1 we have diagrammed what any grammarian will propose provided that his terminology or his notational apparatus allow him to say it Iut similar reasonjng applies to the construction which we have called the ~IpJex ln~~-ordfEsitive Of the relationships showninf1g --~~t~~~~_

it turned green

aAacutebJ Fig2

to ir (arcc)_isagainasintheascripJjy~ and needs no further cornment But the final element is clearly suJiexcliect to ru19jtional resr=l~ordmI~ tlTlJRI_ im~~tordm-~~it~~rAUQj~9iY_I9U~l~~ed noun (He turned pink He turned kings eVidence) iQ~~~1lined phrase is exCiuacuteded (He turned arog)

tDle~sthe p~e~~i0rl~lJ9rtn is ~~jordmntildei[qiireifitetuumlmed iexclnto a frog) ~itt G-ordm-1h exdusi(m is abgolule one cannot even say He went into a criminal

f [he adjeqtive is also Iimlted to specific collocations For example one can say It turned sour or Ir went sour but it is harder to accept Ir grew sour 1 Conversely one can say He grew od but not He went od On that evidence

j we may establish a relationship of dependency between green and tumedj (arc b) The verb too can then be related to the subject (arc a)

1 Epgth o~2am~ thefe is one terro ir lVhich is a9~de~~~~t1 theascriptile anCITlieletbalk~m~1 (Fig 1 ares b and d Fig 2 ares a and c) The fusion is then effected by a further link (Fig 1 arc e Fig 2 are b) in which ond of the two predicators een is ineo orat~a~_ ordf d~RendenlO(th~ I re atlon that uirk an4hl~ COU~_~ampI~s-1 jn the case of th complex intransitille hall app1ied the Iean intlaquo=nsve

mmplementatio~gly describe he yaleruLQ(IUN or iexcl l otIllBNinthisuseJuh~int~siYeint[ansitivx But the insight intildeaacute I

alsQ be extended to the complex transitiye In that spirit MAKE or MAKE as

used in sentences such as W might appropriatelL be described ~~_~n_ i ~ntensive transitive -J -bull_--------shy

[43)

ENGLISH GRAMMAR

3 Distinctions between tbe complex intransitive and other partly similar constructions

For a three-term construction Fig 2 shows the maximum number of interconnections with each term related to each of the others The miacutenimum isone thus for the ascriptive (3) we have adopted the structure shown i~

L with l~~E2nd te~~Il2= tlliacuten amaroe~ ordmrS1PP9~g~lexn~~ ~eLClatiacute9D~t~~~~t~first an~~~hir~ But this leaves five other possibilities which in theory might be realized ust as the second element_lt~p~ltmark(r ordfs inEig 3bullKlJQQmgordmHhetordm-iriexcl in thatJ~SiquestOillY

iacutet is green

Fig3

1he_verb vQ1lld_be a predicatorrwithonl)l1he_~ygtject related 10 it This structure does not seem to be realized at least not in away whiacuteCh is -relevant to our analysis Asecond_possibil~iuhatJmly the verb a~ ~~~iexcltiY~L iquestnjgl~~_rell~q in that ca~e bot~redicatoS_w-ordmyldIgt~ impersonal-vUh lh~su~ject a me~m~ce-filler This structure might conceivably be suggested for exampIacuteesmiddotSuumlch as [6]

[6] It got mistier

with a so-called ambient it But although it may indeed be ambient with respect to mistier it need not follow that it is ambient with respect to got

In the remaining cases no element is a marker but there are only two instead of three interconnections Ir there wem no link betw-IlJhe subject ~YMh(Ejg 2 are a) the verb1tSelf would agajn be impersmordf-~ I~ transformational terms its surface subject would be derived by raising (Postal 1974) from a subordinate adjectival clause lf th3ewere no intensiye lipk between the first and second predicators (Fg 2 arWJUlt verb would be a simple intransitive taking just t~_S)lbject as its complementation th~on of tbe adjec1iYtLL~ then be uumlMrn-~0n[7] forexample --- -_~

Eacutel He arrived saber J (~ eacute cc L f ~ 2 f

grammars do not establish an intensive or copular use of ARIUVB Finally

[44]

1 P H Marrhew$

if the ascriQive lik wer~~2ken iacuteEiKbJ~~ f)hHordmjlti~~ment woulordm-no longer bJlta predicaQ~ltiexclHQle wQuldin~teadb~ADVJllqt~iexcl as in 8)

(8) He ran fa~t

There is no doubt that the intensive construction is distinct from the adverbial and that sober in [7] is at least more circumstantial than green in It turned green But the subject-verb relation is more problematic in that a raising transformation has been proposed for one at least of the G C E s intensive verbs Let us therefore take that distinction first

31 Ofthe twenty or so most common intensive verbs (GCE821) SEEM and APPEAR particularly lend themselves to transformational analysis On the evidence of sentences such as [9]

(2) It seemed that they wereamp~e~

_U~naIlJral lo establish an underlying ~~ct~~

J~sIhey were green]~ seemed

irlYhIacutetEw~4)srelate(L1ot to they J~Q9green indhiOacute1lally but to the yiole ascri2tive kernelrom the same structure a sentence such as [10)

[10] They seemed to be green

can then be derived by further transformations of subject raising and infinitive formation Froro the structure reaJized by [Io]lIleare n3tllcalli

~m~ed to derive the comple~_~transiti~euacutell

[u) They seemed gre~

by a further transformation deleting the copuiacutea For SEEM the rules deriving [10] and [u] would both be optional But for

other verbs such as TURN or GO We could make them obligatory so It turned green could be the only realization of an underlying sUr was greenls turned the ambient Ir got misrier - [6] aboye - a realization of say s[mistier]s gorand so on If the obligatory rules were then restricted to the copula we would also ensure that any other form of embedded structure (g[he eft]s turned or g[he kissed her]s grew) was filtered out By such means a treatment which is widely accepted for SEEM and for which the evidence is at first compelling could be extended if it were thought appropriate to the entire intensive intransitive class

There are good reasons for not thinking it appropriate In a sentence such as [12]

[12] Harry got drunk

Qn~JsllQIacuteli~ply talking of a_~ate tha~ reslllttI s~o t~a~ ~~rry vs (45)

ENGLISH GRAMMAR

drunk or Harrys drunkenness happened) Nor is Harrya mere theme or tliexclfc (Aacute~-to-KarryQruniexcliquestenneacuteSs-l1ippened to him) tlamp11tbject iexclS1

potentia1lt-at-l~st--alMl~tgh-ge~~amp9run_~ wassoID1hiiL~hatJIal did The--verb mayaccordiacutentilde-gly take a subject adjunct (O CE 466]) thus I delibera tey got drunk or He foo(lshy turned traitor It may also supply the complement of a conative verb (1 did try to get drunk) may appear in the imperative (Dont get drunk ) and so on For sorne collocations this potentiacuteality is doubtless harder to realize (compare He delibera tey turned bue with He delibera tey turned nasty or He tried ro grow oder with He tried ro grow farter) but that is precisely the case for subjects and predicators generally lt is this semantic role that justifies the first link shown in Fig 2

which an impersonal structure as in (b)

(b) s[Harry was drunkls got

would relegate to the surface If (b) is wrong for Harry got drunk a transformationalist should consider

more carefully w hether a similar structure is correct for Harry seemed drunk Let us assume that it is correct for the construction with a that-clause (It seemed that Harry was dhmk) for SEEM and APPEAR a c1ausal complement does form one possibility Let us also accept that SBBM has a constant sense in all its constructions But for other current intensives (G eE 820 f) the evidence is more complexo With SOUNO a that-clause can be forced for example if a dative is inserted (lt sounds ro me that (hey arent coming) There is also an impersonal construction with as if

[131 It sounds as ifthey were green

which might be thought to derive from the same source The construction of [13] is also acceptable witb LOOK (lt ooks as ifthey arent coming) But between it and the complex intransitive we can find clear disparities in meaning In [13] the judgment is based on indirect clues what sounds or appears from audible information is indeed the whole proposition they were green But in the complex intransitive [14]

[141 They sound drunk

it is based on sounds that they are making For that reason it is harder 10 make sense of They sound green Likewise They [ook drunk means that they from their appearance are so But in It loob as ifthey are drunk the speaker does not even imply that he has seen them (Compare Prom what you say it ooks as if rhey are drunk) Ir we wanted a complex source it would be tempting 10 relate [14] not 10 the impersonal [13] with raising but rather to the personal [Is1

[IS] They sound as iexclfthey are drunk

with the second they deleted

[46]

P H Marthews

Personal and impersonal are often hard to separate as Palmer (1972) and before him Bolinger(l96la) have shown Ofthis group ofintensives TASTE

and 5MBLL are the most restricted in meaning and it is with these that the impersonal construction as in [91 and [131 is least acceptable With TASTE

neither seems likely Ir rasres to me that the soup is saty It tastes to me as if they are sweer If the second example can be interpreted it is by virtue of a blending with the personal construction (compare It tasres as ifit ) With SMELL the construction of [131 may be more acceptable (Ir smells ro me as if dinner is ready) but the blending remains With PEEL a non-tactile sense is possible (Ir fees Iikey) but is less established than the broader senses of LOOK or SOUNO (compare Ir ooks likey II sounds likey) It is in this case that my judgment is least secure would one say for example It fees (or Ir fees to me) as if they were green With SOUNO and LOOK the general sense is well established as in [131 or Ir sounds likely but there is still a sensory meaning as in [14] and [Isl which inhibits the pure impersonal with that With SEEM and APPEAR we are at the end of the continuum both having general senses only Hence the construction of[91 alongside the impersonal with as if (Ir seems as if they were green) Hence perhaps the infinitive construction of [101 with SOUNO and the others this too is awkward (They ooked ro have arrived Or Ir tastes ro me to be sweer) But it does not follow that the semantical1y general They seem drunk differs in syntax from the specifically sensory They sound drunk or They smell drunk We can even force an active interpretation of the subject thus They tried lO appear drunk or I deliberarey seemed irrftated

32 As [11] with SEEM Hes on a gradience between personal and impersonal so there are others which raise problems in distinguishing intensive from adverbial and circumstantial constructions For there is no criterion which is both sufficient and necessary

The obvious step is to tesectt for simpler transforms Thus J9r [12] Harl~ qrunk ~e can comp~jiexcleJgtimple a~ve Harry was drul~ TRANSFORM in that firstIy it is a a d secondly the predicator

-ORUNK hasnot a tq~ sense s no intraiiSIuvetrans[oacuterintilde ~stiiis~se of G BI is oot ~ble Nor has 4 r tumeirgeacute-iexcl an intransitive transform It turned since this involves a different sense oC TURN Ir there~~ an ascriptive transform but n9-Wn~itive the JhirdeiacuteeDlen t mult be a complementi so [41 and [12] must be complex intransitive Ir there is neither transform it MA y be complement but the col~of verb and adjective mjgbt rCaSantildea be classed as idiomatic Thus The roses have run wild has no transform The roses ve iiOr-aacuteoes it strictly match The rOSes are wild But WILO is at least an adiecti~ must stand in sorne relationship to the verb therefore R UN WILO is right1y

chmldw-rresultintensive (O eE) ---shy-- -_--g ~ _---_bull ~ shy

[471

ENOLISH ORAMMAR

If there is a simple intransitive but no ascriptive transr2ffil--_~~~ coacutentildeSffiiClioacutentilde-intildeuumlSt]ie iexcljdve(J2iacuteaIYlIacuteustrivialIy He ran iexcliuieacutekly has no ascriptive tiexclansfo~ He was quickly less trivially He travelled light does not match He was ight But what if we find both rlJgJQQordf~tillha$ordflJ ascriEtive _~ran~f~rrlJ~eYI1Jer~_~~ ~sectmL1aY-J~_a~~plement circumstantjallik~iilelltjnThey-sJoQdsilent ordfytlb~~j~llsothe simpler intran~1ti~ fbilystQPf so still ~ight be anadver~ like sileniTyintilde-fiieystood silenty Since there is no distinct form srilly the latter is hard to rule out For It shone white we can compare the formally adjectivallt shone brighr again there are both transforms (Ir shone Ir was white) But It shone brighr is c10se in meaning to the formaUy adverbial Ir shone brighry could white be an adverb in default of or as the commoner altemative to whirely Blending may aIso be found in idioms For example it is fruitless to ask if doggo is an adjective or an adverb in He is Iying doggo

For the circumstantial case both transforms are necessary thus [7] He arriuacuteiid sober has the triexcliexclntildeiiiacuteormsmiddotiexcliexcluacuteli-iexcliexclved andHe wasectSoacutebe Wewoacuteuumllifiliso ixpeeacutetthilUumlheveromiddotantildedmiddotildjectTe-shouId befreeOi collocationaI restrictions so He arrived sober He left sober He Jeft satisjied He arrived satisfied and so on But it is very hard to say when such a requirement iacutes meto One does not say for example They stood noisy or They sroodpeacefuJ on that evidence They stood sient might be classed as complex intransitive But neither is one likely to say They arrived noisy or They arrived kind Is that too a matter of collocational restrictions so that [7] is also intensive Or is it merely that NOISY and KIND are ill suIacuteted 10 this construction7 At this point jt is tempting to distinguish degrees of circumstantiality The extreme case would be represented by such sentences as [16]

[16] They stood there exhausted

(Iikewise They have arrived quite sober) where the adjective and verb are marked as separate Beside [16] the construction in [7] is less clearly circumstantial in They stood sient or They stoodfidgering it is perhaps even r less so But this last might stilJ be seen as less intensive than for example

iexcl They stood amazed Likewise They feJl exhausted is less clearly intensi ve than 1 They fell sick since it involves no special sense of FALL

~

f lrOacutel p1lI1riHmD ~ amires f0tr eompiex trlmSitive fu Tlieyfbuntlliim~

guilry there is a special sense OfPIND as ofMAKE in They mode it green In TIwy rrun Juacutem JOber tbat IacuteoS DO spcciiexcll SCDSII of)lEET~ by tbat cS ~ is more eircumsumlial BUl onc la unlikely lO say for eumple They me hlm meditative

4 Finally there is an obvious gradience between the coxnP-1ex intransitive ~nct the simple ascriptj~ With TURN 01 GROW there are~-selecUumlonal restrictions as we have seen With SBJlli or SIhV tney are far fewer

[48J

P H Matthews

neverthelesson~canI1Q~~yfordmr_~ordfmplelfil_sectil1Ied chairmqf1-ltcompareH~ stayelt chairman Qr1fsectJjiquest_riquest~cordfirmordfl1) or It srays obvious that (compare It seemsobvious that or It remainsobvious that ) With REMAIN it is hard to find any but at least the intransitive exists He remained) and their senses can be related Wth BECOMB that evidence too is lacking He became drunk can be distinguish-ed(rontildei1lieasgiptiYlt1g lu7ntl1k onlyJ~iiui~s from jts resultative meaning -_-

This merging has ied grammarians to treat the constructions together But we can do this only by assimi)ating BE to the mode) of verb complementation (as in GCE) not by assimilating TURN and so on to the model of a copula likethecpmplexrordfnsectitiy~nl_e compleimrap~W~i~ ayoor ca~~idatefltY-l~LIl~Jlt~IQ~-ordf_~~rnelltructllr~middot

M

~_

Page 8: in - UGR · (III). 11-70 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1171 Note [a] The ... In addition, we shall use where necessary the suffixes 'ph' (for

1182 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

For detailed discussion of this use of verbs of speaking and thinking el 1430it

[al NOl induded in the first list aboye are verbs expressing manner of ulterance such as mumbe muuer5hou( imper whisper and yell These can introduce direct speech quotations (eg 1 am

Note

bull Ie muuereaacute) but they can also introduce indirect or reported speech by means of a thalshyelause She mulered Ihal she was ilI The list of such verbs is large and some verbs occur more easily with Ihalmiddotclauses than others do [b] Al the following phrasal verbs belonging lO this factual category are public verbs chime

in lel an lel OU make out poinl out repor back Tim poiacutented oUI that the train was often late

In this construction the particle has to precede the thal-clause [el Among the priacutevate verbs see suppose and assume can be uscd with a Ihal-clause in which lhe present tense rerers to future time (cfI423)

See (to iacutet) that they get somethiacuteng to eal See here means make sure [di Doubl being a verb of negative meaning is typically followed by whelherfif(ef 156 1635) Bu more especially when it is in a nonassertive context doubt occurs with a thal-clause

1don doubt (buI) thal theyJI accept a once Note hat in this construction doubl is sometimes followed by bUI Doubl canno be followed by

an altemative wh-clause (efI56) 1 doubt wheher or no theyU accept

Type (ii) Suasive verbs 1632 These verbs can be followed by a that-clause either with putative should (ef

1425) or with the mandative subjunctive A third possibility a that-clause with an indicative verb is largely restriacutected to BrE

ShOUld leave People are demanding that she leave the company

lea ves ltesp BrE)

1t is nuacutelc difficuumllt in the casc of suasive verb to rrak a subdiacute vision between PUBLICo and PRIVATE verbs for this reason we present the verbs below in a single listo Nevertheless gene rally it is usefuI to see a distinction between the public verbs which describe indirect directives (such as request ef 1433) and the private verbs which describe states of volition or desire such as intend

agree l demandl intendl 2 reeommend2

allow2 desire12 moveacute request2 arrange l

askl 2

determine I

enjoin2 ordain2 4

order require resolvel

beg2 ensure pledge 2 rule command2 entreat2 prayl 24 stipulate concede grant prefer 24 suggest24

decideacute deeree4

insist instruct2

pronounee2

propose 2

urgeacute vote 2

The superscripts 12 and 4 have the same meaning as in 1631 aboye The choice between the three constructions in the that-clause in [1] above varies between AmE and BrE For detailed discussion of these preferences ef

1425 It will be noted that the noun phrase + infinitive construction (ef1650) is

a common alternative to the that-clause for suasive verbs

Types of verb complementation 1183

d dthe news to be suppressedThe mten e y that the news (should) be suppressed ltmore formal)

With some verbs such as allow the infinitive construction is by far the more usual

Other types oC verb with that-c1ause complementation Type (iii) Emotive verbs

1633 This consists of a small group of verbs such as regret marvel rejoiee and wonder which can occur with (A) the indicative or (B) the putative should construction but not with the mandative subjunctive construction

worries about it 1 regret that she should worry about it

worry about it

Semantically this group belongs with adjectival constructions such as be sorry be anxious (ef 1671)

_-Type (iv) Hypothesis verbs The two verbs wish and (in the imperative) suppose may be followed by a that-clause containing a verb in the hypothetical past or the were-su bjunctive I wish (that) she were here She wished she hadnt spent the money Suppose (that) one of us died ef 1424 on the use of tense and mood following these verbs which may also occur in a number ofother patterns In particular for other uses of wish efI638 1641 1644 1646 1657

The modal idiom would rather (or lts contraction d rather) (ef 346) is a third example of a hypothesis verb

Id rafher you didnt mention the price Many resid1ts wotd rather that the bus service were subsidized

Complementation by an extraposed subject that-clause 1634 The that-clause in examples like It seems that you are mistaken is not an object

ofthe verb but rather an extraposed subject Nevertheless it resembles other that-clauses we have been examiniacuteng (a) in having a deletable that and (b) iacuten being semantically associated wiacuteth the preceding verbo Moreover no nonextraposed that-clause is possible in this case (That you are mistaken seems) and so it seems appropriate to include this with that-c1ause complementatiacuteon The main verbs occurring in this pattern fonn two groups of synonyms (i) seem and appear and (H) ehanee happen and transpire

It appears that Frank lost his tempero It happened that the weather was exceptionally cold

The phrasal verbs come about happen] and turn out [= transpire] also belong here Appear and seem can be followed by the pro-form so Jt seemsj appears so The adverb so sometimes occurs before happen or one of its synonyms It so happensj happened that

Note [a) A related construction with extraposed object (ef 1835) occurs in the following transitive phrasal verbs

let (il) OUI noise (it) aboutfabroad put (ie) about rub (ie) in Jack let (jI) out [= divulged] that the animal had been stolen

1184 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1185

Thc it which occurs as prcparato~y ohjcct is in this case optional although the omission is not 3 The verb can also occur with a foHowing wh-infinitive clause (ef 1637) usual In the comparable construction rake jI Ihal the il iacutes obligatory f lake ir Ihat you are eg 1 didniexcl know what to sayoenjoying yourselLes [b] Compare the complementation of seem appear etc by an as ifclause (ej 1624 Note [a)) The preposition of a prepositional verb is optionally omitted before a whshy[e) On the related constructions tI slrikes me IlwI tI (Jccursiseems O me 1iexcl111 eJ 1659 clause and hence it is convenient to include in the aboye list verbs for which Note 1660 Note

the wh-clause is basically a prepositional object For example

I inquired (about) whether the tiacuteckets were ready IB41 Wh-cause as object Theyhavent yet decided (on) which ftight they will take 1635 Many of the verbs which take a that-clause as object can also take a whshy

interrogative clause (cfI55ff) For the corresponding passive again the preposition is optional whether or not the nominal clause is in extraposition I asked her to confirm whether the f1ight had be en booked

Can you confirm which ftight we are taking Which ffight they will take has not yet been deeided (on) They havent yet confirmed how much the f1ight costs It has not yet been deeided (on) which f1ight they will take

Notice that in aH three illustrative sentences aboye confirm occurs in what Sometimes there is a slight difference of meaning if the preposition is may be described as a nonassertive context (ef 253) The use of the whshyincluded contrast interrogative clause (which generally implies Iack of knowledge on the part

She asked what he wanted of the speaker) is particularly common where the superordinate c1ause is iexcl She asked about what he wantedinterrogatiacuteve or negative Gn the other hand there are sorne verbs which

themselves express uncertainty such as ask and wonder these occur with the Whereas ask introduces the question which the speaker actually asked and wh-c1ause without this nonassertive constraint Examples of verbs taking the for which she requires an answer ask about does not indicate what the wh-interrogati ve clause are question might have been Gther prepositional verbs in this class are argue

(about) beware (01) (ef354 Note) not eare (about) check (on) depend (on) antieipate [NA] doubt note [NA]3 hear (about) refieet (on) There is also the phrasal-prepositional verb find out argue [NA]2 enquire23 notiee[NAj3 (about)arrange [NA]3 establish3 observe [NAj3

aseertain3 explain3 pereeive [NA]3 Note A few verbs are followed by a wh-exclamative clause (indirect exclamation (f I01 04) beginning

ask23 express point out [NAj with whal or hoH l realized whar aJeoll had been 1 kno hol busy Jou are These clauses are beware2 fathom [NA] ponder3

difficult to distinguish from wh-interrogative clauses Other verh in (he pttero indloe ~~rlt1im calcula te [NAP ftnd out2 3 prediet [NA] express maroel reflectlhiacutenk

care[NA] 1 2 forget 3 prove eheek23 guess realize [NA]

Complementation by a nonfinite clause ehooseacute hear [NA]2 record [NA] confirm [NA] imagine [NA]3 refieet2

Nonfinite clauses in complementationeonsider [NAP indieate [NA]3 remember [NA]3 1636 When a nonfinite clause follows the verb it is often difficult to separate three decide23 inquire23 say(NA]3

of the major types of complementation which we distinguished in 216 Thisdemonstrate3 judge3 see(NAj3

is especially true if a noun phrase intervenes between the superordinate verb depend2 knoW[NAP show3

and the verb of the nonfinite construction disclose learn [NAj3 tel [NA 3

diseover3 make out NA] think (NA]3 They like the ehildren to visit them discuss3 mind [NA]l wonder3 They supposed (he ehildren to be guilty (2]

They asked the ehildren lo bring somefood [3]The symbol (NA] after a verb indicates that this complementation is particularly likely to occur in a nonassertive contexto The superscripts 1-3 Gn the face of it aH three of these sentences conform to the same pattern are interpreted as follows (verb + noun phrase + to-infinitive ) But there are reasons for classifying

them differentIy1 This verb is part of a negative or predominantly negative construction

when combined with the wh-interrogative clause not eare not mind eant [l exemplifies MONOTRANSITIVE complementation (l638ff) fathom eant tell (ef They like the ehildrens visits - SVO)

2 The verb is basically a prepositional verb and has a preposition which (2) exemplifies COMPLEX TRANSITlVE complementation (l643ff) may be optionaHy added (see below) (ef They supposed the ehildren guilty - SVOC)

1186 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

[3] exemplifies DITRANSITIVE complementation (l655ff) (ef They asked the ehildren a question SVOO)

We will return in 1664ffto differences between examples such as these At present since we are dealing with monotransitive complementation we are concerned only with the type illustrated by [1] In nominal function only two kinds of nonfinite c1ause normally occur the to-infinitive c1ause and the -ing participle c1ause Hence nonfinite c1auses functioning as object can be distinguished for the present purposes in terms of the categories in Tabe 1636

Table 1636 Nonfinite clauses as object

Without subject With subject

lo-infinitive [B6] ack hates [B8] J ack hates to miss the train her to miss the train

-ing participle [B7] Jack hates [B9] Jack hates missing the train her missing the train

In Tabe 1636 the italicized parts are analysed as nonfinite c1auses acting as direct object The status of the infini tive c1ause and its subject in pattern [B8] is discussed in 1641 Later in 1666 we consider the arguments for considering her an object in the [B8] and [B9] examples

The fol1owing criteria confirm that the itaJicized portion of [B6-B9] is basically a nonfinite c1ause as direct object

(A) The nonfinite c1ause can be replaced by a pronoun it coreferring to a clause or by a no~n norninalizing the meaning of l clause Everyone likes it He likes her frequent visits

(B) The nonfinite clause can be made the focus of a pseudo-cleft sentence (ef 1829)

What everyone likes (best) is to tak to her [B6] What everyone likes (best) is taking 10 her [B7] What he likes (best) is for her lO eall ofien [B8]

In this version of [B8] as the infinitive c1ause is now in complement position the introductory for has to make its appearance

(C) For [B8] the introductory for itself where it appears is a marker of the construction as a nonfinIacutete clause

(D) Correspondingly for [B9] a subject pronoun in the objective case can often be replaced in formal style by a possessive pronoun (cfl46)

He doesnt like melmy coming often

This is what one would expect (ef 1 512) given that me and my can both be subjects of an -ing clause

Not all verbs that we consider direct objects satisfy al these criteria Nevertheless it is on this basis that the verbs Usted below are included in the classes [B6-B9]

Types of verb complementation 1187

[B51 Wh-infinitive clause as object 1637 It is as well to begin the survey of nonfinite c1auses as objects with c1auses

which happen to be immediately related to those dealt with in 1635 These are wh-infinitive c1auses (ef 155)

He learned how lO sail a boat as a small boy You must not forget when lO keep your mouth shut 1couldnt decide (on) whieh bieycle to buy

The last example illustrates the occurrence of the optional preposition with prepositional verbs as already observed with finite c1auses of the same type The corresponding passive pattern also occurs

The Curies discovered how to isolate radioaetive elements - How to isolate radiacuteoaetive elements was discovered by the Curies

The passive with extraposition (efI630 1635) is also sometimes possible

Early in the present century it was discovered how to isoate radioaetive elements

The verbs marked 3 in the list in 1635 aboye provide a sample of verbs occurring with the wh-infinitive c1ause as object

Note Many verbs which introduce wh-infinitive clauses rarely ir ever introduce yes-110 interrogative clauses (introduced by whelher) of the same type 1 have joacutergollell how 10 swiacutem but no iexcl have forgorten wheher lo swim Among such verbs are demostrale diacutesco~er and explain Nevertheless in unusual conexts such sentences can be found

1 have forgotten helher 10 ulljiacute-eeze thiacutesfood before cooking il

jB61 Subjectless infinitive cause as direet object f638 When a subjectless iacutenhmtlve clause is direct object the understood subJect

of the infinitive clause is always the same as the subject of the superordinate clause Verbs taking this kind of complementation are listed below subdivided into semantic categories

O) dread[B7 B8] (iv) ehoose[B7] (vi) ask (vii) affeel hate [B7 B8] hope beg c1aim like [B7 B8] intend [B7 B8] decline profess [B7] loathe [B7 B8] mean [B7 B8] demand

(viii) afford [B7]love [B7 B8] need[B7] offer attemplprefer[B7 B8] plan [B7] promise eontrive propose [B7] refuse(ii) begin [B7] endeavourwant[B7 B8] swear eease [B7] failwish [B8] undertake commenee [B7] learn

vowcominue [B7] (v) deign manage starl [B7] disdain [B7] negleet

hep [B7 B8] omit(iii) forgel [B7] scorn [B7] try [B7]remember [B7] venture [B7]

regret [B7]

1188 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1189

The symbols to the right of sorne verbs indicate that these verbs also occur Tbe lo-infiniacutetive here howcver has a resuhative meaning which makes the construction

with the subjectless -ing clause (Type [B7]) or with the infinitive clause with a subject (Type [B8]) From the latter group howeyer verbs such as ask are excluded because the construction of sentences like He asked me to help is ditransitive (el 1663) rather than rnonotransitive

We now add a list of prepositional verbs belonging lo the same pattern [B6pr] The preposition is omitted before the infinitive clause object (cI92) but is present where the prepositional object is a noun phrase or for that matter an -ingclause Compare

about the baby [Blpr]

She didnt bOlher aoout feeding the baby

to feed the baby [B7pr] [B6pr]

In the following list the verbs are placed in semantic groupings corresponding to sorne of those aboye (apart from an additional miscellaneous group (ixraquo and the omitted preposition is placed in square brackets

(i) long [for] [B8] ache (for] aim (for] [B8] aspire [to] burn(for] burst (for] (not) care (for] c1amour (for] [B8] itch (for] [B8] yearn (for] [B8]

(jiiexcl) bother(about] [B7 B8] condescend [10] delight [in] [B7] hesitate [about] [B7]

Examples

(vi) agree [tojonjabout] [B8] assent [to] consent [to]

(vii) pretend [to]

(viii) strive (for] seek (for]

(ix) arrange(forJ[B7 B8] decide ron] [B7] resolve [on] [B7] prepare [ror] [B7] serve (for] [B7]

Martin longed to leave home They sought to rnake amends 1would hesita te to interfere Weve decided to move to a new house

Note [al We distiacutenguish the verbs of Type [B6] from ltltenative verbs (el 349) of seemiacuteng and occurrence preceding infinitiacuteve clauses which ltare not diacuterect objects but whiacutech relate semanliacutecally to a Ihal-c1ause as subjecl He appears lO like Ihe sha - Tilar he likes the show appears [Irue] The verbs in Ihis c1ass correlate c10sely with those occurring with obligatory extraposition ofthe subjecl (cfI634) appcar seem chance happenlurn OUI

Jt appearedfthancedthat the children were asleep The children appearedchanced to be asleep

lb] Another group of verbs which are closely associated with a following infinitive but which do not belong to Type [B6J ioc1udes hasten conspire and set out

1 hastened lO reassure her They conspired lO murder Caesar He set out lO conquer the world

resemble on the one hand that of a catenative verb md on the other hand that of an inlransitiacuteve verb folJowed byan adjunct With pay and (to a lesser extent) woit Ihe adjunct status is more obvious as is clear from th~ possibility offroming the iacutenfinitivc c1ause

You have to pay ro go in

- (In arder) lO go in you ha ve to payo He waited lo see her

- (Inorder) lO see her he wailed Similarly unlike begin + infinitive the infinitive following SIO iacutes purposive contras

She [S] began IV] to eat lunch [O] BUT She [S] stopped [V] to eat lunch lA]

On the other hand these two verbs have matchiacuteng uses iacuten complementation Type [B7J

began She t d eatmg lunch s oppe

(B7) Subjectless -ing participle clause as object 1639 Again with this type of complementation the subject of the nonfinite verb

is usually identical with the subject ofthe preceding verb

1 love liacutestening to music The accused denied having met the witness

[The accused denied that hejshe had met the witness]

This rule accounts for the restriction that when the participle is followed by a reflexiye pronoun the pronoun norrnally has to agree (in number person and gender) with the subject of the superordinate c1ause

She herself He -iexcl enJoys smgmg to lhimselj lI

But wiacuteth one small group of verbs (rnarked 2 in the list below) it is not the understood subjectofthe particiacuteple but its understood object that is identified with the subject of the superordinate clause In such cases therefore the participle construction matches in meaning the passive of the corresponding infinitiacuteve construction [B6]

mendiacuteng painting Your shoes need to be mended That door needs to be painted

(Th~ aboye use of need iacutes often replaced in dialectally restricted usage by an equivalent use of want)

For an addiacutetional group of verbs (marked 3 in the list below) the subject of the particiacuteple is indefiniacutete and is independent of the subject of the preceding verbo For example in He recommended introducing a wealth tax it is clear that the person recommending the tax is likely to be different from the persones) who would be responsible for introducing it The meaning of this sentence is equiacutevalent to that of He recommended the introduction 01 a wealth tax

In the following list of verbs in the pattern of [B7] Types (i) and (ii) correspond to Type [B6(i)] (emotive) and Type B6(ii)] (aspectual) The verbs grouped under (iiiacute) are however in thiscase a miscellany since further sernantic grouping is difficult

1190 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

(i) (cant) bear l (not)fanci miss l

begrudge l hate l regret l bull4

detest like relish

dislike l loathe resent l

dread l love l (cant) stand 1

enjoy (not) mind l

(ii) cease quit start l

commence resume stop I

eontinue

(jii) admit4 forget l bull J4 recommend l J

avoid (eant) heli rememberl 34

eonfess4 imagine repent eonsider iacutenvolvel J require2

deny4 justifylJ risk l 3

deserue2 need l 2 save l 3 diseouragel 3 permit l ) tryS envisage l 3 propose want l

(dialectaI2)

escape reealll 34

The verbs ofType (i) preceded by a negative (such as eant bear) have a builtshyin negative bias so that they cannot occur in straightforward assertive contexts

Cora doesnt mind waiting Cora minds waiting

They can however occur in nonassertive contexts

Do you mind waiting How can anyone bear wearing clothes like that

and also in second instance contexts ie where the construction refers back to a nonassertive occurrence of the same construction earlier in the discourse

cant stand] k h h 1A 1[ d ji wor mgwlt t atglron t anc)

fd ti [stand it JB We1I 1m a ral you HAVE to ji k h h ancy wor mg Wlt ero

Superscripts in the aboye lists are interpreted as follows

1 The verb also occurs in pattern [B9] ie with a subject preceding the participle (ef 1642)

2 The participle has a passive interpretation (see aboye) 3 The participle has independent interpretation ie the subject of the

participle clause is not necessarily coreferential with the subject of the preceding verb and may have indefinite meaning

4 The participle may occur with a perfective construction

1admit having seen it (l]

But with such verbs the nonperfective construction can also be used with past meaning Thus [1] is synonymous with [2]

1 admit seeing it [2]

Types of verb complementation 1191

This paraphrase relation however exists mainly withverbs of dynamic meaning contrast verbs of stati ve meaning

I admit knowing him 1admit having known him

5 On the construction with (ry cf 1640

Examples of prepositional verbs belonging to this class ([B7pr]) are

bankonl decide on playat seeabout counton l delight in l resort to shrinkfrom

O Examples of phrasal verbs ([B7ph]) are

break off give up Jeaue off putoff takeup

Examples of(B7ph-pr] are

doaway with get around to go infor look forward fo

The following sentences ilIustrate these patterns

We counted on getting there early [B7pr] Ive taken up playing tenniacutes [B7ph] Jim is looking forward lo having the house to himself [B7ph-pr]

It IS important to notice that the lo in gel around to lookforward to and resor to is not an infinitive marker but a preposition Hence 1 am looking forward to seeing you is grammatical but not 1 am looking forward fo see you

Note [al The superscript 1 in the aboye lisU is not added lo verbs like stop although a noun phrase can be inserted between the participle and (he preceding verb in ~uch cases

They stopped (her) working all night Thiacutes ls because the construction containing the extra noun phrase (her in the aboye example) is arguably complex transiacutetive (e 1653) rather than monotransiacutetive (as is evident from the marginally acceptable passive She was slopped working all nighl) [b) Also we exclude from the aboye lists catenative verbs such as go in We wenl running and gel in Gel moving (e349)

Choice betwecn the infinitive and participle constructions (lB6) and (B71) 1640 Where both constructions [B6] and B7] are admitted there is usualIy felt to

be a difference of aspect or mood which infiuences the choice As a rule the infinitive gives a sense of mere potentiality for action as in She hoped fo leam French while the participle gives a sense of the actual performance of the action itself as in She enjoyed leaming Freneh In the case of try the double meaning is particularly clear

Sh 1 t d to bribe the jailor [1 ] el a ne b b hln mg teJa or

[1] implies that Sheila attempted an act ofbribery but did not manage it [2] implies that she actualIy did bribe the jailor but without (necessarily) achieving what she wanted With other verbs the difference is more subtle and may be overruled or neutralized by the meaning of the verb of the main clause For example the negative meaning of avoid and escape cancels out the sense of performance in He escapedlavoided being branded as a traitor

1192 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Let us consider more carefully three classes of verb which take both

constructions

(O EMOTlVE VERas (see Type (i) in the lists in 1638 and 1639) With the verbs which take both constructions (eread hate like loathe love and prefer) the bias of the infinitive towards potentiacuteality tends to fa vour its use in hypothetiacutecal and nonfactual contexts eg

Would you like o see my stamp collectiacuteon seemg

1hateto seem rude but youre blocking the view seemmg

On the other hand the particiacutepial construction is favoured where the speaker is referring to something which definitely happens or has

happened

to live Bnan loalhed 1 m the countrylUmg

(But with would loathe the infinitive is just as acceptable as the -ing participle)

Here to Uve implies that Brian could exercise choice about where to live whereas living presupposes that he actually did live in the country and probably had no choice in the matter But in other contexts there is little appreciable difference between the two constructions

tocoOk 1 [to eat JDo you prefer k for yourself or t m a restaurant[coa mg ea mg

(in ASF2C7uumlAL VERBS of beginni1g (a~ti1urng) and ending also in many cases take both constructions

Lucy startedcOntinUedceasedto W~iteWhile in hospital IIntmg

In such examples as this there is no observable difference of meaning between the constnlctiacuteons But in other cases a contrast between potentiality and performance may influerice the choice

to speak but stopped because she objected He s tarted speakmg and k ept on for more t han an hbur

The association of the -ing participle with the progressive aspect may also influence a p[ference for the participle where multiple activities

are involved

to open allthe cupboardsHe began openlflg all the cupboards

Here opening is more appropriate than to open While sorne verbs in this group (begin continue cease sean) allow both constructions others (finish stop) altowonly the participle construction (Go on and keep (on) may be classified as catenative verbs (cf349) onfinishfstop followed by the infinitive cf1638 Note [b])

Types of verb complementation 1193

(di) RETROSPECTlVE VERBS For three verbslorget remember and regret the potentialityperformance distiacutenction becomes extended into the past so that there is a temporal (as well as in part modal) difference between the two constructions The infinitive construction indicates that the action or event takes place after (and as a result of) the mental process denoted by the verb has begun while the reverse is true for the participle construction which refers to a preceding event or occasion coming to mind at the time indicated by the main verb

1 remembered to fill out the formo [1 remembered that 1 was to fill out the form and then did so]

1 remembered filling out the form rl remembered that 1 had filled out the form]

lforgot 10 go to the bank [1 forgot that 1was to go to the bank and therefore did not do soJ

lforgot (about) going to the bank [rare without about 1 forgot that 1went to the bank or that 1should have gone ]

1regret to tel you that John stole i1 [1 regret that 1am about to tel you that John sto le i1]

1 regret telling you that John stole i1 [I regret that 1 told you that John stole i1 or that 1 am now telling you J

[B8) Complementation by to-infinitive clause (with subject) 1641 The verbs in this group (as distinct from the apparently similar object +

t infinitive -o1struction el 1650) are restricted to a small numbcr chicfly denoting (nol) liking or wanting (cant) bear desire hate like iexcloLe prefer want and wish

They dont like the house to be left empty 1 wouldn t want you to lose your way

After these verbs the noun phrase preceding the infinitive cannot be made the subject of a passive main c1ause The house isnt liked to be left empty (by them)

There is moreover an alternative construction (chiefly restricted to AmE) in which the noun phrase is preceded by for which marks it as the subject of an infinitive clause rather than as object ofthe main clause

Jack prefersfor his wife to drive the truck ltesp AmE)

These two observations point in the direction of a monotransitive analysis of such verbs

In the following howeverJor has a different status and must occur in both AmE and BrE

They arranged for Mary to come at once

In this case the construction is that of a prepositional verb arrange for ([B8prl) the infinitive clause acting as prepositional object Other examples

1194 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

wherejor occurs as part of a prepositional verb are askfor eatlfor aehefor aim for bum for burst jor eare for clamour for erave for hope for iteh for long jor plan joacuter prepare for wait for yearn for

We were al achingburningbursting jor the performance to begin They plannedfor the mayor to arrive on the following day

For some of the verbs in these clauses the that-clause with should ([B3(iiacute)j) is an alternative form of complementation

They planned that the mayor should arrive on the following day

A further reason in favour of a monotransitive analysis of verbs of Type [B8pr] is the possibility (in some cases) of a passive with or without extraposition

For the administration to resign so quickly was not called foro It had been arranged for the food to be served indoors

Note [al Sorne [B8pr] verbs such as arrangefor planfor and preparefor also have a [B2] construction in which they are followed by a direct object Compare Have you arranged the meeting Have you arrangedfor iexclhe meeting Compare also She askedfor the children to leave and She asked iexclhe children O leave [b] Desire expect and intend although they tit into this category with respect to introductory for and the extraposed passive also accept the passive of the raised object which applies to [C4] (cfI650) Thus expect for example pennits two associated passives

It was nOt expected for the administration to resigno The administration was not expected to resigno

The former of these however is felt to be awkward and of marginal acceptability On such contlicts of c1assiacutefication cfI664jf

jB91 Complementation by -ing participle clause (with subject) 642 Verbs which accept this pattern comprise a considerable subset of those

verbs accepting the subjectless -ing clause as object they include the verbs marked 1 in the list of 1639 The genitive form of the subject is an option in formal English (ef 1512) but is often felt to be awkward or stilted

1 dislike him his driving my car We look forward to youyour beeoming our neighbour

In some cases particularIy when the subject of the participle is not a pronoun and does not have personal reference the geniti ve option is rare

vehicle h hPeter stoppe d te h l cras mg mto t e ence h ve lees

The genitive is also rare with a pronoun with nonpersonal reference

1 look forward to ~t geUing warmer in spring lts

The verbs of negative meaning stop prevent and prohibit have a related ditransitive construction (cfI656f) in which the prepositionfrom precedes the -ing clause as second object

They tried toacute preven the planefrom landing on the runway

Types of verb complementation 1195

Thus thefrom is optional In the very few cases where we have a choice between an -ing participle

and a to-infinitive construction there is usual1y felt to be a difference ofaspect or mood such as that described in 1640

1hate the children lo quarrel [ theyre ordinarily such good friacuteends] [1]

1 hate the children quarrelling [ all the time] [2]

focuses on the childrens potential for quarrelling [2] emphasizes their performance the point being that they do quarrel rather often in fact An aspectual difference is uppermost in

ehiming ( all night long) 1h he c oc k ate t l

to ehlme ( Just when Im gOtng to sleep)

The infinitive suggests a single chime while the participle suggests continual chiming (ef435 467f)

Note Verbs ofthe observational type eg notice in 1 noticed him writing a leller do not belong in this group and are dealt with in 1653 For such verbs the genitive is not a possible alternative iexcl noticed hiacutes writiacuteng a Jeter

Complex transitive complementation 1643 In 216 we applied the term COMPLEX TRANSlTIVE to verbs in the pattems

SVOC and SVOA In this chapter we extend the term to other clause patterns in which an object is followed by another element which is not an object (eg a nonfinite clause) A distinguishing characteristic o[ complex transitive compiemculiIacuteuacutelI j thallhe two elltments iacuteuiiuwiug the yerb (eg object and object complement) are notionally equated with the subject and predication respectively of a nominal c1ause For example

MONOTRANSlTIVE She presumed lhat her father was dead [1] She presumed her father to be dead [2]

COMPLEX TRANSITIVE Sh d h 1 h d d [3]e presume er Jat er ea

In [3J her father (O) and dead (C) are equivalent in meaning to a separate clause viz the that-clause in [l] This relationship remains where the object complement is expanded into an infinitive clause as in 2] Yet her father to be dead in spite of its clause-like meaning and appearance does not act syntactica1ly as a single constituent as is evident in the passive where the O is separated from its complement

Her father was presumed (by her) to be dead

This divisibility into two elements of a semantically clausal construction following the verb is the defining property ofcomplex transitive complementshyation

We begin with three already familiar patterns of complex transitive complementation those corresponding to [A I-A3] (ef 1621-4)

Note On the simiacutelarities between complex transitive and ditransitive complementation see 1666ff

1196 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

ICII Adjective phrase as object complement 1644 The SVOC pattern (ef216) in whiacutech the object complement is an adjective

phrase is found with verbs which like copular verbs may be divided into CURRENT and RESULTING types

You should keep the cabbagefresh (1] That music drives me mad [2]

The verb keep in [1] introduces the current attributefresh while the verb drive in [2] introduces the resulting attribute mad These two verbs therefore exemplify the two main categories ofcomplex transiti ve complementatiacuteon in this pattern The current verbs (ef1621ff) are usually staiive and the resulting verbs are always dynamic Further examples ofeach type are

CURRENT RESULTING

hod[C2] (v) drive [C4] keep [C2] get [C4] eave [C2] make [C2 C4]

prove [B3 C2 C4] (ii) eall [C2] render[C4]eonfess [B3 C2 C4] sendprofess [B3 C2 C4]

pronounce [B3 C2 C4] turn

report [B3 C4] eertify [B3 C2 C4] declare [B3 C2 C4] like proclaim [B3 C2 C4] prefer[B3]

want wish [B3 C2 C4]

(iv) beliacuteeve [B3 C2 eonsider [B3 C2 C4] deem [B3 C2 C4] find [B3 C2 C4] hod[B3 C4] imagine [B3 C2 C4] judge [B3 C2 C4] presume[B3 C2 C4] rate [C2 C4] reekon [B3 C2 C4] suppose [B3 C2 C4] think [B3 C2 C4]

Type (O is a category of current verbs of general meaning Type (ii) consists offactual speech act verbs (cf1631) Type (iii) of volitional verbs Type (iv) of verbs of inte11ectual state Type (v) of general resulting verbs and Type (vi) ofresulting verbs referring to speech acts which havethe performative force of declarations (Hod occurs twice in the aboye list as a general verb [Type (i) as in She hed her head high] and as an inte11ectual state verb [Type (iv) as in 1 hod you responsibe]) The symbols added after sorne verbs indicate other related complementation types to which those verbs belong

Types of verb complementation 1197

[B3] The verb can also be used monotransitively (el Note (a]) with a that-clause

[C2] The verb can also occur wiacuteth a noun phrase as object complement [C4] The verb can a1so occur with an object + infiniacutetive construction

Examples

The secretary eft a1l the letters unopened The doctors pronounced her conditiacuteon uttery hopeess Oi) 1want my coffee stronger than this (iii) Weve alwaysfound the assistants very frtendy (iv) The long waIk made us a11 hungry They have declared the house unfit for habitatiacuteon (vi)

Note that the adjectival complement may contain modifiers and adjectival complementation (ef1668-83) A passive construction in which the direct object becomes subject is also an important criterion

AH the letters were left unopened (by the secretary) (i) Her condition was pronounced uttery hopeess (by the doctors) (ji)

Note [a] There is sometimes a meaning difference between the object complement construction and the corresponding that-clause [B3) or objeet + infinitive [C4] eonstruction

1 imagined myself severely ill [3] p 1 imagined myself to be severely ill [4]

Sentence [3] suggests that the speaker is indulgiacuteng in a flight of faney sentence [4J suggests that the speaker is deluding himself (eg that he is a hypochondriae) A differenee is also to be observed between [5] and [6]

They gol him angry [5J p They got him lo be angry (6]

where [5J suggests made him angry in spite of himself and [6] suggests persuaded him to be angry (Yet a third meaning is represented by Donl get me wrong [Dont misunderstand me J) Two iacuteurther comrasts are

We found the ehildren undernourished [ We encou nte red them iacute n tha t cond i tiacuteon J [7] p Wefoundthe children lo be undernourished [8]

[Our examination revealed their condition] and

He declared the meeting offieial He declared the meeting lO be officiaL

where [9] has a performati ve and resultati ve force (The meeting beeame official as a result of his announeement) not regularly present in [lO] [b] Have in sentences sueh as We have IWO employees sck is not a member of the [CI] category but belongs to a special have-existential construetion lo be discussed with existential sentences in general in 1851 Since it has no passive this elause construction lacks one criterial feature of comp1ex transitive constructions Two employees are had sick [e] There is a variant order in which the object complement precedes the object eg He thought desirable most ofthe women in the room (efIS37) This order tends to occur when the object is a long noun phlase

1645 In addition to the verbs listed in 1644 aboye there are many verbs which belong more peripherally to Type [C1] Their membership is more peripheral in one or both of the following respects (a) They occur only in restricted sequences such as rub dry (ef 1617) (b) They can occur in the [BI] monotransitive construction without appreciable change of meaning iacutee the object complement is optional and resembles an optional adverbial Iil the following typical co11ocations the object noun phtase is symbolized by N

1

Types of verb complementation 11991198 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

CURRENT RESULTING

bring (a child) up health boil (an egg) 8aft 1

buy N eheapl erap (hair) shoriexcl1 return (a letter) unopened freeze N hard serve (food) hOlleold paint N redblue 1

seU N eheaplnew1 roll N flat sweep (the fioor) clean 1

calour N blueyellow 1

dye N pinklgreen 1

knock (someone) senseless polish N smooth 1

scrape N clean I swing (a door) open

For those combinations marked l the object complement could be easily omitted without a change in the basic sense of the verbo

Among resulting attributes the adjectives open loose free and clean are particularly common push N open shake N loose set N free wipe N clean

The collocations make sure and make certain are peculiar in that the object is a that-clause and always follows the adjectivaI complement

Please make sureleertain that you endose your birth certificate

There is no passive be made surecertain With other collocations the that-clause object is postponed by extraposiacutetion (ef 1835)

He found it strange that no one else had arri ved 1think it very odd that she left without saying goodbye The emperor pronounced it illegal for landlords to enfranchise their

tenants

Extraposition is optional with make N clear and therefore the preparatory it may be omitted She made (it) eear that we were regarded as trespassers

Note [al Sorne collocations require the object to be a rellexive pronoun Ilaughed myself sick They roared themselves hoarse Here the object complement cannot be omitted llaughed myself [b] The resultative pattern illustrated in thiacutes section is quite productive and occurs with rare or newly-converted verbs such as selotape and scotchtape selotape N fiat ltRrE) seotehtape N fiat (AmE) Similarly

iexclve deepfrozen the bread solido

(C21 Noun phrase as object complement 646 Most of the verbs listed in 1644 can occur also with a noun phrase

complement In addition there are a few verbs which occur with anoun phrase but not with an adjective phrase as complement eg appoint These verbs marked 1 in the list below can also occur with theobject + infinitive construction

The queen appointedWilliam Cecil (to be) her personal secretary

The list is subdivided into categories corresponding to those in 1644

(i) hold2 (iv) believe (v) appoint l2middot 3

keep2 consider2 choose 2 3

eleetl 2 3leave deem esteem l 2 3 make(ii) cal find provecanfess imagine2 voteprofess

pronounce judge2 (vi) baptize13

presume certify 23 (iii) wish 3rate2 christent bull

reckon2 erown l bull 2bull 3

suppose declare think proclaim

namemiddot23

The superscript 2 indicates that the as-construction (cf 1 647) is also possible The superscript 3 indicates that the verb is also monotransitive and that the verb retains the same meaning when the object complement is omitted Hence She appointed him secretary implies that she appointed him Examples of each sub-type follow With profess and wish which are used to illustrate subtypes (H) and (iii) respectively a reflexive pronoun as object is normal

She held her niece (a) captive for several years (i) The prince professed himself a supporter of free speech (ji) 1have often wished myself a millionaire (iii) Charles does not esteem him a trustworthy adviser (iv) The committee has elected you its chairman (v) Her parents named her Sophia after her grandmother (vi)

Some verbs in this pattem are unlikely to occur in the adive eg think beiacuteieve reckon The foilowing are exampies of the passive conslruclIacuteon

Her niece was held (a) captive for several years (i) She was named Sophia after her grandmother (vi)

As with Type (el] the object may be a clause postponed by extraposition

We have made it a condition that the new agreement be signed by all the original signatories

He has proved it a falIacy that old age brings wisdom

Note [al The zero article occurs optionally with captive and prisoner as object complements as in (i) above She held her niece (a) caplive Hold capliveprisoner and keep captivepriacutesoner are unusual in that the omitted article is indefinite rather than definite Examples of the zero article with definite meaning (eS42) are

Edgar was judged overall winner They appointed Sue captain of the athletics team

[b] The object + infinitive construction with 10 be as with Type [Gl] is not always equivalent to the pattero with a phrasal object complement For example name can be used with 10 be only if the following noun phrase designates a future role or status

Her parents named her (0 be) Gladys The selectors named her (lo be) a memberofthe touring team

As can be used with name only on the same condition as applies to lO be Her parenls named her as (adys (cf 1 647 below) [el The copular retation can obtain not only between the object and complement as in [11 bu also between subject and complement as in [21

t iexcl

1200 Complementation of verbs and adjectiacuteves

She made him iexcliexcl good husband (S V OC) [1 J She made him a good wife (S VOC) [2J

[1 Jhas the passive analogue He as gtladea good husband but in the entirelydifferentconstruetion of (2] where the copular rdation is between she and a good middotle no passive is possible Thc meuning is She Vas a good wire to himmiddot A prepositional verb 01 this Same unusuallattcrn is strike l in 101 example

He stmck me os a brilliant slralegist where a brilianl strategist is su bjcet eomplement

(Clprl and (C2prl Object complement foUowing prepositional verb 1647 The preposition as designates a copular relation particularly in specifying a

role or status associated with the direct object The ehureh eondemned the relie as a lraud Following a complex transitive verb and a direct object the prepositional complement of as functions semantiacutecally as an attribute and may be termed a prepositional object complement in the same way as the noun phrase following a transitive prepositional verb is called a prepositional object

a geniacuteus [C2] We considered him as a genius [C2pr]

tobeagenius [C4]

1 bull (as) a genius ~ He was consdered t b

o e agemus

Consider as like regard as class as etc therefore exemplifies yet another type of prepositional verb one that is followed by a prepositiacuteonal object complement rather than a prepositional object

Occasionally the prepositionlor occurs in this copular function instead of as

He took these words as evidence He took me lor a fool

In the following list for verbs in column (i) the preposition is optional where for verbs in column (H) the preposition is obligatory

(i) appoint (as) (ii) aeeept as ehoose (as) aeknowledge as eonsider (as) eharaeterize as eount (as) class as deem (as) define as esteem (as) describe as rate (as) intend as reekon (as) mistakelor report (as) regard as eleet (as) see as eertify (as) take asllor erown (as) trea as make Unto) use as proclaim (as)

Most verbs in [elpr] and[e2pr] can also introduce an adjective phrase in the function of prepositional object complement

Types of verb complementation 1201

The experts raled his paintings (as) poor bUI representalive ol their class

They classed Jane as partialty sighted The media described the situation as hopeless ~ The situation was described as hopeless

Verbs not allowing this construction are marked 1 in the aboye lists The construction iacutes exceptional in allowing an adjective phrase to occur after a prepositiacuteon A more orthodox construction is obtained by adding the word being before the adjective phrase and thereby converting the prepositional complement into a nominal -ing clause

The media descriacutebed the situation as being hopeless

Note [al Count as and rate as can also oecur in an analogous as-conslruction without lhe object as prepositional copular verbs eg This coanslraes as a tWtable success (e 1622 Note lb]) [b] Allhough as is classcd as a preposition in Ibe above pattern il in some ways resemblcs the conjunction as which introduces clauses of comparison (e15 71) Consider Ihe following curious examples in which as introduces on Ihe one hand a clause and on the other hand a noun phrase in an appositional relation lo Ihe clause

Report me as 10m - a superannuated dolt Hedescribcd her as heound her a liar

(C31 Complementation by object and adjunct 1648 Our next category Type [e3] consists of verbs which occur in the SVOA

pattern (el216) ie verbs which ha ve as their complementation an object followed by a predication adjunct The most characteristic adjuncts to occur in this pattern are prepositional phrases of space and more particularly of direction eg

1 slipped the key into the lock He stood my argument on its head [2] Take your hands out olyour poekets

The passive iacutes illustrated by

The key was slipped into the lock [1 al Sentence [2] exemplifies the abstract or metaphorical use of such verbs and adjuncts Many of the verbs which fit into this pattern are causative verbs of motiacuteon put get stand se sit lay place send bring take lead drive etc The class is open-ended since verbs normally without causative meaning can be adapted to this function eg show see elbow etc in

The attendant showed us to our seats [conducted us ] May I see you home [escort you ] He elbowed and bribed his way to fame They talked me into it [persuaded me ]

Other verbs are associated with space position adjuncts rather than direction adjuncts

They lelt the papers at my offiee Always keep your eyes on the road when driving

1

i

1202 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

The attackers eaught us ofJour guardo He wished them at the bottom ofthe sea

Again the spatial meaning ofthe adjunct rnay be understood in sorne abstract or rnetaphorical sense as in the third exarnple aboye

Adjuncts of other sernantic types are less cornrnon but instances are the adjunct of rnanner following treat

badIY Her parents treated her as ifshe were a baby

as like a small ehild

and the optional adjunct of duration following last

This rnoney will ha ve to last you laquo(for) six months)

Note [al Treot has a dilferent meaning when the adjunct is omitted Her parents treated her [= did something pleasant for her]

[b] Superficiacuteally similar to the aboye pattern iacutes that iIIustrated by remind andfurnish followed by an object and a prepositional phrase

She reminds me ofmy sister They furnished all the passengers with iexclfe jackets

These however are classed as transiti ve prepositional verbs (cfI6 7-8) and will be dealt with in 1656fbelow The difference between Ihese prepositional verbs and verbs of complemenlation Type [e3] is that in Ihe former case the lexical verb governs a particular preposition remind offurnish with (Alternative prepositional constructions are sometimes available however provide withprovide for)

Variants of complex transitive complementation 649 We now examine variants of complex transitive cornplernentation in which

thc direct object iexcls f01lowltd by ji nonfinite dau~1 acting as predication adjunct Al four kinds of nonfinite construction (ef 146-8) are possible

[C4] to-infinitive [C6] -ing participle They knew hirn to be a spy 1caught Ann reading my diary

[CS] bare infinitive [C7] -ed participle 1heard someone slam We saw him beaten by the

World Heavyweight Champion thedoor

The nonfinite clause in these patterns (in italics in the above table) has no subject itself but its implied subject is always the preceding noun phrase which is object of the superordinate c1ause This noun phrase which if a personal pronoun is in the objective case is commonly termed a RAISED

OBJECT (ef further 16640) semantically it has the role of subject of the nonfinite verb but syntactically it is raised from the nonfinite c1ause to function as object of the superordinate verbo Hence in general this noun phrase (in italics in the table below) can become subject of the corresponding passive (The passive of [C5] normaly requires substitution of a to-infinitive for abare infinitive the passive of [C7) is of marginal currency ef 1654 Note [a))

(C4] He was known to be a spy

[eS] Someone was heard to slam the door

Types of verb complementation 1203

[C6] Ann was caught reading rny diary

[e] He was seen executed by a firing squad

On the face ofit the patterns [C4] and [e6] are indistinguishable from the rnonotransitive patterns [B8] (eg She hates the train to be late) and [B9] (eg She hates the train being late) in which the nonfinite c1ause has a subject of its own The ability of the noun phrase preceding the nonfinite verb to become subject of a passive is however an important distinction between thern (see further 1651 and 1653)

These patteros [e4] and (e6] are distinguished from corresponding patterns in which the Note nonfinite c1ause is an adverbial by the raet that the iacutemplied subject of the nonfinite verb is O rather than S Note the ambiguity of

She left him to finish the jobo She lert him holding the baby

IC4J Object + to-infinitive complementation The verbs in this group are rather numerous and rnay be subdivided 1650

(vii) assist bother bribe eondemll dariquest defy encourage help induce inspire press summon

semantically into the following categories

(iacute) announee declare proclaim pronounee

(H)

reporl repute [esp P rumour (P only] say[P only] tip (esp BrEgt

assume believe eonceive (formalgt eonsider expeet feel jind imagine know presume reekon see [P only1 suppose take thiacutenk[esp P1 understand

(iiiacute) intend mean

(iv) appoint elect name vote

(v) cause drive force get[no P] lead prompt

(vi) alow authorize compel eonstrain enable entitle equip jit oblige permit requiacutere

[P = Passive]

1ZU4 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Types (i) and (ti) correspond to the factual verbs of category [B3J discussed in 1631 the nonfinite construction following these verbs can often be replaced by a lhal-clause with an indicative verbo Compare

The poli ce reported that the traffic was heavy [B3] The police reported the traffic to be heavy (formal) [C4]

JOhn believed that the stranger was a policeman [B3 = John believed the stranger to be a policeman (formal) [C4]

With factual verbs such as these the nonfinite clause normaIly contains the verb be or sorne other verb of stative meaning EspecialIy when the nonfinite main verb is other than be the finite clause (of pattern [B3]) is preferred to the infiniti ve one except that the infinitive construction provides a convenient passive form

The traffic was reported to be heavy The stranger was believed to be a poli cernan

Sorne verbs in this construction have no lhat-clause equivalent

They tipped him to be the next president (esp BrE) - He was tipped to be the next president (They tipped that he would be the next president)

Sorne verbs (marked [P only] in the list abo ve) occur only in the passive version of this construction

The field marshal was said to be planning a new strategy (Someone said the field marshal to be planning a new strategy)

Other verbs (marked [esp PJ) occur chiefly in the passive

The BroadwiY piOJutioli was inoughi to have made Maxs fortune (Newsmen lhought the Broadway production to have made Maxs fortune)

Ofthe twq classes of factual verbs Type (i) consists ofpublic verbs (cf1631) referring to a speech act and Type (ii) consists of private verbs expressing belief etc

1651 Of the remaining semantic types Type (iii) consists of verbs of intention (on intend itself ef 1641 Note lb]) Types (iv) and (v) consist of causative verls where the infinitive clause identifies the resultant state (Type (iv) verbs also belong to class [Cl]) Type (vi) cClUsists of verbs with a modal character expressing such concepts as enablement permission and compulsion and Type (vii) consists of a variety of verbs of influencing between which a common factor appears to be that the nonfinite clause has a purposive meaning Examples are

(iii) They intended Mary to sing an aria (- Mary was intended to sing an aria)

(iv) The meeting elected Mr Martiacuten to be the next treasurer (- Mr Martin was elected to be the next treasurer)

Types of verb complementation 1205

(v) This optimistic forecast led the administration to promise tax cuts ( _ The administration was led (by this optimistic forecast) to promise tax cuts)

(vi) My contract allows me to take one months lea ve (- 1arn allowed to take one months leave)

(vii) Our teachers eneouraged us to think for ourselves (- We were eneouraged to think for ourselves)

In Type (iv) the infinitive main verb is normaIly be and can be omitted They appointed her (lO be) the social secretar) This type overlaps with Type (v) 1646

Note [al There are a number of multi-word verbs in this category [C4prl counl Ofl bullbullbull lO depend Ol bullbull lo rey on lO bullbullbull [C4phl make OUI 10 bullbull [C4ph-pr] keep 01 al lo bull

(which has no passive) Examples are 1 am dependillg 011 you lO give us your fu support They malle him oul to be a monster ofdepravity Why do you keep On al me 10 work harder

[b] Sorne passives of pattem [C4] (eg be allowed be supposed) have a semi-auxiliary (cf347f) interpretation in which they lose their connection with the corresponding active construction especiay as regareis agency

(es) Object + bare infinitive complementation 1652 This pattern occurs with a relatively smaIl number of verbs

(i) have (ii) fee overhear[P] (iii) help [P] let hear [PI see [PJ know [P] rnake [PI notice [P watch

observe[P]

Typl (i) consists uf vlrbs uf iexcluiexclciacuteVI meaning Type (ii) has percepwal verbs of seeing and hearing and Type (iii) is a residual class of two verbs which are optionally followed by a to-infinitive The marker [PI indicates that the passive (normaIly with a to-infinitive) is possible [P] indicates that the passive is of doubtful or limited acceptability

(i) You shouldnt lel your family iacutenterfere with our plans We must rnake the public take notice ofuso

(- The public must be rnade to take notice ofus) (ji) Did you notiacutece anyone leaue the house

The crowd saw Gray score lwo rnagnificeni goals ( - Gray was seen lo seore two rnagnificent goas)

(iii) Sarah helped us (to) edil the seript 1 have known John (to) give better speeches than that

(- John has been known lO giue better speeches than that)

Know followed by the bare infinitive is confined mainly to BrE and to the perfective aspect have known Lel in group (i) is in other constructions cIassified as similar to an auxiliary (ef3SI) Let has an apparent passive in combination with such verbs as lel go and lel fal but these are best regarded as fixed expressions in which let has an auxiliary or particIe-like function

They let the prisoner go horneo - The prisoner was let go horneo

1206 Complementation of verbs and adjectiacuteves

Note that this apparent passive has the bare infinitive in contrast for example to make which has to have the to-infinitive in the passive

They mude him understand ~ He was made to understalld

A third verb in group (i) is have which (like have in monotransitive constructions) does not occur in the passi ve

They had me repeat the message ~ 1 was had (to) repeat the message

Note [a] The formulaic nature of let him go and similar expressions is illustrated by variants such as [1-3J which cannot be fitted into any regular complementation pattern

gothe rope [1] They lel the rope go [2]

goofthe rope (3)

[b] Of the two constructions with help tha with 10 is more common in BrE and that without 10

is more common in AmE [e] Arare verb in category (i) is the now rather archaic bid with a to-infinitive complementation in the passive

They bidbade me sil down - rwas bidden 10 sil down

[C61 Object + -ing participle complementation 1653 The verbs in category [C6] consist of verbs of perception (Type (iraquo verbs of

encounter (Type (iO) and two verbs of coercive meaniacuteng (Type

feel[C5] see[C5) (ji) eateh (iiiacute) have hear[C5) smell diseover get notiee [C5] spot find observe[C5) spy leave overhear[CS) wateh [CS) pereeive

Perception verbs marked [CS] occur also with the bare infinitive pattern [CS) Wiacuteth such verbs there iacutes an aspect difference between [C5) and [C6) as described in 461f

Tim watched Bill mendlmendingthe lampo

The bare infinitive having nonprogressive meaning implies that Bill did the wholejob while Tiacutem was watching the -ing clause with progressive meaning has no such implicatiacuteon

This complementatiacuteon pattern differs from that of [B9) not only in its progressive aspect but also in that the noun phrase following the superordinate verb cannot take the genitive (or possessive) form (ef 1642)

1 saw him lying on the beach 1 saw his lying on the beach

Another difference from pattern [B9) is that the -ing predication can normally be omitted without radically altering the meaning

1 saw him lying on the beach [entails iexcl saw him)

Contrast

1 hate my friends leaving early [does notentaiacutel 1 hate my friends)

Types of verb complementation 1207

The passive with this pattern is regular

We could hear the rain splashing on the roof ~ The rain could be heard splashing on che roof

A teacher eaughc them smoking in the playground - They were eaught smoking in the playground (by a teacher)

Prepositional verbs with this type of complementation ([C6prJ) include eome aeross eome upon listen to and look at Look at those ehildren climbing the wall But these [C6prJ prepositional verbs have no prepositiacuteonal passive

seen The guards had been spouhed searchiacuteng the building

wate e d looked at

Have in this construction (e18S1ff) also has no passive in keeping with its use in other constructions

She had us working day after day We were had working day after day

Note Feeloccurs especially with a reflexive pronoun object Shefelt herself falling in love

[C7) Object + -ed participle complementation 1654 We can distinguish three small groups of verbs complemented bv a raised

object followed by an -ed participle c1ause

(i) CAUSATIVE verbs get ha ve She gotlhad the watch repaired immediately

Oi) VOLITlONAL verbs want need like I wantlneed this watch repaired immediately

(jii) PERCEPTUAL verbs see hearJeel (oneself) wateh Someone must have seenl heard the car stolen

A fourth group is peripheral to this construction

(iv) Verbs for which the -ed participle describes a resulting statefind

diseoverleave They founddiseoveredfleft him worn out by tra vel and exertion

j In this construction as in that of (C6) have can ha ve either an agentive causative meaning or a stative meaning Hence The guard patrol had two men shot is ambiguous meaning either The patrol caused two men to be shot or

I The patrol suffered the los s oftwo men by shooting The latter meaning is that of the have-existential construction (ef 18S1ff) In general this

complementation type is semantically equivalent to one with an iacutenfinitive form of the verb be Thus in Type (ii) iexcl would like my room cleaned is synonymous with iexcl would like my room to be cleaned in Type Oiiacute) He saw the team beaten is synonymous with He saw the team be beaten

Note [al There is no passive for most verbs in pattem [e7] and at best the passive is dubious The car must have been seen stolen The acceptability of the passive with Type (iv) is exceptional

---

--

1208 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

The car wasfound abandoned This is indeed an indication that Type (iv) may not belong here so much as with the objecl complement construction [el l iexclhe participle construclion being adjectival (cf an abandoned car) lb1In addition to the two meanings of haue + objec + -ed participle above a third meaning results ifthe -ed clause is analysed as a postmodifier of Ihe object eg She had a book (which gtvas) stolenfrom the library

Ditransitive complementation

ID11 Noun phrases as both indirect and direct object 1655 Ditransiacutetive complementation in its basic fonu involves two object no un

phrases an indirect object which is nonually aniacutemate and positioned first and a direct object which is nonually concrete The two noun phrases differ from those of[C2] in not being in a copular relationship

He gave the girl a doll --v-- --r-

S V Oiacute Od

The difference between this and complex transitive complementation is seen in

svoe He found her a loyal friendo ( She was a loyal friend)

SVOO He found her an apartment ( - The apartment was for her)

The characteristics of indirect objects in contrast to direct objects are fully disclssed in 107

Sorne ditransitive verbs have two passive analogues which we shall distinguish as first and second

The girl was given a doll [FIRST PASSIVE]

A doll was given the girl [SECOND PASSIVE]

Of these two the first passive in which the indirect object becomes subject is the more common The prepositional paraphrase is more usual as an alternative than the second passive A dol was given to the girl (For a list of verbs ofType [01] ef1657 below)

[D21 Object and prepositional object 1656 In the ditransitive category prepositional verbs fonu an important group

with its own sub-divisions and may therefore be given a separate category number D2] These verbs are those we have called Type II prepositional verbs (cfI67-8) Alongside the ordinary indirect object pattern two main prepositional patterns rnaybe distinguished _

Indirect object + direct object [D1] Direct object + prepositional object D2a] lndirect object + prepositional object [D2b]

Types of verb complementation 1209

The indirect object is normally animate and is the recipient or beneficiary of the process described by the verb (ef 1019) Unlike ditransitive verbs of category [D 1] (eg give) ditransiti ve verbs with prepositional objects nonually have only one passive

We addressed our remarks to the children [D2a] - Our remarks were addressed to the children (The children were addressed our remarks (toraquo

W e reminded him of the agreement [D2bl - He was reminded of the agreement (The agreement was reminded him (of)

-1 Sorne verbs have a11 three possibilities of construction in the active many have two forothers there is only one possibility (in sorne cases the alternatives are not identical but very similar in meaning)

tel [01 + 2a + 2b]

1

offer [01 + 2a] 1

envy [01 + 2b] I

wish [01]

bamefD2a + 2b]

say [D2a]

warn [D2b]

Mary told only John the secret DI] Mary told the secret only to John [D2a] Mary told only John about the secreto [D2b]

John offered Mary sorne help [DI] John offered sorne help to Mary [D2a]

She envied John his success [DI] She envied Johnfor his success [D2b]

They wished him good luck [DI]

Helen blamed the divorce on John rD2al Helen blamed Johnfor the divorce [D2bj

Why didnt anybody say this to me [D2a] I

Mary warned John ofthe dangers [D2b) I

The different constructional possibilities of certain verbs provide a means of achieving different focus (cfI837f) Compare the fo11owing pairsofsentences as pronounced with unmarked (end) focus

Mary blamed the broken vase on IOHN Mary blamed John for the broken VAacuteSE

(ef John was blamed by MARY)

The government supplied blankets for the HOMEless The government supplied the homeless with BLANKets

(ef Blankets were supplied by the Goacutevernment)

Note [al The aboye constructions are presented in the most typical syntactic ordering but postshyponernent of the direct or iacutendirect object may take place in contexts where end-focus or endshyweight is required (cf1837) eg John offered lO Mary Ihe help thal she needed [b] Additional prepositional verb patterns should be briefly mentioned There is for example the double-prepositional-verb pattern noted in 1617(c)

1210 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1211

1657

1 am applying lo the hospitalor ajobo There is a further possibility that two prepositional objects may follow a diacuterect object

We are paying $100 lo the garage for the repairs

Verbs of complementation types ID1 and [D2 The following list gives sorne of the verbs that occur in Types [DI] [D2aJ [D2b] organized aeeording to the cross-classifications of 1656 aboye We are interested here only in synonymous or nearly synonyrnous constructions in which the same participant roles (ef lO18jJ) oceur Hence many possible prepositional verbs are ignored Pay for for example is ignored because it introduces a further participant (the commodity bought) not incuded in pay (with) and pay (to)

Table 1657

Type [DI) Type [D2a] Type[D2b]

EXAMPLE serve (Jaek scampi) serve (searnpi) serve (Jack) to (Jack) with (scampi)

[DI + 2a + 2b) pay payto pay with provide (AmE) providefor provide with serve serve to serve with tel tell to tell about

[DI + 2a) (l) bring bring to den deny to give give lo

grant gram to hand hand to leave leave tofor lend lend to offer offer to owe oweto promise promiseto read read lo send send to show show to teaeh teaeh to throw throw to

(ii) do doacutefor find findfor make makefor order order for reserve reservefor save savefor spare sparefor

(iii) ask askof

1658

[DI + 2b]

[Di]

[D2a + 2b]

[D2a]

[D2b)

envy excuse forgive

allow eharge fine refuse wish

blameon supply forto

address to announee to eommunieate to explain to sayto

envyfor exeusefor forgivefor

blamefor supply with

advise about punishfor etc

The membership of[D2b] is numerous Here are further examples arranged by prepositions

thankfor eonvineeof robof refer to preventfmm depriacutevenf ltuspee f 9f sentenee to proleet from informof warnof subject ro imerest in persuadeof congratulate on treat to aecuseof relieveof confine to charge with convictof remindof introduce to compare with

Note that reflexive verbs (cf 625) sometirnes oecur with a prepositional object eg We pride ourselves on the serviee we ofler Sorne of the verbs abo ve (such as compare with) ean have two inanimate objects

In Table 1657 we have distinguished under[Dl + 2a] verbs taking to as their preposition from those takingfor eg

(i) She sent Paul a present She sent a present to Paul (ji) She made Paul a meaL She made a mealfor Paul

Occasionally a preposition other than to and for oceurs in this function

OiO She asked Paul a favour She asked a favour ofPaul

Distinct from [D2aJ and [D2bJ aboye is a kind of prepositional verb which has already been discussed in 167-8 a verb for which the direet object forms part of an idiomatic unit with the verb and the preposition The syntactic properties of this type which we label (D2e] have already been dealt with and it is enough here to list a further sample ofsueh idioms

1212 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1213I I

eateh siacuteght of make allowanee for put a stop to give place to make fun of set jire to give way to make afuss overabout take aeeount Ofl keep pace with make roomfor take advantage ojI lose sight of make use ojI take eare of 1

lose toueh with pay attention to 1 take note ojI lose traek of put an end to take notice ojI

Those marked with a raised 1 can take not only a prepositional passive (ef 167-8) but also can easily take a passive for which the idiomatically-fixed direct object beco mes subject eg (Some) allowanee was made for loss of eamings (Little) notiee was taken of this evento Other verbs can take the passive but with greater difficulty with these examples as with prepositional verbs in general idiomatic cohesion is a matter of gradience

Variants of ditransitive complementation

ID3J Indirect object + that-cIause object 1659 Corresponding to monotransitive verbs ofType [B3] (efI630) are ditransiti ve

verbs for which the direct object is a that-clause

John eonvinced me (that) he was right ~ I was eonvineed (by John) (that) he was right

The second passive is unacceptable when the direct object is a clause That he was right was eonvineed me Thus the first passive (ef 1655) above is the only passive that can occur with this pattern With sorne verbs such as eonvinee above it is impossible to delete the noun phrase object

John conviucJ (lhat) he was riguiacute

With other verbs such as show the indirect object is optional

The professor of mathematics showed me that Pythagoras was mistaken ~ The professor of mathematics showed that Pythagoras was

mistaken

Ditransitive verbs followed by a that-clause may be divided into a subtype introducing an indirect statement and a subtype introducing an indirect directive (ef 1433) In the indirect statement the that-clause contains an indicative verb in the indirect directive the verb may be indicative or subjunctive and often contains putative should or another modal verb (ef 1632 for the distribution ofthese options)

INDIRECT STATEMENT

May 1 inform you that your order is ready for eolleetion INDIRECT DIRECTIVE

mightbeShe petitioned the king that her father ~ould be pardoned

In the following list Type (i) verbs introduce indirect statements and Type (H) verbs introduce indirect directives The indirect directive construction is

rare and formal in comparison with the similar infinitive construction (ef 1663)

WOUldI begged her that she should help ltformal) 1 begged her to help ltmore usual)

For those verbs marked O the indirect object is obligatory foc those marked (O) the indirect object is optional for those marked laquoOraquo the indirect object is not only optional but unusual

(i) advise (O) remindO (iiacute) ask3 laquoOraquo assureO satisfyO beg3 (O) bet (O) show3 (O) eharge (O) eonvineeO teaeh3 (O) eommand laquoOraquo forewarn (O) tellO iacutenstruet laquoOraquo informO wager(O) order laquoOraquo notify 3 O warn (O) petition3 (O) persuadelO write2bull 3 (O) tellO promise3 (O)

The superscripts are interpreted as follows

1 Persuade in the sense ofconvince belongs to Type (i) but it may also be used in a Type (iiacute) sense of persuade someone to do something

2 Write is found with an indirect object + that-clause especially in AmE 3 With verbs so marked the indiacuterect object can be replaced by a

prepositional object (ef 1660)

Note Superficially similar W the [D3] pallern is lhe impersonal construction Iacutef strikeslstruck me (Ihal) asin

It strikes me this work is for his own amusement But here the Ihal-c1ause (as in 1634) is the extraposed subject of the verbo Compare He strikes me as (cf1646 Note [el) and lt occursto me that (cfI634 Note [e))

ID3prl Prepositionalobject + that-cIause object 1660 The verbs marked 3 in the aboye list can be optionally followed by a

preposition thus forming a category similar to [D2a] in 1656

He promised laquoto) me) that the debt would be repaid

For most verbs of [03] which permit a prepositional object the preposition is to

He wrote to me He reported to me that etc

Exceptions are ask and beg which (in somewhat formal usage) are followed by the preposition of

I askbegofyou that you will keep this secret ltformal)

There is in addition a group of verbs which were classified in 1631-32 as monotransitive but which optionally allow the preposition to preceding a prepositional object These may be distinguished as Type [D3pr] and subdivided into sub-types (i) and (iacutei) as in the paraUel description of [B3] verbs

1214 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Joan mentioned (to me) that her father was siacuteck [Type (O] Or Oay recommended (to her) that the treatment be continued [Type (ii)]

For elample

(i) acknowledge declare remark (ji) propose admit explain repon recommend announce mention say suggest complain pointout signal eoness prove state

As before Type (i) verbs introduce indirect statements and the less numerous Type (ii) verbs introduce indirect directives As befare too sorne exceptional verbs take a preposition other than to

She demanded ome that She agreed with me that etc

Unlike the nonprepositional verbs of [03] these prepositional verbs alow the that-c1ause to become subject of a corresponding passive clause an option which is more acceptable with extraposition

That several ministers are resigning has been admitted to our correspondent ~ It has been admitted to our correspondent that several ministers

are resigning It has been shown to us al that Miss Jones was innocent

Without the preposition ie with an ordinary indirect object such sentences are at best marginally grammatical 1It has been shown us al that Miss Jones was innocent

~~otc The constructions of lt appc-siexclappe(~iexclcfurseems ro me ha slipclfidaly appear ti) bclvuumlg to the paltero [D3prl but in faet these contain monotransitive verbs with an extraposed tnatshyelause as subject

It occurredlseemed to me that he was Iying esimilar patteros with extraposition in 1634 1659 Note

ID4) Indirect object + finite wh-c1ause object 1661 This pattern of complementatiacuteon is primarily found with the verb ask which

introduces a reported question

John asked me what time the meeting would end ~ 1 was Gsked (by John) what time the meeting would end

AIso used with this pattern are verbs which take an indirect object followed by a that-clause (Type (i) of [03]) but for these the wh-clause tends to be limited 10 nonassertive contexts (cf1635) Compare

George didnt tell them that the train was late [1] George didn t tel them whether the train was late [21

The difference of meaning between the that- and whether-constructiacuteons can be stated in terms of presupposition Sentence [1] typically implies that the train was late while [2] is noncommittal on the matter [04] verbs can also introduce other question words such as where and how

Tvpes of verb complementation 1215

Jim was reluctant to inform us (o) where he got the money Would you remind me (about) how we start the engine

A preposition may always be placed before the wh-c1ause In the aJiexclove cases the prepositiacuteon is optional but in the case of verbs like enquire o (Type [04prJ) the preposition is obligatory iexcl enquired ofthe clerk which doeuments were needed The complex preposition as to can be rather general1y used for introducing the wh-clause eg I enquired as to which documents were needed

[D5) Indirect object + wh-infinitive clause object 1662 This is yet another complementation pattern (comparable with [B5] 1637)

which may be taken by sorne verbs listed under[03] in 1659

advise ask instruct remind show teach tell wam

The instructor taught us how lo land saely - We were taught (by the instructor) how to land saely

They advised him what lO wear in the tropies Please remind me where to meet you afier lunch

The equivalent prepositional verb pattern [05pr] is iIIustrated by suggest to recommend to

Could you please suggest to the visitors which museums to visit

Here as in the [04] type a prepositional phrase introduced by as lO can be used

Helen advised us (as to) how to maintain the machine

f~ iexcl llt ~- I ~ i ~

~i ~ ~~

1663 ID61lndirect object + to-infinitive clause object We have seen that the [03] pattern may be used to introduce indirect statements and that the [04] pattern may be used to introduce indirect questions Now we tuen to the verbs of class [06] which introduce indirect directives (c1433)

1 lOldjadvisedjpersuaded Mark to see a doctor ~ Mark was toldjadvisedjpersuaded to see a doctor

[I] [2]

This complementation category looks like those of[B81 and [C5] in that the verb is followed by a noun phrase and an infinitive construction But the [06] pattern differs from these in that the noun phrase following the verb is an indirect object as will be c1arified in 1666 below As with other verbs introducing indiacuterect speech the subject refers to the speaker of sorne speech act and the indirect object refers to the addressee Like [03] verbs [06] verbs form only the first passive exemplified in [2] above we do not find To see a doctor was lOld Mark The folowing verbs belong to this c1ass

advise command entreat instruct remind teach ask counsel exhort invite request1 tell beg detai[l orbid order recommend urge beseech direct implore persuade challenge enjoin 1 incite l prayl

1216 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Those verbs marked with araised 1 do not have the equivalent construction with a that-clause containing a modal or a subjunctive verb (Types [B3(ii)J [030i)]) Contrast

They ~eg~tedd her to stay another week mm e

They ~eKgtedd (her) that she would stay another week mm e

The alternative that-clause construction however is more formal especially when the indirect object is presento

Note [a] The verb promire when it occurs wiacuteth this kind of complementation is exceptional in that the understood subject of the infinitiacuteve is identified with the subject rather than with the object of the maiacuten c1ause

Sarn prornised me to get some rood

= Sam promised me that he would get sorne roed o Sam promised me that lwould get sorne roed

The present pattern [D6] iexcls however less cornmon with promise than the [B6] pattern without the indiacuterect object Sam promised to get someiexclood lb] Only ordercan be followed by a passive infinitive He ordered Ihem lo be impriacutesonedlreleased

Multiple analysis and gradience in verb complementation 1664 Before we leave verb classification it is important to reflect on the problems

of dividing verbs into complementation types The major division of complementation patterns into copular [AJ monotransitive [BJ complex transitive [C] and ditransitive [OJ categories (introduced in 216) has been extended with little difficulty te include patterns in which the verbs ccmplementation includes finite and nonntildenitc clauses This is the basis rOiacute

the classification Qf verbs into types in 1620-63 aboye But unavoidably our aim of presenting a clear classification has obscured sorne problems of gradience and multiple analysis (e 260ff) and to illustrate these we return to three superficially iacutedentical structures aIread y discussed in 1636 These are now illustrated with three new examples each of which conforms to the pattern NI V N 2 to V N 3 (where N = noun phrase and V = verb phrase)

Table L664a

V N2 to V NJNI

[B8] S V O

We like all parents to visit the schooL

I [1]

[C4] Is V O Co

They James therace I [2]

[D6] I S Oiexcl

We I asked I the students I toattend

Ia lectu~en_~

Types of verb complementation 1217

Each ofthese sentences consists ofthe sequence Niexcl V N 2 to V N 3 and yet we have analysed them respectively as monotransitive (S V O) complex transitive (S V degCol and ditransitiacuteve (S V Oiexcl 0d) A different analysis in sorne ways more revealing would recognize an overlap between two competing descriptions of the intennediacuteate noun phrase N2 There is little doubt that in [1 J this is to be analysed as subject of the infinitive clause (e 1636) whereas in [3J there are equally strong reasons for regarding N as (indirect) object of the main clause (e 1666)

Smiddot V S V O 1shyI I

I I ISmiddot V 0 V OI I I I I iexcl I I I I I I I I I iexcl

NI V Nz 10 V NJ NI V N2 lo V N) I I I I

Fig 1664b Sentence[l] Fig 1664c Sentence [3J

Sentence [2J however partakes ofboth these descriptions From the semantic point of view it requires the analysis of Fig 1664b (ef They expeeted [that James would win the race]) But from the structural point of view the analysis in Fig 1664c is more appropriate reflecting N2s ability to become subject of the passive sentence James was expeeted to win the raee We might reasonably say that in [2J N 2 behaves like an object (0 rather than Oiacute) in relation to the first verb but like a subject in relation to the second infinitive verh Tbe term RAISED OBJECT applied in 1649ffto the intermediate noun phrase of patterns [C4 - Cn incorporates yet another way of recognizing this double analysis by envisaging a process whereby the subject of the infinitive becomes the object of the preceding finite verbo This raised object will be symbolized in what follows SO

1665 Given that the double analysis aboye provides sorne insight into clauses containing nonfinite complementation we could take such an analysis further and apply it to aH complex transitive patterns including the more straightforward SVOC and SVOA pattems of[Cl - C3]

that John is a good driver lB3J 1consider John to be a good driver [C4]

John a good driver [C2]

The paraHelism of meaning and phrasal relations demonstrated in these three sentences recommends an analysis in which the complementation of pattern [C2J John a good driver would be regarded as a clause in its own right ie as a verbless clause consisting of S = John and Cs = a good driver without an intervening V This description would not however displace the by now familiar S V Od Co analysis but would rather be seen as an alternative way of looking at the same construction

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1218 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Gradience 1666 The teehnique of multiple analysis stiU leaves some subtletiacutees unexposed

What this teehnique has suggested is that there are the folowing three eategories eorresponding to [1 in 1664

N 2 S We like all parenls to visit the school [1) N2 = SO They expeeted James to win the raee [2] Nz = O We asked Ihe sludents to attend a leeture

But more than three eategories ean be appropriately distinguished if we reeognize [1) and [3] as end-points of a gradient with [2) at some point on the seate between them This area of grammar affords a good example of gradienee

At the monotransitive end of the seale [I) ean be characterized by a number of criteria whieh suggest that N 2 to V N3 (al parents to visit the school) constitutes the direct object of an SVO pattern

(a) It ean be replaced by a pronoun referring to the cIause or noun phrase nominalizing it We like it We like al parens visits

(b) It can be an answer to a what-question A What do you like best

B We like al parents to visit the school (e) In some dialects it can be preceded by the infinitive clause introdueer

for We like (it)for all parens to visit the school (d) It ean easily (when preeeded by for) be the focus of a pseudo-cIeft

sentence What we like (best) is for al parents to visit the school (e) When the sequenee N 2 to V N 3 is turned into the passive form N 3 to be

Vedz by Nz there is no ehange ofmeaning We ike aIl parents to visit the sehcel

= We like the school te be visited biexcl al parents (f) In a reduced construetion the infinitive marker to remains We like them

does not have the same meaning as We like them to

At the other ditransitive end of the seale a eontrasting set of criteria eharaeterize [3) and support the analysis of N2 (the students) as an indireet object and to V N3 (to attend a lecture) as a cIausal direet objeet

(a) 10 V N 3 ean be replaced by a pronoun a noun phrase or a finite clause with Nz still funetioning as indireet object

SOmething We asked the students a question

what they wanted

(b) 10 V N 3 can be the answer to a wh-question while N2 funetions as indirect object

A What did you ask the students B We asked them to attend a lecture

(e) When the sequenee N2 to V N3 is turned into the passive sequence N3 to be Ved2 by N 2 the meaning is always changed

They asked the students to attend a leeture They asked a lecture to be attended by the students

this case indeed the passive transform results in an absurdity)

Types of verb complementation 1219

(d) to V N 3 can marginally become the focus of a pseudo-cleft sentence What they asked the students was to attend a lecture (Contrast the decidedly unaeeeptable What we like the parents is to visil the school)

(e) Nz which like Oi in general is usually personal can be detached from its place after the first V to beeome subjeet of a eorresponding passive sentenee The students were asked to attend a lecture

(n In a reduced eonstruction the infinitive marker to ean be omitted We asked them We persuaded them etc

Note [a] With some ditransitive verbs criterion (a) has to be interpreted as the replacement of the infinitive clause by a preposition and prepositional object (cfI656-8)

They reminded hiacutem ofhis responsibiacutelities One man challenged the other lo a duel

[b] Criterion (d) is less reliacuteable than the others since the pseudo-cleft sentence is unacceptable for many verbs But a pseudo-cleft sentence in which the indirect object is replaced by a prepositional object tends to be more grammatical Whal Ihey asked ollhe sludenls was lO attend a leclure (The alternative construction with the substitute verb do which also occurs with [1] is always more acceptable What Ihey asked Ihe students lo do was lO attend a lecture)

1667 To give a simplified illustration of the analysis of gradience in the sequence NI V N 2 to V N 3 we now take a subset ofthe eriteria listed aboye and apply them to a range of verbs on the gradient eonneeting [1] and [3] of 16_66

(1) (3) (4)(2) wantask elect intend

CRITERIA likeallow expectlel~ etc I etc etc etc~ (a) lo V N 3 can be replaeed by - - -+a finite clause

(e) ehange of meaning in passive -+ +of N 2 10 VN3

(e) N 2 can beeome subjeet of passive -+ ++

Fig 1667 A eomplementatiacuteon gradient

The matrix uses only three criteria and thereby distinguishes only four categories This is sufficient to indicate the principie however that the three categories [BS] [C4] and [D6) of our taxonomy eould be broken down iexclnto a finer spectrum of eategories between which the differences are small In effeet Fig 1667 distinguishes two subeategories of [C4] one (including elect and allow) whieh is c10ser to the ditransitive type and one (including inlend and expect) eloser to the monotransitive type Elect and allow respond to cri terion (e)

They elected Miss Coe to suceeed the present seeretary They elected the present seeretary to be sueceeded by Miss Coe

We dont allow residents to entertain visitors We dont allow visitors to be entertained by residents

1220 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

while intend and expeet do not

They intended the students to see the professor = They intended the professor to be seen by the students

They expeet the students to enjoy the classes = They expeet the classes to be enjoyed by the students

Note Por verbs in group (3) the voice oflhe infinitive clause and the voiceofthe main clausemay be independently varied with the result Ihat a SlIacutentence like They expected the students lo enjoy lile classes has tbree corresponding passiv~s with iexclhe same meaning

They expected the classes to be enjoyed by the students The students were expecled lo enjoy the classes

The classes were expected lo be enjoyed by the students

The last example has a passive verb phrase in both the superordinate clause and Ihe infinitive clame

Adjective complementation

168 Categories of complementation in adjective phrases (ef 228 721-2) are similar in variety to those ofverb complementation We distinguish [El-ES)as follows

[El] Complementation by a prepositional phrase [E2] Complementation by a that-clause [E3] Complementation by a wh-clause

i[E4) Complementation by a than-clause [ES] Complementation by a to-infinitive clause [E6] Complementation by an -ing participle clause

These complementation patterns can occur after an adjective (andmiddot its modifiers if any) in various syntactic functions For example

The violiacuten iacutes (rather) difficut to play (adjective phrase as CJ

Mary found the violiacuten (rather) diffieut to play (adjective phrase as CJ

The violiacuten is an instrument (rather) diffieult to play (adjective phrase as postmodifier)

The on1y posiacutetion in which an adjective cannot normally be followed by iacutets complementation is the premodifying position in a noun phrase a keen child on ehess But here too with certain constructions (Types [ES(iraquo) and [ES(v)D the complementation can follow discontinuously after the head noun The violiacuten is a diffieult instrument to play (ef discontinuity with comparative constructions IS75) For illustrative purposes we will confine examples in the following sections to the subject complement function The lists like the verb lists in 1620-63 will be selective

Adjective complementation 1221

Note There is a considerable parallel as the categories [El-ES] aboye demonstrate between patterns associated with adjectives and those associated with monotransitive verbs The chief difference is that adjectives cannot be followed by a noun phrase object To bring out the parallel further we could describe adjectives exemplified in 1669 below (averse to conscous oJ etc) as prepositional adjectives comparable with prepositional verbs We could moreover identify phrasal adjectives (derived from participiaI forms ofphrasal verbs) such as ron down (exhausled depressed) and phrasaI-prepositionaI adjectives such as fed up (with) These tatter variants however are rare enough lo be disregarded in the foUowing lists

[E1] Adjective complementation by a prepositional phrase 1669 Like prepositional verbs adjectives often forro a lexical unit with a following

preposition good atfond oj opposedto etc The lexical bond is strongest with adjectives for which in a given sense the complementation is obligatory Max is averse to games Max is averse Such adjectives are marked 1 in the following lists

The lists make a distinction between participial (ef 715-19) and nonparticipial adjectives The differencebetween participial adjectives and the -ed participle of the passive construction is discussed in 375-77 These lists provide on1y a small sample of the adjectives accompanying the prepositions concemed In particular it is often possible for the same adjective to go with two or more prepositions as in angry about angry at and angrywith

ABOUT He was very worried about her reaction (ef960)

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

angry knowledgeabe aggrieved frightened glad mad annoyed pleased happy reasonable delighted worried

AT She was badat mathematics (ef962)

NONP ARTICIPIAL P ARTlCIPIAL

angry good alarmed disgusted brilliant hopeless amusedmiddotmiddot pleased elever terrible delighted puzzled

FROM Thevillage is remotefromthe bustle ofcity life (ef918 947)

different distant distinct free remo te

OF She was aware ofhis difficulties

NONPARTlCIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

eonvineed ashamed empty proud1 afraid conseiousl glad

seared eapable fond 1 short1 tired certain full worthy

ONUPON Their plan was based on cooperation

NONPARTICIPIAL IPARTICIPIAL

contingent1 intent1 reliantl basedl set1

dependent keen severe hentl

Yiexcl

1222 Complementation of verbs and adjectives ~ Adjective complementation 1223

Note lal In general choice of preposilion remains the same after morphologicalIy related verbs adjectives and nouns differentftom differ from differencefrom But Ihis eorrespondence is not always lo be relied on contrastfull ofwilhfilied wllh proudofwith pride in lb] Other prepositions whieh less comrnonly enlee into adjective + prepositlon idioms iexclnelude for and lowards graleful for sorry for inclined towards le] Usedfollowed by the preposition lO a more informal synonym ofaccustomed(to) is participial in spelling but has the speeial pronuneiation nus~ Unlike accustomed however used does not oceur with a following infinitive (ef 1679) This adjeetival used to in spite of identity of spelling and pronunciation is quite distinet from used lO as a marginal modal (cf344) Contrast

Im used lO hard work I used ro work hard Id] In the past prescriptive objeetions have been made to the use of to ralher Ihan from after averse and different Howevee ro is the normal preposition to fol1lt11 averse and differenr 10 is quite widely used (esp in BrE) as an altemative lo differentfrom On iJifferent rhan cf1566 Note 1674

le] Wilh can be omitted after (fn)compalibie if the subject is plural cfmutual participation 1360

middotCarl is incompatible OUT Cad and Eva are incompatible

[E2] Adjective complementation by a that-clause 670 Like that-clauses following a verb that-clauses folIowiacuteng an adjective may

have

(A) indicative verb 1am sure (that) he is here now (B) subjunctiacuteve verb They were insistent (that) we be ready (formal) (C) putativeshould Im sorry (that) he should hove left ltformal)

The uses of the mandative subjunctive and of putative should have been discussed in 359 and 1425 respectiacutevely Putative should often occurs after expressions of emotion (sorrowjoy displeasure surprise wonder etc) and is often accompanied by intensifying expressions such as so such like thisl that ever or at all The indicative that-clause on the other hand refers to an established fact The foHowing pairs illustrate choices of construction

1 (that) 1 have to leave so early am sorry (that) you should have been (so) inconvenienced

(that) you didnt call the doctor before 1 am surprised (that) anyone ofyour intelligence should swallow a tie

likethat

With some adjectives (those in category [E2b(iiacute)] 1672) the should-clause can be paraphrased by an infinitive clause with a subject

It was natural for him to go to London after the war = It was natural that he should go to London after the war

That-clauses cannot be preceded by preposiacutetions Hence adjectives which are constructed with prepositions before noun phrases ([El]) drop the preposition before a that-clause (cfI628) Compare the folIowing

OfhiS innocence [E1 ] 1am convlnced (th ) h t [E2]at e IS mnocen

Many that-clauses folIowing an adjective are actualIy subjects postponed by extraposition (cf1833)

lt is lucky (that) you came - That you came is lucky

These are listed separately in 1672

lEla) Adjectives with experiencer (cflO23 Note) as subject 1671 (i) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATIVE VERB ONL Y (cfNote [a] below)

These adjectives express degrees of certainty or confidence aware certain corifident sure

We were corifident that Karen was stiacutell alive

(ii) THAT-CLAUSE HAS PUTATIVE SHOULD OR SUBJUNCTIVE VERB

(or marginally aloo an indicative verb) The three principal adjectives in this class are anxious eager and willing

he should be permitted to resiacutegn 1 Are you willing that he be permitted to resign 1

1he is permitted to resign 1 ~

(On the distribution of these three altematives cfI630)

(iH) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATIVE VERB OR PUTATIVE SHOULD

These adjectives express emotions

Im so thankful that nobody was hurto Were you surprised that Ray should win the prize

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

afraid hopeful alarmed depressed horrified angry proud amazed disappointed irritated glad sad amused distressed pleased grateful sorry annoyed disturbed shocked happy tha7lkful astonished frightened upset

There is a tendency to prefer the putative should construction in nonassertive contexts or where the adjective has negative or unfavourshyable associations

TO AH capital gains are subject to taxation NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

answerable close liableacute accustomedl

averse l due1 simz1ar allied1I WiTH This plan is not compatible with our princiacuteples

NONPARTICIPIAL I PARTICIPIAL

angry busy

happy impatient

annoyed bored

ClJmfortable incompatible1 concerned compatibleacute sick delighted content familiar friendly furious

uneasy depressed disappointed disgusted dismayed distressed

inclined1

opposed1

drunk enchanted obsessed occupied overcome pleased satisfied taken1

1672

1224 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Adjective complementatlon 1225

Note [a] The restriction oC Type (i) above lo indicative verbs only is meant to allow Cor the use of T

Note [a] Although tlle pro-forms so and n01 cannot be used after tllese [E2bI adjectives (ef 1671modal auxiliaries including should in a nonputative sense eg I am a~are that I should [= ought 1lo] havejoined longago iexcl Note [bJ) there iexclsa possibilityofreplacing the adjective + solnat by a related adverb + sonot

[b) Afraid is unique among adjectives in that it accepts the pro~oun so (and iexclts negative equivalent Mt) as a that-clause substitute (cfI631) rm afraid SOMI

IElbJ Adjectives with anticipatory it as subject

The that-elause in this eonstruetion is an extraposed subjeet Three types are again distinguished matehing those in 167l

(i) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATlVE VERBONLY (cfI671 Note CaD These adjectives have to do with truthor knowledge

It is true that she never cemes on time

apparent evident likely possible untrue certain implicit obvious true well-known clear indubitable plain unlikely

(ji) THAT-CLAUSE HAS PUTATIVIl SHOULD OR SUBJUNCTIVE VERB (or marginshyaIly also an indicative verb) These adjectives express eoncepts concerned with modality or volition

should be lifted tomorrow It is essential that the ban be lifted tomorrow

(1) is lifted tomorrow

appropriate essentiacuteal important necessary vital compulsory fitting impossible obligatoryshycrucial imperative improper proper

Various deverbal adjectives ending in -able also belong to this group egadvisable desrabIe preferable

(iii) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATlVE VERB OR PUTATIVE SHOULD

This group consists mainly of emotive adjectives and ineludes a large num ber ofparticipial ad jecti ves ending in -ing

Itmiddot strange th t She is so late IS upsetting a she should be so late

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTlCIPIAL

awkward logical alarming perplexing curious odd annoying pleasing disastrous peculiar depressing shocking dreadful sad disappointing surprising extraordinary silly embarrassing fortunate tragie frightening iexclrrational unfortunate irritating

Various -able-ible adjectives also be10ng tp this group admirable eommendable deplorable despieable incomprehensible inconceivable lamentable remarkable understandable unjustifiable etc

ha h l Id l h B Yes obviouslyfortunately soA 1 t IS apparentt t s e IVes oesn t Ive ere B N J I I di t o event y sa y no [b] When an adjective ofType (iii) above occurs after a modal verb construction the that-clause is commonly replaced by an if-clause If the modal verb in the main c1ause is hypothetical (eg would) the verb in the ifmiddotdause is placed in tlle hypothetical pasto Compare

It is sad that you have to leave It will be sad ifyou hove to lea ve

It would be sad ifyou had lo lea ve

[E3] Adjective complementation by a wh-clause 1673 As with that-clauses we have to distinguish those adjeetives ([E3a]) which

are predicated of an experieneer (normalIy a person) as subject and those ([E3bD which go with antieipatory it In the latter case the wh-clause is an extraposed subject Examples are

(onwhat 1should sayo [1]E3a 1was unsure[ 1 (about) whether the problem was solved [2]

[E3b] It was unclear what they would do [3]

Type [E3a1 consists of adjectives which are constructed with prepositions and whieh therefore belong also to Type [EI1 The preposition is sometimes omitted before the wh-clause (ef155 Note reD In Type [E3b] on the other hand no preposition can be inserted bull It was uneear ofabout what lhey would do AIso no infinitive wh-cIause is possible (ef i637) It is unsure where to go is unacceptable unless it refers to sorne aniacutemate being (sueh as a mouse) and is consequently not interpreted in terms of extraposition

Retuming to Type [E3a] we note that in sorne cases the adjective takes a wh-elause in assertive eontexts eg eareful (about) doubtful (as to) fussy (about) puzzled (as to) uneear (about) uncertain (o) undecided (about) unsure (0) unaware (o)

John is careul (about) what he does with his money

Most of these adjeetives are intrinsiealIy negative In meaning In other cases although elsewhere it is associated with an indicative that-clause [E2a(i)] the adjective tends to oceur with a wh-cIause in nonassertive contexts (efI635) eg aware certain eear sure

Are you sure (o) how mueh the maehine costs 1wasnt altogether cleaiexcl- (about) what we had to do

A similar division may be made among adjectives of the antieipatory-it type ([E3b]) Those whieh intrinsieally express doubt and therefore take this strueture even in assertive contexts include doubtful uneertain uneear unsure and unknown Those normally oceurring with an indieative that-elause (le Type [E2b(i)]) inelude apparent eertain obvious and plain They can take a wh-cIause in nonassertive contexts Each type is illustrated in

It was uneear whether an amendment would be accepted It was not obvious how far the westernization process would IO

~ltgt ~~~1~ 1 -~ Adjective complementation 1227

1226 Complementation of verbs and adjectives iexcl

After adjectives of Type [E3a] there may also occur an infinitive wh-clause 1 was uncertain (oi) what to do This is preferable to the finite c1ause in cases illustrated by [1-3] aboye since the subject can remain unexpressed in the reduced nonfinite version

[E4] Adjective complementation by a than-clause 1674 There is an unusual construction in which a noncomparative adjective is

foIlowed by a comparative than-clause as complementation Different is the only adjective which fits into this pattero and even then there is a tradition which regards the use of than here as impropero There is however no felicitous alternative to the different than construction in examples such as

Shes quite a different girl than she wasfilie years ago [11 The various styliacutestic variants of and alteroatives to the than-clause after different are examined in 1566 Note lb] When the c1ause is reduceacuted to a noun phrase it becomes possible to usefrom as an alternative to than

The unions are taking a very different attitude ~ the employers

When the noun phrase folIowing thanffrom cannot be derived by ellipsis from a c1ause than is decidedly less acceptable thanfrom

The main languages of southern India are totaIly different In origin

~~~ those ofthe northern partofthe country

Note [al On differenlrom and different 10 1669 Note [dI [bj It is aloo possible for a Ihan-c1ause to be used after he adverb difilrently

In the west of the country they pronounce their vowels quite aifferently han (they do) in the easl

The same prescriptive objections are made to differenlly Ihan as to different Ihan

[E5] Adjective complementation by a to-infinitive clause [675 We distinguish seven kinds of construction in which an adjective is foIlowed

by a to-infinitive c1ause They are exemplified in the following sentences which are superficially alike

Bob is splendid to wait (ii) Bob is slow to react

(iii) Bob is sorry to hear it (iv) Bob is hesitant to agree with yOU (v) Bob is hard to convince

(vi) The food is ready to eat (vii) lt is important to be accurate

In Types (i-iv) the subject of the main clause (Bob) is also the subject of the infinitive c1ause We can therefore always have a direct object in the infinitive clause if its verb is transitive Por example if we replace intransitive wait by transitive build in (i) we can have Bob is splendid to build this house

Por Types (v-vii) on the other hand the subject of the infinitive is unspecified although the contextoften makes clear which subject is intended

In these types it is possible to insert a subject preceded by for eg in Type (vi) The food is ready (jOr Ihe children) to eat

Infinitive complementation following adjectives modified by lOO and enQugh is discussed eIse Note where in 1S73

(ES(i)) Bob is Iplendid to wait Type (i) has an analogue in a construction involving extraposition (cf1833)1676 1t is splendid of Bob lo wait This type OC construction also permits a head noun between the adjective and the infinitive

Bob must be a spiendid craftsman ~ ~~bUilt this house

As this example shows the infinitive may be perfective We may also compare constructions in which an evaluative noun with its determiner

replaces the adjective

ffoolishYourelafool to spend so mucho

WOnderfUl Youre 1 to walt for me anange

Adjectives in this group are evaluative of human beha~iour They inelude

careful crazy mad silly wise careless greedy nice unwise wrong

These adjectives can also occur with anticipatory il and an of-phrase as additional complementation (cf1682)

It was foolish of you to spend so mucho

IE5(Hraquo) Bob is IOW to react In Type (ii) the sentence corresponds to one in which the adjective becomes 1677 an adverbwhile the infinitive becomes the finite verb

Bob is slow to react - Bob reacts slowlyc

In another analogue the adjective is followed by in and an -ing participle Bob is slow in reacting The infinitive verb phrase must be simple for example unlike the inftnitive phrase in [E5(i)] it cannot be perfective Bob is slow ItJ have reacted Other adjectives in this small group are quick and prompt

There is also a partial adverbial analogue (e8127ff) for Type (i) but in Type (i) unlike Type Note (ii) the perfective infinitive andeven the get-passive (e366) can be used

loan was wise to resigno ~ loan wisely resigned loan was careless to get beaten - loan carelessly got beaten

loan is careless to have got beaten

IES(iuumlraquo) Bob is 10rry lo hear it In Type (iexcliexcli) the head of the adjective phrase is an emotive adjective 1678 (commonly a participial adjective) and the infinitive clause expresses

causation

1679

1228 Complementation of verbs end adjectives

Im sorry to have kept you waiting [rm sorry because I have kept you waiting]

1 was exeited to be there [- To be there exeited me]

Adjectives in this group correspond c10sely to the adjectives followed by a that-clause in 1671 (Type [E2a(iii)D

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

afraid angry ashamed content furious glad

happy impatient indignant jubilant thankful

annoyed astonished bored coneerned delighted depressed

disgusted dissatisfied embarrassed fasemated frightened interested

overwhelmed perturbed puzzled relieved surprised worried

disappointed overjoyed

IE5(ivraquo) Boh is heaitant to agree withyou In Type (iv) the head of the adjective phrase expresses volitional meaning or a modal meaning such as ability possibility or liability Examples are

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

able keen determined anxious Iiable disposed apt Iikely [E2b] fated[E2b] eertain [E2b] loath inclined curious powerless poiseddue prone prepared eager ready [E5] (all) set eligible reluetant unqualified fit [ES] sure [E2b] free [ES] unable greedy weleome hesitant willing impotent worthy

The adjectives marked [E2b] occur with a corresponding construction with extraposition of a that-clause

JilI is likely to attend - It is likely that JiU will attend

Those marked [E5] are capable of occurring with an infinitive construction of passive meaning ie with an indefinite implied subject and a coreferential implied object

Theyare not fit to eat = They are not tit to be eaten

Some ofthe most common adjectives in this list have a tendency to coalesce with the preceding copula 10 form a semimiddotauxiliary verb (ef3A7) be able to be willing to be sure to In addition to modal and volitional adjectives some adjectives ofaspectual meaning such as aeeustomed and wont may be placed here

Adjective complementation 1229

We are aecustomedto take teaon the terrace (formal) He was wont to leave the office at 5 pm (formal archaic)

(ES(vraquo) Bob is lard to convince 1680 In Type (v) the subject of the sentence is identified with the unexpressed

object of the infinitive clause which must therefore have a transitive verb hence the unacceptable Bob Is hard to arrive There is an analogous construction in which the adjective is complement to an infinitive c1ause acting as (extraposed) subject (ef 1836)

- To convince Bob is hard Bob IS hard to convmce It is hard to convince Bob

Adjeeacutetives so used refer 10 degrees of ease or comfort and iexclnclude

awkward hard tough (informal) eonvenient impossible trieky (informal) difficult niee (informal) unpleasant easy pleasant

Unless there is ellipsis we cannot omit the infinitive c1ause and so there is no semantic implication between (say) The bread was hard to bake and The bread was hard Unlike the preceding types Type (v) permitsfor + subject to be inserted at the beginning of the infinitive clause Those darts are trieky (for a beginner) to use Where the infinitive has no overt subject its implicit subject is understood to have an indefinite meanihg

Jack is easy 10 fool =Jack is easy for anyone to foo

Note With some adjectives in this group such as nice or unpleasant the entailment relation between be + adjective ro V and be + adjective is less easy lO avoid eg Jenny is nice lo know iacutemplies that Jenny is nice

IE5(viraquo) Thefood is ready to eat 1681 Again in this type the subject of the main clause is identified with the object

of the intinitive c1ause But unlike Type (v) Typemiddot(vi) has no analogous construction with an infinitive clause subject

The food is ready to eat To eat the food is ready

Also we can generally (a) omit the infinitive clause or (b) substitute a passive infinitive clause without change ofmeaning

Are these cups available (to use) = Are these cups available (to be used)

Some adjectives of this type such as availablefitfree ready and suffieient belong additionally 10 Type (iv) so that a sentence like The lamb ia ready to eat is ambiguous in one sense (the most accessible) being equivalent to the passive The lamb is ready to be eaten Then there is a wider set of adjectives which often occur without complementation at all

The air isfrosty (to breathe) Its fur is soft (to touch)

1230 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

In both Type (v) and Type (vi) the subjectofthe main clause can be equated with the prepositional object of the infinitive clause so that the infinitive c1ause ends with a deferred preposition

She is pleasant to talk to (-It is pleasant to talk to her) This paper is terribly flimsy to write on Is the cloth sufficient to make a dress out ol

In Type (vi) as well as in Type (v)for + subjeet may be inserted before the infinitive verb Are these books free (for visitors) to borrow Are these books available to borrow]

(E5(vii)J Jt is important to he accurate 1682 We saw in 1672 that a that-clause following an adjeetive may prove to be a

subjeet postponed by extraposition (ef1833) A to-infinitive clause following an adjeetive may have the same oouree

It is essential to spray the trees every year - To spray the trees every year is essential

The infinitive clause can also be introduced by for + subjeet

It is vital (for the ehildren) to be properly cIad It will be strange (for us) to be living alone

Adjectives ofTypes (ji) and (iii) in 1672 ([E2b]) may have this construction importantJortunate lueky surprising etc Possible also belongs te this group

An addiacutetional group of adjeetives oeeurring after anticipatory it are those adjeetives (ehiefly naming evaluative attributes of persons) whieh occur in pattern [E5(i)] (ef 1676) The adjeetive in this group is often followed byan of-phrase identifying the persones) being discussed

It was wrong (of him) to teIllies iexcli

It is niee ofyou to phone

[E6] Adjective complementation by an -ing participle cfause [683 A number of sub-types ofthis pattem may be mentioned

(i) Busy is followed by an -ing participle clause without subject

Margery is busy writiacuteng Ietters

Worth and worthwhile on the other hand oceur both with and without subjeet

It is seareely worth(while) (youyour) going home

Here worth(while) follows preparatory it and the participle clause is an extraposed subjeet (ef1834) Other adjectives ofthis pattern are pointless and useless (Its pointless buying so mueh food) and adjectives of Type [E2b(iiacutei)J (efl6 72) also sometimes have this complementation absurd awkwardJortunate annoying etc

EIsewhere worth and worthwhile accompany an -ing participle elause without subjeet but with a passive meaning comparable to tbat of the infinitive elause in pattern [E5(v)] (ef1680)

Complementation of abstract nouns 1231

The cartons are worth(while) saving ( Its worth(while) saving the cartens)

(iv) There is a variant eonstruction in whieh a preposition oecurs between the adjective and the participle clause In some cases the preposition is optional (cf(i) aboye)

Im busy (with) getting the house redeeorated Werefortunate (in) having Aunt Mary as a baby-sitter

In other cases the preposition is obligatory We are used to not having a car (cf1669 Note [e]) Im hopeless at keeping the garden tidy Shes not capable oflooking after herself

Note [al The adjectival constructions in (ii) above may be compared in some cases with nominal constructionsof equivalent meaning

ts 110 goaduse telling him anything Theres 110 point (in) telling him anything

8uch constructions are introduced either by anticipatory il (el 1833) or by eltistential there (el 184$) AmE also hu Theres no use telling him anythlng (b) Worthwhlle is sometimes spelled as two words The vacillation between the spellings worthwhile and worth while reflects an unclarity about the status of this sequence which may altematively be regarded as the preposition worth (eI96) followed by a noun Compare

lts not worth your whife staying lts not worlhh whh~e (your) staying worl w 1

Complementation of abstract nouns

1684 In this coneluding section we will show as a conneeting link between this chapter and the next how the pattems of complementation described for verbs and adjectives in 1620-83 are aloo to be found with abstraet nouns which are morphologieally related to those verbs and adjectives (ef nominalization 1751ff and appositional constructions 1726 1735) For example the noun likelihood is derived from and semantically related to the adjective likely It is therefore not surprising that a construction associated with the adjeetive Is found with the corresponding noun

It is likely that Joan will get married [1]

The likelihood is that loan will get married [21 the likelihood that Joan will get married [31

But the assumption of eorrespondence eannot be automatie for it may faiacutel in both direetions

loan is likely to get married Joan s likelihood to get married

It is likely of J oans getting married the likelihood of Joans getting married

------__shyiacute1 11

COMPLEX INTRANSITIVE CONSTRUCTIONS p H MATIHEWS

1 Introduction

In sentences such as [1J

ArR C~Iltiacuteltmiddotli N ([1J Th~deitgreen ~

he construct~oEJ~QLordf JJP~ that GCE850ff describes as 9QMfLEX JRANSITIV~ Ofthe elements in questionit and made are related a~Jn tQllt ~imple transitive

j [2J They made it

YihiJe ir and green a~_~latelasinasimple_ltQI1llar_sentence ( [3] lt is green (- lt

~f the type that following Lyons (l977469ff) raquoe will call ASCRIPTIVE raquouacutet greacuteen- also standsJna direcueJordf9lsJIacuteIL ordm~_iii~de the object and adjective exemplifying a single I2atteIILof VERB COMllEMe~nrJ91 This paUCIDl can be sajd torepresenta IJJS10N (G e E 850) ofJ~ltsimpler transitiv iexcll~J~Jjpiexcly_e_tjPes - _shy

IH~~_sfiE~~Ve can be fused with th~~~tY_e_(lri~alsoP~ fused with theintransitixe1 Insentildetentildeces SUChas[4] -

MI It turned green

~construc~~~~~]y idmtifkQyaacuteth th~ of l3J in both examples the

l]

~ ~ ~ ENGLISH GRAMMAR

verb is described as copularor in the terminology of GCE820f as taking intensive complementation But neither description is quite appropriate to1 both cases In the~ptive sentence there i indeed no mor~than~pYhL~

1 2ampffiMical iP~ betwe~ the adjective and its subject~ plainly this ~ ~ is not true of [4] whose verb TURN has its own specific meaning lf turned~ iacute I is a full verb it must then be the govemor of green as made is in (1) in that

iexcl ~ sense there is cornplernentatjon But we express nothing by assigning such a complernentation to the copula A solution is to c1ass I4] as a COMPLBX

IITMNSITIVE iL~onsect_trJltiordmL being an extension of th~simpleJmransiUacutelLe _shy~ i I5] It turned

j precisely as that of (1) is extended from that of [2)iexcl

2 Fused constructions

Let us take our cue from GCEs referenee to fusionlo the simpl~L =nfu~~~_~~~~~~~)t1ecltgtnstVf1ionconsistso(asingJULeAicJ~tQI(lgde) which in a dependency ana~is has both the subject and the object as its dependents or to adapt G CEs term has both a subjeet and an oJkltt asit complementation lnJhaL~se (2) has a _K1U~~~_~ruetion (Lyons i977) w1jch cannotJiexclJLr~s~Cl9JUnQ(lt_e~mentary relationships of ptediCJJQJkSo too has the simple intransitive (5] vi1ihidepeiioenforior forming the complementation of tumed So too has the simple aseriptive [3] its predicator on the analysis ofLyons and others is the adjective green One reason for relatlng the subject to the adjective is that the elements are jointly subject to selectional restrictions A reason for not relating either to the copula is that the latter stands aside (rom these restrictions adding none ofitsown

In a fused construction the pattem ls neither strictly kernel nor straightforwardly non-kemellnJhegmplex transitive [lL1oth1tan41~Y are again direct ~cngents of made these relatio~_elQ~ the words in FigJbx direC1~ltaI~_uacutela~~I~Qordf-ordfl9blleiexcl)Uumlnamp21uacuteward frollLthe

~d

(aJiquest-Fig 1

[42]

P H Matthew$

p~ed~~ So is green arc el this too being supported by selectional restrictions We are therefore dealing with a single clause rooted in made of which each word is a distinct element But green js a1soapredicator in iexclelation to il (are d)J that wav we are dealing with two kernelp~QlS th~ fuurtermclauseinfQmQrating bothtM_~tuet~[IDJr~JlsitiYlljh~ twoshytenn a~-middot -_shy

In Fig 1 we have diagrammed what any grammarian will propose provided that his terminology or his notational apparatus allow him to say it Iut similar reasonjng applies to the construction which we have called the ~IpJex ln~~-ordfEsitive Of the relationships showninf1g --~~t~~~~_

it turned green

aAacutebJ Fig2

to ir (arcc)_isagainasintheascripJjy~ and needs no further cornment But the final element is clearly suJiexcliect to ru19jtional resr=l~ordmI~ tlTlJRI_ im~~tordm-~~it~~rAUQj~9iY_I9U~l~~ed noun (He turned pink He turned kings eVidence) iQ~~~1lined phrase is exCiuacuteded (He turned arog)

tDle~sthe p~e~~i0rl~lJ9rtn is ~~jordmntildei[qiireifitetuumlmed iexclnto a frog) ~itt G-ordm-1h exdusi(m is abgolule one cannot even say He went into a criminal

f [he adjeqtive is also Iimlted to specific collocations For example one can say It turned sour or Ir went sour but it is harder to accept Ir grew sour 1 Conversely one can say He grew od but not He went od On that evidence

j we may establish a relationship of dependency between green and tumedj (arc b) The verb too can then be related to the subject (arc a)

1 Epgth o~2am~ thefe is one terro ir lVhich is a9~de~~~~t1 theascriptile anCITlieletbalk~m~1 (Fig 1 ares b and d Fig 2 ares a and c) The fusion is then effected by a further link (Fig 1 arc e Fig 2 are b) in which ond of the two predicators een is ineo orat~a~_ ordf d~RendenlO(th~ I re atlon that uirk an4hl~ COU~_~ampI~s-1 jn the case of th complex intransitille hall app1ied the Iean intlaquo=nsve

mmplementatio~gly describe he yaleruLQ(IUN or iexcl l otIllBNinthisuseJuh~int~siYeint[ansitivx But the insight intildeaacute I

alsQ be extended to the complex transitiye In that spirit MAKE or MAKE as

used in sentences such as W might appropriatelL be described ~~_~n_ i ~ntensive transitive -J -bull_--------shy

[43)

ENGLISH GRAMMAR

3 Distinctions between tbe complex intransitive and other partly similar constructions

For a three-term construction Fig 2 shows the maximum number of interconnections with each term related to each of the others The miacutenimum isone thus for the ascriptive (3) we have adopted the structure shown i~

L with l~~E2nd te~~Il2= tlliacuten amaroe~ ordmrS1PP9~g~lexn~~ ~eLClatiacute9D~t~~~~t~first an~~~hir~ But this leaves five other possibilities which in theory might be realized ust as the second element_lt~p~ltmark(r ordfs inEig 3bullKlJQQmgordmHhetordm-iriexcl in thatJ~SiquestOillY

iacutet is green

Fig3

1he_verb vQ1lld_be a predicatorrwithonl)l1he_~ygtject related 10 it This structure does not seem to be realized at least not in away whiacuteCh is -relevant to our analysis Asecond_possibil~iuhatJmly the verb a~ ~~~iexcltiY~L iquestnjgl~~_rell~q in that ca~e bot~redicatoS_w-ordmyldIgt~ impersonal-vUh lh~su~ject a me~m~ce-filler This structure might conceivably be suggested for exampIacuteesmiddotSuumlch as [6]

[6] It got mistier

with a so-called ambient it But although it may indeed be ambient with respect to mistier it need not follow that it is ambient with respect to got

In the remaining cases no element is a marker but there are only two instead of three interconnections Ir there wem no link betw-IlJhe subject ~YMh(Ejg 2 are a) the verb1tSelf would agajn be impersmordf-~ I~ transformational terms its surface subject would be derived by raising (Postal 1974) from a subordinate adjectival clause lf th3ewere no intensiye lipk between the first and second predicators (Fg 2 arWJUlt verb would be a simple intransitive taking just t~_S)lbject as its complementation th~on of tbe adjec1iYtLL~ then be uumlMrn-~0n[7] forexample --- -_~

Eacutel He arrived saber J (~ eacute cc L f ~ 2 f

grammars do not establish an intensive or copular use of ARIUVB Finally

[44]

1 P H Marrhew$

if the ascriQive lik wer~~2ken iacuteEiKbJ~~ f)hHordmjlti~~ment woulordm-no longer bJlta predicaQ~ltiexclHQle wQuldin~teadb~ADVJllqt~iexcl as in 8)

(8) He ran fa~t

There is no doubt that the intensive construction is distinct from the adverbial and that sober in [7] is at least more circumstantial than green in It turned green But the subject-verb relation is more problematic in that a raising transformation has been proposed for one at least of the G C E s intensive verbs Let us therefore take that distinction first

31 Ofthe twenty or so most common intensive verbs (GCE821) SEEM and APPEAR particularly lend themselves to transformational analysis On the evidence of sentences such as [9]

(2) It seemed that they wereamp~e~

_U~naIlJral lo establish an underlying ~~ct~~

J~sIhey were green]~ seemed

irlYhIacutetEw~4)srelate(L1ot to they J~Q9green indhiOacute1lally but to the yiole ascri2tive kernelrom the same structure a sentence such as [10)

[10] They seemed to be green

can then be derived by further transformations of subject raising and infinitive formation Froro the structure reaJized by [Io]lIleare n3tllcalli

~m~ed to derive the comple~_~transiti~euacutell

[u) They seemed gre~

by a further transformation deleting the copuiacutea For SEEM the rules deriving [10] and [u] would both be optional But for

other verbs such as TURN or GO We could make them obligatory so It turned green could be the only realization of an underlying sUr was greenls turned the ambient Ir got misrier - [6] aboye - a realization of say s[mistier]s gorand so on If the obligatory rules were then restricted to the copula we would also ensure that any other form of embedded structure (g[he eft]s turned or g[he kissed her]s grew) was filtered out By such means a treatment which is widely accepted for SEEM and for which the evidence is at first compelling could be extended if it were thought appropriate to the entire intensive intransitive class

There are good reasons for not thinking it appropriate In a sentence such as [12]

[12] Harry got drunk

Qn~JsllQIacuteli~ply talking of a_~ate tha~ reslllttI s~o t~a~ ~~rry vs (45)

ENGLISH GRAMMAR

drunk or Harrys drunkenness happened) Nor is Harrya mere theme or tliexclfc (Aacute~-to-KarryQruniexcliquestenneacuteSs-l1ippened to him) tlamp11tbject iexclS1

potentia1lt-at-l~st--alMl~tgh-ge~~amp9run_~ wassoID1hiiL~hatJIal did The--verb mayaccordiacutentilde-gly take a subject adjunct (O CE 466]) thus I delibera tey got drunk or He foo(lshy turned traitor It may also supply the complement of a conative verb (1 did try to get drunk) may appear in the imperative (Dont get drunk ) and so on For sorne collocations this potentiacuteality is doubtless harder to realize (compare He delibera tey turned bue with He delibera tey turned nasty or He tried ro grow oder with He tried ro grow farter) but that is precisely the case for subjects and predicators generally lt is this semantic role that justifies the first link shown in Fig 2

which an impersonal structure as in (b)

(b) s[Harry was drunkls got

would relegate to the surface If (b) is wrong for Harry got drunk a transformationalist should consider

more carefully w hether a similar structure is correct for Harry seemed drunk Let us assume that it is correct for the construction with a that-clause (It seemed that Harry was dhmk) for SEEM and APPEAR a c1ausal complement does form one possibility Let us also accept that SBBM has a constant sense in all its constructions But for other current intensives (G eE 820 f) the evidence is more complexo With SOUNO a that-clause can be forced for example if a dative is inserted (lt sounds ro me that (hey arent coming) There is also an impersonal construction with as if

[131 It sounds as ifthey were green

which might be thought to derive from the same source The construction of [13] is also acceptable witb LOOK (lt ooks as ifthey arent coming) But between it and the complex intransitive we can find clear disparities in meaning In [13] the judgment is based on indirect clues what sounds or appears from audible information is indeed the whole proposition they were green But in the complex intransitive [14]

[141 They sound drunk

it is based on sounds that they are making For that reason it is harder 10 make sense of They sound green Likewise They [ook drunk means that they from their appearance are so But in It loob as ifthey are drunk the speaker does not even imply that he has seen them (Compare Prom what you say it ooks as if rhey are drunk) Ir we wanted a complex source it would be tempting 10 relate [14] not 10 the impersonal [13] with raising but rather to the personal [Is1

[IS] They sound as iexclfthey are drunk

with the second they deleted

[46]

P H Marthews

Personal and impersonal are often hard to separate as Palmer (1972) and before him Bolinger(l96la) have shown Ofthis group ofintensives TASTE

and 5MBLL are the most restricted in meaning and it is with these that the impersonal construction as in [91 and [131 is least acceptable With TASTE

neither seems likely Ir rasres to me that the soup is saty It tastes to me as if they are sweer If the second example can be interpreted it is by virtue of a blending with the personal construction (compare It tasres as ifit ) With SMELL the construction of [131 may be more acceptable (Ir smells ro me as if dinner is ready) but the blending remains With PEEL a non-tactile sense is possible (Ir fees Iikey) but is less established than the broader senses of LOOK or SOUNO (compare Ir ooks likey II sounds likey) It is in this case that my judgment is least secure would one say for example It fees (or Ir fees to me) as if they were green With SOUNO and LOOK the general sense is well established as in [131 or Ir sounds likely but there is still a sensory meaning as in [14] and [Isl which inhibits the pure impersonal with that With SEEM and APPEAR we are at the end of the continuum both having general senses only Hence the construction of[91 alongside the impersonal with as if (Ir seems as if they were green) Hence perhaps the infinitive construction of [101 with SOUNO and the others this too is awkward (They ooked ro have arrived Or Ir tastes ro me to be sweer) But it does not follow that the semantical1y general They seem drunk differs in syntax from the specifically sensory They sound drunk or They smell drunk We can even force an active interpretation of the subject thus They tried lO appear drunk or I deliberarey seemed irrftated

32 As [11] with SEEM Hes on a gradience between personal and impersonal so there are others which raise problems in distinguishing intensive from adverbial and circumstantial constructions For there is no criterion which is both sufficient and necessary

The obvious step is to tesectt for simpler transforms Thus J9r [12] Harl~ qrunk ~e can comp~jiexcleJgtimple a~ve Harry was drul~ TRANSFORM in that firstIy it is a a d secondly the predicator

-ORUNK hasnot a tq~ sense s no intraiiSIuvetrans[oacuterintilde ~stiiis~se of G BI is oot ~ble Nor has 4 r tumeirgeacute-iexcl an intransitive transform It turned since this involves a different sense oC TURN Ir there~~ an ascriptive transform but n9-Wn~itive the JhirdeiacuteeDlen t mult be a complementi so [41 and [12] must be complex intransitive Ir there is neither transform it MA y be complement but the col~of verb and adjective mjgbt rCaSantildea be classed as idiomatic Thus The roses have run wild has no transform The roses ve iiOr-aacuteoes it strictly match The rOSes are wild But WILO is at least an adiecti~ must stand in sorne relationship to the verb therefore R UN WILO is right1y

chmldw-rresultintensive (O eE) ---shy-- -_--g ~ _---_bull ~ shy

[471

ENOLISH ORAMMAR

If there is a simple intransitive but no ascriptive transr2ffil--_~~~ coacutentildeSffiiClioacutentilde-intildeuumlSt]ie iexcljdve(J2iacuteaIYlIacuteustrivialIy He ran iexcliuieacutekly has no ascriptive tiexclansfo~ He was quickly less trivially He travelled light does not match He was ight But what if we find both rlJgJQQordf~tillha$ordflJ ascriEtive _~ran~f~rrlJ~eYI1Jer~_~~ ~sectmL1aY-J~_a~~plement circumstantjallik~iilelltjnThey-sJoQdsilent ordfytlb~~j~llsothe simpler intran~1ti~ fbilystQPf so still ~ight be anadver~ like sileniTyintilde-fiieystood silenty Since there is no distinct form srilly the latter is hard to rule out For It shone white we can compare the formally adjectivallt shone brighr again there are both transforms (Ir shone Ir was white) But It shone brighr is c10se in meaning to the formaUy adverbial Ir shone brighry could white be an adverb in default of or as the commoner altemative to whirely Blending may aIso be found in idioms For example it is fruitless to ask if doggo is an adjective or an adverb in He is Iying doggo

For the circumstantial case both transforms are necessary thus [7] He arriuacuteiid sober has the triexcliexclntildeiiiacuteormsmiddotiexcliexcluacuteli-iexcliexclved andHe wasectSoacutebe Wewoacuteuumllifiliso ixpeeacutetthilUumlheveromiddotantildedmiddotildjectTe-shouId befreeOi collocationaI restrictions so He arrived sober He left sober He Jeft satisjied He arrived satisfied and so on But it is very hard to say when such a requirement iacutes meto One does not say for example They stood noisy or They sroodpeacefuJ on that evidence They stood sient might be classed as complex intransitive But neither is one likely to say They arrived noisy or They arrived kind Is that too a matter of collocational restrictions so that [7] is also intensive Or is it merely that NOISY and KIND are ill suIacuteted 10 this construction7 At this point jt is tempting to distinguish degrees of circumstantiality The extreme case would be represented by such sentences as [16]

[16] They stood there exhausted

(Iikewise They have arrived quite sober) where the adjective and verb are marked as separate Beside [16] the construction in [7] is less clearly circumstantial in They stood sient or They stoodfidgering it is perhaps even r less so But this last might stilJ be seen as less intensive than for example

iexcl They stood amazed Likewise They feJl exhausted is less clearly intensi ve than 1 They fell sick since it involves no special sense of FALL

~

f lrOacutel p1lI1riHmD ~ amires f0tr eompiex trlmSitive fu Tlieyfbuntlliim~

guilry there is a special sense OfPIND as ofMAKE in They mode it green In TIwy rrun Juacutem JOber tbat IacuteoS DO spcciiexcll SCDSII of)lEET~ by tbat cS ~ is more eircumsumlial BUl onc la unlikely lO say for eumple They me hlm meditative

4 Finally there is an obvious gradience between the coxnP-1ex intransitive ~nct the simple ascriptj~ With TURN 01 GROW there are~-selecUumlonal restrictions as we have seen With SBJlli or SIhV tney are far fewer

[48J

P H Matthews

neverthelesson~canI1Q~~yfordmr_~ordfmplelfil_sectil1Ied chairmqf1-ltcompareH~ stayelt chairman Qr1fsectJjiquest_riquest~cordfirmordfl1) or It srays obvious that (compare It seemsobvious that or It remainsobvious that ) With REMAIN it is hard to find any but at least the intransitive exists He remained) and their senses can be related Wth BECOMB that evidence too is lacking He became drunk can be distinguish-ed(rontildei1lieasgiptiYlt1g lu7ntl1k onlyJ~iiui~s from jts resultative meaning -_-

This merging has ied grammarians to treat the constructions together But we can do this only by assimi)ating BE to the mode) of verb complementation (as in GCE) not by assimilating TURN and so on to the model of a copula likethecpmplexrordfnsectitiy~nl_e compleimrap~W~i~ ayoor ca~~idatefltY-l~LIl~Jlt~IQ~-ordf_~~rnelltructllr~middot

M

~_

Page 9: in - UGR · (III). 11-70 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1171 Note [a] The ... In addition, we shall use where necessary the suffixes 'ph' (for

1184 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1185

Thc it which occurs as prcparato~y ohjcct is in this case optional although the omission is not 3 The verb can also occur with a foHowing wh-infinitive clause (ef 1637) usual In the comparable construction rake jI Ihal the il iacutes obligatory f lake ir Ihat you are eg 1 didniexcl know what to sayoenjoying yourselLes [b] Compare the complementation of seem appear etc by an as ifclause (ej 1624 Note [a)) The preposition of a prepositional verb is optionally omitted before a whshy[e) On the related constructions tI slrikes me IlwI tI (Jccursiseems O me 1iexcl111 eJ 1659 clause and hence it is convenient to include in the aboye list verbs for which Note 1660 Note

the wh-clause is basically a prepositional object For example

I inquired (about) whether the tiacuteckets were ready IB41 Wh-cause as object Theyhavent yet decided (on) which ftight they will take 1635 Many of the verbs which take a that-clause as object can also take a whshy

interrogative clause (cfI55ff) For the corresponding passive again the preposition is optional whether or not the nominal clause is in extraposition I asked her to confirm whether the f1ight had be en booked

Can you confirm which ftight we are taking Which ffight they will take has not yet been deeided (on) They havent yet confirmed how much the f1ight costs It has not yet been deeided (on) which f1ight they will take

Notice that in aH three illustrative sentences aboye confirm occurs in what Sometimes there is a slight difference of meaning if the preposition is may be described as a nonassertive context (ef 253) The use of the whshyincluded contrast interrogative clause (which generally implies Iack of knowledge on the part

She asked what he wanted of the speaker) is particularly common where the superordinate c1ause is iexcl She asked about what he wantedinterrogatiacuteve or negative Gn the other hand there are sorne verbs which

themselves express uncertainty such as ask and wonder these occur with the Whereas ask introduces the question which the speaker actually asked and wh-c1ause without this nonassertive constraint Examples of verbs taking the for which she requires an answer ask about does not indicate what the wh-interrogati ve clause are question might have been Gther prepositional verbs in this class are argue

(about) beware (01) (ef354 Note) not eare (about) check (on) depend (on) antieipate [NA] doubt note [NA]3 hear (about) refieet (on) There is also the phrasal-prepositional verb find out argue [NA]2 enquire23 notiee[NAj3 (about)arrange [NA]3 establish3 observe [NAj3

aseertain3 explain3 pereeive [NA]3 Note A few verbs are followed by a wh-exclamative clause (indirect exclamation (f I01 04) beginning

ask23 express point out [NAj with whal or hoH l realized whar aJeoll had been 1 kno hol busy Jou are These clauses are beware2 fathom [NA] ponder3

difficult to distinguish from wh-interrogative clauses Other verh in (he pttero indloe ~~rlt1im calcula te [NAP ftnd out2 3 prediet [NA] express maroel reflectlhiacutenk

care[NA] 1 2 forget 3 prove eheek23 guess realize [NA]

Complementation by a nonfinite clause ehooseacute hear [NA]2 record [NA] confirm [NA] imagine [NA]3 refieet2

Nonfinite clauses in complementationeonsider [NAP indieate [NA]3 remember [NA]3 1636 When a nonfinite clause follows the verb it is often difficult to separate three decide23 inquire23 say(NA]3

of the major types of complementation which we distinguished in 216 Thisdemonstrate3 judge3 see(NAj3

is especially true if a noun phrase intervenes between the superordinate verb depend2 knoW[NAP show3

and the verb of the nonfinite construction disclose learn [NAj3 tel [NA 3

diseover3 make out NA] think (NA]3 They like the ehildren to visit them discuss3 mind [NA]l wonder3 They supposed (he ehildren to be guilty (2]

They asked the ehildren lo bring somefood [3]The symbol (NA] after a verb indicates that this complementation is particularly likely to occur in a nonassertive contexto The superscripts 1-3 Gn the face of it aH three of these sentences conform to the same pattern are interpreted as follows (verb + noun phrase + to-infinitive ) But there are reasons for classifying

them differentIy1 This verb is part of a negative or predominantly negative construction

when combined with the wh-interrogative clause not eare not mind eant [l exemplifies MONOTRANSITIVE complementation (l638ff) fathom eant tell (ef They like the ehildrens visits - SVO)

2 The verb is basically a prepositional verb and has a preposition which (2) exemplifies COMPLEX TRANSITlVE complementation (l643ff) may be optionaHy added (see below) (ef They supposed the ehildren guilty - SVOC)

1186 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

[3] exemplifies DITRANSITIVE complementation (l655ff) (ef They asked the ehildren a question SVOO)

We will return in 1664ffto differences between examples such as these At present since we are dealing with monotransitive complementation we are concerned only with the type illustrated by [1] In nominal function only two kinds of nonfinite c1ause normally occur the to-infinitive c1ause and the -ing participle c1ause Hence nonfinite c1auses functioning as object can be distinguished for the present purposes in terms of the categories in Tabe 1636

Table 1636 Nonfinite clauses as object

Without subject With subject

lo-infinitive [B6] ack hates [B8] J ack hates to miss the train her to miss the train

-ing participle [B7] Jack hates [B9] Jack hates missing the train her missing the train

In Tabe 1636 the italicized parts are analysed as nonfinite c1auses acting as direct object The status of the infini tive c1ause and its subject in pattern [B8] is discussed in 1641 Later in 1666 we consider the arguments for considering her an object in the [B8] and [B9] examples

The fol1owing criteria confirm that the itaJicized portion of [B6-B9] is basically a nonfinite c1ause as direct object

(A) The nonfinite c1ause can be replaced by a pronoun it coreferring to a clause or by a no~n norninalizing the meaning of l clause Everyone likes it He likes her frequent visits

(B) The nonfinite clause can be made the focus of a pseudo-cleft sentence (ef 1829)

What everyone likes (best) is to tak to her [B6] What everyone likes (best) is taking 10 her [B7] What he likes (best) is for her lO eall ofien [B8]

In this version of [B8] as the infinitive c1ause is now in complement position the introductory for has to make its appearance

(C) For [B8] the introductory for itself where it appears is a marker of the construction as a nonfinIacutete clause

(D) Correspondingly for [B9] a subject pronoun in the objective case can often be replaced in formal style by a possessive pronoun (cfl46)

He doesnt like melmy coming often

This is what one would expect (ef 1 512) given that me and my can both be subjects of an -ing clause

Not all verbs that we consider direct objects satisfy al these criteria Nevertheless it is on this basis that the verbs Usted below are included in the classes [B6-B9]

Types of verb complementation 1187

[B51 Wh-infinitive clause as object 1637 It is as well to begin the survey of nonfinite c1auses as objects with c1auses

which happen to be immediately related to those dealt with in 1635 These are wh-infinitive c1auses (ef 155)

He learned how lO sail a boat as a small boy You must not forget when lO keep your mouth shut 1couldnt decide (on) whieh bieycle to buy

The last example illustrates the occurrence of the optional preposition with prepositional verbs as already observed with finite c1auses of the same type The corresponding passive pattern also occurs

The Curies discovered how to isolate radioaetive elements - How to isolate radiacuteoaetive elements was discovered by the Curies

The passive with extraposition (efI630 1635) is also sometimes possible

Early in the present century it was discovered how to isoate radioaetive elements

The verbs marked 3 in the list in 1635 aboye provide a sample of verbs occurring with the wh-infinitive c1ause as object

Note Many verbs which introduce wh-infinitive clauses rarely ir ever introduce yes-110 interrogative clauses (introduced by whelher) of the same type 1 have joacutergollell how 10 swiacutem but no iexcl have forgorten wheher lo swim Among such verbs are demostrale diacutesco~er and explain Nevertheless in unusual conexts such sentences can be found

1 have forgotten helher 10 ulljiacute-eeze thiacutesfood before cooking il

jB61 Subjectless infinitive cause as direet object f638 When a subjectless iacutenhmtlve clause is direct object the understood subJect

of the infinitive clause is always the same as the subject of the superordinate clause Verbs taking this kind of complementation are listed below subdivided into semantic categories

O) dread[B7 B8] (iv) ehoose[B7] (vi) ask (vii) affeel hate [B7 B8] hope beg c1aim like [B7 B8] intend [B7 B8] decline profess [B7] loathe [B7 B8] mean [B7 B8] demand

(viii) afford [B7]love [B7 B8] need[B7] offer attemplprefer[B7 B8] plan [B7] promise eontrive propose [B7] refuse(ii) begin [B7] endeavourwant[B7 B8] swear eease [B7] failwish [B8] undertake commenee [B7] learn

vowcominue [B7] (v) deign manage starl [B7] disdain [B7] negleet

hep [B7 B8] omit(iii) forgel [B7] scorn [B7] try [B7]remember [B7] venture [B7]

regret [B7]

1188 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1189

The symbols to the right of sorne verbs indicate that these verbs also occur Tbe lo-infiniacutetive here howcver has a resuhative meaning which makes the construction

with the subjectless -ing clause (Type [B7]) or with the infinitive clause with a subject (Type [B8]) From the latter group howeyer verbs such as ask are excluded because the construction of sentences like He asked me to help is ditransitive (el 1663) rather than rnonotransitive

We now add a list of prepositional verbs belonging lo the same pattern [B6pr] The preposition is omitted before the infinitive clause object (cI92) but is present where the prepositional object is a noun phrase or for that matter an -ingclause Compare

about the baby [Blpr]

She didnt bOlher aoout feeding the baby

to feed the baby [B7pr] [B6pr]

In the following list the verbs are placed in semantic groupings corresponding to sorne of those aboye (apart from an additional miscellaneous group (ixraquo and the omitted preposition is placed in square brackets

(i) long [for] [B8] ache (for] aim (for] [B8] aspire [to] burn(for] burst (for] (not) care (for] c1amour (for] [B8] itch (for] [B8] yearn (for] [B8]

(jiiexcl) bother(about] [B7 B8] condescend [10] delight [in] [B7] hesitate [about] [B7]

Examples

(vi) agree [tojonjabout] [B8] assent [to] consent [to]

(vii) pretend [to]

(viii) strive (for] seek (for]

(ix) arrange(forJ[B7 B8] decide ron] [B7] resolve [on] [B7] prepare [ror] [B7] serve (for] [B7]

Martin longed to leave home They sought to rnake amends 1would hesita te to interfere Weve decided to move to a new house

Note [al We distiacutenguish the verbs of Type [B6] from ltltenative verbs (el 349) of seemiacuteng and occurrence preceding infinitiacuteve clauses which ltare not diacuterect objects but whiacutech relate semanliacutecally to a Ihal-c1ause as subjecl He appears lO like Ihe sha - Tilar he likes the show appears [Irue] The verbs in Ihis c1ass correlate c10sely with those occurring with obligatory extraposition ofthe subjecl (cfI634) appcar seem chance happenlurn OUI

Jt appearedfthancedthat the children were asleep The children appearedchanced to be asleep

lb] Another group of verbs which are closely associated with a following infinitive but which do not belong to Type [B6J ioc1udes hasten conspire and set out

1 hastened lO reassure her They conspired lO murder Caesar He set out lO conquer the world

resemble on the one hand that of a catenative verb md on the other hand that of an inlransitiacuteve verb folJowed byan adjunct With pay and (to a lesser extent) woit Ihe adjunct status is more obvious as is clear from th~ possibility offroming the iacutenfinitivc c1ause

You have to pay ro go in

- (In arder) lO go in you ha ve to payo He waited lo see her

- (Inorder) lO see her he wailed Similarly unlike begin + infinitive the infinitive following SIO iacutes purposive contras

She [S] began IV] to eat lunch [O] BUT She [S] stopped [V] to eat lunch lA]

On the other hand these two verbs have matchiacuteng uses iacuten complementation Type [B7J

began She t d eatmg lunch s oppe

(B7) Subjectless -ing participle clause as object 1639 Again with this type of complementation the subject of the nonfinite verb

is usually identical with the subject ofthe preceding verb

1 love liacutestening to music The accused denied having met the witness

[The accused denied that hejshe had met the witness]

This rule accounts for the restriction that when the participle is followed by a reflexiye pronoun the pronoun norrnally has to agree (in number person and gender) with the subject of the superordinate c1ause

She herself He -iexcl enJoys smgmg to lhimselj lI

But wiacuteth one small group of verbs (rnarked 2 in the list below) it is not the understood subjectofthe particiacuteple but its understood object that is identified with the subject of the superordinate clause In such cases therefore the participle construction matches in meaning the passive of the corresponding infinitiacuteve construction [B6]

mendiacuteng painting Your shoes need to be mended That door needs to be painted

(Th~ aboye use of need iacutes often replaced in dialectally restricted usage by an equivalent use of want)

For an addiacutetional group of verbs (marked 3 in the list below) the subject of the particiacuteple is indefiniacutete and is independent of the subject of the preceding verbo For example in He recommended introducing a wealth tax it is clear that the person recommending the tax is likely to be different from the persones) who would be responsible for introducing it The meaning of this sentence is equiacutevalent to that of He recommended the introduction 01 a wealth tax

In the following list of verbs in the pattern of [B7] Types (i) and (ii) correspond to Type [B6(i)] (emotive) and Type B6(ii)] (aspectual) The verbs grouped under (iiiacute) are however in thiscase a miscellany since further sernantic grouping is difficult

1190 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

(i) (cant) bear l (not)fanci miss l

begrudge l hate l regret l bull4

detest like relish

dislike l loathe resent l

dread l love l (cant) stand 1

enjoy (not) mind l

(ii) cease quit start l

commence resume stop I

eontinue

(jii) admit4 forget l bull J4 recommend l J

avoid (eant) heli rememberl 34

eonfess4 imagine repent eonsider iacutenvolvel J require2

deny4 justifylJ risk l 3

deserue2 need l 2 save l 3 diseouragel 3 permit l ) tryS envisage l 3 propose want l

(dialectaI2)

escape reealll 34

The verbs ofType (i) preceded by a negative (such as eant bear) have a builtshyin negative bias so that they cannot occur in straightforward assertive contexts

Cora doesnt mind waiting Cora minds waiting

They can however occur in nonassertive contexts

Do you mind waiting How can anyone bear wearing clothes like that

and also in second instance contexts ie where the construction refers back to a nonassertive occurrence of the same construction earlier in the discourse

cant stand] k h h 1A 1[ d ji wor mgwlt t atglron t anc)

fd ti [stand it JB We1I 1m a ral you HAVE to ji k h h ancy wor mg Wlt ero

Superscripts in the aboye lists are interpreted as follows

1 The verb also occurs in pattern [B9] ie with a subject preceding the participle (ef 1642)

2 The participle has a passive interpretation (see aboye) 3 The participle has independent interpretation ie the subject of the

participle clause is not necessarily coreferential with the subject of the preceding verb and may have indefinite meaning

4 The participle may occur with a perfective construction

1admit having seen it (l]

But with such verbs the nonperfective construction can also be used with past meaning Thus [1] is synonymous with [2]

1 admit seeing it [2]

Types of verb complementation 1191

This paraphrase relation however exists mainly withverbs of dynamic meaning contrast verbs of stati ve meaning

I admit knowing him 1admit having known him

5 On the construction with (ry cf 1640

Examples of prepositional verbs belonging to this class ([B7pr]) are

bankonl decide on playat seeabout counton l delight in l resort to shrinkfrom

O Examples of phrasal verbs ([B7ph]) are

break off give up Jeaue off putoff takeup

Examples of(B7ph-pr] are

doaway with get around to go infor look forward fo

The following sentences ilIustrate these patterns

We counted on getting there early [B7pr] Ive taken up playing tenniacutes [B7ph] Jim is looking forward lo having the house to himself [B7ph-pr]

It IS important to notice that the lo in gel around to lookforward to and resor to is not an infinitive marker but a preposition Hence 1 am looking forward to seeing you is grammatical but not 1 am looking forward fo see you

Note [al The superscript 1 in the aboye lisU is not added lo verbs like stop although a noun phrase can be inserted between the participle and (he preceding verb in ~uch cases

They stopped (her) working all night Thiacutes ls because the construction containing the extra noun phrase (her in the aboye example) is arguably complex transiacutetive (e 1653) rather than monotransiacutetive (as is evident from the marginally acceptable passive She was slopped working all nighl) [b) Also we exclude from the aboye lists catenative verbs such as go in We wenl running and gel in Gel moving (e349)

Choice betwecn the infinitive and participle constructions (lB6) and (B71) 1640 Where both constructions [B6] and B7] are admitted there is usualIy felt to

be a difference of aspect or mood which infiuences the choice As a rule the infinitive gives a sense of mere potentiality for action as in She hoped fo leam French while the participle gives a sense of the actual performance of the action itself as in She enjoyed leaming Freneh In the case of try the double meaning is particularly clear

Sh 1 t d to bribe the jailor [1 ] el a ne b b hln mg teJa or

[1] implies that Sheila attempted an act ofbribery but did not manage it [2] implies that she actualIy did bribe the jailor but without (necessarily) achieving what she wanted With other verbs the difference is more subtle and may be overruled or neutralized by the meaning of the verb of the main clause For example the negative meaning of avoid and escape cancels out the sense of performance in He escapedlavoided being branded as a traitor

1192 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Let us consider more carefully three classes of verb which take both

constructions

(O EMOTlVE VERas (see Type (i) in the lists in 1638 and 1639) With the verbs which take both constructions (eread hate like loathe love and prefer) the bias of the infinitive towards potentiacuteality tends to fa vour its use in hypothetiacutecal and nonfactual contexts eg

Would you like o see my stamp collectiacuteon seemg

1hateto seem rude but youre blocking the view seemmg

On the other hand the particiacutepial construction is favoured where the speaker is referring to something which definitely happens or has

happened

to live Bnan loalhed 1 m the countrylUmg

(But with would loathe the infinitive is just as acceptable as the -ing participle)

Here to Uve implies that Brian could exercise choice about where to live whereas living presupposes that he actually did live in the country and probably had no choice in the matter But in other contexts there is little appreciable difference between the two constructions

tocoOk 1 [to eat JDo you prefer k for yourself or t m a restaurant[coa mg ea mg

(in ASF2C7uumlAL VERBS of beginni1g (a~ti1urng) and ending also in many cases take both constructions

Lucy startedcOntinUedceasedto W~iteWhile in hospital IIntmg

In such examples as this there is no observable difference of meaning between the constnlctiacuteons But in other cases a contrast between potentiality and performance may influerice the choice

to speak but stopped because she objected He s tarted speakmg and k ept on for more t han an hbur

The association of the -ing participle with the progressive aspect may also influence a p[ference for the participle where multiple activities

are involved

to open allthe cupboardsHe began openlflg all the cupboards

Here opening is more appropriate than to open While sorne verbs in this group (begin continue cease sean) allow both constructions others (finish stop) altowonly the participle construction (Go on and keep (on) may be classified as catenative verbs (cf349) onfinishfstop followed by the infinitive cf1638 Note [b])

Types of verb complementation 1193

(di) RETROSPECTlVE VERBS For three verbslorget remember and regret the potentialityperformance distiacutenction becomes extended into the past so that there is a temporal (as well as in part modal) difference between the two constructions The infinitive construction indicates that the action or event takes place after (and as a result of) the mental process denoted by the verb has begun while the reverse is true for the participle construction which refers to a preceding event or occasion coming to mind at the time indicated by the main verb

1 remembered to fill out the formo [1 remembered that 1 was to fill out the form and then did so]

1 remembered filling out the form rl remembered that 1 had filled out the form]

lforgot 10 go to the bank [1 forgot that 1was to go to the bank and therefore did not do soJ

lforgot (about) going to the bank [rare without about 1 forgot that 1went to the bank or that 1should have gone ]

1regret to tel you that John stole i1 [1 regret that 1am about to tel you that John sto le i1]

1 regret telling you that John stole i1 [I regret that 1 told you that John stole i1 or that 1 am now telling you J

[B8) Complementation by to-infinitive clause (with subject) 1641 The verbs in this group (as distinct from the apparently similar object +

t infinitive -o1struction el 1650) are restricted to a small numbcr chicfly denoting (nol) liking or wanting (cant) bear desire hate like iexcloLe prefer want and wish

They dont like the house to be left empty 1 wouldn t want you to lose your way

After these verbs the noun phrase preceding the infinitive cannot be made the subject of a passive main c1ause The house isnt liked to be left empty (by them)

There is moreover an alternative construction (chiefly restricted to AmE) in which the noun phrase is preceded by for which marks it as the subject of an infinitive clause rather than as object ofthe main clause

Jack prefersfor his wife to drive the truck ltesp AmE)

These two observations point in the direction of a monotransitive analysis of such verbs

In the following howeverJor has a different status and must occur in both AmE and BrE

They arranged for Mary to come at once

In this case the construction is that of a prepositional verb arrange for ([B8prl) the infinitive clause acting as prepositional object Other examples

1194 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

wherejor occurs as part of a prepositional verb are askfor eatlfor aehefor aim for bum for burst jor eare for clamour for erave for hope for iteh for long jor plan joacuter prepare for wait for yearn for

We were al achingburningbursting jor the performance to begin They plannedfor the mayor to arrive on the following day

For some of the verbs in these clauses the that-clause with should ([B3(iiacute)j) is an alternative form of complementation

They planned that the mayor should arrive on the following day

A further reason in favour of a monotransitive analysis of verbs of Type [B8pr] is the possibility (in some cases) of a passive with or without extraposition

For the administration to resign so quickly was not called foro It had been arranged for the food to be served indoors

Note [al Sorne [B8pr] verbs such as arrangefor planfor and preparefor also have a [B2] construction in which they are followed by a direct object Compare Have you arranged the meeting Have you arrangedfor iexclhe meeting Compare also She askedfor the children to leave and She asked iexclhe children O leave [b] Desire expect and intend although they tit into this category with respect to introductory for and the extraposed passive also accept the passive of the raised object which applies to [C4] (cfI650) Thus expect for example pennits two associated passives

It was nOt expected for the administration to resigno The administration was not expected to resigno

The former of these however is felt to be awkward and of marginal acceptability On such contlicts of c1assiacutefication cfI664jf

jB91 Complementation by -ing participle clause (with subject) 642 Verbs which accept this pattern comprise a considerable subset of those

verbs accepting the subjectless -ing clause as object they include the verbs marked 1 in the list of 1639 The genitive form of the subject is an option in formal English (ef 1512) but is often felt to be awkward or stilted

1 dislike him his driving my car We look forward to youyour beeoming our neighbour

In some cases particularIy when the subject of the participle is not a pronoun and does not have personal reference the geniti ve option is rare

vehicle h hPeter stoppe d te h l cras mg mto t e ence h ve lees

The genitive is also rare with a pronoun with nonpersonal reference

1 look forward to ~t geUing warmer in spring lts

The verbs of negative meaning stop prevent and prohibit have a related ditransitive construction (cfI656f) in which the prepositionfrom precedes the -ing clause as second object

They tried toacute preven the planefrom landing on the runway

Types of verb complementation 1195

Thus thefrom is optional In the very few cases where we have a choice between an -ing participle

and a to-infinitive construction there is usual1y felt to be a difference ofaspect or mood such as that described in 1640

1hate the children lo quarrel [ theyre ordinarily such good friacuteends] [1]

1 hate the children quarrelling [ all the time] [2]

focuses on the childrens potential for quarrelling [2] emphasizes their performance the point being that they do quarrel rather often in fact An aspectual difference is uppermost in

ehiming ( all night long) 1h he c oc k ate t l

to ehlme ( Just when Im gOtng to sleep)

The infinitive suggests a single chime while the participle suggests continual chiming (ef435 467f)

Note Verbs ofthe observational type eg notice in 1 noticed him writing a leller do not belong in this group and are dealt with in 1653 For such verbs the genitive is not a possible alternative iexcl noticed hiacutes writiacuteng a Jeter

Complex transitive complementation 1643 In 216 we applied the term COMPLEX TRANSlTIVE to verbs in the pattems

SVOC and SVOA In this chapter we extend the term to other clause patterns in which an object is followed by another element which is not an object (eg a nonfinite clause) A distinguishing characteristic o[ complex transitive compiemculiIacuteuacutelI j thallhe two elltments iacuteuiiuwiug the yerb (eg object and object complement) are notionally equated with the subject and predication respectively of a nominal c1ause For example

MONOTRANSlTIVE She presumed lhat her father was dead [1] She presumed her father to be dead [2]

COMPLEX TRANSITIVE Sh d h 1 h d d [3]e presume er Jat er ea

In [3J her father (O) and dead (C) are equivalent in meaning to a separate clause viz the that-clause in [l] This relationship remains where the object complement is expanded into an infinitive clause as in 2] Yet her father to be dead in spite of its clause-like meaning and appearance does not act syntactica1ly as a single constituent as is evident in the passive where the O is separated from its complement

Her father was presumed (by her) to be dead

This divisibility into two elements of a semantically clausal construction following the verb is the defining property ofcomplex transitive complementshyation

We begin with three already familiar patterns of complex transitive complementation those corresponding to [A I-A3] (ef 1621-4)

Note On the simiacutelarities between complex transitive and ditransitive complementation see 1666ff

1196 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

ICII Adjective phrase as object complement 1644 The SVOC pattern (ef216) in whiacutech the object complement is an adjective

phrase is found with verbs which like copular verbs may be divided into CURRENT and RESULTING types

You should keep the cabbagefresh (1] That music drives me mad [2]

The verb keep in [1] introduces the current attributefresh while the verb drive in [2] introduces the resulting attribute mad These two verbs therefore exemplify the two main categories ofcomplex transiti ve complementatiacuteon in this pattern The current verbs (ef1621ff) are usually staiive and the resulting verbs are always dynamic Further examples ofeach type are

CURRENT RESULTING

hod[C2] (v) drive [C4] keep [C2] get [C4] eave [C2] make [C2 C4]

prove [B3 C2 C4] (ii) eall [C2] render[C4]eonfess [B3 C2 C4] sendprofess [B3 C2 C4]

pronounce [B3 C2 C4] turn

report [B3 C4] eertify [B3 C2 C4] declare [B3 C2 C4] like proclaim [B3 C2 C4] prefer[B3]

want wish [B3 C2 C4]

(iv) beliacuteeve [B3 C2 eonsider [B3 C2 C4] deem [B3 C2 C4] find [B3 C2 C4] hod[B3 C4] imagine [B3 C2 C4] judge [B3 C2 C4] presume[B3 C2 C4] rate [C2 C4] reekon [B3 C2 C4] suppose [B3 C2 C4] think [B3 C2 C4]

Type (O is a category of current verbs of general meaning Type (ii) consists offactual speech act verbs (cf1631) Type (iii) of volitional verbs Type (iv) of verbs of inte11ectual state Type (v) of general resulting verbs and Type (vi) ofresulting verbs referring to speech acts which havethe performative force of declarations (Hod occurs twice in the aboye list as a general verb [Type (i) as in She hed her head high] and as an inte11ectual state verb [Type (iv) as in 1 hod you responsibe]) The symbols added after sorne verbs indicate other related complementation types to which those verbs belong

Types of verb complementation 1197

[B3] The verb can also be used monotransitively (el Note (a]) with a that-clause

[C2] The verb can also occur wiacuteth a noun phrase as object complement [C4] The verb can a1so occur with an object + infiniacutetive construction

Examples

The secretary eft a1l the letters unopened The doctors pronounced her conditiacuteon uttery hopeess Oi) 1want my coffee stronger than this (iii) Weve alwaysfound the assistants very frtendy (iv) The long waIk made us a11 hungry They have declared the house unfit for habitatiacuteon (vi)

Note that the adjectival complement may contain modifiers and adjectival complementation (ef1668-83) A passive construction in which the direct object becomes subject is also an important criterion

AH the letters were left unopened (by the secretary) (i) Her condition was pronounced uttery hopeess (by the doctors) (ji)

Note [a] There is sometimes a meaning difference between the object complement construction and the corresponding that-clause [B3) or objeet + infinitive [C4] eonstruction

1 imagined myself severely ill [3] p 1 imagined myself to be severely ill [4]

Sentence [3] suggests that the speaker is indulgiacuteng in a flight of faney sentence [4J suggests that the speaker is deluding himself (eg that he is a hypochondriae) A differenee is also to be observed between [5] and [6]

They gol him angry [5J p They got him lo be angry (6]

where [5J suggests made him angry in spite of himself and [6] suggests persuaded him to be angry (Yet a third meaning is represented by Donl get me wrong [Dont misunderstand me J) Two iacuteurther comrasts are

We found the ehildren undernourished [ We encou nte red them iacute n tha t cond i tiacuteon J [7] p Wefoundthe children lo be undernourished [8]

[Our examination revealed their condition] and

He declared the meeting offieial He declared the meeting lO be officiaL

where [9] has a performati ve and resultati ve force (The meeting beeame official as a result of his announeement) not regularly present in [lO] [b] Have in sentences sueh as We have IWO employees sck is not a member of the [CI] category but belongs to a special have-existential construetion lo be discussed with existential sentences in general in 1851 Since it has no passive this elause construction lacks one criterial feature of comp1ex transitive constructions Two employees are had sick [e] There is a variant order in which the object complement precedes the object eg He thought desirable most ofthe women in the room (efIS37) This order tends to occur when the object is a long noun phlase

1645 In addition to the verbs listed in 1644 aboye there are many verbs which belong more peripherally to Type [C1] Their membership is more peripheral in one or both of the following respects (a) They occur only in restricted sequences such as rub dry (ef 1617) (b) They can occur in the [BI] monotransitive construction without appreciable change of meaning iacutee the object complement is optional and resembles an optional adverbial Iil the following typical co11ocations the object noun phtase is symbolized by N

1

Types of verb complementation 11991198 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

CURRENT RESULTING

bring (a child) up health boil (an egg) 8aft 1

buy N eheapl erap (hair) shoriexcl1 return (a letter) unopened freeze N hard serve (food) hOlleold paint N redblue 1

seU N eheaplnew1 roll N flat sweep (the fioor) clean 1

calour N blueyellow 1

dye N pinklgreen 1

knock (someone) senseless polish N smooth 1

scrape N clean I swing (a door) open

For those combinations marked l the object complement could be easily omitted without a change in the basic sense of the verbo

Among resulting attributes the adjectives open loose free and clean are particularly common push N open shake N loose set N free wipe N clean

The collocations make sure and make certain are peculiar in that the object is a that-clause and always follows the adjectivaI complement

Please make sureleertain that you endose your birth certificate

There is no passive be made surecertain With other collocations the that-clause object is postponed by extraposiacutetion (ef 1835)

He found it strange that no one else had arri ved 1think it very odd that she left without saying goodbye The emperor pronounced it illegal for landlords to enfranchise their

tenants

Extraposition is optional with make N clear and therefore the preparatory it may be omitted She made (it) eear that we were regarded as trespassers

Note [al Sorne collocations require the object to be a rellexive pronoun Ilaughed myself sick They roared themselves hoarse Here the object complement cannot be omitted llaughed myself [b] The resultative pattern illustrated in thiacutes section is quite productive and occurs with rare or newly-converted verbs such as selotape and scotchtape selotape N fiat ltRrE) seotehtape N fiat (AmE) Similarly

iexclve deepfrozen the bread solido

(C21 Noun phrase as object complement 646 Most of the verbs listed in 1644 can occur also with a noun phrase

complement In addition there are a few verbs which occur with anoun phrase but not with an adjective phrase as complement eg appoint These verbs marked 1 in the list below can also occur with theobject + infinitive construction

The queen appointedWilliam Cecil (to be) her personal secretary

The list is subdivided into categories corresponding to those in 1644

(i) hold2 (iv) believe (v) appoint l2middot 3

keep2 consider2 choose 2 3

eleetl 2 3leave deem esteem l 2 3 make(ii) cal find provecanfess imagine2 voteprofess

pronounce judge2 (vi) baptize13

presume certify 23 (iii) wish 3rate2 christent bull

reckon2 erown l bull 2bull 3

suppose declare think proclaim

namemiddot23

The superscript 2 indicates that the as-construction (cf 1 647) is also possible The superscript 3 indicates that the verb is also monotransitive and that the verb retains the same meaning when the object complement is omitted Hence She appointed him secretary implies that she appointed him Examples of each sub-type follow With profess and wish which are used to illustrate subtypes (H) and (iii) respectively a reflexive pronoun as object is normal

She held her niece (a) captive for several years (i) The prince professed himself a supporter of free speech (ji) 1have often wished myself a millionaire (iii) Charles does not esteem him a trustworthy adviser (iv) The committee has elected you its chairman (v) Her parents named her Sophia after her grandmother (vi)

Some verbs in this pattem are unlikely to occur in the adive eg think beiacuteieve reckon The foilowing are exampies of the passive conslruclIacuteon

Her niece was held (a) captive for several years (i) She was named Sophia after her grandmother (vi)

As with Type (el] the object may be a clause postponed by extraposition

We have made it a condition that the new agreement be signed by all the original signatories

He has proved it a falIacy that old age brings wisdom

Note [al The zero article occurs optionally with captive and prisoner as object complements as in (i) above She held her niece (a) caplive Hold capliveprisoner and keep captivepriacutesoner are unusual in that the omitted article is indefinite rather than definite Examples of the zero article with definite meaning (eS42) are

Edgar was judged overall winner They appointed Sue captain of the athletics team

[b] The object + infinitive construction with 10 be as with Type [Gl] is not always equivalent to the pattero with a phrasal object complement For example name can be used with 10 be only if the following noun phrase designates a future role or status

Her parents named her (0 be) Gladys The selectors named her (lo be) a memberofthe touring team

As can be used with name only on the same condition as applies to lO be Her parenls named her as (adys (cf 1 647 below) [el The copular retation can obtain not only between the object and complement as in [11 bu also between subject and complement as in [21

t iexcl

1200 Complementation of verbs and adjectiacuteves

She made him iexcliexcl good husband (S V OC) [1 J She made him a good wife (S VOC) [2J

[1 Jhas the passive analogue He as gtladea good husband but in the entirelydifferentconstruetion of (2] where the copular rdation is between she and a good middotle no passive is possible Thc meuning is She Vas a good wire to himmiddot A prepositional verb 01 this Same unusuallattcrn is strike l in 101 example

He stmck me os a brilliant slralegist where a brilianl strategist is su bjcet eomplement

(Clprl and (C2prl Object complement foUowing prepositional verb 1647 The preposition as designates a copular relation particularly in specifying a

role or status associated with the direct object The ehureh eondemned the relie as a lraud Following a complex transitive verb and a direct object the prepositional complement of as functions semantiacutecally as an attribute and may be termed a prepositional object complement in the same way as the noun phrase following a transitive prepositional verb is called a prepositional object

a geniacuteus [C2] We considered him as a genius [C2pr]

tobeagenius [C4]

1 bull (as) a genius ~ He was consdered t b

o e agemus

Consider as like regard as class as etc therefore exemplifies yet another type of prepositional verb one that is followed by a prepositiacuteonal object complement rather than a prepositional object

Occasionally the prepositionlor occurs in this copular function instead of as

He took these words as evidence He took me lor a fool

In the following list for verbs in column (i) the preposition is optional where for verbs in column (H) the preposition is obligatory

(i) appoint (as) (ii) aeeept as ehoose (as) aeknowledge as eonsider (as) eharaeterize as eount (as) class as deem (as) define as esteem (as) describe as rate (as) intend as reekon (as) mistakelor report (as) regard as eleet (as) see as eertify (as) take asllor erown (as) trea as make Unto) use as proclaim (as)

Most verbs in [elpr] and[e2pr] can also introduce an adjective phrase in the function of prepositional object complement

Types of verb complementation 1201

The experts raled his paintings (as) poor bUI representalive ol their class

They classed Jane as partialty sighted The media described the situation as hopeless ~ The situation was described as hopeless

Verbs not allowing this construction are marked 1 in the aboye lists The construction iacutes exceptional in allowing an adjective phrase to occur after a prepositiacuteon A more orthodox construction is obtained by adding the word being before the adjective phrase and thereby converting the prepositional complement into a nominal -ing clause

The media descriacutebed the situation as being hopeless

Note [al Count as and rate as can also oecur in an analogous as-conslruction without lhe object as prepositional copular verbs eg This coanslraes as a tWtable success (e 1622 Note lb]) [b] Allhough as is classcd as a preposition in Ibe above pattern il in some ways resemblcs the conjunction as which introduces clauses of comparison (e15 71) Consider Ihe following curious examples in which as introduces on Ihe one hand a clause and on the other hand a noun phrase in an appositional relation lo Ihe clause

Report me as 10m - a superannuated dolt Hedescribcd her as heound her a liar

(C31 Complementation by object and adjunct 1648 Our next category Type [e3] consists of verbs which occur in the SVOA

pattern (el216) ie verbs which ha ve as their complementation an object followed by a predication adjunct The most characteristic adjuncts to occur in this pattern are prepositional phrases of space and more particularly of direction eg

1 slipped the key into the lock He stood my argument on its head [2] Take your hands out olyour poekets

The passive iacutes illustrated by

The key was slipped into the lock [1 al Sentence [2] exemplifies the abstract or metaphorical use of such verbs and adjuncts Many of the verbs which fit into this pattern are causative verbs of motiacuteon put get stand se sit lay place send bring take lead drive etc The class is open-ended since verbs normally without causative meaning can be adapted to this function eg show see elbow etc in

The attendant showed us to our seats [conducted us ] May I see you home [escort you ] He elbowed and bribed his way to fame They talked me into it [persuaded me ]

Other verbs are associated with space position adjuncts rather than direction adjuncts

They lelt the papers at my offiee Always keep your eyes on the road when driving

1

i

1202 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

The attackers eaught us ofJour guardo He wished them at the bottom ofthe sea

Again the spatial meaning ofthe adjunct rnay be understood in sorne abstract or rnetaphorical sense as in the third exarnple aboye

Adjuncts of other sernantic types are less cornrnon but instances are the adjunct of rnanner following treat

badIY Her parents treated her as ifshe were a baby

as like a small ehild

and the optional adjunct of duration following last

This rnoney will ha ve to last you laquo(for) six months)

Note [al Treot has a dilferent meaning when the adjunct is omitted Her parents treated her [= did something pleasant for her]

[b] Superficiacuteally similar to the aboye pattern iacutes that iIIustrated by remind andfurnish followed by an object and a prepositional phrase

She reminds me ofmy sister They furnished all the passengers with iexclfe jackets

These however are classed as transiti ve prepositional verbs (cfI6 7-8) and will be dealt with in 1656fbelow The difference between Ihese prepositional verbs and verbs of complemenlation Type [e3] is that in Ihe former case the lexical verb governs a particular preposition remind offurnish with (Alternative prepositional constructions are sometimes available however provide withprovide for)

Variants of complex transitive complementation 649 We now examine variants of complex transitive cornplernentation in which

thc direct object iexcls f01lowltd by ji nonfinite dau~1 acting as predication adjunct Al four kinds of nonfinite construction (ef 146-8) are possible

[C4] to-infinitive [C6] -ing participle They knew hirn to be a spy 1caught Ann reading my diary

[CS] bare infinitive [C7] -ed participle 1heard someone slam We saw him beaten by the

World Heavyweight Champion thedoor

The nonfinite clause in these patterns (in italics in the above table) has no subject itself but its implied subject is always the preceding noun phrase which is object of the superordinate c1ause This noun phrase which if a personal pronoun is in the objective case is commonly termed a RAISED

OBJECT (ef further 16640) semantically it has the role of subject of the nonfinite verb but syntactically it is raised from the nonfinite c1ause to function as object of the superordinate verbo Hence in general this noun phrase (in italics in the table below) can become subject of the corresponding passive (The passive of [C5] normaly requires substitution of a to-infinitive for abare infinitive the passive of [C7) is of marginal currency ef 1654 Note [a))

(C4] He was known to be a spy

[eS] Someone was heard to slam the door

Types of verb complementation 1203

[C6] Ann was caught reading rny diary

[e] He was seen executed by a firing squad

On the face ofit the patterns [C4] and [e6] are indistinguishable from the rnonotransitive patterns [B8] (eg She hates the train to be late) and [B9] (eg She hates the train being late) in which the nonfinite c1ause has a subject of its own The ability of the noun phrase preceding the nonfinite verb to become subject of a passive is however an important distinction between thern (see further 1651 and 1653)

These patteros [e4] and (e6] are distinguished from corresponding patterns in which the Note nonfinite c1ause is an adverbial by the raet that the iacutemplied subject of the nonfinite verb is O rather than S Note the ambiguity of

She left him to finish the jobo She lert him holding the baby

IC4J Object + to-infinitive complementation The verbs in this group are rather numerous and rnay be subdivided 1650

(vii) assist bother bribe eondemll dariquest defy encourage help induce inspire press summon

semantically into the following categories

(iacute) announee declare proclaim pronounee

(H)

reporl repute [esp P rumour (P only] say[P only] tip (esp BrEgt

assume believe eonceive (formalgt eonsider expeet feel jind imagine know presume reekon see [P only1 suppose take thiacutenk[esp P1 understand

(iiiacute) intend mean

(iv) appoint elect name vote

(v) cause drive force get[no P] lead prompt

(vi) alow authorize compel eonstrain enable entitle equip jit oblige permit requiacutere

[P = Passive]

1ZU4 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Types (i) and (ti) correspond to the factual verbs of category [B3J discussed in 1631 the nonfinite construction following these verbs can often be replaced by a lhal-clause with an indicative verbo Compare

The poli ce reported that the traffic was heavy [B3] The police reported the traffic to be heavy (formal) [C4]

JOhn believed that the stranger was a policeman [B3 = John believed the stranger to be a policeman (formal) [C4]

With factual verbs such as these the nonfinite clause normaIly contains the verb be or sorne other verb of stative meaning EspecialIy when the nonfinite main verb is other than be the finite clause (of pattern [B3]) is preferred to the infiniti ve one except that the infinitive construction provides a convenient passive form

The traffic was reported to be heavy The stranger was believed to be a poli cernan

Sorne verbs in this construction have no lhat-clause equivalent

They tipped him to be the next president (esp BrE) - He was tipped to be the next president (They tipped that he would be the next president)

Sorne verbs (marked [P only] in the list abo ve) occur only in the passive version of this construction

The field marshal was said to be planning a new strategy (Someone said the field marshal to be planning a new strategy)

Other verbs (marked [esp PJ) occur chiefly in the passive

The BroadwiY piOJutioli was inoughi to have made Maxs fortune (Newsmen lhought the Broadway production to have made Maxs fortune)

Ofthe twq classes of factual verbs Type (i) consists ofpublic verbs (cf1631) referring to a speech act and Type (ii) consists of private verbs expressing belief etc

1651 Of the remaining semantic types Type (iii) consists of verbs of intention (on intend itself ef 1641 Note lb]) Types (iv) and (v) consist of causative verls where the infinitive clause identifies the resultant state (Type (iv) verbs also belong to class [Cl]) Type (vi) cClUsists of verbs with a modal character expressing such concepts as enablement permission and compulsion and Type (vii) consists of a variety of verbs of influencing between which a common factor appears to be that the nonfinite clause has a purposive meaning Examples are

(iii) They intended Mary to sing an aria (- Mary was intended to sing an aria)

(iv) The meeting elected Mr Martiacuten to be the next treasurer (- Mr Martin was elected to be the next treasurer)

Types of verb complementation 1205

(v) This optimistic forecast led the administration to promise tax cuts ( _ The administration was led (by this optimistic forecast) to promise tax cuts)

(vi) My contract allows me to take one months lea ve (- 1arn allowed to take one months leave)

(vii) Our teachers eneouraged us to think for ourselves (- We were eneouraged to think for ourselves)

In Type (iv) the infinitive main verb is normaIly be and can be omitted They appointed her (lO be) the social secretar) This type overlaps with Type (v) 1646

Note [al There are a number of multi-word verbs in this category [C4prl counl Ofl bullbullbull lO depend Ol bullbull lo rey on lO bullbullbull [C4phl make OUI 10 bullbull [C4ph-pr] keep 01 al lo bull

(which has no passive) Examples are 1 am dependillg 011 you lO give us your fu support They malle him oul to be a monster ofdepravity Why do you keep On al me 10 work harder

[b] Sorne passives of pattem [C4] (eg be allowed be supposed) have a semi-auxiliary (cf347f) interpretation in which they lose their connection with the corresponding active construction especiay as regareis agency

(es) Object + bare infinitive complementation 1652 This pattern occurs with a relatively smaIl number of verbs

(i) have (ii) fee overhear[P] (iii) help [P] let hear [PI see [PJ know [P] rnake [PI notice [P watch

observe[P]

Typl (i) consists uf vlrbs uf iexcluiexclciacuteVI meaning Type (ii) has percepwal verbs of seeing and hearing and Type (iii) is a residual class of two verbs which are optionally followed by a to-infinitive The marker [PI indicates that the passive (normaIly with a to-infinitive) is possible [P] indicates that the passive is of doubtful or limited acceptability

(i) You shouldnt lel your family iacutenterfere with our plans We must rnake the public take notice ofuso

(- The public must be rnade to take notice ofus) (ji) Did you notiacutece anyone leaue the house

The crowd saw Gray score lwo rnagnificeni goals ( - Gray was seen lo seore two rnagnificent goas)

(iii) Sarah helped us (to) edil the seript 1 have known John (to) give better speeches than that

(- John has been known lO giue better speeches than that)

Know followed by the bare infinitive is confined mainly to BrE and to the perfective aspect have known Lel in group (i) is in other constructions cIassified as similar to an auxiliary (ef3SI) Let has an apparent passive in combination with such verbs as lel go and lel fal but these are best regarded as fixed expressions in which let has an auxiliary or particIe-like function

They let the prisoner go horneo - The prisoner was let go horneo

1206 Complementation of verbs and adjectiacuteves

Note that this apparent passive has the bare infinitive in contrast for example to make which has to have the to-infinitive in the passive

They mude him understand ~ He was made to understalld

A third verb in group (i) is have which (like have in monotransitive constructions) does not occur in the passi ve

They had me repeat the message ~ 1 was had (to) repeat the message

Note [a] The formulaic nature of let him go and similar expressions is illustrated by variants such as [1-3J which cannot be fitted into any regular complementation pattern

gothe rope [1] They lel the rope go [2]

goofthe rope (3)

[b] Of the two constructions with help tha with 10 is more common in BrE and that without 10

is more common in AmE [e] Arare verb in category (i) is the now rather archaic bid with a to-infinitive complementation in the passive

They bidbade me sil down - rwas bidden 10 sil down

[C61 Object + -ing participle complementation 1653 The verbs in category [C6] consist of verbs of perception (Type (iraquo verbs of

encounter (Type (iO) and two verbs of coercive meaniacuteng (Type

feel[C5] see[C5) (ji) eateh (iiiacute) have hear[C5) smell diseover get notiee [C5] spot find observe[C5) spy leave overhear[CS) wateh [CS) pereeive

Perception verbs marked [CS] occur also with the bare infinitive pattern [CS) Wiacuteth such verbs there iacutes an aspect difference between [C5) and [C6) as described in 461f

Tim watched Bill mendlmendingthe lampo

The bare infinitive having nonprogressive meaning implies that Bill did the wholejob while Tiacutem was watching the -ing clause with progressive meaning has no such implicatiacuteon

This complementatiacuteon pattern differs from that of [B9) not only in its progressive aspect but also in that the noun phrase following the superordinate verb cannot take the genitive (or possessive) form (ef 1642)

1 saw him lying on the beach 1 saw his lying on the beach

Another difference from pattern [B9) is that the -ing predication can normally be omitted without radically altering the meaning

1 saw him lying on the beach [entails iexcl saw him)

Contrast

1 hate my friends leaving early [does notentaiacutel 1 hate my friends)

Types of verb complementation 1207

The passive with this pattern is regular

We could hear the rain splashing on the roof ~ The rain could be heard splashing on che roof

A teacher eaughc them smoking in the playground - They were eaught smoking in the playground (by a teacher)

Prepositional verbs with this type of complementation ([C6prJ) include eome aeross eome upon listen to and look at Look at those ehildren climbing the wall But these [C6prJ prepositional verbs have no prepositiacuteonal passive

seen The guards had been spouhed searchiacuteng the building

wate e d looked at

Have in this construction (e18S1ff) also has no passive in keeping with its use in other constructions

She had us working day after day We were had working day after day

Note Feeloccurs especially with a reflexive pronoun object Shefelt herself falling in love

[C7) Object + -ed participle complementation 1654 We can distinguish three small groups of verbs complemented bv a raised

object followed by an -ed participle c1ause

(i) CAUSATIVE verbs get ha ve She gotlhad the watch repaired immediately

Oi) VOLITlONAL verbs want need like I wantlneed this watch repaired immediately

(jii) PERCEPTUAL verbs see hearJeel (oneself) wateh Someone must have seenl heard the car stolen

A fourth group is peripheral to this construction

(iv) Verbs for which the -ed participle describes a resulting statefind

diseoverleave They founddiseoveredfleft him worn out by tra vel and exertion

j In this construction as in that of (C6) have can ha ve either an agentive causative meaning or a stative meaning Hence The guard patrol had two men shot is ambiguous meaning either The patrol caused two men to be shot or

I The patrol suffered the los s oftwo men by shooting The latter meaning is that of the have-existential construction (ef 18S1ff) In general this

complementation type is semantically equivalent to one with an iacutenfinitive form of the verb be Thus in Type (ii) iexcl would like my room cleaned is synonymous with iexcl would like my room to be cleaned in Type Oiiacute) He saw the team beaten is synonymous with He saw the team be beaten

Note [al There is no passive for most verbs in pattem [e7] and at best the passive is dubious The car must have been seen stolen The acceptability of the passive with Type (iv) is exceptional

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1208 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

The car wasfound abandoned This is indeed an indication that Type (iv) may not belong here so much as with the objecl complement construction [el l iexclhe participle construclion being adjectival (cf an abandoned car) lb1In addition to the two meanings of haue + objec + -ed participle above a third meaning results ifthe -ed clause is analysed as a postmodifier of Ihe object eg She had a book (which gtvas) stolenfrom the library

Ditransitive complementation

ID11 Noun phrases as both indirect and direct object 1655 Ditransiacutetive complementation in its basic fonu involves two object no un

phrases an indirect object which is nonually aniacutemate and positioned first and a direct object which is nonually concrete The two noun phrases differ from those of[C2] in not being in a copular relationship

He gave the girl a doll --v-- --r-

S V Oiacute Od

The difference between this and complex transitive complementation is seen in

svoe He found her a loyal friendo ( She was a loyal friend)

SVOO He found her an apartment ( - The apartment was for her)

The characteristics of indirect objects in contrast to direct objects are fully disclssed in 107

Sorne ditransitive verbs have two passive analogues which we shall distinguish as first and second

The girl was given a doll [FIRST PASSIVE]

A doll was given the girl [SECOND PASSIVE]

Of these two the first passive in which the indirect object becomes subject is the more common The prepositional paraphrase is more usual as an alternative than the second passive A dol was given to the girl (For a list of verbs ofType [01] ef1657 below)

[D21 Object and prepositional object 1656 In the ditransitive category prepositional verbs fonu an important group

with its own sub-divisions and may therefore be given a separate category number D2] These verbs are those we have called Type II prepositional verbs (cfI67-8) Alongside the ordinary indirect object pattern two main prepositional patterns rnaybe distinguished _

Indirect object + direct object [D1] Direct object + prepositional object D2a] lndirect object + prepositional object [D2b]

Types of verb complementation 1209

The indirect object is normally animate and is the recipient or beneficiary of the process described by the verb (ef 1019) Unlike ditransitive verbs of category [D 1] (eg give) ditransiti ve verbs with prepositional objects nonually have only one passive

We addressed our remarks to the children [D2a] - Our remarks were addressed to the children (The children were addressed our remarks (toraquo

W e reminded him of the agreement [D2bl - He was reminded of the agreement (The agreement was reminded him (of)

-1 Sorne verbs have a11 three possibilities of construction in the active many have two forothers there is only one possibility (in sorne cases the alternatives are not identical but very similar in meaning)

tel [01 + 2a + 2b]

1

offer [01 + 2a] 1

envy [01 + 2b] I

wish [01]

bamefD2a + 2b]

say [D2a]

warn [D2b]

Mary told only John the secret DI] Mary told the secret only to John [D2a] Mary told only John about the secreto [D2b]

John offered Mary sorne help [DI] John offered sorne help to Mary [D2a]

She envied John his success [DI] She envied Johnfor his success [D2b]

They wished him good luck [DI]

Helen blamed the divorce on John rD2al Helen blamed Johnfor the divorce [D2bj

Why didnt anybody say this to me [D2a] I

Mary warned John ofthe dangers [D2b) I

The different constructional possibilities of certain verbs provide a means of achieving different focus (cfI837f) Compare the fo11owing pairsofsentences as pronounced with unmarked (end) focus

Mary blamed the broken vase on IOHN Mary blamed John for the broken VAacuteSE

(ef John was blamed by MARY)

The government supplied blankets for the HOMEless The government supplied the homeless with BLANKets

(ef Blankets were supplied by the Goacutevernment)

Note [al The aboye constructions are presented in the most typical syntactic ordering but postshyponernent of the direct or iacutendirect object may take place in contexts where end-focus or endshyweight is required (cf1837) eg John offered lO Mary Ihe help thal she needed [b] Additional prepositional verb patterns should be briefly mentioned There is for example the double-prepositional-verb pattern noted in 1617(c)

1210 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1211

1657

1 am applying lo the hospitalor ajobo There is a further possibility that two prepositional objects may follow a diacuterect object

We are paying $100 lo the garage for the repairs

Verbs of complementation types ID1 and [D2 The following list gives sorne of the verbs that occur in Types [DI] [D2aJ [D2b] organized aeeording to the cross-classifications of 1656 aboye We are interested here only in synonymous or nearly synonyrnous constructions in which the same participant roles (ef lO18jJ) oceur Hence many possible prepositional verbs are ignored Pay for for example is ignored because it introduces a further participant (the commodity bought) not incuded in pay (with) and pay (to)

Table 1657

Type [DI) Type [D2a] Type[D2b]

EXAMPLE serve (Jaek scampi) serve (searnpi) serve (Jack) to (Jack) with (scampi)

[DI + 2a + 2b) pay payto pay with provide (AmE) providefor provide with serve serve to serve with tel tell to tell about

[DI + 2a) (l) bring bring to den deny to give give lo

grant gram to hand hand to leave leave tofor lend lend to offer offer to owe oweto promise promiseto read read lo send send to show show to teaeh teaeh to throw throw to

(ii) do doacutefor find findfor make makefor order order for reserve reservefor save savefor spare sparefor

(iii) ask askof

1658

[DI + 2b]

[Di]

[D2a + 2b]

[D2a]

[D2b)

envy excuse forgive

allow eharge fine refuse wish

blameon supply forto

address to announee to eommunieate to explain to sayto

envyfor exeusefor forgivefor

blamefor supply with

advise about punishfor etc

The membership of[D2b] is numerous Here are further examples arranged by prepositions

thankfor eonvineeof robof refer to preventfmm depriacutevenf ltuspee f 9f sentenee to proleet from informof warnof subject ro imerest in persuadeof congratulate on treat to aecuseof relieveof confine to charge with convictof remindof introduce to compare with

Note that reflexive verbs (cf 625) sometirnes oecur with a prepositional object eg We pride ourselves on the serviee we ofler Sorne of the verbs abo ve (such as compare with) ean have two inanimate objects

In Table 1657 we have distinguished under[Dl + 2a] verbs taking to as their preposition from those takingfor eg

(i) She sent Paul a present She sent a present to Paul (ji) She made Paul a meaL She made a mealfor Paul

Occasionally a preposition other than to and for oceurs in this function

OiO She asked Paul a favour She asked a favour ofPaul

Distinct from [D2aJ and [D2bJ aboye is a kind of prepositional verb which has already been discussed in 167-8 a verb for which the direet object forms part of an idiomatic unit with the verb and the preposition The syntactic properties of this type which we label (D2e] have already been dealt with and it is enough here to list a further sample ofsueh idioms

1212 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1213I I

eateh siacuteght of make allowanee for put a stop to give place to make fun of set jire to give way to make afuss overabout take aeeount Ofl keep pace with make roomfor take advantage ojI lose sight of make use ojI take eare of 1

lose toueh with pay attention to 1 take note ojI lose traek of put an end to take notice ojI

Those marked with a raised 1 can take not only a prepositional passive (ef 167-8) but also can easily take a passive for which the idiomatically-fixed direct object beco mes subject eg (Some) allowanee was made for loss of eamings (Little) notiee was taken of this evento Other verbs can take the passive but with greater difficulty with these examples as with prepositional verbs in general idiomatic cohesion is a matter of gradience

Variants of ditransitive complementation

ID3J Indirect object + that-cIause object 1659 Corresponding to monotransitive verbs ofType [B3] (efI630) are ditransiti ve

verbs for which the direct object is a that-clause

John eonvinced me (that) he was right ~ I was eonvineed (by John) (that) he was right

The second passive is unacceptable when the direct object is a clause That he was right was eonvineed me Thus the first passive (ef 1655) above is the only passive that can occur with this pattern With sorne verbs such as eonvinee above it is impossible to delete the noun phrase object

John conviucJ (lhat) he was riguiacute

With other verbs such as show the indirect object is optional

The professor of mathematics showed me that Pythagoras was mistaken ~ The professor of mathematics showed that Pythagoras was

mistaken

Ditransitive verbs followed by a that-clause may be divided into a subtype introducing an indirect statement and a subtype introducing an indirect directive (ef 1433) In the indirect statement the that-clause contains an indicative verb in the indirect directive the verb may be indicative or subjunctive and often contains putative should or another modal verb (ef 1632 for the distribution ofthese options)

INDIRECT STATEMENT

May 1 inform you that your order is ready for eolleetion INDIRECT DIRECTIVE

mightbeShe petitioned the king that her father ~ould be pardoned

In the following list Type (i) verbs introduce indirect statements and Type (H) verbs introduce indirect directives The indirect directive construction is

rare and formal in comparison with the similar infinitive construction (ef 1663)

WOUldI begged her that she should help ltformal) 1 begged her to help ltmore usual)

For those verbs marked O the indirect object is obligatory foc those marked (O) the indirect object is optional for those marked laquoOraquo the indirect object is not only optional but unusual

(i) advise (O) remindO (iiacute) ask3 laquoOraquo assureO satisfyO beg3 (O) bet (O) show3 (O) eharge (O) eonvineeO teaeh3 (O) eommand laquoOraquo forewarn (O) tellO iacutenstruet laquoOraquo informO wager(O) order laquoOraquo notify 3 O warn (O) petition3 (O) persuadelO write2bull 3 (O) tellO promise3 (O)

The superscripts are interpreted as follows

1 Persuade in the sense ofconvince belongs to Type (i) but it may also be used in a Type (iiacute) sense of persuade someone to do something

2 Write is found with an indirect object + that-clause especially in AmE 3 With verbs so marked the indiacuterect object can be replaced by a

prepositional object (ef 1660)

Note Superficially similar W the [D3] pallern is lhe impersonal construction Iacutef strikeslstruck me (Ihal) asin

It strikes me this work is for his own amusement But here the Ihal-c1ause (as in 1634) is the extraposed subject of the verbo Compare He strikes me as (cf1646 Note [el) and lt occursto me that (cfI634 Note [e))

ID3prl Prepositionalobject + that-cIause object 1660 The verbs marked 3 in the aboye list can be optionally followed by a

preposition thus forming a category similar to [D2a] in 1656

He promised laquoto) me) that the debt would be repaid

For most verbs of [03] which permit a prepositional object the preposition is to

He wrote to me He reported to me that etc

Exceptions are ask and beg which (in somewhat formal usage) are followed by the preposition of

I askbegofyou that you will keep this secret ltformal)

There is in addition a group of verbs which were classified in 1631-32 as monotransitive but which optionally allow the preposition to preceding a prepositional object These may be distinguished as Type [D3pr] and subdivided into sub-types (i) and (iacutei) as in the paraUel description of [B3] verbs

1214 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Joan mentioned (to me) that her father was siacuteck [Type (O] Or Oay recommended (to her) that the treatment be continued [Type (ii)]

For elample

(i) acknowledge declare remark (ji) propose admit explain repon recommend announce mention say suggest complain pointout signal eoness prove state

As before Type (i) verbs introduce indirect statements and the less numerous Type (ii) verbs introduce indirect directives As befare too sorne exceptional verbs take a preposition other than to

She demanded ome that She agreed with me that etc

Unlike the nonprepositional verbs of [03] these prepositional verbs alow the that-c1ause to become subject of a corresponding passive clause an option which is more acceptable with extraposition

That several ministers are resigning has been admitted to our correspondent ~ It has been admitted to our correspondent that several ministers

are resigning It has been shown to us al that Miss Jones was innocent

Without the preposition ie with an ordinary indirect object such sentences are at best marginally grammatical 1It has been shown us al that Miss Jones was innocent

~~otc The constructions of lt appc-siexclappe(~iexclcfurseems ro me ha slipclfidaly appear ti) bclvuumlg to the paltero [D3prl but in faet these contain monotransitive verbs with an extraposed tnatshyelause as subject

It occurredlseemed to me that he was Iying esimilar patteros with extraposition in 1634 1659 Note

ID4) Indirect object + finite wh-c1ause object 1661 This pattern of complementatiacuteon is primarily found with the verb ask which

introduces a reported question

John asked me what time the meeting would end ~ 1 was Gsked (by John) what time the meeting would end

AIso used with this pattern are verbs which take an indirect object followed by a that-clause (Type (i) of [03]) but for these the wh-clause tends to be limited 10 nonassertive contexts (cf1635) Compare

George didnt tell them that the train was late [1] George didn t tel them whether the train was late [21

The difference of meaning between the that- and whether-constructiacuteons can be stated in terms of presupposition Sentence [1] typically implies that the train was late while [2] is noncommittal on the matter [04] verbs can also introduce other question words such as where and how

Tvpes of verb complementation 1215

Jim was reluctant to inform us (o) where he got the money Would you remind me (about) how we start the engine

A preposition may always be placed before the wh-c1ause In the aJiexclove cases the prepositiacuteon is optional but in the case of verbs like enquire o (Type [04prJ) the preposition is obligatory iexcl enquired ofthe clerk which doeuments were needed The complex preposition as to can be rather general1y used for introducing the wh-clause eg I enquired as to which documents were needed

[D5) Indirect object + wh-infinitive clause object 1662 This is yet another complementation pattern (comparable with [B5] 1637)

which may be taken by sorne verbs listed under[03] in 1659

advise ask instruct remind show teach tell wam

The instructor taught us how lo land saely - We were taught (by the instructor) how to land saely

They advised him what lO wear in the tropies Please remind me where to meet you afier lunch

The equivalent prepositional verb pattern [05pr] is iIIustrated by suggest to recommend to

Could you please suggest to the visitors which museums to visit

Here as in the [04] type a prepositional phrase introduced by as lO can be used

Helen advised us (as to) how to maintain the machine

f~ iexcl llt ~- I ~ i ~

~i ~ ~~

1663 ID61lndirect object + to-infinitive clause object We have seen that the [03] pattern may be used to introduce indirect statements and that the [04] pattern may be used to introduce indirect questions Now we tuen to the verbs of class [06] which introduce indirect directives (c1433)

1 lOldjadvisedjpersuaded Mark to see a doctor ~ Mark was toldjadvisedjpersuaded to see a doctor

[I] [2]

This complementation category looks like those of[B81 and [C5] in that the verb is followed by a noun phrase and an infinitive construction But the [06] pattern differs from these in that the noun phrase following the verb is an indirect object as will be c1arified in 1666 below As with other verbs introducing indiacuterect speech the subject refers to the speaker of sorne speech act and the indirect object refers to the addressee Like [03] verbs [06] verbs form only the first passive exemplified in [2] above we do not find To see a doctor was lOld Mark The folowing verbs belong to this c1ass

advise command entreat instruct remind teach ask counsel exhort invite request1 tell beg detai[l orbid order recommend urge beseech direct implore persuade challenge enjoin 1 incite l prayl

1216 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Those verbs marked with araised 1 do not have the equivalent construction with a that-clause containing a modal or a subjunctive verb (Types [B3(ii)J [030i)]) Contrast

They ~eg~tedd her to stay another week mm e

They ~eKgtedd (her) that she would stay another week mm e

The alternative that-clause construction however is more formal especially when the indirect object is presento

Note [a] The verb promire when it occurs wiacuteth this kind of complementation is exceptional in that the understood subject of the infinitiacuteve is identified with the subject rather than with the object of the maiacuten c1ause

Sarn prornised me to get some rood

= Sam promised me that he would get sorne roed o Sam promised me that lwould get sorne roed

The present pattern [D6] iexcls however less cornmon with promise than the [B6] pattern without the indiacuterect object Sam promised to get someiexclood lb] Only ordercan be followed by a passive infinitive He ordered Ihem lo be impriacutesonedlreleased

Multiple analysis and gradience in verb complementation 1664 Before we leave verb classification it is important to reflect on the problems

of dividing verbs into complementation types The major division of complementation patterns into copular [AJ monotransitive [BJ complex transitive [C] and ditransitive [OJ categories (introduced in 216) has been extended with little difficulty te include patterns in which the verbs ccmplementation includes finite and nonntildenitc clauses This is the basis rOiacute

the classification Qf verbs into types in 1620-63 aboye But unavoidably our aim of presenting a clear classification has obscured sorne problems of gradience and multiple analysis (e 260ff) and to illustrate these we return to three superficially iacutedentical structures aIread y discussed in 1636 These are now illustrated with three new examples each of which conforms to the pattern NI V N 2 to V N 3 (where N = noun phrase and V = verb phrase)

Table L664a

V N2 to V NJNI

[B8] S V O

We like all parents to visit the schooL

I [1]

[C4] Is V O Co

They James therace I [2]

[D6] I S Oiexcl

We I asked I the students I toattend

Ia lectu~en_~

Types of verb complementation 1217

Each ofthese sentences consists ofthe sequence Niexcl V N 2 to V N 3 and yet we have analysed them respectively as monotransitive (S V O) complex transitive (S V degCol and ditransitiacuteve (S V Oiexcl 0d) A different analysis in sorne ways more revealing would recognize an overlap between two competing descriptions of the intennediacuteate noun phrase N2 There is little doubt that in [1 J this is to be analysed as subject of the infinitive clause (e 1636) whereas in [3J there are equally strong reasons for regarding N as (indirect) object of the main clause (e 1666)

Smiddot V S V O 1shyI I

I I ISmiddot V 0 V OI I I I I iexcl I I I I I I I I I iexcl

NI V Nz 10 V NJ NI V N2 lo V N) I I I I

Fig 1664b Sentence[l] Fig 1664c Sentence [3J

Sentence [2J however partakes ofboth these descriptions From the semantic point of view it requires the analysis of Fig 1664b (ef They expeeted [that James would win the race]) But from the structural point of view the analysis in Fig 1664c is more appropriate reflecting N2s ability to become subject of the passive sentence James was expeeted to win the raee We might reasonably say that in [2J N 2 behaves like an object (0 rather than Oiacute) in relation to the first verb but like a subject in relation to the second infinitive verh Tbe term RAISED OBJECT applied in 1649ffto the intermediate noun phrase of patterns [C4 - Cn incorporates yet another way of recognizing this double analysis by envisaging a process whereby the subject of the infinitive becomes the object of the preceding finite verbo This raised object will be symbolized in what follows SO

1665 Given that the double analysis aboye provides sorne insight into clauses containing nonfinite complementation we could take such an analysis further and apply it to aH complex transitive patterns including the more straightforward SVOC and SVOA pattems of[Cl - C3]

that John is a good driver lB3J 1consider John to be a good driver [C4]

John a good driver [C2]

The paraHelism of meaning and phrasal relations demonstrated in these three sentences recommends an analysis in which the complementation of pattern [C2J John a good driver would be regarded as a clause in its own right ie as a verbless clause consisting of S = John and Cs = a good driver without an intervening V This description would not however displace the by now familiar S V Od Co analysis but would rather be seen as an alternative way of looking at the same construction

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1218 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Gradience 1666 The teehnique of multiple analysis stiU leaves some subtletiacutees unexposed

What this teehnique has suggested is that there are the folowing three eategories eorresponding to [1 in 1664

N 2 S We like all parenls to visit the school [1) N2 = SO They expeeted James to win the raee [2] Nz = O We asked Ihe sludents to attend a leeture

But more than three eategories ean be appropriately distinguished if we reeognize [1) and [3] as end-points of a gradient with [2) at some point on the seate between them This area of grammar affords a good example of gradienee

At the monotransitive end of the seale [I) ean be characterized by a number of criteria whieh suggest that N 2 to V N3 (al parents to visit the school) constitutes the direct object of an SVO pattern

(a) It ean be replaced by a pronoun referring to the cIause or noun phrase nominalizing it We like it We like al parens visits

(b) It can be an answer to a what-question A What do you like best

B We like al parents to visit the school (e) In some dialects it can be preceded by the infinitive clause introdueer

for We like (it)for all parens to visit the school (d) It ean easily (when preeeded by for) be the focus of a pseudo-cIeft

sentence What we like (best) is for al parents to visit the school (e) When the sequenee N 2 to V N 3 is turned into the passive form N 3 to be

Vedz by Nz there is no ehange ofmeaning We ike aIl parents to visit the sehcel

= We like the school te be visited biexcl al parents (f) In a reduced construetion the infinitive marker to remains We like them

does not have the same meaning as We like them to

At the other ditransitive end of the seale a eontrasting set of criteria eharaeterize [3) and support the analysis of N2 (the students) as an indireet object and to V N3 (to attend a lecture) as a cIausal direet objeet

(a) 10 V N 3 ean be replaced by a pronoun a noun phrase or a finite clause with Nz still funetioning as indireet object

SOmething We asked the students a question

what they wanted

(b) 10 V N 3 can be the answer to a wh-question while N2 funetions as indirect object

A What did you ask the students B We asked them to attend a lecture

(e) When the sequenee N2 to V N3 is turned into the passive sequence N3 to be Ved2 by N 2 the meaning is always changed

They asked the students to attend a leeture They asked a lecture to be attended by the students

this case indeed the passive transform results in an absurdity)

Types of verb complementation 1219

(d) to V N 3 can marginally become the focus of a pseudo-cleft sentence What they asked the students was to attend a lecture (Contrast the decidedly unaeeeptable What we like the parents is to visil the school)

(e) Nz which like Oi in general is usually personal can be detached from its place after the first V to beeome subjeet of a eorresponding passive sentenee The students were asked to attend a lecture

(n In a reduced eonstruction the infinitive marker to ean be omitted We asked them We persuaded them etc

Note [a] With some ditransitive verbs criterion (a) has to be interpreted as the replacement of the infinitive clause by a preposition and prepositional object (cfI656-8)

They reminded hiacutem ofhis responsibiacutelities One man challenged the other lo a duel

[b] Criterion (d) is less reliacuteable than the others since the pseudo-cleft sentence is unacceptable for many verbs But a pseudo-cleft sentence in which the indirect object is replaced by a prepositional object tends to be more grammatical Whal Ihey asked ollhe sludenls was lO attend a leclure (The alternative construction with the substitute verb do which also occurs with [1] is always more acceptable What Ihey asked Ihe students lo do was lO attend a lecture)

1667 To give a simplified illustration of the analysis of gradience in the sequence NI V N 2 to V N 3 we now take a subset ofthe eriteria listed aboye and apply them to a range of verbs on the gradient eonneeting [1] and [3] of 16_66

(1) (3) (4)(2) wantask elect intend

CRITERIA likeallow expectlel~ etc I etc etc etc~ (a) lo V N 3 can be replaeed by - - -+a finite clause

(e) ehange of meaning in passive -+ +of N 2 10 VN3

(e) N 2 can beeome subjeet of passive -+ ++

Fig 1667 A eomplementatiacuteon gradient

The matrix uses only three criteria and thereby distinguishes only four categories This is sufficient to indicate the principie however that the three categories [BS] [C4] and [D6) of our taxonomy eould be broken down iexclnto a finer spectrum of eategories between which the differences are small In effeet Fig 1667 distinguishes two subeategories of [C4] one (including elect and allow) whieh is c10ser to the ditransitive type and one (including inlend and expect) eloser to the monotransitive type Elect and allow respond to cri terion (e)

They elected Miss Coe to suceeed the present seeretary They elected the present seeretary to be sueceeded by Miss Coe

We dont allow residents to entertain visitors We dont allow visitors to be entertained by residents

1220 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

while intend and expeet do not

They intended the students to see the professor = They intended the professor to be seen by the students

They expeet the students to enjoy the classes = They expeet the classes to be enjoyed by the students

Note Por verbs in group (3) the voice oflhe infinitive clause and the voiceofthe main clausemay be independently varied with the result Ihat a SlIacutentence like They expected the students lo enjoy lile classes has tbree corresponding passiv~s with iexclhe same meaning

They expected the classes to be enjoyed by the students The students were expecled lo enjoy the classes

The classes were expected lo be enjoyed by the students

The last example has a passive verb phrase in both the superordinate clause and Ihe infinitive clame

Adjective complementation

168 Categories of complementation in adjective phrases (ef 228 721-2) are similar in variety to those ofverb complementation We distinguish [El-ES)as follows

[El] Complementation by a prepositional phrase [E2] Complementation by a that-clause [E3] Complementation by a wh-clause

i[E4) Complementation by a than-clause [ES] Complementation by a to-infinitive clause [E6] Complementation by an -ing participle clause

These complementation patterns can occur after an adjective (andmiddot its modifiers if any) in various syntactic functions For example

The violiacuten iacutes (rather) difficut to play (adjective phrase as CJ

Mary found the violiacuten (rather) diffieut to play (adjective phrase as CJ

The violiacuten is an instrument (rather) diffieult to play (adjective phrase as postmodifier)

The on1y posiacutetion in which an adjective cannot normally be followed by iacutets complementation is the premodifying position in a noun phrase a keen child on ehess But here too with certain constructions (Types [ES(iraquo) and [ES(v)D the complementation can follow discontinuously after the head noun The violiacuten is a diffieult instrument to play (ef discontinuity with comparative constructions IS75) For illustrative purposes we will confine examples in the following sections to the subject complement function The lists like the verb lists in 1620-63 will be selective

Adjective complementation 1221

Note There is a considerable parallel as the categories [El-ES] aboye demonstrate between patterns associated with adjectives and those associated with monotransitive verbs The chief difference is that adjectives cannot be followed by a noun phrase object To bring out the parallel further we could describe adjectives exemplified in 1669 below (averse to conscous oJ etc) as prepositional adjectives comparable with prepositional verbs We could moreover identify phrasal adjectives (derived from participiaI forms ofphrasal verbs) such as ron down (exhausled depressed) and phrasaI-prepositionaI adjectives such as fed up (with) These tatter variants however are rare enough lo be disregarded in the foUowing lists

[E1] Adjective complementation by a prepositional phrase 1669 Like prepositional verbs adjectives often forro a lexical unit with a following

preposition good atfond oj opposedto etc The lexical bond is strongest with adjectives for which in a given sense the complementation is obligatory Max is averse to games Max is averse Such adjectives are marked 1 in the following lists

The lists make a distinction between participial (ef 715-19) and nonparticipial adjectives The differencebetween participial adjectives and the -ed participle of the passive construction is discussed in 375-77 These lists provide on1y a small sample of the adjectives accompanying the prepositions concemed In particular it is often possible for the same adjective to go with two or more prepositions as in angry about angry at and angrywith

ABOUT He was very worried about her reaction (ef960)

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

angry knowledgeabe aggrieved frightened glad mad annoyed pleased happy reasonable delighted worried

AT She was badat mathematics (ef962)

NONP ARTICIPIAL P ARTlCIPIAL

angry good alarmed disgusted brilliant hopeless amusedmiddotmiddot pleased elever terrible delighted puzzled

FROM Thevillage is remotefromthe bustle ofcity life (ef918 947)

different distant distinct free remo te

OF She was aware ofhis difficulties

NONPARTlCIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

eonvineed ashamed empty proud1 afraid conseiousl glad

seared eapable fond 1 short1 tired certain full worthy

ONUPON Their plan was based on cooperation

NONPARTICIPIAL IPARTICIPIAL

contingent1 intent1 reliantl basedl set1

dependent keen severe hentl

Yiexcl

1222 Complementation of verbs and adjectives ~ Adjective complementation 1223

Note lal In general choice of preposilion remains the same after morphologicalIy related verbs adjectives and nouns differentftom differ from differencefrom But Ihis eorrespondence is not always lo be relied on contrastfull ofwilhfilied wllh proudofwith pride in lb] Other prepositions whieh less comrnonly enlee into adjective + prepositlon idioms iexclnelude for and lowards graleful for sorry for inclined towards le] Usedfollowed by the preposition lO a more informal synonym ofaccustomed(to) is participial in spelling but has the speeial pronuneiation nus~ Unlike accustomed however used does not oceur with a following infinitive (ef 1679) This adjeetival used to in spite of identity of spelling and pronunciation is quite distinet from used lO as a marginal modal (cf344) Contrast

Im used lO hard work I used ro work hard Id] In the past prescriptive objeetions have been made to the use of to ralher Ihan from after averse and different Howevee ro is the normal preposition to fol1lt11 averse and differenr 10 is quite widely used (esp in BrE) as an altemative lo differentfrom On iJifferent rhan cf1566 Note 1674

le] Wilh can be omitted after (fn)compalibie if the subject is plural cfmutual participation 1360

middotCarl is incompatible OUT Cad and Eva are incompatible

[E2] Adjective complementation by a that-clause 670 Like that-clauses following a verb that-clauses folIowiacuteng an adjective may

have

(A) indicative verb 1am sure (that) he is here now (B) subjunctiacuteve verb They were insistent (that) we be ready (formal) (C) putativeshould Im sorry (that) he should hove left ltformal)

The uses of the mandative subjunctive and of putative should have been discussed in 359 and 1425 respectiacutevely Putative should often occurs after expressions of emotion (sorrowjoy displeasure surprise wonder etc) and is often accompanied by intensifying expressions such as so such like thisl that ever or at all The indicative that-clause on the other hand refers to an established fact The foHowing pairs illustrate choices of construction

1 (that) 1 have to leave so early am sorry (that) you should have been (so) inconvenienced

(that) you didnt call the doctor before 1 am surprised (that) anyone ofyour intelligence should swallow a tie

likethat

With some adjectives (those in category [E2b(iiacute)] 1672) the should-clause can be paraphrased by an infinitive clause with a subject

It was natural for him to go to London after the war = It was natural that he should go to London after the war

That-clauses cannot be preceded by preposiacutetions Hence adjectives which are constructed with prepositions before noun phrases ([El]) drop the preposition before a that-clause (cfI628) Compare the folIowing

OfhiS innocence [E1 ] 1am convlnced (th ) h t [E2]at e IS mnocen

Many that-clauses folIowing an adjective are actualIy subjects postponed by extraposition (cf1833)

lt is lucky (that) you came - That you came is lucky

These are listed separately in 1672

lEla) Adjectives with experiencer (cflO23 Note) as subject 1671 (i) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATIVE VERB ONL Y (cfNote [a] below)

These adjectives express degrees of certainty or confidence aware certain corifident sure

We were corifident that Karen was stiacutell alive

(ii) THAT-CLAUSE HAS PUTATIVE SHOULD OR SUBJUNCTIVE VERB

(or marginally aloo an indicative verb) The three principal adjectives in this class are anxious eager and willing

he should be permitted to resiacutegn 1 Are you willing that he be permitted to resign 1

1he is permitted to resign 1 ~

(On the distribution of these three altematives cfI630)

(iH) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATIVE VERB OR PUTATIVE SHOULD

These adjectives express emotions

Im so thankful that nobody was hurto Were you surprised that Ray should win the prize

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

afraid hopeful alarmed depressed horrified angry proud amazed disappointed irritated glad sad amused distressed pleased grateful sorry annoyed disturbed shocked happy tha7lkful astonished frightened upset

There is a tendency to prefer the putative should construction in nonassertive contexts or where the adjective has negative or unfavourshyable associations

TO AH capital gains are subject to taxation NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

answerable close liableacute accustomedl

averse l due1 simz1ar allied1I WiTH This plan is not compatible with our princiacuteples

NONPARTICIPIAL I PARTICIPIAL

angry busy

happy impatient

annoyed bored

ClJmfortable incompatible1 concerned compatibleacute sick delighted content familiar friendly furious

uneasy depressed disappointed disgusted dismayed distressed

inclined1

opposed1

drunk enchanted obsessed occupied overcome pleased satisfied taken1

1672

1224 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Adjective complementatlon 1225

Note [a] The restriction oC Type (i) above lo indicative verbs only is meant to allow Cor the use of T

Note [a] Although tlle pro-forms so and n01 cannot be used after tllese [E2bI adjectives (ef 1671modal auxiliaries including should in a nonputative sense eg I am a~are that I should [= ought 1lo] havejoined longago iexcl Note [bJ) there iexclsa possibilityofreplacing the adjective + solnat by a related adverb + sonot

[b) Afraid is unique among adjectives in that it accepts the pro~oun so (and iexclts negative equivalent Mt) as a that-clause substitute (cfI631) rm afraid SOMI

IElbJ Adjectives with anticipatory it as subject

The that-elause in this eonstruetion is an extraposed subjeet Three types are again distinguished matehing those in 167l

(i) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATlVE VERBONLY (cfI671 Note CaD These adjectives have to do with truthor knowledge

It is true that she never cemes on time

apparent evident likely possible untrue certain implicit obvious true well-known clear indubitable plain unlikely

(ji) THAT-CLAUSE HAS PUTATIVIl SHOULD OR SUBJUNCTIVE VERB (or marginshyaIly also an indicative verb) These adjectives express eoncepts concerned with modality or volition

should be lifted tomorrow It is essential that the ban be lifted tomorrow

(1) is lifted tomorrow

appropriate essentiacuteal important necessary vital compulsory fitting impossible obligatoryshycrucial imperative improper proper

Various deverbal adjectives ending in -able also belong to this group egadvisable desrabIe preferable

(iii) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATlVE VERB OR PUTATIVE SHOULD

This group consists mainly of emotive adjectives and ineludes a large num ber ofparticipial ad jecti ves ending in -ing

Itmiddot strange th t She is so late IS upsetting a she should be so late

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTlCIPIAL

awkward logical alarming perplexing curious odd annoying pleasing disastrous peculiar depressing shocking dreadful sad disappointing surprising extraordinary silly embarrassing fortunate tragie frightening iexclrrational unfortunate irritating

Various -able-ible adjectives also be10ng tp this group admirable eommendable deplorable despieable incomprehensible inconceivable lamentable remarkable understandable unjustifiable etc

ha h l Id l h B Yes obviouslyfortunately soA 1 t IS apparentt t s e IVes oesn t Ive ere B N J I I di t o event y sa y no [b] When an adjective ofType (iii) above occurs after a modal verb construction the that-clause is commonly replaced by an if-clause If the modal verb in the main c1ause is hypothetical (eg would) the verb in the ifmiddotdause is placed in tlle hypothetical pasto Compare

It is sad that you have to leave It will be sad ifyou hove to lea ve

It would be sad ifyou had lo lea ve

[E3] Adjective complementation by a wh-clause 1673 As with that-clauses we have to distinguish those adjeetives ([E3a]) which

are predicated of an experieneer (normalIy a person) as subject and those ([E3bD which go with antieipatory it In the latter case the wh-clause is an extraposed subject Examples are

(onwhat 1should sayo [1]E3a 1was unsure[ 1 (about) whether the problem was solved [2]

[E3b] It was unclear what they would do [3]

Type [E3a1 consists of adjectives which are constructed with prepositions and whieh therefore belong also to Type [EI1 The preposition is sometimes omitted before the wh-clause (ef155 Note reD In Type [E3b] on the other hand no preposition can be inserted bull It was uneear ofabout what lhey would do AIso no infinitive wh-cIause is possible (ef i637) It is unsure where to go is unacceptable unless it refers to sorne aniacutemate being (sueh as a mouse) and is consequently not interpreted in terms of extraposition

Retuming to Type [E3a] we note that in sorne cases the adjective takes a wh-elause in assertive eontexts eg eareful (about) doubtful (as to) fussy (about) puzzled (as to) uneear (about) uncertain (o) undecided (about) unsure (0) unaware (o)

John is careul (about) what he does with his money

Most of these adjeetives are intrinsiealIy negative In meaning In other cases although elsewhere it is associated with an indicative that-clause [E2a(i)] the adjective tends to oceur with a wh-cIause in nonassertive contexts (efI635) eg aware certain eear sure

Are you sure (o) how mueh the maehine costs 1wasnt altogether cleaiexcl- (about) what we had to do

A similar division may be made among adjectives of the antieipatory-it type ([E3b]) Those whieh intrinsieally express doubt and therefore take this strueture even in assertive contexts include doubtful uneertain uneear unsure and unknown Those normally oceurring with an indieative that-elause (le Type [E2b(i)]) inelude apparent eertain obvious and plain They can take a wh-cIause in nonassertive contexts Each type is illustrated in

It was uneear whether an amendment would be accepted It was not obvious how far the westernization process would IO

~ltgt ~~~1~ 1 -~ Adjective complementation 1227

1226 Complementation of verbs and adjectives iexcl

After adjectives of Type [E3a] there may also occur an infinitive wh-clause 1 was uncertain (oi) what to do This is preferable to the finite c1ause in cases illustrated by [1-3] aboye since the subject can remain unexpressed in the reduced nonfinite version

[E4] Adjective complementation by a than-clause 1674 There is an unusual construction in which a noncomparative adjective is

foIlowed by a comparative than-clause as complementation Different is the only adjective which fits into this pattero and even then there is a tradition which regards the use of than here as impropero There is however no felicitous alternative to the different than construction in examples such as

Shes quite a different girl than she wasfilie years ago [11 The various styliacutestic variants of and alteroatives to the than-clause after different are examined in 1566 Note lb] When the c1ause is reduceacuted to a noun phrase it becomes possible to usefrom as an alternative to than

The unions are taking a very different attitude ~ the employers

When the noun phrase folIowing thanffrom cannot be derived by ellipsis from a c1ause than is decidedly less acceptable thanfrom

The main languages of southern India are totaIly different In origin

~~~ those ofthe northern partofthe country

Note [al On differenlrom and different 10 1669 Note [dI [bj It is aloo possible for a Ihan-c1ause to be used after he adverb difilrently

In the west of the country they pronounce their vowels quite aifferently han (they do) in the easl

The same prescriptive objections are made to differenlly Ihan as to different Ihan

[E5] Adjective complementation by a to-infinitive clause [675 We distinguish seven kinds of construction in which an adjective is foIlowed

by a to-infinitive c1ause They are exemplified in the following sentences which are superficially alike

Bob is splendid to wait (ii) Bob is slow to react

(iii) Bob is sorry to hear it (iv) Bob is hesitant to agree with yOU (v) Bob is hard to convince

(vi) The food is ready to eat (vii) lt is important to be accurate

In Types (i-iv) the subject of the main clause (Bob) is also the subject of the infinitive c1ause We can therefore always have a direct object in the infinitive clause if its verb is transitive Por example if we replace intransitive wait by transitive build in (i) we can have Bob is splendid to build this house

Por Types (v-vii) on the other hand the subject of the infinitive is unspecified although the contextoften makes clear which subject is intended

In these types it is possible to insert a subject preceded by for eg in Type (vi) The food is ready (jOr Ihe children) to eat

Infinitive complementation following adjectives modified by lOO and enQugh is discussed eIse Note where in 1S73

(ES(i)) Bob is Iplendid to wait Type (i) has an analogue in a construction involving extraposition (cf1833)1676 1t is splendid of Bob lo wait This type OC construction also permits a head noun between the adjective and the infinitive

Bob must be a spiendid craftsman ~ ~~bUilt this house

As this example shows the infinitive may be perfective We may also compare constructions in which an evaluative noun with its determiner

replaces the adjective

ffoolishYourelafool to spend so mucho

WOnderfUl Youre 1 to walt for me anange

Adjectives in this group are evaluative of human beha~iour They inelude

careful crazy mad silly wise careless greedy nice unwise wrong

These adjectives can also occur with anticipatory il and an of-phrase as additional complementation (cf1682)

It was foolish of you to spend so mucho

IE5(Hraquo) Bob is IOW to react In Type (ii) the sentence corresponds to one in which the adjective becomes 1677 an adverbwhile the infinitive becomes the finite verb

Bob is slow to react - Bob reacts slowlyc

In another analogue the adjective is followed by in and an -ing participle Bob is slow in reacting The infinitive verb phrase must be simple for example unlike the inftnitive phrase in [E5(i)] it cannot be perfective Bob is slow ItJ have reacted Other adjectives in this small group are quick and prompt

There is also a partial adverbial analogue (e8127ff) for Type (i) but in Type (i) unlike Type Note (ii) the perfective infinitive andeven the get-passive (e366) can be used

loan was wise to resigno ~ loan wisely resigned loan was careless to get beaten - loan carelessly got beaten

loan is careless to have got beaten

IES(iuumlraquo) Bob is 10rry lo hear it In Type (iexcliexcli) the head of the adjective phrase is an emotive adjective 1678 (commonly a participial adjective) and the infinitive clause expresses

causation

1679

1228 Complementation of verbs end adjectives

Im sorry to have kept you waiting [rm sorry because I have kept you waiting]

1 was exeited to be there [- To be there exeited me]

Adjectives in this group correspond c10sely to the adjectives followed by a that-clause in 1671 (Type [E2a(iii)D

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

afraid angry ashamed content furious glad

happy impatient indignant jubilant thankful

annoyed astonished bored coneerned delighted depressed

disgusted dissatisfied embarrassed fasemated frightened interested

overwhelmed perturbed puzzled relieved surprised worried

disappointed overjoyed

IE5(ivraquo) Boh is heaitant to agree withyou In Type (iv) the head of the adjective phrase expresses volitional meaning or a modal meaning such as ability possibility or liability Examples are

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

able keen determined anxious Iiable disposed apt Iikely [E2b] fated[E2b] eertain [E2b] loath inclined curious powerless poiseddue prone prepared eager ready [E5] (all) set eligible reluetant unqualified fit [ES] sure [E2b] free [ES] unable greedy weleome hesitant willing impotent worthy

The adjectives marked [E2b] occur with a corresponding construction with extraposition of a that-clause

JilI is likely to attend - It is likely that JiU will attend

Those marked [E5] are capable of occurring with an infinitive construction of passive meaning ie with an indefinite implied subject and a coreferential implied object

Theyare not fit to eat = They are not tit to be eaten

Some ofthe most common adjectives in this list have a tendency to coalesce with the preceding copula 10 form a semimiddotauxiliary verb (ef3A7) be able to be willing to be sure to In addition to modal and volitional adjectives some adjectives ofaspectual meaning such as aeeustomed and wont may be placed here

Adjective complementation 1229

We are aecustomedto take teaon the terrace (formal) He was wont to leave the office at 5 pm (formal archaic)

(ES(vraquo) Bob is lard to convince 1680 In Type (v) the subject of the sentence is identified with the unexpressed

object of the infinitive clause which must therefore have a transitive verb hence the unacceptable Bob Is hard to arrive There is an analogous construction in which the adjective is complement to an infinitive c1ause acting as (extraposed) subject (ef 1836)

- To convince Bob is hard Bob IS hard to convmce It is hard to convince Bob

Adjeeacutetives so used refer 10 degrees of ease or comfort and iexclnclude

awkward hard tough (informal) eonvenient impossible trieky (informal) difficult niee (informal) unpleasant easy pleasant

Unless there is ellipsis we cannot omit the infinitive c1ause and so there is no semantic implication between (say) The bread was hard to bake and The bread was hard Unlike the preceding types Type (v) permitsfor + subject to be inserted at the beginning of the infinitive clause Those darts are trieky (for a beginner) to use Where the infinitive has no overt subject its implicit subject is understood to have an indefinite meanihg

Jack is easy 10 fool =Jack is easy for anyone to foo

Note With some adjectives in this group such as nice or unpleasant the entailment relation between be + adjective ro V and be + adjective is less easy lO avoid eg Jenny is nice lo know iacutemplies that Jenny is nice

IE5(viraquo) Thefood is ready to eat 1681 Again in this type the subject of the main clause is identified with the object

of the intinitive c1ause But unlike Type (v) Typemiddot(vi) has no analogous construction with an infinitive clause subject

The food is ready to eat To eat the food is ready

Also we can generally (a) omit the infinitive clause or (b) substitute a passive infinitive clause without change ofmeaning

Are these cups available (to use) = Are these cups available (to be used)

Some adjectives of this type such as availablefitfree ready and suffieient belong additionally 10 Type (iv) so that a sentence like The lamb ia ready to eat is ambiguous in one sense (the most accessible) being equivalent to the passive The lamb is ready to be eaten Then there is a wider set of adjectives which often occur without complementation at all

The air isfrosty (to breathe) Its fur is soft (to touch)

1230 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

In both Type (v) and Type (vi) the subjectofthe main clause can be equated with the prepositional object of the infinitive clause so that the infinitive c1ause ends with a deferred preposition

She is pleasant to talk to (-It is pleasant to talk to her) This paper is terribly flimsy to write on Is the cloth sufficient to make a dress out ol

In Type (vi) as well as in Type (v)for + subjeet may be inserted before the infinitive verb Are these books free (for visitors) to borrow Are these books available to borrow]

(E5(vii)J Jt is important to he accurate 1682 We saw in 1672 that a that-clause following an adjeetive may prove to be a

subjeet postponed by extraposition (ef1833) A to-infinitive clause following an adjeetive may have the same oouree

It is essential to spray the trees every year - To spray the trees every year is essential

The infinitive clause can also be introduced by for + subjeet

It is vital (for the ehildren) to be properly cIad It will be strange (for us) to be living alone

Adjectives ofTypes (ji) and (iii) in 1672 ([E2b]) may have this construction importantJortunate lueky surprising etc Possible also belongs te this group

An addiacutetional group of adjeetives oeeurring after anticipatory it are those adjeetives (ehiefly naming evaluative attributes of persons) whieh occur in pattern [E5(i)] (ef 1676) The adjeetive in this group is often followed byan of-phrase identifying the persones) being discussed

It was wrong (of him) to teIllies iexcli

It is niee ofyou to phone

[E6] Adjective complementation by an -ing participle cfause [683 A number of sub-types ofthis pattem may be mentioned

(i) Busy is followed by an -ing participle clause without subject

Margery is busy writiacuteng Ietters

Worth and worthwhile on the other hand oceur both with and without subjeet

It is seareely worth(while) (youyour) going home

Here worth(while) follows preparatory it and the participle clause is an extraposed subjeet (ef1834) Other adjectives ofthis pattern are pointless and useless (Its pointless buying so mueh food) and adjectives of Type [E2b(iiacutei)J (efl6 72) also sometimes have this complementation absurd awkwardJortunate annoying etc

EIsewhere worth and worthwhile accompany an -ing participle elause without subjeet but with a passive meaning comparable to tbat of the infinitive elause in pattern [E5(v)] (ef1680)

Complementation of abstract nouns 1231

The cartons are worth(while) saving ( Its worth(while) saving the cartens)

(iv) There is a variant eonstruction in whieh a preposition oecurs between the adjective and the participle clause In some cases the preposition is optional (cf(i) aboye)

Im busy (with) getting the house redeeorated Werefortunate (in) having Aunt Mary as a baby-sitter

In other cases the preposition is obligatory We are used to not having a car (cf1669 Note [e]) Im hopeless at keeping the garden tidy Shes not capable oflooking after herself

Note [al The adjectival constructions in (ii) above may be compared in some cases with nominal constructionsof equivalent meaning

ts 110 goaduse telling him anything Theres 110 point (in) telling him anything

8uch constructions are introduced either by anticipatory il (el 1833) or by eltistential there (el 184$) AmE also hu Theres no use telling him anythlng (b) Worthwhlle is sometimes spelled as two words The vacillation between the spellings worthwhile and worth while reflects an unclarity about the status of this sequence which may altematively be regarded as the preposition worth (eI96) followed by a noun Compare

lts not worth your whife staying lts not worlhh whh~e (your) staying worl w 1

Complementation of abstract nouns

1684 In this coneluding section we will show as a conneeting link between this chapter and the next how the pattems of complementation described for verbs and adjectives in 1620-83 are aloo to be found with abstraet nouns which are morphologieally related to those verbs and adjectives (ef nominalization 1751ff and appositional constructions 1726 1735) For example the noun likelihood is derived from and semantically related to the adjective likely It is therefore not surprising that a construction associated with the adjeetive Is found with the corresponding noun

It is likely that Joan will get married [1]

The likelihood is that loan will get married [21 the likelihood that Joan will get married [31

But the assumption of eorrespondence eannot be automatie for it may faiacutel in both direetions

loan is likely to get married Joan s likelihood to get married

It is likely of J oans getting married the likelihood of Joans getting married

------__shyiacute1 11

COMPLEX INTRANSITIVE CONSTRUCTIONS p H MATIHEWS

1 Introduction

In sentences such as [1J

ArR C~Iltiacuteltmiddotli N ([1J Th~deitgreen ~

he construct~oEJ~QLordf JJP~ that GCE850ff describes as 9QMfLEX JRANSITIV~ Ofthe elements in questionit and made are related a~Jn tQllt ~imple transitive

j [2J They made it

YihiJe ir and green a~_~latelasinasimple_ltQI1llar_sentence ( [3] lt is green (- lt

~f the type that following Lyons (l977469ff) raquoe will call ASCRIPTIVE raquouacutet greacuteen- also standsJna direcueJordf9lsJIacuteIL ordm~_iii~de the object and adjective exemplifying a single I2atteIILof VERB COMllEMe~nrJ91 This paUCIDl can be sajd torepresenta IJJS10N (G e E 850) ofJ~ltsimpler transitiv iexcll~J~Jjpiexcly_e_tjPes - _shy

IH~~_sfiE~~Ve can be fused with th~~~tY_e_(lri~alsoP~ fused with theintransitixe1 Insentildetentildeces SUChas[4] -

MI It turned green

~construc~~~~~]y idmtifkQyaacuteth th~ of l3J in both examples the

l]

~ ~ ~ ENGLISH GRAMMAR

verb is described as copularor in the terminology of GCE820f as taking intensive complementation But neither description is quite appropriate to1 both cases In the~ptive sentence there i indeed no mor~than~pYhL~

1 2ampffiMical iP~ betwe~ the adjective and its subject~ plainly this ~ ~ is not true of [4] whose verb TURN has its own specific meaning lf turned~ iacute I is a full verb it must then be the govemor of green as made is in (1) in that

iexcl ~ sense there is cornplernentatjon But we express nothing by assigning such a complernentation to the copula A solution is to c1ass I4] as a COMPLBX

IITMNSITIVE iL~onsect_trJltiordmL being an extension of th~simpleJmransiUacutelLe _shy~ i I5] It turned

j precisely as that of (1) is extended from that of [2)iexcl

2 Fused constructions

Let us take our cue from GCEs referenee to fusionlo the simpl~L =nfu~~~_~~~~~~~)t1ecltgtnstVf1ionconsistso(asingJULeAicJ~tQI(lgde) which in a dependency ana~is has both the subject and the object as its dependents or to adapt G CEs term has both a subjeet and an oJkltt asit complementation lnJhaL~se (2) has a _K1U~~~_~ruetion (Lyons i977) w1jch cannotJiexclJLr~s~Cl9JUnQ(lt_e~mentary relationships of ptediCJJQJkSo too has the simple intransitive (5] vi1ihidepeiioenforior forming the complementation of tumed So too has the simple aseriptive [3] its predicator on the analysis ofLyons and others is the adjective green One reason for relatlng the subject to the adjective is that the elements are jointly subject to selectional restrictions A reason for not relating either to the copula is that the latter stands aside (rom these restrictions adding none ofitsown

In a fused construction the pattem ls neither strictly kernel nor straightforwardly non-kemellnJhegmplex transitive [lL1oth1tan41~Y are again direct ~cngents of made these relatio~_elQ~ the words in FigJbx direC1~ltaI~_uacutela~~I~Qordf-ordfl9blleiexcl)Uumlnamp21uacuteward frollLthe

~d

(aJiquest-Fig 1

[42]

P H Matthew$

p~ed~~ So is green arc el this too being supported by selectional restrictions We are therefore dealing with a single clause rooted in made of which each word is a distinct element But green js a1soapredicator in iexclelation to il (are d)J that wav we are dealing with two kernelp~QlS th~ fuurtermclauseinfQmQrating bothtM_~tuet~[IDJr~JlsitiYlljh~ twoshytenn a~-middot -_shy

In Fig 1 we have diagrammed what any grammarian will propose provided that his terminology or his notational apparatus allow him to say it Iut similar reasonjng applies to the construction which we have called the ~IpJex ln~~-ordfEsitive Of the relationships showninf1g --~~t~~~~_

it turned green

aAacutebJ Fig2

to ir (arcc)_isagainasintheascripJjy~ and needs no further cornment But the final element is clearly suJiexcliect to ru19jtional resr=l~ordmI~ tlTlJRI_ im~~tordm-~~it~~rAUQj~9iY_I9U~l~~ed noun (He turned pink He turned kings eVidence) iQ~~~1lined phrase is exCiuacuteded (He turned arog)

tDle~sthe p~e~~i0rl~lJ9rtn is ~~jordmntildei[qiireifitetuumlmed iexclnto a frog) ~itt G-ordm-1h exdusi(m is abgolule one cannot even say He went into a criminal

f [he adjeqtive is also Iimlted to specific collocations For example one can say It turned sour or Ir went sour but it is harder to accept Ir grew sour 1 Conversely one can say He grew od but not He went od On that evidence

j we may establish a relationship of dependency between green and tumedj (arc b) The verb too can then be related to the subject (arc a)

1 Epgth o~2am~ thefe is one terro ir lVhich is a9~de~~~~t1 theascriptile anCITlieletbalk~m~1 (Fig 1 ares b and d Fig 2 ares a and c) The fusion is then effected by a further link (Fig 1 arc e Fig 2 are b) in which ond of the two predicators een is ineo orat~a~_ ordf d~RendenlO(th~ I re atlon that uirk an4hl~ COU~_~ampI~s-1 jn the case of th complex intransitille hall app1ied the Iean intlaquo=nsve

mmplementatio~gly describe he yaleruLQ(IUN or iexcl l otIllBNinthisuseJuh~int~siYeint[ansitivx But the insight intildeaacute I

alsQ be extended to the complex transitiye In that spirit MAKE or MAKE as

used in sentences such as W might appropriatelL be described ~~_~n_ i ~ntensive transitive -J -bull_--------shy

[43)

ENGLISH GRAMMAR

3 Distinctions between tbe complex intransitive and other partly similar constructions

For a three-term construction Fig 2 shows the maximum number of interconnections with each term related to each of the others The miacutenimum isone thus for the ascriptive (3) we have adopted the structure shown i~

L with l~~E2nd te~~Il2= tlliacuten amaroe~ ordmrS1PP9~g~lexn~~ ~eLClatiacute9D~t~~~~t~first an~~~hir~ But this leaves five other possibilities which in theory might be realized ust as the second element_lt~p~ltmark(r ordfs inEig 3bullKlJQQmgordmHhetordm-iriexcl in thatJ~SiquestOillY

iacutet is green

Fig3

1he_verb vQ1lld_be a predicatorrwithonl)l1he_~ygtject related 10 it This structure does not seem to be realized at least not in away whiacuteCh is -relevant to our analysis Asecond_possibil~iuhatJmly the verb a~ ~~~iexcltiY~L iquestnjgl~~_rell~q in that ca~e bot~redicatoS_w-ordmyldIgt~ impersonal-vUh lh~su~ject a me~m~ce-filler This structure might conceivably be suggested for exampIacuteesmiddotSuumlch as [6]

[6] It got mistier

with a so-called ambient it But although it may indeed be ambient with respect to mistier it need not follow that it is ambient with respect to got

In the remaining cases no element is a marker but there are only two instead of three interconnections Ir there wem no link betw-IlJhe subject ~YMh(Ejg 2 are a) the verb1tSelf would agajn be impersmordf-~ I~ transformational terms its surface subject would be derived by raising (Postal 1974) from a subordinate adjectival clause lf th3ewere no intensiye lipk between the first and second predicators (Fg 2 arWJUlt verb would be a simple intransitive taking just t~_S)lbject as its complementation th~on of tbe adjec1iYtLL~ then be uumlMrn-~0n[7] forexample --- -_~

Eacutel He arrived saber J (~ eacute cc L f ~ 2 f

grammars do not establish an intensive or copular use of ARIUVB Finally

[44]

1 P H Marrhew$

if the ascriQive lik wer~~2ken iacuteEiKbJ~~ f)hHordmjlti~~ment woulordm-no longer bJlta predicaQ~ltiexclHQle wQuldin~teadb~ADVJllqt~iexcl as in 8)

(8) He ran fa~t

There is no doubt that the intensive construction is distinct from the adverbial and that sober in [7] is at least more circumstantial than green in It turned green But the subject-verb relation is more problematic in that a raising transformation has been proposed for one at least of the G C E s intensive verbs Let us therefore take that distinction first

31 Ofthe twenty or so most common intensive verbs (GCE821) SEEM and APPEAR particularly lend themselves to transformational analysis On the evidence of sentences such as [9]

(2) It seemed that they wereamp~e~

_U~naIlJral lo establish an underlying ~~ct~~

J~sIhey were green]~ seemed

irlYhIacutetEw~4)srelate(L1ot to they J~Q9green indhiOacute1lally but to the yiole ascri2tive kernelrom the same structure a sentence such as [10)

[10] They seemed to be green

can then be derived by further transformations of subject raising and infinitive formation Froro the structure reaJized by [Io]lIleare n3tllcalli

~m~ed to derive the comple~_~transiti~euacutell

[u) They seemed gre~

by a further transformation deleting the copuiacutea For SEEM the rules deriving [10] and [u] would both be optional But for

other verbs such as TURN or GO We could make them obligatory so It turned green could be the only realization of an underlying sUr was greenls turned the ambient Ir got misrier - [6] aboye - a realization of say s[mistier]s gorand so on If the obligatory rules were then restricted to the copula we would also ensure that any other form of embedded structure (g[he eft]s turned or g[he kissed her]s grew) was filtered out By such means a treatment which is widely accepted for SEEM and for which the evidence is at first compelling could be extended if it were thought appropriate to the entire intensive intransitive class

There are good reasons for not thinking it appropriate In a sentence such as [12]

[12] Harry got drunk

Qn~JsllQIacuteli~ply talking of a_~ate tha~ reslllttI s~o t~a~ ~~rry vs (45)

ENGLISH GRAMMAR

drunk or Harrys drunkenness happened) Nor is Harrya mere theme or tliexclfc (Aacute~-to-KarryQruniexcliquestenneacuteSs-l1ippened to him) tlamp11tbject iexclS1

potentia1lt-at-l~st--alMl~tgh-ge~~amp9run_~ wassoID1hiiL~hatJIal did The--verb mayaccordiacutentilde-gly take a subject adjunct (O CE 466]) thus I delibera tey got drunk or He foo(lshy turned traitor It may also supply the complement of a conative verb (1 did try to get drunk) may appear in the imperative (Dont get drunk ) and so on For sorne collocations this potentiacuteality is doubtless harder to realize (compare He delibera tey turned bue with He delibera tey turned nasty or He tried ro grow oder with He tried ro grow farter) but that is precisely the case for subjects and predicators generally lt is this semantic role that justifies the first link shown in Fig 2

which an impersonal structure as in (b)

(b) s[Harry was drunkls got

would relegate to the surface If (b) is wrong for Harry got drunk a transformationalist should consider

more carefully w hether a similar structure is correct for Harry seemed drunk Let us assume that it is correct for the construction with a that-clause (It seemed that Harry was dhmk) for SEEM and APPEAR a c1ausal complement does form one possibility Let us also accept that SBBM has a constant sense in all its constructions But for other current intensives (G eE 820 f) the evidence is more complexo With SOUNO a that-clause can be forced for example if a dative is inserted (lt sounds ro me that (hey arent coming) There is also an impersonal construction with as if

[131 It sounds as ifthey were green

which might be thought to derive from the same source The construction of [13] is also acceptable witb LOOK (lt ooks as ifthey arent coming) But between it and the complex intransitive we can find clear disparities in meaning In [13] the judgment is based on indirect clues what sounds or appears from audible information is indeed the whole proposition they were green But in the complex intransitive [14]

[141 They sound drunk

it is based on sounds that they are making For that reason it is harder 10 make sense of They sound green Likewise They [ook drunk means that they from their appearance are so But in It loob as ifthey are drunk the speaker does not even imply that he has seen them (Compare Prom what you say it ooks as if rhey are drunk) Ir we wanted a complex source it would be tempting 10 relate [14] not 10 the impersonal [13] with raising but rather to the personal [Is1

[IS] They sound as iexclfthey are drunk

with the second they deleted

[46]

P H Marthews

Personal and impersonal are often hard to separate as Palmer (1972) and before him Bolinger(l96la) have shown Ofthis group ofintensives TASTE

and 5MBLL are the most restricted in meaning and it is with these that the impersonal construction as in [91 and [131 is least acceptable With TASTE

neither seems likely Ir rasres to me that the soup is saty It tastes to me as if they are sweer If the second example can be interpreted it is by virtue of a blending with the personal construction (compare It tasres as ifit ) With SMELL the construction of [131 may be more acceptable (Ir smells ro me as if dinner is ready) but the blending remains With PEEL a non-tactile sense is possible (Ir fees Iikey) but is less established than the broader senses of LOOK or SOUNO (compare Ir ooks likey II sounds likey) It is in this case that my judgment is least secure would one say for example It fees (or Ir fees to me) as if they were green With SOUNO and LOOK the general sense is well established as in [131 or Ir sounds likely but there is still a sensory meaning as in [14] and [Isl which inhibits the pure impersonal with that With SEEM and APPEAR we are at the end of the continuum both having general senses only Hence the construction of[91 alongside the impersonal with as if (Ir seems as if they were green) Hence perhaps the infinitive construction of [101 with SOUNO and the others this too is awkward (They ooked ro have arrived Or Ir tastes ro me to be sweer) But it does not follow that the semantical1y general They seem drunk differs in syntax from the specifically sensory They sound drunk or They smell drunk We can even force an active interpretation of the subject thus They tried lO appear drunk or I deliberarey seemed irrftated

32 As [11] with SEEM Hes on a gradience between personal and impersonal so there are others which raise problems in distinguishing intensive from adverbial and circumstantial constructions For there is no criterion which is both sufficient and necessary

The obvious step is to tesectt for simpler transforms Thus J9r [12] Harl~ qrunk ~e can comp~jiexcleJgtimple a~ve Harry was drul~ TRANSFORM in that firstIy it is a a d secondly the predicator

-ORUNK hasnot a tq~ sense s no intraiiSIuvetrans[oacuterintilde ~stiiis~se of G BI is oot ~ble Nor has 4 r tumeirgeacute-iexcl an intransitive transform It turned since this involves a different sense oC TURN Ir there~~ an ascriptive transform but n9-Wn~itive the JhirdeiacuteeDlen t mult be a complementi so [41 and [12] must be complex intransitive Ir there is neither transform it MA y be complement but the col~of verb and adjective mjgbt rCaSantildea be classed as idiomatic Thus The roses have run wild has no transform The roses ve iiOr-aacuteoes it strictly match The rOSes are wild But WILO is at least an adiecti~ must stand in sorne relationship to the verb therefore R UN WILO is right1y

chmldw-rresultintensive (O eE) ---shy-- -_--g ~ _---_bull ~ shy

[471

ENOLISH ORAMMAR

If there is a simple intransitive but no ascriptive transr2ffil--_~~~ coacutentildeSffiiClioacutentilde-intildeuumlSt]ie iexcljdve(J2iacuteaIYlIacuteustrivialIy He ran iexcliuieacutekly has no ascriptive tiexclansfo~ He was quickly less trivially He travelled light does not match He was ight But what if we find both rlJgJQQordf~tillha$ordflJ ascriEtive _~ran~f~rrlJ~eYI1Jer~_~~ ~sectmL1aY-J~_a~~plement circumstantjallik~iilelltjnThey-sJoQdsilent ordfytlb~~j~llsothe simpler intran~1ti~ fbilystQPf so still ~ight be anadver~ like sileniTyintilde-fiieystood silenty Since there is no distinct form srilly the latter is hard to rule out For It shone white we can compare the formally adjectivallt shone brighr again there are both transforms (Ir shone Ir was white) But It shone brighr is c10se in meaning to the formaUy adverbial Ir shone brighry could white be an adverb in default of or as the commoner altemative to whirely Blending may aIso be found in idioms For example it is fruitless to ask if doggo is an adjective or an adverb in He is Iying doggo

For the circumstantial case both transforms are necessary thus [7] He arriuacuteiid sober has the triexcliexclntildeiiiacuteormsmiddotiexcliexcluacuteli-iexcliexclved andHe wasectSoacutebe Wewoacuteuumllifiliso ixpeeacutetthilUumlheveromiddotantildedmiddotildjectTe-shouId befreeOi collocationaI restrictions so He arrived sober He left sober He Jeft satisjied He arrived satisfied and so on But it is very hard to say when such a requirement iacutes meto One does not say for example They stood noisy or They sroodpeacefuJ on that evidence They stood sient might be classed as complex intransitive But neither is one likely to say They arrived noisy or They arrived kind Is that too a matter of collocational restrictions so that [7] is also intensive Or is it merely that NOISY and KIND are ill suIacuteted 10 this construction7 At this point jt is tempting to distinguish degrees of circumstantiality The extreme case would be represented by such sentences as [16]

[16] They stood there exhausted

(Iikewise They have arrived quite sober) where the adjective and verb are marked as separate Beside [16] the construction in [7] is less clearly circumstantial in They stood sient or They stoodfidgering it is perhaps even r less so But this last might stilJ be seen as less intensive than for example

iexcl They stood amazed Likewise They feJl exhausted is less clearly intensi ve than 1 They fell sick since it involves no special sense of FALL

~

f lrOacutel p1lI1riHmD ~ amires f0tr eompiex trlmSitive fu Tlieyfbuntlliim~

guilry there is a special sense OfPIND as ofMAKE in They mode it green In TIwy rrun Juacutem JOber tbat IacuteoS DO spcciiexcll SCDSII of)lEET~ by tbat cS ~ is more eircumsumlial BUl onc la unlikely lO say for eumple They me hlm meditative

4 Finally there is an obvious gradience between the coxnP-1ex intransitive ~nct the simple ascriptj~ With TURN 01 GROW there are~-selecUumlonal restrictions as we have seen With SBJlli or SIhV tney are far fewer

[48J

P H Matthews

neverthelesson~canI1Q~~yfordmr_~ordfmplelfil_sectil1Ied chairmqf1-ltcompareH~ stayelt chairman Qr1fsectJjiquest_riquest~cordfirmordfl1) or It srays obvious that (compare It seemsobvious that or It remainsobvious that ) With REMAIN it is hard to find any but at least the intransitive exists He remained) and their senses can be related Wth BECOMB that evidence too is lacking He became drunk can be distinguish-ed(rontildei1lieasgiptiYlt1g lu7ntl1k onlyJ~iiui~s from jts resultative meaning -_-

This merging has ied grammarians to treat the constructions together But we can do this only by assimi)ating BE to the mode) of verb complementation (as in GCE) not by assimilating TURN and so on to the model of a copula likethecpmplexrordfnsectitiy~nl_e compleimrap~W~i~ ayoor ca~~idatefltY-l~LIl~Jlt~IQ~-ordf_~~rnelltructllr~middot

M

~_

Page 10: in - UGR · (III). 11-70 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1171 Note [a] The ... In addition, we shall use where necessary the suffixes 'ph' (for

1186 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

[3] exemplifies DITRANSITIVE complementation (l655ff) (ef They asked the ehildren a question SVOO)

We will return in 1664ffto differences between examples such as these At present since we are dealing with monotransitive complementation we are concerned only with the type illustrated by [1] In nominal function only two kinds of nonfinite c1ause normally occur the to-infinitive c1ause and the -ing participle c1ause Hence nonfinite c1auses functioning as object can be distinguished for the present purposes in terms of the categories in Tabe 1636

Table 1636 Nonfinite clauses as object

Without subject With subject

lo-infinitive [B6] ack hates [B8] J ack hates to miss the train her to miss the train

-ing participle [B7] Jack hates [B9] Jack hates missing the train her missing the train

In Tabe 1636 the italicized parts are analysed as nonfinite c1auses acting as direct object The status of the infini tive c1ause and its subject in pattern [B8] is discussed in 1641 Later in 1666 we consider the arguments for considering her an object in the [B8] and [B9] examples

The fol1owing criteria confirm that the itaJicized portion of [B6-B9] is basically a nonfinite c1ause as direct object

(A) The nonfinite c1ause can be replaced by a pronoun it coreferring to a clause or by a no~n norninalizing the meaning of l clause Everyone likes it He likes her frequent visits

(B) The nonfinite clause can be made the focus of a pseudo-cleft sentence (ef 1829)

What everyone likes (best) is to tak to her [B6] What everyone likes (best) is taking 10 her [B7] What he likes (best) is for her lO eall ofien [B8]

In this version of [B8] as the infinitive c1ause is now in complement position the introductory for has to make its appearance

(C) For [B8] the introductory for itself where it appears is a marker of the construction as a nonfinIacutete clause

(D) Correspondingly for [B9] a subject pronoun in the objective case can often be replaced in formal style by a possessive pronoun (cfl46)

He doesnt like melmy coming often

This is what one would expect (ef 1 512) given that me and my can both be subjects of an -ing clause

Not all verbs that we consider direct objects satisfy al these criteria Nevertheless it is on this basis that the verbs Usted below are included in the classes [B6-B9]

Types of verb complementation 1187

[B51 Wh-infinitive clause as object 1637 It is as well to begin the survey of nonfinite c1auses as objects with c1auses

which happen to be immediately related to those dealt with in 1635 These are wh-infinitive c1auses (ef 155)

He learned how lO sail a boat as a small boy You must not forget when lO keep your mouth shut 1couldnt decide (on) whieh bieycle to buy

The last example illustrates the occurrence of the optional preposition with prepositional verbs as already observed with finite c1auses of the same type The corresponding passive pattern also occurs

The Curies discovered how to isolate radioaetive elements - How to isolate radiacuteoaetive elements was discovered by the Curies

The passive with extraposition (efI630 1635) is also sometimes possible

Early in the present century it was discovered how to isoate radioaetive elements

The verbs marked 3 in the list in 1635 aboye provide a sample of verbs occurring with the wh-infinitive c1ause as object

Note Many verbs which introduce wh-infinitive clauses rarely ir ever introduce yes-110 interrogative clauses (introduced by whelher) of the same type 1 have joacutergollell how 10 swiacutem but no iexcl have forgorten wheher lo swim Among such verbs are demostrale diacutesco~er and explain Nevertheless in unusual conexts such sentences can be found

1 have forgotten helher 10 ulljiacute-eeze thiacutesfood before cooking il

jB61 Subjectless infinitive cause as direet object f638 When a subjectless iacutenhmtlve clause is direct object the understood subJect

of the infinitive clause is always the same as the subject of the superordinate clause Verbs taking this kind of complementation are listed below subdivided into semantic categories

O) dread[B7 B8] (iv) ehoose[B7] (vi) ask (vii) affeel hate [B7 B8] hope beg c1aim like [B7 B8] intend [B7 B8] decline profess [B7] loathe [B7 B8] mean [B7 B8] demand

(viii) afford [B7]love [B7 B8] need[B7] offer attemplprefer[B7 B8] plan [B7] promise eontrive propose [B7] refuse(ii) begin [B7] endeavourwant[B7 B8] swear eease [B7] failwish [B8] undertake commenee [B7] learn

vowcominue [B7] (v) deign manage starl [B7] disdain [B7] negleet

hep [B7 B8] omit(iii) forgel [B7] scorn [B7] try [B7]remember [B7] venture [B7]

regret [B7]

1188 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1189

The symbols to the right of sorne verbs indicate that these verbs also occur Tbe lo-infiniacutetive here howcver has a resuhative meaning which makes the construction

with the subjectless -ing clause (Type [B7]) or with the infinitive clause with a subject (Type [B8]) From the latter group howeyer verbs such as ask are excluded because the construction of sentences like He asked me to help is ditransitive (el 1663) rather than rnonotransitive

We now add a list of prepositional verbs belonging lo the same pattern [B6pr] The preposition is omitted before the infinitive clause object (cI92) but is present where the prepositional object is a noun phrase or for that matter an -ingclause Compare

about the baby [Blpr]

She didnt bOlher aoout feeding the baby

to feed the baby [B7pr] [B6pr]

In the following list the verbs are placed in semantic groupings corresponding to sorne of those aboye (apart from an additional miscellaneous group (ixraquo and the omitted preposition is placed in square brackets

(i) long [for] [B8] ache (for] aim (for] [B8] aspire [to] burn(for] burst (for] (not) care (for] c1amour (for] [B8] itch (for] [B8] yearn (for] [B8]

(jiiexcl) bother(about] [B7 B8] condescend [10] delight [in] [B7] hesitate [about] [B7]

Examples

(vi) agree [tojonjabout] [B8] assent [to] consent [to]

(vii) pretend [to]

(viii) strive (for] seek (for]

(ix) arrange(forJ[B7 B8] decide ron] [B7] resolve [on] [B7] prepare [ror] [B7] serve (for] [B7]

Martin longed to leave home They sought to rnake amends 1would hesita te to interfere Weve decided to move to a new house

Note [al We distiacutenguish the verbs of Type [B6] from ltltenative verbs (el 349) of seemiacuteng and occurrence preceding infinitiacuteve clauses which ltare not diacuterect objects but whiacutech relate semanliacutecally to a Ihal-c1ause as subjecl He appears lO like Ihe sha - Tilar he likes the show appears [Irue] The verbs in Ihis c1ass correlate c10sely with those occurring with obligatory extraposition ofthe subjecl (cfI634) appcar seem chance happenlurn OUI

Jt appearedfthancedthat the children were asleep The children appearedchanced to be asleep

lb] Another group of verbs which are closely associated with a following infinitive but which do not belong to Type [B6J ioc1udes hasten conspire and set out

1 hastened lO reassure her They conspired lO murder Caesar He set out lO conquer the world

resemble on the one hand that of a catenative verb md on the other hand that of an inlransitiacuteve verb folJowed byan adjunct With pay and (to a lesser extent) woit Ihe adjunct status is more obvious as is clear from th~ possibility offroming the iacutenfinitivc c1ause

You have to pay ro go in

- (In arder) lO go in you ha ve to payo He waited lo see her

- (Inorder) lO see her he wailed Similarly unlike begin + infinitive the infinitive following SIO iacutes purposive contras

She [S] began IV] to eat lunch [O] BUT She [S] stopped [V] to eat lunch lA]

On the other hand these two verbs have matchiacuteng uses iacuten complementation Type [B7J

began She t d eatmg lunch s oppe

(B7) Subjectless -ing participle clause as object 1639 Again with this type of complementation the subject of the nonfinite verb

is usually identical with the subject ofthe preceding verb

1 love liacutestening to music The accused denied having met the witness

[The accused denied that hejshe had met the witness]

This rule accounts for the restriction that when the participle is followed by a reflexiye pronoun the pronoun norrnally has to agree (in number person and gender) with the subject of the superordinate c1ause

She herself He -iexcl enJoys smgmg to lhimselj lI

But wiacuteth one small group of verbs (rnarked 2 in the list below) it is not the understood subjectofthe particiacuteple but its understood object that is identified with the subject of the superordinate clause In such cases therefore the participle construction matches in meaning the passive of the corresponding infinitiacuteve construction [B6]

mendiacuteng painting Your shoes need to be mended That door needs to be painted

(Th~ aboye use of need iacutes often replaced in dialectally restricted usage by an equivalent use of want)

For an addiacutetional group of verbs (marked 3 in the list below) the subject of the particiacuteple is indefiniacutete and is independent of the subject of the preceding verbo For example in He recommended introducing a wealth tax it is clear that the person recommending the tax is likely to be different from the persones) who would be responsible for introducing it The meaning of this sentence is equiacutevalent to that of He recommended the introduction 01 a wealth tax

In the following list of verbs in the pattern of [B7] Types (i) and (ii) correspond to Type [B6(i)] (emotive) and Type B6(ii)] (aspectual) The verbs grouped under (iiiacute) are however in thiscase a miscellany since further sernantic grouping is difficult

1190 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

(i) (cant) bear l (not)fanci miss l

begrudge l hate l regret l bull4

detest like relish

dislike l loathe resent l

dread l love l (cant) stand 1

enjoy (not) mind l

(ii) cease quit start l

commence resume stop I

eontinue

(jii) admit4 forget l bull J4 recommend l J

avoid (eant) heli rememberl 34

eonfess4 imagine repent eonsider iacutenvolvel J require2

deny4 justifylJ risk l 3

deserue2 need l 2 save l 3 diseouragel 3 permit l ) tryS envisage l 3 propose want l

(dialectaI2)

escape reealll 34

The verbs ofType (i) preceded by a negative (such as eant bear) have a builtshyin negative bias so that they cannot occur in straightforward assertive contexts

Cora doesnt mind waiting Cora minds waiting

They can however occur in nonassertive contexts

Do you mind waiting How can anyone bear wearing clothes like that

and also in second instance contexts ie where the construction refers back to a nonassertive occurrence of the same construction earlier in the discourse

cant stand] k h h 1A 1[ d ji wor mgwlt t atglron t anc)

fd ti [stand it JB We1I 1m a ral you HAVE to ji k h h ancy wor mg Wlt ero

Superscripts in the aboye lists are interpreted as follows

1 The verb also occurs in pattern [B9] ie with a subject preceding the participle (ef 1642)

2 The participle has a passive interpretation (see aboye) 3 The participle has independent interpretation ie the subject of the

participle clause is not necessarily coreferential with the subject of the preceding verb and may have indefinite meaning

4 The participle may occur with a perfective construction

1admit having seen it (l]

But with such verbs the nonperfective construction can also be used with past meaning Thus [1] is synonymous with [2]

1 admit seeing it [2]

Types of verb complementation 1191

This paraphrase relation however exists mainly withverbs of dynamic meaning contrast verbs of stati ve meaning

I admit knowing him 1admit having known him

5 On the construction with (ry cf 1640

Examples of prepositional verbs belonging to this class ([B7pr]) are

bankonl decide on playat seeabout counton l delight in l resort to shrinkfrom

O Examples of phrasal verbs ([B7ph]) are

break off give up Jeaue off putoff takeup

Examples of(B7ph-pr] are

doaway with get around to go infor look forward fo

The following sentences ilIustrate these patterns

We counted on getting there early [B7pr] Ive taken up playing tenniacutes [B7ph] Jim is looking forward lo having the house to himself [B7ph-pr]

It IS important to notice that the lo in gel around to lookforward to and resor to is not an infinitive marker but a preposition Hence 1 am looking forward to seeing you is grammatical but not 1 am looking forward fo see you

Note [al The superscript 1 in the aboye lisU is not added lo verbs like stop although a noun phrase can be inserted between the participle and (he preceding verb in ~uch cases

They stopped (her) working all night Thiacutes ls because the construction containing the extra noun phrase (her in the aboye example) is arguably complex transiacutetive (e 1653) rather than monotransiacutetive (as is evident from the marginally acceptable passive She was slopped working all nighl) [b) Also we exclude from the aboye lists catenative verbs such as go in We wenl running and gel in Gel moving (e349)

Choice betwecn the infinitive and participle constructions (lB6) and (B71) 1640 Where both constructions [B6] and B7] are admitted there is usualIy felt to

be a difference of aspect or mood which infiuences the choice As a rule the infinitive gives a sense of mere potentiality for action as in She hoped fo leam French while the participle gives a sense of the actual performance of the action itself as in She enjoyed leaming Freneh In the case of try the double meaning is particularly clear

Sh 1 t d to bribe the jailor [1 ] el a ne b b hln mg teJa or

[1] implies that Sheila attempted an act ofbribery but did not manage it [2] implies that she actualIy did bribe the jailor but without (necessarily) achieving what she wanted With other verbs the difference is more subtle and may be overruled or neutralized by the meaning of the verb of the main clause For example the negative meaning of avoid and escape cancels out the sense of performance in He escapedlavoided being branded as a traitor

1192 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Let us consider more carefully three classes of verb which take both

constructions

(O EMOTlVE VERas (see Type (i) in the lists in 1638 and 1639) With the verbs which take both constructions (eread hate like loathe love and prefer) the bias of the infinitive towards potentiacuteality tends to fa vour its use in hypothetiacutecal and nonfactual contexts eg

Would you like o see my stamp collectiacuteon seemg

1hateto seem rude but youre blocking the view seemmg

On the other hand the particiacutepial construction is favoured where the speaker is referring to something which definitely happens or has

happened

to live Bnan loalhed 1 m the countrylUmg

(But with would loathe the infinitive is just as acceptable as the -ing participle)

Here to Uve implies that Brian could exercise choice about where to live whereas living presupposes that he actually did live in the country and probably had no choice in the matter But in other contexts there is little appreciable difference between the two constructions

tocoOk 1 [to eat JDo you prefer k for yourself or t m a restaurant[coa mg ea mg

(in ASF2C7uumlAL VERBS of beginni1g (a~ti1urng) and ending also in many cases take both constructions

Lucy startedcOntinUedceasedto W~iteWhile in hospital IIntmg

In such examples as this there is no observable difference of meaning between the constnlctiacuteons But in other cases a contrast between potentiality and performance may influerice the choice

to speak but stopped because she objected He s tarted speakmg and k ept on for more t han an hbur

The association of the -ing participle with the progressive aspect may also influence a p[ference for the participle where multiple activities

are involved

to open allthe cupboardsHe began openlflg all the cupboards

Here opening is more appropriate than to open While sorne verbs in this group (begin continue cease sean) allow both constructions others (finish stop) altowonly the participle construction (Go on and keep (on) may be classified as catenative verbs (cf349) onfinishfstop followed by the infinitive cf1638 Note [b])

Types of verb complementation 1193

(di) RETROSPECTlVE VERBS For three verbslorget remember and regret the potentialityperformance distiacutenction becomes extended into the past so that there is a temporal (as well as in part modal) difference between the two constructions The infinitive construction indicates that the action or event takes place after (and as a result of) the mental process denoted by the verb has begun while the reverse is true for the participle construction which refers to a preceding event or occasion coming to mind at the time indicated by the main verb

1 remembered to fill out the formo [1 remembered that 1 was to fill out the form and then did so]

1 remembered filling out the form rl remembered that 1 had filled out the form]

lforgot 10 go to the bank [1 forgot that 1was to go to the bank and therefore did not do soJ

lforgot (about) going to the bank [rare without about 1 forgot that 1went to the bank or that 1should have gone ]

1regret to tel you that John stole i1 [1 regret that 1am about to tel you that John sto le i1]

1 regret telling you that John stole i1 [I regret that 1 told you that John stole i1 or that 1 am now telling you J

[B8) Complementation by to-infinitive clause (with subject) 1641 The verbs in this group (as distinct from the apparently similar object +

t infinitive -o1struction el 1650) are restricted to a small numbcr chicfly denoting (nol) liking or wanting (cant) bear desire hate like iexcloLe prefer want and wish

They dont like the house to be left empty 1 wouldn t want you to lose your way

After these verbs the noun phrase preceding the infinitive cannot be made the subject of a passive main c1ause The house isnt liked to be left empty (by them)

There is moreover an alternative construction (chiefly restricted to AmE) in which the noun phrase is preceded by for which marks it as the subject of an infinitive clause rather than as object ofthe main clause

Jack prefersfor his wife to drive the truck ltesp AmE)

These two observations point in the direction of a monotransitive analysis of such verbs

In the following howeverJor has a different status and must occur in both AmE and BrE

They arranged for Mary to come at once

In this case the construction is that of a prepositional verb arrange for ([B8prl) the infinitive clause acting as prepositional object Other examples

1194 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

wherejor occurs as part of a prepositional verb are askfor eatlfor aehefor aim for bum for burst jor eare for clamour for erave for hope for iteh for long jor plan joacuter prepare for wait for yearn for

We were al achingburningbursting jor the performance to begin They plannedfor the mayor to arrive on the following day

For some of the verbs in these clauses the that-clause with should ([B3(iiacute)j) is an alternative form of complementation

They planned that the mayor should arrive on the following day

A further reason in favour of a monotransitive analysis of verbs of Type [B8pr] is the possibility (in some cases) of a passive with or without extraposition

For the administration to resign so quickly was not called foro It had been arranged for the food to be served indoors

Note [al Sorne [B8pr] verbs such as arrangefor planfor and preparefor also have a [B2] construction in which they are followed by a direct object Compare Have you arranged the meeting Have you arrangedfor iexclhe meeting Compare also She askedfor the children to leave and She asked iexclhe children O leave [b] Desire expect and intend although they tit into this category with respect to introductory for and the extraposed passive also accept the passive of the raised object which applies to [C4] (cfI650) Thus expect for example pennits two associated passives

It was nOt expected for the administration to resigno The administration was not expected to resigno

The former of these however is felt to be awkward and of marginal acceptability On such contlicts of c1assiacutefication cfI664jf

jB91 Complementation by -ing participle clause (with subject) 642 Verbs which accept this pattern comprise a considerable subset of those

verbs accepting the subjectless -ing clause as object they include the verbs marked 1 in the list of 1639 The genitive form of the subject is an option in formal English (ef 1512) but is often felt to be awkward or stilted

1 dislike him his driving my car We look forward to youyour beeoming our neighbour

In some cases particularIy when the subject of the participle is not a pronoun and does not have personal reference the geniti ve option is rare

vehicle h hPeter stoppe d te h l cras mg mto t e ence h ve lees

The genitive is also rare with a pronoun with nonpersonal reference

1 look forward to ~t geUing warmer in spring lts

The verbs of negative meaning stop prevent and prohibit have a related ditransitive construction (cfI656f) in which the prepositionfrom precedes the -ing clause as second object

They tried toacute preven the planefrom landing on the runway

Types of verb complementation 1195

Thus thefrom is optional In the very few cases where we have a choice between an -ing participle

and a to-infinitive construction there is usual1y felt to be a difference ofaspect or mood such as that described in 1640

1hate the children lo quarrel [ theyre ordinarily such good friacuteends] [1]

1 hate the children quarrelling [ all the time] [2]

focuses on the childrens potential for quarrelling [2] emphasizes their performance the point being that they do quarrel rather often in fact An aspectual difference is uppermost in

ehiming ( all night long) 1h he c oc k ate t l

to ehlme ( Just when Im gOtng to sleep)

The infinitive suggests a single chime while the participle suggests continual chiming (ef435 467f)

Note Verbs ofthe observational type eg notice in 1 noticed him writing a leller do not belong in this group and are dealt with in 1653 For such verbs the genitive is not a possible alternative iexcl noticed hiacutes writiacuteng a Jeter

Complex transitive complementation 1643 In 216 we applied the term COMPLEX TRANSlTIVE to verbs in the pattems

SVOC and SVOA In this chapter we extend the term to other clause patterns in which an object is followed by another element which is not an object (eg a nonfinite clause) A distinguishing characteristic o[ complex transitive compiemculiIacuteuacutelI j thallhe two elltments iacuteuiiuwiug the yerb (eg object and object complement) are notionally equated with the subject and predication respectively of a nominal c1ause For example

MONOTRANSlTIVE She presumed lhat her father was dead [1] She presumed her father to be dead [2]

COMPLEX TRANSITIVE Sh d h 1 h d d [3]e presume er Jat er ea

In [3J her father (O) and dead (C) are equivalent in meaning to a separate clause viz the that-clause in [l] This relationship remains where the object complement is expanded into an infinitive clause as in 2] Yet her father to be dead in spite of its clause-like meaning and appearance does not act syntactica1ly as a single constituent as is evident in the passive where the O is separated from its complement

Her father was presumed (by her) to be dead

This divisibility into two elements of a semantically clausal construction following the verb is the defining property ofcomplex transitive complementshyation

We begin with three already familiar patterns of complex transitive complementation those corresponding to [A I-A3] (ef 1621-4)

Note On the simiacutelarities between complex transitive and ditransitive complementation see 1666ff

1196 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

ICII Adjective phrase as object complement 1644 The SVOC pattern (ef216) in whiacutech the object complement is an adjective

phrase is found with verbs which like copular verbs may be divided into CURRENT and RESULTING types

You should keep the cabbagefresh (1] That music drives me mad [2]

The verb keep in [1] introduces the current attributefresh while the verb drive in [2] introduces the resulting attribute mad These two verbs therefore exemplify the two main categories ofcomplex transiti ve complementatiacuteon in this pattern The current verbs (ef1621ff) are usually staiive and the resulting verbs are always dynamic Further examples ofeach type are

CURRENT RESULTING

hod[C2] (v) drive [C4] keep [C2] get [C4] eave [C2] make [C2 C4]

prove [B3 C2 C4] (ii) eall [C2] render[C4]eonfess [B3 C2 C4] sendprofess [B3 C2 C4]

pronounce [B3 C2 C4] turn

report [B3 C4] eertify [B3 C2 C4] declare [B3 C2 C4] like proclaim [B3 C2 C4] prefer[B3]

want wish [B3 C2 C4]

(iv) beliacuteeve [B3 C2 eonsider [B3 C2 C4] deem [B3 C2 C4] find [B3 C2 C4] hod[B3 C4] imagine [B3 C2 C4] judge [B3 C2 C4] presume[B3 C2 C4] rate [C2 C4] reekon [B3 C2 C4] suppose [B3 C2 C4] think [B3 C2 C4]

Type (O is a category of current verbs of general meaning Type (ii) consists offactual speech act verbs (cf1631) Type (iii) of volitional verbs Type (iv) of verbs of inte11ectual state Type (v) of general resulting verbs and Type (vi) ofresulting verbs referring to speech acts which havethe performative force of declarations (Hod occurs twice in the aboye list as a general verb [Type (i) as in She hed her head high] and as an inte11ectual state verb [Type (iv) as in 1 hod you responsibe]) The symbols added after sorne verbs indicate other related complementation types to which those verbs belong

Types of verb complementation 1197

[B3] The verb can also be used monotransitively (el Note (a]) with a that-clause

[C2] The verb can also occur wiacuteth a noun phrase as object complement [C4] The verb can a1so occur with an object + infiniacutetive construction

Examples

The secretary eft a1l the letters unopened The doctors pronounced her conditiacuteon uttery hopeess Oi) 1want my coffee stronger than this (iii) Weve alwaysfound the assistants very frtendy (iv) The long waIk made us a11 hungry They have declared the house unfit for habitatiacuteon (vi)

Note that the adjectival complement may contain modifiers and adjectival complementation (ef1668-83) A passive construction in which the direct object becomes subject is also an important criterion

AH the letters were left unopened (by the secretary) (i) Her condition was pronounced uttery hopeess (by the doctors) (ji)

Note [a] There is sometimes a meaning difference between the object complement construction and the corresponding that-clause [B3) or objeet + infinitive [C4] eonstruction

1 imagined myself severely ill [3] p 1 imagined myself to be severely ill [4]

Sentence [3] suggests that the speaker is indulgiacuteng in a flight of faney sentence [4J suggests that the speaker is deluding himself (eg that he is a hypochondriae) A differenee is also to be observed between [5] and [6]

They gol him angry [5J p They got him lo be angry (6]

where [5J suggests made him angry in spite of himself and [6] suggests persuaded him to be angry (Yet a third meaning is represented by Donl get me wrong [Dont misunderstand me J) Two iacuteurther comrasts are

We found the ehildren undernourished [ We encou nte red them iacute n tha t cond i tiacuteon J [7] p Wefoundthe children lo be undernourished [8]

[Our examination revealed their condition] and

He declared the meeting offieial He declared the meeting lO be officiaL

where [9] has a performati ve and resultati ve force (The meeting beeame official as a result of his announeement) not regularly present in [lO] [b] Have in sentences sueh as We have IWO employees sck is not a member of the [CI] category but belongs to a special have-existential construetion lo be discussed with existential sentences in general in 1851 Since it has no passive this elause construction lacks one criterial feature of comp1ex transitive constructions Two employees are had sick [e] There is a variant order in which the object complement precedes the object eg He thought desirable most ofthe women in the room (efIS37) This order tends to occur when the object is a long noun phlase

1645 In addition to the verbs listed in 1644 aboye there are many verbs which belong more peripherally to Type [C1] Their membership is more peripheral in one or both of the following respects (a) They occur only in restricted sequences such as rub dry (ef 1617) (b) They can occur in the [BI] monotransitive construction without appreciable change of meaning iacutee the object complement is optional and resembles an optional adverbial Iil the following typical co11ocations the object noun phtase is symbolized by N

1

Types of verb complementation 11991198 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

CURRENT RESULTING

bring (a child) up health boil (an egg) 8aft 1

buy N eheapl erap (hair) shoriexcl1 return (a letter) unopened freeze N hard serve (food) hOlleold paint N redblue 1

seU N eheaplnew1 roll N flat sweep (the fioor) clean 1

calour N blueyellow 1

dye N pinklgreen 1

knock (someone) senseless polish N smooth 1

scrape N clean I swing (a door) open

For those combinations marked l the object complement could be easily omitted without a change in the basic sense of the verbo

Among resulting attributes the adjectives open loose free and clean are particularly common push N open shake N loose set N free wipe N clean

The collocations make sure and make certain are peculiar in that the object is a that-clause and always follows the adjectivaI complement

Please make sureleertain that you endose your birth certificate

There is no passive be made surecertain With other collocations the that-clause object is postponed by extraposiacutetion (ef 1835)

He found it strange that no one else had arri ved 1think it very odd that she left without saying goodbye The emperor pronounced it illegal for landlords to enfranchise their

tenants

Extraposition is optional with make N clear and therefore the preparatory it may be omitted She made (it) eear that we were regarded as trespassers

Note [al Sorne collocations require the object to be a rellexive pronoun Ilaughed myself sick They roared themselves hoarse Here the object complement cannot be omitted llaughed myself [b] The resultative pattern illustrated in thiacutes section is quite productive and occurs with rare or newly-converted verbs such as selotape and scotchtape selotape N fiat ltRrE) seotehtape N fiat (AmE) Similarly

iexclve deepfrozen the bread solido

(C21 Noun phrase as object complement 646 Most of the verbs listed in 1644 can occur also with a noun phrase

complement In addition there are a few verbs which occur with anoun phrase but not with an adjective phrase as complement eg appoint These verbs marked 1 in the list below can also occur with theobject + infinitive construction

The queen appointedWilliam Cecil (to be) her personal secretary

The list is subdivided into categories corresponding to those in 1644

(i) hold2 (iv) believe (v) appoint l2middot 3

keep2 consider2 choose 2 3

eleetl 2 3leave deem esteem l 2 3 make(ii) cal find provecanfess imagine2 voteprofess

pronounce judge2 (vi) baptize13

presume certify 23 (iii) wish 3rate2 christent bull

reckon2 erown l bull 2bull 3

suppose declare think proclaim

namemiddot23

The superscript 2 indicates that the as-construction (cf 1 647) is also possible The superscript 3 indicates that the verb is also monotransitive and that the verb retains the same meaning when the object complement is omitted Hence She appointed him secretary implies that she appointed him Examples of each sub-type follow With profess and wish which are used to illustrate subtypes (H) and (iii) respectively a reflexive pronoun as object is normal

She held her niece (a) captive for several years (i) The prince professed himself a supporter of free speech (ji) 1have often wished myself a millionaire (iii) Charles does not esteem him a trustworthy adviser (iv) The committee has elected you its chairman (v) Her parents named her Sophia after her grandmother (vi)

Some verbs in this pattem are unlikely to occur in the adive eg think beiacuteieve reckon The foilowing are exampies of the passive conslruclIacuteon

Her niece was held (a) captive for several years (i) She was named Sophia after her grandmother (vi)

As with Type (el] the object may be a clause postponed by extraposition

We have made it a condition that the new agreement be signed by all the original signatories

He has proved it a falIacy that old age brings wisdom

Note [al The zero article occurs optionally with captive and prisoner as object complements as in (i) above She held her niece (a) caplive Hold capliveprisoner and keep captivepriacutesoner are unusual in that the omitted article is indefinite rather than definite Examples of the zero article with definite meaning (eS42) are

Edgar was judged overall winner They appointed Sue captain of the athletics team

[b] The object + infinitive construction with 10 be as with Type [Gl] is not always equivalent to the pattero with a phrasal object complement For example name can be used with 10 be only if the following noun phrase designates a future role or status

Her parents named her (0 be) Gladys The selectors named her (lo be) a memberofthe touring team

As can be used with name only on the same condition as applies to lO be Her parenls named her as (adys (cf 1 647 below) [el The copular retation can obtain not only between the object and complement as in [11 bu also between subject and complement as in [21

t iexcl

1200 Complementation of verbs and adjectiacuteves

She made him iexcliexcl good husband (S V OC) [1 J She made him a good wife (S VOC) [2J

[1 Jhas the passive analogue He as gtladea good husband but in the entirelydifferentconstruetion of (2] where the copular rdation is between she and a good middotle no passive is possible Thc meuning is She Vas a good wire to himmiddot A prepositional verb 01 this Same unusuallattcrn is strike l in 101 example

He stmck me os a brilliant slralegist where a brilianl strategist is su bjcet eomplement

(Clprl and (C2prl Object complement foUowing prepositional verb 1647 The preposition as designates a copular relation particularly in specifying a

role or status associated with the direct object The ehureh eondemned the relie as a lraud Following a complex transitive verb and a direct object the prepositional complement of as functions semantiacutecally as an attribute and may be termed a prepositional object complement in the same way as the noun phrase following a transitive prepositional verb is called a prepositional object

a geniacuteus [C2] We considered him as a genius [C2pr]

tobeagenius [C4]

1 bull (as) a genius ~ He was consdered t b

o e agemus

Consider as like regard as class as etc therefore exemplifies yet another type of prepositional verb one that is followed by a prepositiacuteonal object complement rather than a prepositional object

Occasionally the prepositionlor occurs in this copular function instead of as

He took these words as evidence He took me lor a fool

In the following list for verbs in column (i) the preposition is optional where for verbs in column (H) the preposition is obligatory

(i) appoint (as) (ii) aeeept as ehoose (as) aeknowledge as eonsider (as) eharaeterize as eount (as) class as deem (as) define as esteem (as) describe as rate (as) intend as reekon (as) mistakelor report (as) regard as eleet (as) see as eertify (as) take asllor erown (as) trea as make Unto) use as proclaim (as)

Most verbs in [elpr] and[e2pr] can also introduce an adjective phrase in the function of prepositional object complement

Types of verb complementation 1201

The experts raled his paintings (as) poor bUI representalive ol their class

They classed Jane as partialty sighted The media described the situation as hopeless ~ The situation was described as hopeless

Verbs not allowing this construction are marked 1 in the aboye lists The construction iacutes exceptional in allowing an adjective phrase to occur after a prepositiacuteon A more orthodox construction is obtained by adding the word being before the adjective phrase and thereby converting the prepositional complement into a nominal -ing clause

The media descriacutebed the situation as being hopeless

Note [al Count as and rate as can also oecur in an analogous as-conslruction without lhe object as prepositional copular verbs eg This coanslraes as a tWtable success (e 1622 Note lb]) [b] Allhough as is classcd as a preposition in Ibe above pattern il in some ways resemblcs the conjunction as which introduces clauses of comparison (e15 71) Consider Ihe following curious examples in which as introduces on Ihe one hand a clause and on the other hand a noun phrase in an appositional relation lo Ihe clause

Report me as 10m - a superannuated dolt Hedescribcd her as heound her a liar

(C31 Complementation by object and adjunct 1648 Our next category Type [e3] consists of verbs which occur in the SVOA

pattern (el216) ie verbs which ha ve as their complementation an object followed by a predication adjunct The most characteristic adjuncts to occur in this pattern are prepositional phrases of space and more particularly of direction eg

1 slipped the key into the lock He stood my argument on its head [2] Take your hands out olyour poekets

The passive iacutes illustrated by

The key was slipped into the lock [1 al Sentence [2] exemplifies the abstract or metaphorical use of such verbs and adjuncts Many of the verbs which fit into this pattern are causative verbs of motiacuteon put get stand se sit lay place send bring take lead drive etc The class is open-ended since verbs normally without causative meaning can be adapted to this function eg show see elbow etc in

The attendant showed us to our seats [conducted us ] May I see you home [escort you ] He elbowed and bribed his way to fame They talked me into it [persuaded me ]

Other verbs are associated with space position adjuncts rather than direction adjuncts

They lelt the papers at my offiee Always keep your eyes on the road when driving

1

i

1202 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

The attackers eaught us ofJour guardo He wished them at the bottom ofthe sea

Again the spatial meaning ofthe adjunct rnay be understood in sorne abstract or rnetaphorical sense as in the third exarnple aboye

Adjuncts of other sernantic types are less cornrnon but instances are the adjunct of rnanner following treat

badIY Her parents treated her as ifshe were a baby

as like a small ehild

and the optional adjunct of duration following last

This rnoney will ha ve to last you laquo(for) six months)

Note [al Treot has a dilferent meaning when the adjunct is omitted Her parents treated her [= did something pleasant for her]

[b] Superficiacuteally similar to the aboye pattern iacutes that iIIustrated by remind andfurnish followed by an object and a prepositional phrase

She reminds me ofmy sister They furnished all the passengers with iexclfe jackets

These however are classed as transiti ve prepositional verbs (cfI6 7-8) and will be dealt with in 1656fbelow The difference between Ihese prepositional verbs and verbs of complemenlation Type [e3] is that in Ihe former case the lexical verb governs a particular preposition remind offurnish with (Alternative prepositional constructions are sometimes available however provide withprovide for)

Variants of complex transitive complementation 649 We now examine variants of complex transitive cornplernentation in which

thc direct object iexcls f01lowltd by ji nonfinite dau~1 acting as predication adjunct Al four kinds of nonfinite construction (ef 146-8) are possible

[C4] to-infinitive [C6] -ing participle They knew hirn to be a spy 1caught Ann reading my diary

[CS] bare infinitive [C7] -ed participle 1heard someone slam We saw him beaten by the

World Heavyweight Champion thedoor

The nonfinite clause in these patterns (in italics in the above table) has no subject itself but its implied subject is always the preceding noun phrase which is object of the superordinate c1ause This noun phrase which if a personal pronoun is in the objective case is commonly termed a RAISED

OBJECT (ef further 16640) semantically it has the role of subject of the nonfinite verb but syntactically it is raised from the nonfinite c1ause to function as object of the superordinate verbo Hence in general this noun phrase (in italics in the table below) can become subject of the corresponding passive (The passive of [C5] normaly requires substitution of a to-infinitive for abare infinitive the passive of [C7) is of marginal currency ef 1654 Note [a))

(C4] He was known to be a spy

[eS] Someone was heard to slam the door

Types of verb complementation 1203

[C6] Ann was caught reading rny diary

[e] He was seen executed by a firing squad

On the face ofit the patterns [C4] and [e6] are indistinguishable from the rnonotransitive patterns [B8] (eg She hates the train to be late) and [B9] (eg She hates the train being late) in which the nonfinite c1ause has a subject of its own The ability of the noun phrase preceding the nonfinite verb to become subject of a passive is however an important distinction between thern (see further 1651 and 1653)

These patteros [e4] and (e6] are distinguished from corresponding patterns in which the Note nonfinite c1ause is an adverbial by the raet that the iacutemplied subject of the nonfinite verb is O rather than S Note the ambiguity of

She left him to finish the jobo She lert him holding the baby

IC4J Object + to-infinitive complementation The verbs in this group are rather numerous and rnay be subdivided 1650

(vii) assist bother bribe eondemll dariquest defy encourage help induce inspire press summon

semantically into the following categories

(iacute) announee declare proclaim pronounee

(H)

reporl repute [esp P rumour (P only] say[P only] tip (esp BrEgt

assume believe eonceive (formalgt eonsider expeet feel jind imagine know presume reekon see [P only1 suppose take thiacutenk[esp P1 understand

(iiiacute) intend mean

(iv) appoint elect name vote

(v) cause drive force get[no P] lead prompt

(vi) alow authorize compel eonstrain enable entitle equip jit oblige permit requiacutere

[P = Passive]

1ZU4 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Types (i) and (ti) correspond to the factual verbs of category [B3J discussed in 1631 the nonfinite construction following these verbs can often be replaced by a lhal-clause with an indicative verbo Compare

The poli ce reported that the traffic was heavy [B3] The police reported the traffic to be heavy (formal) [C4]

JOhn believed that the stranger was a policeman [B3 = John believed the stranger to be a policeman (formal) [C4]

With factual verbs such as these the nonfinite clause normaIly contains the verb be or sorne other verb of stative meaning EspecialIy when the nonfinite main verb is other than be the finite clause (of pattern [B3]) is preferred to the infiniti ve one except that the infinitive construction provides a convenient passive form

The traffic was reported to be heavy The stranger was believed to be a poli cernan

Sorne verbs in this construction have no lhat-clause equivalent

They tipped him to be the next president (esp BrE) - He was tipped to be the next president (They tipped that he would be the next president)

Sorne verbs (marked [P only] in the list abo ve) occur only in the passive version of this construction

The field marshal was said to be planning a new strategy (Someone said the field marshal to be planning a new strategy)

Other verbs (marked [esp PJ) occur chiefly in the passive

The BroadwiY piOJutioli was inoughi to have made Maxs fortune (Newsmen lhought the Broadway production to have made Maxs fortune)

Ofthe twq classes of factual verbs Type (i) consists ofpublic verbs (cf1631) referring to a speech act and Type (ii) consists of private verbs expressing belief etc

1651 Of the remaining semantic types Type (iii) consists of verbs of intention (on intend itself ef 1641 Note lb]) Types (iv) and (v) consist of causative verls where the infinitive clause identifies the resultant state (Type (iv) verbs also belong to class [Cl]) Type (vi) cClUsists of verbs with a modal character expressing such concepts as enablement permission and compulsion and Type (vii) consists of a variety of verbs of influencing between which a common factor appears to be that the nonfinite clause has a purposive meaning Examples are

(iii) They intended Mary to sing an aria (- Mary was intended to sing an aria)

(iv) The meeting elected Mr Martiacuten to be the next treasurer (- Mr Martin was elected to be the next treasurer)

Types of verb complementation 1205

(v) This optimistic forecast led the administration to promise tax cuts ( _ The administration was led (by this optimistic forecast) to promise tax cuts)

(vi) My contract allows me to take one months lea ve (- 1arn allowed to take one months leave)

(vii) Our teachers eneouraged us to think for ourselves (- We were eneouraged to think for ourselves)

In Type (iv) the infinitive main verb is normaIly be and can be omitted They appointed her (lO be) the social secretar) This type overlaps with Type (v) 1646

Note [al There are a number of multi-word verbs in this category [C4prl counl Ofl bullbullbull lO depend Ol bullbull lo rey on lO bullbullbull [C4phl make OUI 10 bullbull [C4ph-pr] keep 01 al lo bull

(which has no passive) Examples are 1 am dependillg 011 you lO give us your fu support They malle him oul to be a monster ofdepravity Why do you keep On al me 10 work harder

[b] Sorne passives of pattem [C4] (eg be allowed be supposed) have a semi-auxiliary (cf347f) interpretation in which they lose their connection with the corresponding active construction especiay as regareis agency

(es) Object + bare infinitive complementation 1652 This pattern occurs with a relatively smaIl number of verbs

(i) have (ii) fee overhear[P] (iii) help [P] let hear [PI see [PJ know [P] rnake [PI notice [P watch

observe[P]

Typl (i) consists uf vlrbs uf iexcluiexclciacuteVI meaning Type (ii) has percepwal verbs of seeing and hearing and Type (iii) is a residual class of two verbs which are optionally followed by a to-infinitive The marker [PI indicates that the passive (normaIly with a to-infinitive) is possible [P] indicates that the passive is of doubtful or limited acceptability

(i) You shouldnt lel your family iacutenterfere with our plans We must rnake the public take notice ofuso

(- The public must be rnade to take notice ofus) (ji) Did you notiacutece anyone leaue the house

The crowd saw Gray score lwo rnagnificeni goals ( - Gray was seen lo seore two rnagnificent goas)

(iii) Sarah helped us (to) edil the seript 1 have known John (to) give better speeches than that

(- John has been known lO giue better speeches than that)

Know followed by the bare infinitive is confined mainly to BrE and to the perfective aspect have known Lel in group (i) is in other constructions cIassified as similar to an auxiliary (ef3SI) Let has an apparent passive in combination with such verbs as lel go and lel fal but these are best regarded as fixed expressions in which let has an auxiliary or particIe-like function

They let the prisoner go horneo - The prisoner was let go horneo

1206 Complementation of verbs and adjectiacuteves

Note that this apparent passive has the bare infinitive in contrast for example to make which has to have the to-infinitive in the passive

They mude him understand ~ He was made to understalld

A third verb in group (i) is have which (like have in monotransitive constructions) does not occur in the passi ve

They had me repeat the message ~ 1 was had (to) repeat the message

Note [a] The formulaic nature of let him go and similar expressions is illustrated by variants such as [1-3J which cannot be fitted into any regular complementation pattern

gothe rope [1] They lel the rope go [2]

goofthe rope (3)

[b] Of the two constructions with help tha with 10 is more common in BrE and that without 10

is more common in AmE [e] Arare verb in category (i) is the now rather archaic bid with a to-infinitive complementation in the passive

They bidbade me sil down - rwas bidden 10 sil down

[C61 Object + -ing participle complementation 1653 The verbs in category [C6] consist of verbs of perception (Type (iraquo verbs of

encounter (Type (iO) and two verbs of coercive meaniacuteng (Type

feel[C5] see[C5) (ji) eateh (iiiacute) have hear[C5) smell diseover get notiee [C5] spot find observe[C5) spy leave overhear[CS) wateh [CS) pereeive

Perception verbs marked [CS] occur also with the bare infinitive pattern [CS) Wiacuteth such verbs there iacutes an aspect difference between [C5) and [C6) as described in 461f

Tim watched Bill mendlmendingthe lampo

The bare infinitive having nonprogressive meaning implies that Bill did the wholejob while Tiacutem was watching the -ing clause with progressive meaning has no such implicatiacuteon

This complementatiacuteon pattern differs from that of [B9) not only in its progressive aspect but also in that the noun phrase following the superordinate verb cannot take the genitive (or possessive) form (ef 1642)

1 saw him lying on the beach 1 saw his lying on the beach

Another difference from pattern [B9) is that the -ing predication can normally be omitted without radically altering the meaning

1 saw him lying on the beach [entails iexcl saw him)

Contrast

1 hate my friends leaving early [does notentaiacutel 1 hate my friends)

Types of verb complementation 1207

The passive with this pattern is regular

We could hear the rain splashing on the roof ~ The rain could be heard splashing on che roof

A teacher eaughc them smoking in the playground - They were eaught smoking in the playground (by a teacher)

Prepositional verbs with this type of complementation ([C6prJ) include eome aeross eome upon listen to and look at Look at those ehildren climbing the wall But these [C6prJ prepositional verbs have no prepositiacuteonal passive

seen The guards had been spouhed searchiacuteng the building

wate e d looked at

Have in this construction (e18S1ff) also has no passive in keeping with its use in other constructions

She had us working day after day We were had working day after day

Note Feeloccurs especially with a reflexive pronoun object Shefelt herself falling in love

[C7) Object + -ed participle complementation 1654 We can distinguish three small groups of verbs complemented bv a raised

object followed by an -ed participle c1ause

(i) CAUSATIVE verbs get ha ve She gotlhad the watch repaired immediately

Oi) VOLITlONAL verbs want need like I wantlneed this watch repaired immediately

(jii) PERCEPTUAL verbs see hearJeel (oneself) wateh Someone must have seenl heard the car stolen

A fourth group is peripheral to this construction

(iv) Verbs for which the -ed participle describes a resulting statefind

diseoverleave They founddiseoveredfleft him worn out by tra vel and exertion

j In this construction as in that of (C6) have can ha ve either an agentive causative meaning or a stative meaning Hence The guard patrol had two men shot is ambiguous meaning either The patrol caused two men to be shot or

I The patrol suffered the los s oftwo men by shooting The latter meaning is that of the have-existential construction (ef 18S1ff) In general this

complementation type is semantically equivalent to one with an iacutenfinitive form of the verb be Thus in Type (ii) iexcl would like my room cleaned is synonymous with iexcl would like my room to be cleaned in Type Oiiacute) He saw the team beaten is synonymous with He saw the team be beaten

Note [al There is no passive for most verbs in pattem [e7] and at best the passive is dubious The car must have been seen stolen The acceptability of the passive with Type (iv) is exceptional

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1208 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

The car wasfound abandoned This is indeed an indication that Type (iv) may not belong here so much as with the objecl complement construction [el l iexclhe participle construclion being adjectival (cf an abandoned car) lb1In addition to the two meanings of haue + objec + -ed participle above a third meaning results ifthe -ed clause is analysed as a postmodifier of Ihe object eg She had a book (which gtvas) stolenfrom the library

Ditransitive complementation

ID11 Noun phrases as both indirect and direct object 1655 Ditransiacutetive complementation in its basic fonu involves two object no un

phrases an indirect object which is nonually aniacutemate and positioned first and a direct object which is nonually concrete The two noun phrases differ from those of[C2] in not being in a copular relationship

He gave the girl a doll --v-- --r-

S V Oiacute Od

The difference between this and complex transitive complementation is seen in

svoe He found her a loyal friendo ( She was a loyal friend)

SVOO He found her an apartment ( - The apartment was for her)

The characteristics of indirect objects in contrast to direct objects are fully disclssed in 107

Sorne ditransitive verbs have two passive analogues which we shall distinguish as first and second

The girl was given a doll [FIRST PASSIVE]

A doll was given the girl [SECOND PASSIVE]

Of these two the first passive in which the indirect object becomes subject is the more common The prepositional paraphrase is more usual as an alternative than the second passive A dol was given to the girl (For a list of verbs ofType [01] ef1657 below)

[D21 Object and prepositional object 1656 In the ditransitive category prepositional verbs fonu an important group

with its own sub-divisions and may therefore be given a separate category number D2] These verbs are those we have called Type II prepositional verbs (cfI67-8) Alongside the ordinary indirect object pattern two main prepositional patterns rnaybe distinguished _

Indirect object + direct object [D1] Direct object + prepositional object D2a] lndirect object + prepositional object [D2b]

Types of verb complementation 1209

The indirect object is normally animate and is the recipient or beneficiary of the process described by the verb (ef 1019) Unlike ditransitive verbs of category [D 1] (eg give) ditransiti ve verbs with prepositional objects nonually have only one passive

We addressed our remarks to the children [D2a] - Our remarks were addressed to the children (The children were addressed our remarks (toraquo

W e reminded him of the agreement [D2bl - He was reminded of the agreement (The agreement was reminded him (of)

-1 Sorne verbs have a11 three possibilities of construction in the active many have two forothers there is only one possibility (in sorne cases the alternatives are not identical but very similar in meaning)

tel [01 + 2a + 2b]

1

offer [01 + 2a] 1

envy [01 + 2b] I

wish [01]

bamefD2a + 2b]

say [D2a]

warn [D2b]

Mary told only John the secret DI] Mary told the secret only to John [D2a] Mary told only John about the secreto [D2b]

John offered Mary sorne help [DI] John offered sorne help to Mary [D2a]

She envied John his success [DI] She envied Johnfor his success [D2b]

They wished him good luck [DI]

Helen blamed the divorce on John rD2al Helen blamed Johnfor the divorce [D2bj

Why didnt anybody say this to me [D2a] I

Mary warned John ofthe dangers [D2b) I

The different constructional possibilities of certain verbs provide a means of achieving different focus (cfI837f) Compare the fo11owing pairsofsentences as pronounced with unmarked (end) focus

Mary blamed the broken vase on IOHN Mary blamed John for the broken VAacuteSE

(ef John was blamed by MARY)

The government supplied blankets for the HOMEless The government supplied the homeless with BLANKets

(ef Blankets were supplied by the Goacutevernment)

Note [al The aboye constructions are presented in the most typical syntactic ordering but postshyponernent of the direct or iacutendirect object may take place in contexts where end-focus or endshyweight is required (cf1837) eg John offered lO Mary Ihe help thal she needed [b] Additional prepositional verb patterns should be briefly mentioned There is for example the double-prepositional-verb pattern noted in 1617(c)

1210 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1211

1657

1 am applying lo the hospitalor ajobo There is a further possibility that two prepositional objects may follow a diacuterect object

We are paying $100 lo the garage for the repairs

Verbs of complementation types ID1 and [D2 The following list gives sorne of the verbs that occur in Types [DI] [D2aJ [D2b] organized aeeording to the cross-classifications of 1656 aboye We are interested here only in synonymous or nearly synonyrnous constructions in which the same participant roles (ef lO18jJ) oceur Hence many possible prepositional verbs are ignored Pay for for example is ignored because it introduces a further participant (the commodity bought) not incuded in pay (with) and pay (to)

Table 1657

Type [DI) Type [D2a] Type[D2b]

EXAMPLE serve (Jaek scampi) serve (searnpi) serve (Jack) to (Jack) with (scampi)

[DI + 2a + 2b) pay payto pay with provide (AmE) providefor provide with serve serve to serve with tel tell to tell about

[DI + 2a) (l) bring bring to den deny to give give lo

grant gram to hand hand to leave leave tofor lend lend to offer offer to owe oweto promise promiseto read read lo send send to show show to teaeh teaeh to throw throw to

(ii) do doacutefor find findfor make makefor order order for reserve reservefor save savefor spare sparefor

(iii) ask askof

1658

[DI + 2b]

[Di]

[D2a + 2b]

[D2a]

[D2b)

envy excuse forgive

allow eharge fine refuse wish

blameon supply forto

address to announee to eommunieate to explain to sayto

envyfor exeusefor forgivefor

blamefor supply with

advise about punishfor etc

The membership of[D2b] is numerous Here are further examples arranged by prepositions

thankfor eonvineeof robof refer to preventfmm depriacutevenf ltuspee f 9f sentenee to proleet from informof warnof subject ro imerest in persuadeof congratulate on treat to aecuseof relieveof confine to charge with convictof remindof introduce to compare with

Note that reflexive verbs (cf 625) sometirnes oecur with a prepositional object eg We pride ourselves on the serviee we ofler Sorne of the verbs abo ve (such as compare with) ean have two inanimate objects

In Table 1657 we have distinguished under[Dl + 2a] verbs taking to as their preposition from those takingfor eg

(i) She sent Paul a present She sent a present to Paul (ji) She made Paul a meaL She made a mealfor Paul

Occasionally a preposition other than to and for oceurs in this function

OiO She asked Paul a favour She asked a favour ofPaul

Distinct from [D2aJ and [D2bJ aboye is a kind of prepositional verb which has already been discussed in 167-8 a verb for which the direet object forms part of an idiomatic unit with the verb and the preposition The syntactic properties of this type which we label (D2e] have already been dealt with and it is enough here to list a further sample ofsueh idioms

1212 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1213I I

eateh siacuteght of make allowanee for put a stop to give place to make fun of set jire to give way to make afuss overabout take aeeount Ofl keep pace with make roomfor take advantage ojI lose sight of make use ojI take eare of 1

lose toueh with pay attention to 1 take note ojI lose traek of put an end to take notice ojI

Those marked with a raised 1 can take not only a prepositional passive (ef 167-8) but also can easily take a passive for which the idiomatically-fixed direct object beco mes subject eg (Some) allowanee was made for loss of eamings (Little) notiee was taken of this evento Other verbs can take the passive but with greater difficulty with these examples as with prepositional verbs in general idiomatic cohesion is a matter of gradience

Variants of ditransitive complementation

ID3J Indirect object + that-cIause object 1659 Corresponding to monotransitive verbs ofType [B3] (efI630) are ditransiti ve

verbs for which the direct object is a that-clause

John eonvinced me (that) he was right ~ I was eonvineed (by John) (that) he was right

The second passive is unacceptable when the direct object is a clause That he was right was eonvineed me Thus the first passive (ef 1655) above is the only passive that can occur with this pattern With sorne verbs such as eonvinee above it is impossible to delete the noun phrase object

John conviucJ (lhat) he was riguiacute

With other verbs such as show the indirect object is optional

The professor of mathematics showed me that Pythagoras was mistaken ~ The professor of mathematics showed that Pythagoras was

mistaken

Ditransitive verbs followed by a that-clause may be divided into a subtype introducing an indirect statement and a subtype introducing an indirect directive (ef 1433) In the indirect statement the that-clause contains an indicative verb in the indirect directive the verb may be indicative or subjunctive and often contains putative should or another modal verb (ef 1632 for the distribution ofthese options)

INDIRECT STATEMENT

May 1 inform you that your order is ready for eolleetion INDIRECT DIRECTIVE

mightbeShe petitioned the king that her father ~ould be pardoned

In the following list Type (i) verbs introduce indirect statements and Type (H) verbs introduce indirect directives The indirect directive construction is

rare and formal in comparison with the similar infinitive construction (ef 1663)

WOUldI begged her that she should help ltformal) 1 begged her to help ltmore usual)

For those verbs marked O the indirect object is obligatory foc those marked (O) the indirect object is optional for those marked laquoOraquo the indirect object is not only optional but unusual

(i) advise (O) remindO (iiacute) ask3 laquoOraquo assureO satisfyO beg3 (O) bet (O) show3 (O) eharge (O) eonvineeO teaeh3 (O) eommand laquoOraquo forewarn (O) tellO iacutenstruet laquoOraquo informO wager(O) order laquoOraquo notify 3 O warn (O) petition3 (O) persuadelO write2bull 3 (O) tellO promise3 (O)

The superscripts are interpreted as follows

1 Persuade in the sense ofconvince belongs to Type (i) but it may also be used in a Type (iiacute) sense of persuade someone to do something

2 Write is found with an indirect object + that-clause especially in AmE 3 With verbs so marked the indiacuterect object can be replaced by a

prepositional object (ef 1660)

Note Superficially similar W the [D3] pallern is lhe impersonal construction Iacutef strikeslstruck me (Ihal) asin

It strikes me this work is for his own amusement But here the Ihal-c1ause (as in 1634) is the extraposed subject of the verbo Compare He strikes me as (cf1646 Note [el) and lt occursto me that (cfI634 Note [e))

ID3prl Prepositionalobject + that-cIause object 1660 The verbs marked 3 in the aboye list can be optionally followed by a

preposition thus forming a category similar to [D2a] in 1656

He promised laquoto) me) that the debt would be repaid

For most verbs of [03] which permit a prepositional object the preposition is to

He wrote to me He reported to me that etc

Exceptions are ask and beg which (in somewhat formal usage) are followed by the preposition of

I askbegofyou that you will keep this secret ltformal)

There is in addition a group of verbs which were classified in 1631-32 as monotransitive but which optionally allow the preposition to preceding a prepositional object These may be distinguished as Type [D3pr] and subdivided into sub-types (i) and (iacutei) as in the paraUel description of [B3] verbs

1214 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Joan mentioned (to me) that her father was siacuteck [Type (O] Or Oay recommended (to her) that the treatment be continued [Type (ii)]

For elample

(i) acknowledge declare remark (ji) propose admit explain repon recommend announce mention say suggest complain pointout signal eoness prove state

As before Type (i) verbs introduce indirect statements and the less numerous Type (ii) verbs introduce indirect directives As befare too sorne exceptional verbs take a preposition other than to

She demanded ome that She agreed with me that etc

Unlike the nonprepositional verbs of [03] these prepositional verbs alow the that-c1ause to become subject of a corresponding passive clause an option which is more acceptable with extraposition

That several ministers are resigning has been admitted to our correspondent ~ It has been admitted to our correspondent that several ministers

are resigning It has been shown to us al that Miss Jones was innocent

Without the preposition ie with an ordinary indirect object such sentences are at best marginally grammatical 1It has been shown us al that Miss Jones was innocent

~~otc The constructions of lt appc-siexclappe(~iexclcfurseems ro me ha slipclfidaly appear ti) bclvuumlg to the paltero [D3prl but in faet these contain monotransitive verbs with an extraposed tnatshyelause as subject

It occurredlseemed to me that he was Iying esimilar patteros with extraposition in 1634 1659 Note

ID4) Indirect object + finite wh-c1ause object 1661 This pattern of complementatiacuteon is primarily found with the verb ask which

introduces a reported question

John asked me what time the meeting would end ~ 1 was Gsked (by John) what time the meeting would end

AIso used with this pattern are verbs which take an indirect object followed by a that-clause (Type (i) of [03]) but for these the wh-clause tends to be limited 10 nonassertive contexts (cf1635) Compare

George didnt tell them that the train was late [1] George didn t tel them whether the train was late [21

The difference of meaning between the that- and whether-constructiacuteons can be stated in terms of presupposition Sentence [1] typically implies that the train was late while [2] is noncommittal on the matter [04] verbs can also introduce other question words such as where and how

Tvpes of verb complementation 1215

Jim was reluctant to inform us (o) where he got the money Would you remind me (about) how we start the engine

A preposition may always be placed before the wh-c1ause In the aJiexclove cases the prepositiacuteon is optional but in the case of verbs like enquire o (Type [04prJ) the preposition is obligatory iexcl enquired ofthe clerk which doeuments were needed The complex preposition as to can be rather general1y used for introducing the wh-clause eg I enquired as to which documents were needed

[D5) Indirect object + wh-infinitive clause object 1662 This is yet another complementation pattern (comparable with [B5] 1637)

which may be taken by sorne verbs listed under[03] in 1659

advise ask instruct remind show teach tell wam

The instructor taught us how lo land saely - We were taught (by the instructor) how to land saely

They advised him what lO wear in the tropies Please remind me where to meet you afier lunch

The equivalent prepositional verb pattern [05pr] is iIIustrated by suggest to recommend to

Could you please suggest to the visitors which museums to visit

Here as in the [04] type a prepositional phrase introduced by as lO can be used

Helen advised us (as to) how to maintain the machine

f~ iexcl llt ~- I ~ i ~

~i ~ ~~

1663 ID61lndirect object + to-infinitive clause object We have seen that the [03] pattern may be used to introduce indirect statements and that the [04] pattern may be used to introduce indirect questions Now we tuen to the verbs of class [06] which introduce indirect directives (c1433)

1 lOldjadvisedjpersuaded Mark to see a doctor ~ Mark was toldjadvisedjpersuaded to see a doctor

[I] [2]

This complementation category looks like those of[B81 and [C5] in that the verb is followed by a noun phrase and an infinitive construction But the [06] pattern differs from these in that the noun phrase following the verb is an indirect object as will be c1arified in 1666 below As with other verbs introducing indiacuterect speech the subject refers to the speaker of sorne speech act and the indirect object refers to the addressee Like [03] verbs [06] verbs form only the first passive exemplified in [2] above we do not find To see a doctor was lOld Mark The folowing verbs belong to this c1ass

advise command entreat instruct remind teach ask counsel exhort invite request1 tell beg detai[l orbid order recommend urge beseech direct implore persuade challenge enjoin 1 incite l prayl

1216 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Those verbs marked with araised 1 do not have the equivalent construction with a that-clause containing a modal or a subjunctive verb (Types [B3(ii)J [030i)]) Contrast

They ~eg~tedd her to stay another week mm e

They ~eKgtedd (her) that she would stay another week mm e

The alternative that-clause construction however is more formal especially when the indirect object is presento

Note [a] The verb promire when it occurs wiacuteth this kind of complementation is exceptional in that the understood subject of the infinitiacuteve is identified with the subject rather than with the object of the maiacuten c1ause

Sarn prornised me to get some rood

= Sam promised me that he would get sorne roed o Sam promised me that lwould get sorne roed

The present pattern [D6] iexcls however less cornmon with promise than the [B6] pattern without the indiacuterect object Sam promised to get someiexclood lb] Only ordercan be followed by a passive infinitive He ordered Ihem lo be impriacutesonedlreleased

Multiple analysis and gradience in verb complementation 1664 Before we leave verb classification it is important to reflect on the problems

of dividing verbs into complementation types The major division of complementation patterns into copular [AJ monotransitive [BJ complex transitive [C] and ditransitive [OJ categories (introduced in 216) has been extended with little difficulty te include patterns in which the verbs ccmplementation includes finite and nonntildenitc clauses This is the basis rOiacute

the classification Qf verbs into types in 1620-63 aboye But unavoidably our aim of presenting a clear classification has obscured sorne problems of gradience and multiple analysis (e 260ff) and to illustrate these we return to three superficially iacutedentical structures aIread y discussed in 1636 These are now illustrated with three new examples each of which conforms to the pattern NI V N 2 to V N 3 (where N = noun phrase and V = verb phrase)

Table L664a

V N2 to V NJNI

[B8] S V O

We like all parents to visit the schooL

I [1]

[C4] Is V O Co

They James therace I [2]

[D6] I S Oiexcl

We I asked I the students I toattend

Ia lectu~en_~

Types of verb complementation 1217

Each ofthese sentences consists ofthe sequence Niexcl V N 2 to V N 3 and yet we have analysed them respectively as monotransitive (S V O) complex transitive (S V degCol and ditransitiacuteve (S V Oiexcl 0d) A different analysis in sorne ways more revealing would recognize an overlap between two competing descriptions of the intennediacuteate noun phrase N2 There is little doubt that in [1 J this is to be analysed as subject of the infinitive clause (e 1636) whereas in [3J there are equally strong reasons for regarding N as (indirect) object of the main clause (e 1666)

Smiddot V S V O 1shyI I

I I ISmiddot V 0 V OI I I I I iexcl I I I I I I I I I iexcl

NI V Nz 10 V NJ NI V N2 lo V N) I I I I

Fig 1664b Sentence[l] Fig 1664c Sentence [3J

Sentence [2J however partakes ofboth these descriptions From the semantic point of view it requires the analysis of Fig 1664b (ef They expeeted [that James would win the race]) But from the structural point of view the analysis in Fig 1664c is more appropriate reflecting N2s ability to become subject of the passive sentence James was expeeted to win the raee We might reasonably say that in [2J N 2 behaves like an object (0 rather than Oiacute) in relation to the first verb but like a subject in relation to the second infinitive verh Tbe term RAISED OBJECT applied in 1649ffto the intermediate noun phrase of patterns [C4 - Cn incorporates yet another way of recognizing this double analysis by envisaging a process whereby the subject of the infinitive becomes the object of the preceding finite verbo This raised object will be symbolized in what follows SO

1665 Given that the double analysis aboye provides sorne insight into clauses containing nonfinite complementation we could take such an analysis further and apply it to aH complex transitive patterns including the more straightforward SVOC and SVOA pattems of[Cl - C3]

that John is a good driver lB3J 1consider John to be a good driver [C4]

John a good driver [C2]

The paraHelism of meaning and phrasal relations demonstrated in these three sentences recommends an analysis in which the complementation of pattern [C2J John a good driver would be regarded as a clause in its own right ie as a verbless clause consisting of S = John and Cs = a good driver without an intervening V This description would not however displace the by now familiar S V Od Co analysis but would rather be seen as an alternative way of looking at the same construction

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1218 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Gradience 1666 The teehnique of multiple analysis stiU leaves some subtletiacutees unexposed

What this teehnique has suggested is that there are the folowing three eategories eorresponding to [1 in 1664

N 2 S We like all parenls to visit the school [1) N2 = SO They expeeted James to win the raee [2] Nz = O We asked Ihe sludents to attend a leeture

But more than three eategories ean be appropriately distinguished if we reeognize [1) and [3] as end-points of a gradient with [2) at some point on the seate between them This area of grammar affords a good example of gradienee

At the monotransitive end of the seale [I) ean be characterized by a number of criteria whieh suggest that N 2 to V N3 (al parents to visit the school) constitutes the direct object of an SVO pattern

(a) It ean be replaced by a pronoun referring to the cIause or noun phrase nominalizing it We like it We like al parens visits

(b) It can be an answer to a what-question A What do you like best

B We like al parents to visit the school (e) In some dialects it can be preceded by the infinitive clause introdueer

for We like (it)for all parens to visit the school (d) It ean easily (when preeeded by for) be the focus of a pseudo-cIeft

sentence What we like (best) is for al parents to visit the school (e) When the sequenee N 2 to V N 3 is turned into the passive form N 3 to be

Vedz by Nz there is no ehange ofmeaning We ike aIl parents to visit the sehcel

= We like the school te be visited biexcl al parents (f) In a reduced construetion the infinitive marker to remains We like them

does not have the same meaning as We like them to

At the other ditransitive end of the seale a eontrasting set of criteria eharaeterize [3) and support the analysis of N2 (the students) as an indireet object and to V N3 (to attend a lecture) as a cIausal direet objeet

(a) 10 V N 3 ean be replaced by a pronoun a noun phrase or a finite clause with Nz still funetioning as indireet object

SOmething We asked the students a question

what they wanted

(b) 10 V N 3 can be the answer to a wh-question while N2 funetions as indirect object

A What did you ask the students B We asked them to attend a lecture

(e) When the sequenee N2 to V N3 is turned into the passive sequence N3 to be Ved2 by N 2 the meaning is always changed

They asked the students to attend a leeture They asked a lecture to be attended by the students

this case indeed the passive transform results in an absurdity)

Types of verb complementation 1219

(d) to V N 3 can marginally become the focus of a pseudo-cleft sentence What they asked the students was to attend a lecture (Contrast the decidedly unaeeeptable What we like the parents is to visil the school)

(e) Nz which like Oi in general is usually personal can be detached from its place after the first V to beeome subjeet of a eorresponding passive sentenee The students were asked to attend a lecture

(n In a reduced eonstruction the infinitive marker to ean be omitted We asked them We persuaded them etc

Note [a] With some ditransitive verbs criterion (a) has to be interpreted as the replacement of the infinitive clause by a preposition and prepositional object (cfI656-8)

They reminded hiacutem ofhis responsibiacutelities One man challenged the other lo a duel

[b] Criterion (d) is less reliacuteable than the others since the pseudo-cleft sentence is unacceptable for many verbs But a pseudo-cleft sentence in which the indirect object is replaced by a prepositional object tends to be more grammatical Whal Ihey asked ollhe sludenls was lO attend a leclure (The alternative construction with the substitute verb do which also occurs with [1] is always more acceptable What Ihey asked Ihe students lo do was lO attend a lecture)

1667 To give a simplified illustration of the analysis of gradience in the sequence NI V N 2 to V N 3 we now take a subset ofthe eriteria listed aboye and apply them to a range of verbs on the gradient eonneeting [1] and [3] of 16_66

(1) (3) (4)(2) wantask elect intend

CRITERIA likeallow expectlel~ etc I etc etc etc~ (a) lo V N 3 can be replaeed by - - -+a finite clause

(e) ehange of meaning in passive -+ +of N 2 10 VN3

(e) N 2 can beeome subjeet of passive -+ ++

Fig 1667 A eomplementatiacuteon gradient

The matrix uses only three criteria and thereby distinguishes only four categories This is sufficient to indicate the principie however that the three categories [BS] [C4] and [D6) of our taxonomy eould be broken down iexclnto a finer spectrum of eategories between which the differences are small In effeet Fig 1667 distinguishes two subeategories of [C4] one (including elect and allow) whieh is c10ser to the ditransitive type and one (including inlend and expect) eloser to the monotransitive type Elect and allow respond to cri terion (e)

They elected Miss Coe to suceeed the present seeretary They elected the present seeretary to be sueceeded by Miss Coe

We dont allow residents to entertain visitors We dont allow visitors to be entertained by residents

1220 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

while intend and expeet do not

They intended the students to see the professor = They intended the professor to be seen by the students

They expeet the students to enjoy the classes = They expeet the classes to be enjoyed by the students

Note Por verbs in group (3) the voice oflhe infinitive clause and the voiceofthe main clausemay be independently varied with the result Ihat a SlIacutentence like They expected the students lo enjoy lile classes has tbree corresponding passiv~s with iexclhe same meaning

They expected the classes to be enjoyed by the students The students were expecled lo enjoy the classes

The classes were expected lo be enjoyed by the students

The last example has a passive verb phrase in both the superordinate clause and Ihe infinitive clame

Adjective complementation

168 Categories of complementation in adjective phrases (ef 228 721-2) are similar in variety to those ofverb complementation We distinguish [El-ES)as follows

[El] Complementation by a prepositional phrase [E2] Complementation by a that-clause [E3] Complementation by a wh-clause

i[E4) Complementation by a than-clause [ES] Complementation by a to-infinitive clause [E6] Complementation by an -ing participle clause

These complementation patterns can occur after an adjective (andmiddot its modifiers if any) in various syntactic functions For example

The violiacuten iacutes (rather) difficut to play (adjective phrase as CJ

Mary found the violiacuten (rather) diffieut to play (adjective phrase as CJ

The violiacuten is an instrument (rather) diffieult to play (adjective phrase as postmodifier)

The on1y posiacutetion in which an adjective cannot normally be followed by iacutets complementation is the premodifying position in a noun phrase a keen child on ehess But here too with certain constructions (Types [ES(iraquo) and [ES(v)D the complementation can follow discontinuously after the head noun The violiacuten is a diffieult instrument to play (ef discontinuity with comparative constructions IS75) For illustrative purposes we will confine examples in the following sections to the subject complement function The lists like the verb lists in 1620-63 will be selective

Adjective complementation 1221

Note There is a considerable parallel as the categories [El-ES] aboye demonstrate between patterns associated with adjectives and those associated with monotransitive verbs The chief difference is that adjectives cannot be followed by a noun phrase object To bring out the parallel further we could describe adjectives exemplified in 1669 below (averse to conscous oJ etc) as prepositional adjectives comparable with prepositional verbs We could moreover identify phrasal adjectives (derived from participiaI forms ofphrasal verbs) such as ron down (exhausled depressed) and phrasaI-prepositionaI adjectives such as fed up (with) These tatter variants however are rare enough lo be disregarded in the foUowing lists

[E1] Adjective complementation by a prepositional phrase 1669 Like prepositional verbs adjectives often forro a lexical unit with a following

preposition good atfond oj opposedto etc The lexical bond is strongest with adjectives for which in a given sense the complementation is obligatory Max is averse to games Max is averse Such adjectives are marked 1 in the following lists

The lists make a distinction between participial (ef 715-19) and nonparticipial adjectives The differencebetween participial adjectives and the -ed participle of the passive construction is discussed in 375-77 These lists provide on1y a small sample of the adjectives accompanying the prepositions concemed In particular it is often possible for the same adjective to go with two or more prepositions as in angry about angry at and angrywith

ABOUT He was very worried about her reaction (ef960)

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

angry knowledgeabe aggrieved frightened glad mad annoyed pleased happy reasonable delighted worried

AT She was badat mathematics (ef962)

NONP ARTICIPIAL P ARTlCIPIAL

angry good alarmed disgusted brilliant hopeless amusedmiddotmiddot pleased elever terrible delighted puzzled

FROM Thevillage is remotefromthe bustle ofcity life (ef918 947)

different distant distinct free remo te

OF She was aware ofhis difficulties

NONPARTlCIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

eonvineed ashamed empty proud1 afraid conseiousl glad

seared eapable fond 1 short1 tired certain full worthy

ONUPON Their plan was based on cooperation

NONPARTICIPIAL IPARTICIPIAL

contingent1 intent1 reliantl basedl set1

dependent keen severe hentl

Yiexcl

1222 Complementation of verbs and adjectives ~ Adjective complementation 1223

Note lal In general choice of preposilion remains the same after morphologicalIy related verbs adjectives and nouns differentftom differ from differencefrom But Ihis eorrespondence is not always lo be relied on contrastfull ofwilhfilied wllh proudofwith pride in lb] Other prepositions whieh less comrnonly enlee into adjective + prepositlon idioms iexclnelude for and lowards graleful for sorry for inclined towards le] Usedfollowed by the preposition lO a more informal synonym ofaccustomed(to) is participial in spelling but has the speeial pronuneiation nus~ Unlike accustomed however used does not oceur with a following infinitive (ef 1679) This adjeetival used to in spite of identity of spelling and pronunciation is quite distinet from used lO as a marginal modal (cf344) Contrast

Im used lO hard work I used ro work hard Id] In the past prescriptive objeetions have been made to the use of to ralher Ihan from after averse and different Howevee ro is the normal preposition to fol1lt11 averse and differenr 10 is quite widely used (esp in BrE) as an altemative lo differentfrom On iJifferent rhan cf1566 Note 1674

le] Wilh can be omitted after (fn)compalibie if the subject is plural cfmutual participation 1360

middotCarl is incompatible OUT Cad and Eva are incompatible

[E2] Adjective complementation by a that-clause 670 Like that-clauses following a verb that-clauses folIowiacuteng an adjective may

have

(A) indicative verb 1am sure (that) he is here now (B) subjunctiacuteve verb They were insistent (that) we be ready (formal) (C) putativeshould Im sorry (that) he should hove left ltformal)

The uses of the mandative subjunctive and of putative should have been discussed in 359 and 1425 respectiacutevely Putative should often occurs after expressions of emotion (sorrowjoy displeasure surprise wonder etc) and is often accompanied by intensifying expressions such as so such like thisl that ever or at all The indicative that-clause on the other hand refers to an established fact The foHowing pairs illustrate choices of construction

1 (that) 1 have to leave so early am sorry (that) you should have been (so) inconvenienced

(that) you didnt call the doctor before 1 am surprised (that) anyone ofyour intelligence should swallow a tie

likethat

With some adjectives (those in category [E2b(iiacute)] 1672) the should-clause can be paraphrased by an infinitive clause with a subject

It was natural for him to go to London after the war = It was natural that he should go to London after the war

That-clauses cannot be preceded by preposiacutetions Hence adjectives which are constructed with prepositions before noun phrases ([El]) drop the preposition before a that-clause (cfI628) Compare the folIowing

OfhiS innocence [E1 ] 1am convlnced (th ) h t [E2]at e IS mnocen

Many that-clauses folIowing an adjective are actualIy subjects postponed by extraposition (cf1833)

lt is lucky (that) you came - That you came is lucky

These are listed separately in 1672

lEla) Adjectives with experiencer (cflO23 Note) as subject 1671 (i) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATIVE VERB ONL Y (cfNote [a] below)

These adjectives express degrees of certainty or confidence aware certain corifident sure

We were corifident that Karen was stiacutell alive

(ii) THAT-CLAUSE HAS PUTATIVE SHOULD OR SUBJUNCTIVE VERB

(or marginally aloo an indicative verb) The three principal adjectives in this class are anxious eager and willing

he should be permitted to resiacutegn 1 Are you willing that he be permitted to resign 1

1he is permitted to resign 1 ~

(On the distribution of these three altematives cfI630)

(iH) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATIVE VERB OR PUTATIVE SHOULD

These adjectives express emotions

Im so thankful that nobody was hurto Were you surprised that Ray should win the prize

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

afraid hopeful alarmed depressed horrified angry proud amazed disappointed irritated glad sad amused distressed pleased grateful sorry annoyed disturbed shocked happy tha7lkful astonished frightened upset

There is a tendency to prefer the putative should construction in nonassertive contexts or where the adjective has negative or unfavourshyable associations

TO AH capital gains are subject to taxation NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

answerable close liableacute accustomedl

averse l due1 simz1ar allied1I WiTH This plan is not compatible with our princiacuteples

NONPARTICIPIAL I PARTICIPIAL

angry busy

happy impatient

annoyed bored

ClJmfortable incompatible1 concerned compatibleacute sick delighted content familiar friendly furious

uneasy depressed disappointed disgusted dismayed distressed

inclined1

opposed1

drunk enchanted obsessed occupied overcome pleased satisfied taken1

1672

1224 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Adjective complementatlon 1225

Note [a] The restriction oC Type (i) above lo indicative verbs only is meant to allow Cor the use of T

Note [a] Although tlle pro-forms so and n01 cannot be used after tllese [E2bI adjectives (ef 1671modal auxiliaries including should in a nonputative sense eg I am a~are that I should [= ought 1lo] havejoined longago iexcl Note [bJ) there iexclsa possibilityofreplacing the adjective + solnat by a related adverb + sonot

[b) Afraid is unique among adjectives in that it accepts the pro~oun so (and iexclts negative equivalent Mt) as a that-clause substitute (cfI631) rm afraid SOMI

IElbJ Adjectives with anticipatory it as subject

The that-elause in this eonstruetion is an extraposed subjeet Three types are again distinguished matehing those in 167l

(i) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATlVE VERBONLY (cfI671 Note CaD These adjectives have to do with truthor knowledge

It is true that she never cemes on time

apparent evident likely possible untrue certain implicit obvious true well-known clear indubitable plain unlikely

(ji) THAT-CLAUSE HAS PUTATIVIl SHOULD OR SUBJUNCTIVE VERB (or marginshyaIly also an indicative verb) These adjectives express eoncepts concerned with modality or volition

should be lifted tomorrow It is essential that the ban be lifted tomorrow

(1) is lifted tomorrow

appropriate essentiacuteal important necessary vital compulsory fitting impossible obligatoryshycrucial imperative improper proper

Various deverbal adjectives ending in -able also belong to this group egadvisable desrabIe preferable

(iii) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATlVE VERB OR PUTATIVE SHOULD

This group consists mainly of emotive adjectives and ineludes a large num ber ofparticipial ad jecti ves ending in -ing

Itmiddot strange th t She is so late IS upsetting a she should be so late

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTlCIPIAL

awkward logical alarming perplexing curious odd annoying pleasing disastrous peculiar depressing shocking dreadful sad disappointing surprising extraordinary silly embarrassing fortunate tragie frightening iexclrrational unfortunate irritating

Various -able-ible adjectives also be10ng tp this group admirable eommendable deplorable despieable incomprehensible inconceivable lamentable remarkable understandable unjustifiable etc

ha h l Id l h B Yes obviouslyfortunately soA 1 t IS apparentt t s e IVes oesn t Ive ere B N J I I di t o event y sa y no [b] When an adjective ofType (iii) above occurs after a modal verb construction the that-clause is commonly replaced by an if-clause If the modal verb in the main c1ause is hypothetical (eg would) the verb in the ifmiddotdause is placed in tlle hypothetical pasto Compare

It is sad that you have to leave It will be sad ifyou hove to lea ve

It would be sad ifyou had lo lea ve

[E3] Adjective complementation by a wh-clause 1673 As with that-clauses we have to distinguish those adjeetives ([E3a]) which

are predicated of an experieneer (normalIy a person) as subject and those ([E3bD which go with antieipatory it In the latter case the wh-clause is an extraposed subject Examples are

(onwhat 1should sayo [1]E3a 1was unsure[ 1 (about) whether the problem was solved [2]

[E3b] It was unclear what they would do [3]

Type [E3a1 consists of adjectives which are constructed with prepositions and whieh therefore belong also to Type [EI1 The preposition is sometimes omitted before the wh-clause (ef155 Note reD In Type [E3b] on the other hand no preposition can be inserted bull It was uneear ofabout what lhey would do AIso no infinitive wh-cIause is possible (ef i637) It is unsure where to go is unacceptable unless it refers to sorne aniacutemate being (sueh as a mouse) and is consequently not interpreted in terms of extraposition

Retuming to Type [E3a] we note that in sorne cases the adjective takes a wh-elause in assertive eontexts eg eareful (about) doubtful (as to) fussy (about) puzzled (as to) uneear (about) uncertain (o) undecided (about) unsure (0) unaware (o)

John is careul (about) what he does with his money

Most of these adjeetives are intrinsiealIy negative In meaning In other cases although elsewhere it is associated with an indicative that-clause [E2a(i)] the adjective tends to oceur with a wh-cIause in nonassertive contexts (efI635) eg aware certain eear sure

Are you sure (o) how mueh the maehine costs 1wasnt altogether cleaiexcl- (about) what we had to do

A similar division may be made among adjectives of the antieipatory-it type ([E3b]) Those whieh intrinsieally express doubt and therefore take this strueture even in assertive contexts include doubtful uneertain uneear unsure and unknown Those normally oceurring with an indieative that-elause (le Type [E2b(i)]) inelude apparent eertain obvious and plain They can take a wh-cIause in nonassertive contexts Each type is illustrated in

It was uneear whether an amendment would be accepted It was not obvious how far the westernization process would IO

~ltgt ~~~1~ 1 -~ Adjective complementation 1227

1226 Complementation of verbs and adjectives iexcl

After adjectives of Type [E3a] there may also occur an infinitive wh-clause 1 was uncertain (oi) what to do This is preferable to the finite c1ause in cases illustrated by [1-3] aboye since the subject can remain unexpressed in the reduced nonfinite version

[E4] Adjective complementation by a than-clause 1674 There is an unusual construction in which a noncomparative adjective is

foIlowed by a comparative than-clause as complementation Different is the only adjective which fits into this pattero and even then there is a tradition which regards the use of than here as impropero There is however no felicitous alternative to the different than construction in examples such as

Shes quite a different girl than she wasfilie years ago [11 The various styliacutestic variants of and alteroatives to the than-clause after different are examined in 1566 Note lb] When the c1ause is reduceacuted to a noun phrase it becomes possible to usefrom as an alternative to than

The unions are taking a very different attitude ~ the employers

When the noun phrase folIowing thanffrom cannot be derived by ellipsis from a c1ause than is decidedly less acceptable thanfrom

The main languages of southern India are totaIly different In origin

~~~ those ofthe northern partofthe country

Note [al On differenlrom and different 10 1669 Note [dI [bj It is aloo possible for a Ihan-c1ause to be used after he adverb difilrently

In the west of the country they pronounce their vowels quite aifferently han (they do) in the easl

The same prescriptive objections are made to differenlly Ihan as to different Ihan

[E5] Adjective complementation by a to-infinitive clause [675 We distinguish seven kinds of construction in which an adjective is foIlowed

by a to-infinitive c1ause They are exemplified in the following sentences which are superficially alike

Bob is splendid to wait (ii) Bob is slow to react

(iii) Bob is sorry to hear it (iv) Bob is hesitant to agree with yOU (v) Bob is hard to convince

(vi) The food is ready to eat (vii) lt is important to be accurate

In Types (i-iv) the subject of the main clause (Bob) is also the subject of the infinitive c1ause We can therefore always have a direct object in the infinitive clause if its verb is transitive Por example if we replace intransitive wait by transitive build in (i) we can have Bob is splendid to build this house

Por Types (v-vii) on the other hand the subject of the infinitive is unspecified although the contextoften makes clear which subject is intended

In these types it is possible to insert a subject preceded by for eg in Type (vi) The food is ready (jOr Ihe children) to eat

Infinitive complementation following adjectives modified by lOO and enQugh is discussed eIse Note where in 1S73

(ES(i)) Bob is Iplendid to wait Type (i) has an analogue in a construction involving extraposition (cf1833)1676 1t is splendid of Bob lo wait This type OC construction also permits a head noun between the adjective and the infinitive

Bob must be a spiendid craftsman ~ ~~bUilt this house

As this example shows the infinitive may be perfective We may also compare constructions in which an evaluative noun with its determiner

replaces the adjective

ffoolishYourelafool to spend so mucho

WOnderfUl Youre 1 to walt for me anange

Adjectives in this group are evaluative of human beha~iour They inelude

careful crazy mad silly wise careless greedy nice unwise wrong

These adjectives can also occur with anticipatory il and an of-phrase as additional complementation (cf1682)

It was foolish of you to spend so mucho

IE5(Hraquo) Bob is IOW to react In Type (ii) the sentence corresponds to one in which the adjective becomes 1677 an adverbwhile the infinitive becomes the finite verb

Bob is slow to react - Bob reacts slowlyc

In another analogue the adjective is followed by in and an -ing participle Bob is slow in reacting The infinitive verb phrase must be simple for example unlike the inftnitive phrase in [E5(i)] it cannot be perfective Bob is slow ItJ have reacted Other adjectives in this small group are quick and prompt

There is also a partial adverbial analogue (e8127ff) for Type (i) but in Type (i) unlike Type Note (ii) the perfective infinitive andeven the get-passive (e366) can be used

loan was wise to resigno ~ loan wisely resigned loan was careless to get beaten - loan carelessly got beaten

loan is careless to have got beaten

IES(iuumlraquo) Bob is 10rry lo hear it In Type (iexcliexcli) the head of the adjective phrase is an emotive adjective 1678 (commonly a participial adjective) and the infinitive clause expresses

causation

1679

1228 Complementation of verbs end adjectives

Im sorry to have kept you waiting [rm sorry because I have kept you waiting]

1 was exeited to be there [- To be there exeited me]

Adjectives in this group correspond c10sely to the adjectives followed by a that-clause in 1671 (Type [E2a(iii)D

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

afraid angry ashamed content furious glad

happy impatient indignant jubilant thankful

annoyed astonished bored coneerned delighted depressed

disgusted dissatisfied embarrassed fasemated frightened interested

overwhelmed perturbed puzzled relieved surprised worried

disappointed overjoyed

IE5(ivraquo) Boh is heaitant to agree withyou In Type (iv) the head of the adjective phrase expresses volitional meaning or a modal meaning such as ability possibility or liability Examples are

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

able keen determined anxious Iiable disposed apt Iikely [E2b] fated[E2b] eertain [E2b] loath inclined curious powerless poiseddue prone prepared eager ready [E5] (all) set eligible reluetant unqualified fit [ES] sure [E2b] free [ES] unable greedy weleome hesitant willing impotent worthy

The adjectives marked [E2b] occur with a corresponding construction with extraposition of a that-clause

JilI is likely to attend - It is likely that JiU will attend

Those marked [E5] are capable of occurring with an infinitive construction of passive meaning ie with an indefinite implied subject and a coreferential implied object

Theyare not fit to eat = They are not tit to be eaten

Some ofthe most common adjectives in this list have a tendency to coalesce with the preceding copula 10 form a semimiddotauxiliary verb (ef3A7) be able to be willing to be sure to In addition to modal and volitional adjectives some adjectives ofaspectual meaning such as aeeustomed and wont may be placed here

Adjective complementation 1229

We are aecustomedto take teaon the terrace (formal) He was wont to leave the office at 5 pm (formal archaic)

(ES(vraquo) Bob is lard to convince 1680 In Type (v) the subject of the sentence is identified with the unexpressed

object of the infinitive clause which must therefore have a transitive verb hence the unacceptable Bob Is hard to arrive There is an analogous construction in which the adjective is complement to an infinitive c1ause acting as (extraposed) subject (ef 1836)

- To convince Bob is hard Bob IS hard to convmce It is hard to convince Bob

Adjeeacutetives so used refer 10 degrees of ease or comfort and iexclnclude

awkward hard tough (informal) eonvenient impossible trieky (informal) difficult niee (informal) unpleasant easy pleasant

Unless there is ellipsis we cannot omit the infinitive c1ause and so there is no semantic implication between (say) The bread was hard to bake and The bread was hard Unlike the preceding types Type (v) permitsfor + subject to be inserted at the beginning of the infinitive clause Those darts are trieky (for a beginner) to use Where the infinitive has no overt subject its implicit subject is understood to have an indefinite meanihg

Jack is easy 10 fool =Jack is easy for anyone to foo

Note With some adjectives in this group such as nice or unpleasant the entailment relation between be + adjective ro V and be + adjective is less easy lO avoid eg Jenny is nice lo know iacutemplies that Jenny is nice

IE5(viraquo) Thefood is ready to eat 1681 Again in this type the subject of the main clause is identified with the object

of the intinitive c1ause But unlike Type (v) Typemiddot(vi) has no analogous construction with an infinitive clause subject

The food is ready to eat To eat the food is ready

Also we can generally (a) omit the infinitive clause or (b) substitute a passive infinitive clause without change ofmeaning

Are these cups available (to use) = Are these cups available (to be used)

Some adjectives of this type such as availablefitfree ready and suffieient belong additionally 10 Type (iv) so that a sentence like The lamb ia ready to eat is ambiguous in one sense (the most accessible) being equivalent to the passive The lamb is ready to be eaten Then there is a wider set of adjectives which often occur without complementation at all

The air isfrosty (to breathe) Its fur is soft (to touch)

1230 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

In both Type (v) and Type (vi) the subjectofthe main clause can be equated with the prepositional object of the infinitive clause so that the infinitive c1ause ends with a deferred preposition

She is pleasant to talk to (-It is pleasant to talk to her) This paper is terribly flimsy to write on Is the cloth sufficient to make a dress out ol

In Type (vi) as well as in Type (v)for + subjeet may be inserted before the infinitive verb Are these books free (for visitors) to borrow Are these books available to borrow]

(E5(vii)J Jt is important to he accurate 1682 We saw in 1672 that a that-clause following an adjeetive may prove to be a

subjeet postponed by extraposition (ef1833) A to-infinitive clause following an adjeetive may have the same oouree

It is essential to spray the trees every year - To spray the trees every year is essential

The infinitive clause can also be introduced by for + subjeet

It is vital (for the ehildren) to be properly cIad It will be strange (for us) to be living alone

Adjectives ofTypes (ji) and (iii) in 1672 ([E2b]) may have this construction importantJortunate lueky surprising etc Possible also belongs te this group

An addiacutetional group of adjeetives oeeurring after anticipatory it are those adjeetives (ehiefly naming evaluative attributes of persons) whieh occur in pattern [E5(i)] (ef 1676) The adjeetive in this group is often followed byan of-phrase identifying the persones) being discussed

It was wrong (of him) to teIllies iexcli

It is niee ofyou to phone

[E6] Adjective complementation by an -ing participle cfause [683 A number of sub-types ofthis pattem may be mentioned

(i) Busy is followed by an -ing participle clause without subject

Margery is busy writiacuteng Ietters

Worth and worthwhile on the other hand oceur both with and without subjeet

It is seareely worth(while) (youyour) going home

Here worth(while) follows preparatory it and the participle clause is an extraposed subjeet (ef1834) Other adjectives ofthis pattern are pointless and useless (Its pointless buying so mueh food) and adjectives of Type [E2b(iiacutei)J (efl6 72) also sometimes have this complementation absurd awkwardJortunate annoying etc

EIsewhere worth and worthwhile accompany an -ing participle elause without subjeet but with a passive meaning comparable to tbat of the infinitive elause in pattern [E5(v)] (ef1680)

Complementation of abstract nouns 1231

The cartons are worth(while) saving ( Its worth(while) saving the cartens)

(iv) There is a variant eonstruction in whieh a preposition oecurs between the adjective and the participle clause In some cases the preposition is optional (cf(i) aboye)

Im busy (with) getting the house redeeorated Werefortunate (in) having Aunt Mary as a baby-sitter

In other cases the preposition is obligatory We are used to not having a car (cf1669 Note [e]) Im hopeless at keeping the garden tidy Shes not capable oflooking after herself

Note [al The adjectival constructions in (ii) above may be compared in some cases with nominal constructionsof equivalent meaning

ts 110 goaduse telling him anything Theres 110 point (in) telling him anything

8uch constructions are introduced either by anticipatory il (el 1833) or by eltistential there (el 184$) AmE also hu Theres no use telling him anythlng (b) Worthwhlle is sometimes spelled as two words The vacillation between the spellings worthwhile and worth while reflects an unclarity about the status of this sequence which may altematively be regarded as the preposition worth (eI96) followed by a noun Compare

lts not worth your whife staying lts not worlhh whh~e (your) staying worl w 1

Complementation of abstract nouns

1684 In this coneluding section we will show as a conneeting link between this chapter and the next how the pattems of complementation described for verbs and adjectives in 1620-83 are aloo to be found with abstraet nouns which are morphologieally related to those verbs and adjectives (ef nominalization 1751ff and appositional constructions 1726 1735) For example the noun likelihood is derived from and semantically related to the adjective likely It is therefore not surprising that a construction associated with the adjeetive Is found with the corresponding noun

It is likely that Joan will get married [1]

The likelihood is that loan will get married [21 the likelihood that Joan will get married [31

But the assumption of eorrespondence eannot be automatie for it may faiacutel in both direetions

loan is likely to get married Joan s likelihood to get married

It is likely of J oans getting married the likelihood of Joans getting married

------__shyiacute1 11

COMPLEX INTRANSITIVE CONSTRUCTIONS p H MATIHEWS

1 Introduction

In sentences such as [1J

ArR C~Iltiacuteltmiddotli N ([1J Th~deitgreen ~

he construct~oEJ~QLordf JJP~ that GCE850ff describes as 9QMfLEX JRANSITIV~ Ofthe elements in questionit and made are related a~Jn tQllt ~imple transitive

j [2J They made it

YihiJe ir and green a~_~latelasinasimple_ltQI1llar_sentence ( [3] lt is green (- lt

~f the type that following Lyons (l977469ff) raquoe will call ASCRIPTIVE raquouacutet greacuteen- also standsJna direcueJordf9lsJIacuteIL ordm~_iii~de the object and adjective exemplifying a single I2atteIILof VERB COMllEMe~nrJ91 This paUCIDl can be sajd torepresenta IJJS10N (G e E 850) ofJ~ltsimpler transitiv iexcll~J~Jjpiexcly_e_tjPes - _shy

IH~~_sfiE~~Ve can be fused with th~~~tY_e_(lri~alsoP~ fused with theintransitixe1 Insentildetentildeces SUChas[4] -

MI It turned green

~construc~~~~~]y idmtifkQyaacuteth th~ of l3J in both examples the

l]

~ ~ ~ ENGLISH GRAMMAR

verb is described as copularor in the terminology of GCE820f as taking intensive complementation But neither description is quite appropriate to1 both cases In the~ptive sentence there i indeed no mor~than~pYhL~

1 2ampffiMical iP~ betwe~ the adjective and its subject~ plainly this ~ ~ is not true of [4] whose verb TURN has its own specific meaning lf turned~ iacute I is a full verb it must then be the govemor of green as made is in (1) in that

iexcl ~ sense there is cornplernentatjon But we express nothing by assigning such a complernentation to the copula A solution is to c1ass I4] as a COMPLBX

IITMNSITIVE iL~onsect_trJltiordmL being an extension of th~simpleJmransiUacutelLe _shy~ i I5] It turned

j precisely as that of (1) is extended from that of [2)iexcl

2 Fused constructions

Let us take our cue from GCEs referenee to fusionlo the simpl~L =nfu~~~_~~~~~~~)t1ecltgtnstVf1ionconsistso(asingJULeAicJ~tQI(lgde) which in a dependency ana~is has both the subject and the object as its dependents or to adapt G CEs term has both a subjeet and an oJkltt asit complementation lnJhaL~se (2) has a _K1U~~~_~ruetion (Lyons i977) w1jch cannotJiexclJLr~s~Cl9JUnQ(lt_e~mentary relationships of ptediCJJQJkSo too has the simple intransitive (5] vi1ihidepeiioenforior forming the complementation of tumed So too has the simple aseriptive [3] its predicator on the analysis ofLyons and others is the adjective green One reason for relatlng the subject to the adjective is that the elements are jointly subject to selectional restrictions A reason for not relating either to the copula is that the latter stands aside (rom these restrictions adding none ofitsown

In a fused construction the pattem ls neither strictly kernel nor straightforwardly non-kemellnJhegmplex transitive [lL1oth1tan41~Y are again direct ~cngents of made these relatio~_elQ~ the words in FigJbx direC1~ltaI~_uacutela~~I~Qordf-ordfl9blleiexcl)Uumlnamp21uacuteward frollLthe

~d

(aJiquest-Fig 1

[42]

P H Matthew$

p~ed~~ So is green arc el this too being supported by selectional restrictions We are therefore dealing with a single clause rooted in made of which each word is a distinct element But green js a1soapredicator in iexclelation to il (are d)J that wav we are dealing with two kernelp~QlS th~ fuurtermclauseinfQmQrating bothtM_~tuet~[IDJr~JlsitiYlljh~ twoshytenn a~-middot -_shy

In Fig 1 we have diagrammed what any grammarian will propose provided that his terminology or his notational apparatus allow him to say it Iut similar reasonjng applies to the construction which we have called the ~IpJex ln~~-ordfEsitive Of the relationships showninf1g --~~t~~~~_

it turned green

aAacutebJ Fig2

to ir (arcc)_isagainasintheascripJjy~ and needs no further cornment But the final element is clearly suJiexcliect to ru19jtional resr=l~ordmI~ tlTlJRI_ im~~tordm-~~it~~rAUQj~9iY_I9U~l~~ed noun (He turned pink He turned kings eVidence) iQ~~~1lined phrase is exCiuacuteded (He turned arog)

tDle~sthe p~e~~i0rl~lJ9rtn is ~~jordmntildei[qiireifitetuumlmed iexclnto a frog) ~itt G-ordm-1h exdusi(m is abgolule one cannot even say He went into a criminal

f [he adjeqtive is also Iimlted to specific collocations For example one can say It turned sour or Ir went sour but it is harder to accept Ir grew sour 1 Conversely one can say He grew od but not He went od On that evidence

j we may establish a relationship of dependency between green and tumedj (arc b) The verb too can then be related to the subject (arc a)

1 Epgth o~2am~ thefe is one terro ir lVhich is a9~de~~~~t1 theascriptile anCITlieletbalk~m~1 (Fig 1 ares b and d Fig 2 ares a and c) The fusion is then effected by a further link (Fig 1 arc e Fig 2 are b) in which ond of the two predicators een is ineo orat~a~_ ordf d~RendenlO(th~ I re atlon that uirk an4hl~ COU~_~ampI~s-1 jn the case of th complex intransitille hall app1ied the Iean intlaquo=nsve

mmplementatio~gly describe he yaleruLQ(IUN or iexcl l otIllBNinthisuseJuh~int~siYeint[ansitivx But the insight intildeaacute I

alsQ be extended to the complex transitiye In that spirit MAKE or MAKE as

used in sentences such as W might appropriatelL be described ~~_~n_ i ~ntensive transitive -J -bull_--------shy

[43)

ENGLISH GRAMMAR

3 Distinctions between tbe complex intransitive and other partly similar constructions

For a three-term construction Fig 2 shows the maximum number of interconnections with each term related to each of the others The miacutenimum isone thus for the ascriptive (3) we have adopted the structure shown i~

L with l~~E2nd te~~Il2= tlliacuten amaroe~ ordmrS1PP9~g~lexn~~ ~eLClatiacute9D~t~~~~t~first an~~~hir~ But this leaves five other possibilities which in theory might be realized ust as the second element_lt~p~ltmark(r ordfs inEig 3bullKlJQQmgordmHhetordm-iriexcl in thatJ~SiquestOillY

iacutet is green

Fig3

1he_verb vQ1lld_be a predicatorrwithonl)l1he_~ygtject related 10 it This structure does not seem to be realized at least not in away whiacuteCh is -relevant to our analysis Asecond_possibil~iuhatJmly the verb a~ ~~~iexcltiY~L iquestnjgl~~_rell~q in that ca~e bot~redicatoS_w-ordmyldIgt~ impersonal-vUh lh~su~ject a me~m~ce-filler This structure might conceivably be suggested for exampIacuteesmiddotSuumlch as [6]

[6] It got mistier

with a so-called ambient it But although it may indeed be ambient with respect to mistier it need not follow that it is ambient with respect to got

In the remaining cases no element is a marker but there are only two instead of three interconnections Ir there wem no link betw-IlJhe subject ~YMh(Ejg 2 are a) the verb1tSelf would agajn be impersmordf-~ I~ transformational terms its surface subject would be derived by raising (Postal 1974) from a subordinate adjectival clause lf th3ewere no intensiye lipk between the first and second predicators (Fg 2 arWJUlt verb would be a simple intransitive taking just t~_S)lbject as its complementation th~on of tbe adjec1iYtLL~ then be uumlMrn-~0n[7] forexample --- -_~

Eacutel He arrived saber J (~ eacute cc L f ~ 2 f

grammars do not establish an intensive or copular use of ARIUVB Finally

[44]

1 P H Marrhew$

if the ascriQive lik wer~~2ken iacuteEiKbJ~~ f)hHordmjlti~~ment woulordm-no longer bJlta predicaQ~ltiexclHQle wQuldin~teadb~ADVJllqt~iexcl as in 8)

(8) He ran fa~t

There is no doubt that the intensive construction is distinct from the adverbial and that sober in [7] is at least more circumstantial than green in It turned green But the subject-verb relation is more problematic in that a raising transformation has been proposed for one at least of the G C E s intensive verbs Let us therefore take that distinction first

31 Ofthe twenty or so most common intensive verbs (GCE821) SEEM and APPEAR particularly lend themselves to transformational analysis On the evidence of sentences such as [9]

(2) It seemed that they wereamp~e~

_U~naIlJral lo establish an underlying ~~ct~~

J~sIhey were green]~ seemed

irlYhIacutetEw~4)srelate(L1ot to they J~Q9green indhiOacute1lally but to the yiole ascri2tive kernelrom the same structure a sentence such as [10)

[10] They seemed to be green

can then be derived by further transformations of subject raising and infinitive formation Froro the structure reaJized by [Io]lIleare n3tllcalli

~m~ed to derive the comple~_~transiti~euacutell

[u) They seemed gre~

by a further transformation deleting the copuiacutea For SEEM the rules deriving [10] and [u] would both be optional But for

other verbs such as TURN or GO We could make them obligatory so It turned green could be the only realization of an underlying sUr was greenls turned the ambient Ir got misrier - [6] aboye - a realization of say s[mistier]s gorand so on If the obligatory rules were then restricted to the copula we would also ensure that any other form of embedded structure (g[he eft]s turned or g[he kissed her]s grew) was filtered out By such means a treatment which is widely accepted for SEEM and for which the evidence is at first compelling could be extended if it were thought appropriate to the entire intensive intransitive class

There are good reasons for not thinking it appropriate In a sentence such as [12]

[12] Harry got drunk

Qn~JsllQIacuteli~ply talking of a_~ate tha~ reslllttI s~o t~a~ ~~rry vs (45)

ENGLISH GRAMMAR

drunk or Harrys drunkenness happened) Nor is Harrya mere theme or tliexclfc (Aacute~-to-KarryQruniexcliquestenneacuteSs-l1ippened to him) tlamp11tbject iexclS1

potentia1lt-at-l~st--alMl~tgh-ge~~amp9run_~ wassoID1hiiL~hatJIal did The--verb mayaccordiacutentilde-gly take a subject adjunct (O CE 466]) thus I delibera tey got drunk or He foo(lshy turned traitor It may also supply the complement of a conative verb (1 did try to get drunk) may appear in the imperative (Dont get drunk ) and so on For sorne collocations this potentiacuteality is doubtless harder to realize (compare He delibera tey turned bue with He delibera tey turned nasty or He tried ro grow oder with He tried ro grow farter) but that is precisely the case for subjects and predicators generally lt is this semantic role that justifies the first link shown in Fig 2

which an impersonal structure as in (b)

(b) s[Harry was drunkls got

would relegate to the surface If (b) is wrong for Harry got drunk a transformationalist should consider

more carefully w hether a similar structure is correct for Harry seemed drunk Let us assume that it is correct for the construction with a that-clause (It seemed that Harry was dhmk) for SEEM and APPEAR a c1ausal complement does form one possibility Let us also accept that SBBM has a constant sense in all its constructions But for other current intensives (G eE 820 f) the evidence is more complexo With SOUNO a that-clause can be forced for example if a dative is inserted (lt sounds ro me that (hey arent coming) There is also an impersonal construction with as if

[131 It sounds as ifthey were green

which might be thought to derive from the same source The construction of [13] is also acceptable witb LOOK (lt ooks as ifthey arent coming) But between it and the complex intransitive we can find clear disparities in meaning In [13] the judgment is based on indirect clues what sounds or appears from audible information is indeed the whole proposition they were green But in the complex intransitive [14]

[141 They sound drunk

it is based on sounds that they are making For that reason it is harder 10 make sense of They sound green Likewise They [ook drunk means that they from their appearance are so But in It loob as ifthey are drunk the speaker does not even imply that he has seen them (Compare Prom what you say it ooks as if rhey are drunk) Ir we wanted a complex source it would be tempting 10 relate [14] not 10 the impersonal [13] with raising but rather to the personal [Is1

[IS] They sound as iexclfthey are drunk

with the second they deleted

[46]

P H Marthews

Personal and impersonal are often hard to separate as Palmer (1972) and before him Bolinger(l96la) have shown Ofthis group ofintensives TASTE

and 5MBLL are the most restricted in meaning and it is with these that the impersonal construction as in [91 and [131 is least acceptable With TASTE

neither seems likely Ir rasres to me that the soup is saty It tastes to me as if they are sweer If the second example can be interpreted it is by virtue of a blending with the personal construction (compare It tasres as ifit ) With SMELL the construction of [131 may be more acceptable (Ir smells ro me as if dinner is ready) but the blending remains With PEEL a non-tactile sense is possible (Ir fees Iikey) but is less established than the broader senses of LOOK or SOUNO (compare Ir ooks likey II sounds likey) It is in this case that my judgment is least secure would one say for example It fees (or Ir fees to me) as if they were green With SOUNO and LOOK the general sense is well established as in [131 or Ir sounds likely but there is still a sensory meaning as in [14] and [Isl which inhibits the pure impersonal with that With SEEM and APPEAR we are at the end of the continuum both having general senses only Hence the construction of[91 alongside the impersonal with as if (Ir seems as if they were green) Hence perhaps the infinitive construction of [101 with SOUNO and the others this too is awkward (They ooked ro have arrived Or Ir tastes ro me to be sweer) But it does not follow that the semantical1y general They seem drunk differs in syntax from the specifically sensory They sound drunk or They smell drunk We can even force an active interpretation of the subject thus They tried lO appear drunk or I deliberarey seemed irrftated

32 As [11] with SEEM Hes on a gradience between personal and impersonal so there are others which raise problems in distinguishing intensive from adverbial and circumstantial constructions For there is no criterion which is both sufficient and necessary

The obvious step is to tesectt for simpler transforms Thus J9r [12] Harl~ qrunk ~e can comp~jiexcleJgtimple a~ve Harry was drul~ TRANSFORM in that firstIy it is a a d secondly the predicator

-ORUNK hasnot a tq~ sense s no intraiiSIuvetrans[oacuterintilde ~stiiis~se of G BI is oot ~ble Nor has 4 r tumeirgeacute-iexcl an intransitive transform It turned since this involves a different sense oC TURN Ir there~~ an ascriptive transform but n9-Wn~itive the JhirdeiacuteeDlen t mult be a complementi so [41 and [12] must be complex intransitive Ir there is neither transform it MA y be complement but the col~of verb and adjective mjgbt rCaSantildea be classed as idiomatic Thus The roses have run wild has no transform The roses ve iiOr-aacuteoes it strictly match The rOSes are wild But WILO is at least an adiecti~ must stand in sorne relationship to the verb therefore R UN WILO is right1y

chmldw-rresultintensive (O eE) ---shy-- -_--g ~ _---_bull ~ shy

[471

ENOLISH ORAMMAR

If there is a simple intransitive but no ascriptive transr2ffil--_~~~ coacutentildeSffiiClioacutentilde-intildeuumlSt]ie iexcljdve(J2iacuteaIYlIacuteustrivialIy He ran iexcliuieacutekly has no ascriptive tiexclansfo~ He was quickly less trivially He travelled light does not match He was ight But what if we find both rlJgJQQordf~tillha$ordflJ ascriEtive _~ran~f~rrlJ~eYI1Jer~_~~ ~sectmL1aY-J~_a~~plement circumstantjallik~iilelltjnThey-sJoQdsilent ordfytlb~~j~llsothe simpler intran~1ti~ fbilystQPf so still ~ight be anadver~ like sileniTyintilde-fiieystood silenty Since there is no distinct form srilly the latter is hard to rule out For It shone white we can compare the formally adjectivallt shone brighr again there are both transforms (Ir shone Ir was white) But It shone brighr is c10se in meaning to the formaUy adverbial Ir shone brighry could white be an adverb in default of or as the commoner altemative to whirely Blending may aIso be found in idioms For example it is fruitless to ask if doggo is an adjective or an adverb in He is Iying doggo

For the circumstantial case both transforms are necessary thus [7] He arriuacuteiid sober has the triexcliexclntildeiiiacuteormsmiddotiexcliexcluacuteli-iexcliexclved andHe wasectSoacutebe Wewoacuteuumllifiliso ixpeeacutetthilUumlheveromiddotantildedmiddotildjectTe-shouId befreeOi collocationaI restrictions so He arrived sober He left sober He Jeft satisjied He arrived satisfied and so on But it is very hard to say when such a requirement iacutes meto One does not say for example They stood noisy or They sroodpeacefuJ on that evidence They stood sient might be classed as complex intransitive But neither is one likely to say They arrived noisy or They arrived kind Is that too a matter of collocational restrictions so that [7] is also intensive Or is it merely that NOISY and KIND are ill suIacuteted 10 this construction7 At this point jt is tempting to distinguish degrees of circumstantiality The extreme case would be represented by such sentences as [16]

[16] They stood there exhausted

(Iikewise They have arrived quite sober) where the adjective and verb are marked as separate Beside [16] the construction in [7] is less clearly circumstantial in They stood sient or They stoodfidgering it is perhaps even r less so But this last might stilJ be seen as less intensive than for example

iexcl They stood amazed Likewise They feJl exhausted is less clearly intensi ve than 1 They fell sick since it involves no special sense of FALL

~

f lrOacutel p1lI1riHmD ~ amires f0tr eompiex trlmSitive fu Tlieyfbuntlliim~

guilry there is a special sense OfPIND as ofMAKE in They mode it green In TIwy rrun Juacutem JOber tbat IacuteoS DO spcciiexcll SCDSII of)lEET~ by tbat cS ~ is more eircumsumlial BUl onc la unlikely lO say for eumple They me hlm meditative

4 Finally there is an obvious gradience between the coxnP-1ex intransitive ~nct the simple ascriptj~ With TURN 01 GROW there are~-selecUumlonal restrictions as we have seen With SBJlli or SIhV tney are far fewer

[48J

P H Matthews

neverthelesson~canI1Q~~yfordmr_~ordfmplelfil_sectil1Ied chairmqf1-ltcompareH~ stayelt chairman Qr1fsectJjiquest_riquest~cordfirmordfl1) or It srays obvious that (compare It seemsobvious that or It remainsobvious that ) With REMAIN it is hard to find any but at least the intransitive exists He remained) and their senses can be related Wth BECOMB that evidence too is lacking He became drunk can be distinguish-ed(rontildei1lieasgiptiYlt1g lu7ntl1k onlyJ~iiui~s from jts resultative meaning -_-

This merging has ied grammarians to treat the constructions together But we can do this only by assimi)ating BE to the mode) of verb complementation (as in GCE) not by assimilating TURN and so on to the model of a copula likethecpmplexrordfnsectitiy~nl_e compleimrap~W~i~ ayoor ca~~idatefltY-l~LIl~Jlt~IQ~-ordf_~~rnelltructllr~middot

M

~_

Page 11: in - UGR · (III). 11-70 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1171 Note [a] The ... In addition, we shall use where necessary the suffixes 'ph' (for

1188 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1189

The symbols to the right of sorne verbs indicate that these verbs also occur Tbe lo-infiniacutetive here howcver has a resuhative meaning which makes the construction

with the subjectless -ing clause (Type [B7]) or with the infinitive clause with a subject (Type [B8]) From the latter group howeyer verbs such as ask are excluded because the construction of sentences like He asked me to help is ditransitive (el 1663) rather than rnonotransitive

We now add a list of prepositional verbs belonging lo the same pattern [B6pr] The preposition is omitted before the infinitive clause object (cI92) but is present where the prepositional object is a noun phrase or for that matter an -ingclause Compare

about the baby [Blpr]

She didnt bOlher aoout feeding the baby

to feed the baby [B7pr] [B6pr]

In the following list the verbs are placed in semantic groupings corresponding to sorne of those aboye (apart from an additional miscellaneous group (ixraquo and the omitted preposition is placed in square brackets

(i) long [for] [B8] ache (for] aim (for] [B8] aspire [to] burn(for] burst (for] (not) care (for] c1amour (for] [B8] itch (for] [B8] yearn (for] [B8]

(jiiexcl) bother(about] [B7 B8] condescend [10] delight [in] [B7] hesitate [about] [B7]

Examples

(vi) agree [tojonjabout] [B8] assent [to] consent [to]

(vii) pretend [to]

(viii) strive (for] seek (for]

(ix) arrange(forJ[B7 B8] decide ron] [B7] resolve [on] [B7] prepare [ror] [B7] serve (for] [B7]

Martin longed to leave home They sought to rnake amends 1would hesita te to interfere Weve decided to move to a new house

Note [al We distiacutenguish the verbs of Type [B6] from ltltenative verbs (el 349) of seemiacuteng and occurrence preceding infinitiacuteve clauses which ltare not diacuterect objects but whiacutech relate semanliacutecally to a Ihal-c1ause as subjecl He appears lO like Ihe sha - Tilar he likes the show appears [Irue] The verbs in Ihis c1ass correlate c10sely with those occurring with obligatory extraposition ofthe subjecl (cfI634) appcar seem chance happenlurn OUI

Jt appearedfthancedthat the children were asleep The children appearedchanced to be asleep

lb] Another group of verbs which are closely associated with a following infinitive but which do not belong to Type [B6J ioc1udes hasten conspire and set out

1 hastened lO reassure her They conspired lO murder Caesar He set out lO conquer the world

resemble on the one hand that of a catenative verb md on the other hand that of an inlransitiacuteve verb folJowed byan adjunct With pay and (to a lesser extent) woit Ihe adjunct status is more obvious as is clear from th~ possibility offroming the iacutenfinitivc c1ause

You have to pay ro go in

- (In arder) lO go in you ha ve to payo He waited lo see her

- (Inorder) lO see her he wailed Similarly unlike begin + infinitive the infinitive following SIO iacutes purposive contras

She [S] began IV] to eat lunch [O] BUT She [S] stopped [V] to eat lunch lA]

On the other hand these two verbs have matchiacuteng uses iacuten complementation Type [B7J

began She t d eatmg lunch s oppe

(B7) Subjectless -ing participle clause as object 1639 Again with this type of complementation the subject of the nonfinite verb

is usually identical with the subject ofthe preceding verb

1 love liacutestening to music The accused denied having met the witness

[The accused denied that hejshe had met the witness]

This rule accounts for the restriction that when the participle is followed by a reflexiye pronoun the pronoun norrnally has to agree (in number person and gender) with the subject of the superordinate c1ause

She herself He -iexcl enJoys smgmg to lhimselj lI

But wiacuteth one small group of verbs (rnarked 2 in the list below) it is not the understood subjectofthe particiacuteple but its understood object that is identified with the subject of the superordinate clause In such cases therefore the participle construction matches in meaning the passive of the corresponding infinitiacuteve construction [B6]

mendiacuteng painting Your shoes need to be mended That door needs to be painted

(Th~ aboye use of need iacutes often replaced in dialectally restricted usage by an equivalent use of want)

For an addiacutetional group of verbs (marked 3 in the list below) the subject of the particiacuteple is indefiniacutete and is independent of the subject of the preceding verbo For example in He recommended introducing a wealth tax it is clear that the person recommending the tax is likely to be different from the persones) who would be responsible for introducing it The meaning of this sentence is equiacutevalent to that of He recommended the introduction 01 a wealth tax

In the following list of verbs in the pattern of [B7] Types (i) and (ii) correspond to Type [B6(i)] (emotive) and Type B6(ii)] (aspectual) The verbs grouped under (iiiacute) are however in thiscase a miscellany since further sernantic grouping is difficult

1190 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

(i) (cant) bear l (not)fanci miss l

begrudge l hate l regret l bull4

detest like relish

dislike l loathe resent l

dread l love l (cant) stand 1

enjoy (not) mind l

(ii) cease quit start l

commence resume stop I

eontinue

(jii) admit4 forget l bull J4 recommend l J

avoid (eant) heli rememberl 34

eonfess4 imagine repent eonsider iacutenvolvel J require2

deny4 justifylJ risk l 3

deserue2 need l 2 save l 3 diseouragel 3 permit l ) tryS envisage l 3 propose want l

(dialectaI2)

escape reealll 34

The verbs ofType (i) preceded by a negative (such as eant bear) have a builtshyin negative bias so that they cannot occur in straightforward assertive contexts

Cora doesnt mind waiting Cora minds waiting

They can however occur in nonassertive contexts

Do you mind waiting How can anyone bear wearing clothes like that

and also in second instance contexts ie where the construction refers back to a nonassertive occurrence of the same construction earlier in the discourse

cant stand] k h h 1A 1[ d ji wor mgwlt t atglron t anc)

fd ti [stand it JB We1I 1m a ral you HAVE to ji k h h ancy wor mg Wlt ero

Superscripts in the aboye lists are interpreted as follows

1 The verb also occurs in pattern [B9] ie with a subject preceding the participle (ef 1642)

2 The participle has a passive interpretation (see aboye) 3 The participle has independent interpretation ie the subject of the

participle clause is not necessarily coreferential with the subject of the preceding verb and may have indefinite meaning

4 The participle may occur with a perfective construction

1admit having seen it (l]

But with such verbs the nonperfective construction can also be used with past meaning Thus [1] is synonymous with [2]

1 admit seeing it [2]

Types of verb complementation 1191

This paraphrase relation however exists mainly withverbs of dynamic meaning contrast verbs of stati ve meaning

I admit knowing him 1admit having known him

5 On the construction with (ry cf 1640

Examples of prepositional verbs belonging to this class ([B7pr]) are

bankonl decide on playat seeabout counton l delight in l resort to shrinkfrom

O Examples of phrasal verbs ([B7ph]) are

break off give up Jeaue off putoff takeup

Examples of(B7ph-pr] are

doaway with get around to go infor look forward fo

The following sentences ilIustrate these patterns

We counted on getting there early [B7pr] Ive taken up playing tenniacutes [B7ph] Jim is looking forward lo having the house to himself [B7ph-pr]

It IS important to notice that the lo in gel around to lookforward to and resor to is not an infinitive marker but a preposition Hence 1 am looking forward to seeing you is grammatical but not 1 am looking forward fo see you

Note [al The superscript 1 in the aboye lisU is not added lo verbs like stop although a noun phrase can be inserted between the participle and (he preceding verb in ~uch cases

They stopped (her) working all night Thiacutes ls because the construction containing the extra noun phrase (her in the aboye example) is arguably complex transiacutetive (e 1653) rather than monotransiacutetive (as is evident from the marginally acceptable passive She was slopped working all nighl) [b) Also we exclude from the aboye lists catenative verbs such as go in We wenl running and gel in Gel moving (e349)

Choice betwecn the infinitive and participle constructions (lB6) and (B71) 1640 Where both constructions [B6] and B7] are admitted there is usualIy felt to

be a difference of aspect or mood which infiuences the choice As a rule the infinitive gives a sense of mere potentiality for action as in She hoped fo leam French while the participle gives a sense of the actual performance of the action itself as in She enjoyed leaming Freneh In the case of try the double meaning is particularly clear

Sh 1 t d to bribe the jailor [1 ] el a ne b b hln mg teJa or

[1] implies that Sheila attempted an act ofbribery but did not manage it [2] implies that she actualIy did bribe the jailor but without (necessarily) achieving what she wanted With other verbs the difference is more subtle and may be overruled or neutralized by the meaning of the verb of the main clause For example the negative meaning of avoid and escape cancels out the sense of performance in He escapedlavoided being branded as a traitor

1192 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Let us consider more carefully three classes of verb which take both

constructions

(O EMOTlVE VERas (see Type (i) in the lists in 1638 and 1639) With the verbs which take both constructions (eread hate like loathe love and prefer) the bias of the infinitive towards potentiacuteality tends to fa vour its use in hypothetiacutecal and nonfactual contexts eg

Would you like o see my stamp collectiacuteon seemg

1hateto seem rude but youre blocking the view seemmg

On the other hand the particiacutepial construction is favoured where the speaker is referring to something which definitely happens or has

happened

to live Bnan loalhed 1 m the countrylUmg

(But with would loathe the infinitive is just as acceptable as the -ing participle)

Here to Uve implies that Brian could exercise choice about where to live whereas living presupposes that he actually did live in the country and probably had no choice in the matter But in other contexts there is little appreciable difference between the two constructions

tocoOk 1 [to eat JDo you prefer k for yourself or t m a restaurant[coa mg ea mg

(in ASF2C7uumlAL VERBS of beginni1g (a~ti1urng) and ending also in many cases take both constructions

Lucy startedcOntinUedceasedto W~iteWhile in hospital IIntmg

In such examples as this there is no observable difference of meaning between the constnlctiacuteons But in other cases a contrast between potentiality and performance may influerice the choice

to speak but stopped because she objected He s tarted speakmg and k ept on for more t han an hbur

The association of the -ing participle with the progressive aspect may also influence a p[ference for the participle where multiple activities

are involved

to open allthe cupboardsHe began openlflg all the cupboards

Here opening is more appropriate than to open While sorne verbs in this group (begin continue cease sean) allow both constructions others (finish stop) altowonly the participle construction (Go on and keep (on) may be classified as catenative verbs (cf349) onfinishfstop followed by the infinitive cf1638 Note [b])

Types of verb complementation 1193

(di) RETROSPECTlVE VERBS For three verbslorget remember and regret the potentialityperformance distiacutenction becomes extended into the past so that there is a temporal (as well as in part modal) difference between the two constructions The infinitive construction indicates that the action or event takes place after (and as a result of) the mental process denoted by the verb has begun while the reverse is true for the participle construction which refers to a preceding event or occasion coming to mind at the time indicated by the main verb

1 remembered to fill out the formo [1 remembered that 1 was to fill out the form and then did so]

1 remembered filling out the form rl remembered that 1 had filled out the form]

lforgot 10 go to the bank [1 forgot that 1was to go to the bank and therefore did not do soJ

lforgot (about) going to the bank [rare without about 1 forgot that 1went to the bank or that 1should have gone ]

1regret to tel you that John stole i1 [1 regret that 1am about to tel you that John sto le i1]

1 regret telling you that John stole i1 [I regret that 1 told you that John stole i1 or that 1 am now telling you J

[B8) Complementation by to-infinitive clause (with subject) 1641 The verbs in this group (as distinct from the apparently similar object +

t infinitive -o1struction el 1650) are restricted to a small numbcr chicfly denoting (nol) liking or wanting (cant) bear desire hate like iexcloLe prefer want and wish

They dont like the house to be left empty 1 wouldn t want you to lose your way

After these verbs the noun phrase preceding the infinitive cannot be made the subject of a passive main c1ause The house isnt liked to be left empty (by them)

There is moreover an alternative construction (chiefly restricted to AmE) in which the noun phrase is preceded by for which marks it as the subject of an infinitive clause rather than as object ofthe main clause

Jack prefersfor his wife to drive the truck ltesp AmE)

These two observations point in the direction of a monotransitive analysis of such verbs

In the following howeverJor has a different status and must occur in both AmE and BrE

They arranged for Mary to come at once

In this case the construction is that of a prepositional verb arrange for ([B8prl) the infinitive clause acting as prepositional object Other examples

1194 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

wherejor occurs as part of a prepositional verb are askfor eatlfor aehefor aim for bum for burst jor eare for clamour for erave for hope for iteh for long jor plan joacuter prepare for wait for yearn for

We were al achingburningbursting jor the performance to begin They plannedfor the mayor to arrive on the following day

For some of the verbs in these clauses the that-clause with should ([B3(iiacute)j) is an alternative form of complementation

They planned that the mayor should arrive on the following day

A further reason in favour of a monotransitive analysis of verbs of Type [B8pr] is the possibility (in some cases) of a passive with or without extraposition

For the administration to resign so quickly was not called foro It had been arranged for the food to be served indoors

Note [al Sorne [B8pr] verbs such as arrangefor planfor and preparefor also have a [B2] construction in which they are followed by a direct object Compare Have you arranged the meeting Have you arrangedfor iexclhe meeting Compare also She askedfor the children to leave and She asked iexclhe children O leave [b] Desire expect and intend although they tit into this category with respect to introductory for and the extraposed passive also accept the passive of the raised object which applies to [C4] (cfI650) Thus expect for example pennits two associated passives

It was nOt expected for the administration to resigno The administration was not expected to resigno

The former of these however is felt to be awkward and of marginal acceptability On such contlicts of c1assiacutefication cfI664jf

jB91 Complementation by -ing participle clause (with subject) 642 Verbs which accept this pattern comprise a considerable subset of those

verbs accepting the subjectless -ing clause as object they include the verbs marked 1 in the list of 1639 The genitive form of the subject is an option in formal English (ef 1512) but is often felt to be awkward or stilted

1 dislike him his driving my car We look forward to youyour beeoming our neighbour

In some cases particularIy when the subject of the participle is not a pronoun and does not have personal reference the geniti ve option is rare

vehicle h hPeter stoppe d te h l cras mg mto t e ence h ve lees

The genitive is also rare with a pronoun with nonpersonal reference

1 look forward to ~t geUing warmer in spring lts

The verbs of negative meaning stop prevent and prohibit have a related ditransitive construction (cfI656f) in which the prepositionfrom precedes the -ing clause as second object

They tried toacute preven the planefrom landing on the runway

Types of verb complementation 1195

Thus thefrom is optional In the very few cases where we have a choice between an -ing participle

and a to-infinitive construction there is usual1y felt to be a difference ofaspect or mood such as that described in 1640

1hate the children lo quarrel [ theyre ordinarily such good friacuteends] [1]

1 hate the children quarrelling [ all the time] [2]

focuses on the childrens potential for quarrelling [2] emphasizes their performance the point being that they do quarrel rather often in fact An aspectual difference is uppermost in

ehiming ( all night long) 1h he c oc k ate t l

to ehlme ( Just when Im gOtng to sleep)

The infinitive suggests a single chime while the participle suggests continual chiming (ef435 467f)

Note Verbs ofthe observational type eg notice in 1 noticed him writing a leller do not belong in this group and are dealt with in 1653 For such verbs the genitive is not a possible alternative iexcl noticed hiacutes writiacuteng a Jeter

Complex transitive complementation 1643 In 216 we applied the term COMPLEX TRANSlTIVE to verbs in the pattems

SVOC and SVOA In this chapter we extend the term to other clause patterns in which an object is followed by another element which is not an object (eg a nonfinite clause) A distinguishing characteristic o[ complex transitive compiemculiIacuteuacutelI j thallhe two elltments iacuteuiiuwiug the yerb (eg object and object complement) are notionally equated with the subject and predication respectively of a nominal c1ause For example

MONOTRANSlTIVE She presumed lhat her father was dead [1] She presumed her father to be dead [2]

COMPLEX TRANSITIVE Sh d h 1 h d d [3]e presume er Jat er ea

In [3J her father (O) and dead (C) are equivalent in meaning to a separate clause viz the that-clause in [l] This relationship remains where the object complement is expanded into an infinitive clause as in 2] Yet her father to be dead in spite of its clause-like meaning and appearance does not act syntactica1ly as a single constituent as is evident in the passive where the O is separated from its complement

Her father was presumed (by her) to be dead

This divisibility into two elements of a semantically clausal construction following the verb is the defining property ofcomplex transitive complementshyation

We begin with three already familiar patterns of complex transitive complementation those corresponding to [A I-A3] (ef 1621-4)

Note On the simiacutelarities between complex transitive and ditransitive complementation see 1666ff

1196 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

ICII Adjective phrase as object complement 1644 The SVOC pattern (ef216) in whiacutech the object complement is an adjective

phrase is found with verbs which like copular verbs may be divided into CURRENT and RESULTING types

You should keep the cabbagefresh (1] That music drives me mad [2]

The verb keep in [1] introduces the current attributefresh while the verb drive in [2] introduces the resulting attribute mad These two verbs therefore exemplify the two main categories ofcomplex transiti ve complementatiacuteon in this pattern The current verbs (ef1621ff) are usually staiive and the resulting verbs are always dynamic Further examples ofeach type are

CURRENT RESULTING

hod[C2] (v) drive [C4] keep [C2] get [C4] eave [C2] make [C2 C4]

prove [B3 C2 C4] (ii) eall [C2] render[C4]eonfess [B3 C2 C4] sendprofess [B3 C2 C4]

pronounce [B3 C2 C4] turn

report [B3 C4] eertify [B3 C2 C4] declare [B3 C2 C4] like proclaim [B3 C2 C4] prefer[B3]

want wish [B3 C2 C4]

(iv) beliacuteeve [B3 C2 eonsider [B3 C2 C4] deem [B3 C2 C4] find [B3 C2 C4] hod[B3 C4] imagine [B3 C2 C4] judge [B3 C2 C4] presume[B3 C2 C4] rate [C2 C4] reekon [B3 C2 C4] suppose [B3 C2 C4] think [B3 C2 C4]

Type (O is a category of current verbs of general meaning Type (ii) consists offactual speech act verbs (cf1631) Type (iii) of volitional verbs Type (iv) of verbs of inte11ectual state Type (v) of general resulting verbs and Type (vi) ofresulting verbs referring to speech acts which havethe performative force of declarations (Hod occurs twice in the aboye list as a general verb [Type (i) as in She hed her head high] and as an inte11ectual state verb [Type (iv) as in 1 hod you responsibe]) The symbols added after sorne verbs indicate other related complementation types to which those verbs belong

Types of verb complementation 1197

[B3] The verb can also be used monotransitively (el Note (a]) with a that-clause

[C2] The verb can also occur wiacuteth a noun phrase as object complement [C4] The verb can a1so occur with an object + infiniacutetive construction

Examples

The secretary eft a1l the letters unopened The doctors pronounced her conditiacuteon uttery hopeess Oi) 1want my coffee stronger than this (iii) Weve alwaysfound the assistants very frtendy (iv) The long waIk made us a11 hungry They have declared the house unfit for habitatiacuteon (vi)

Note that the adjectival complement may contain modifiers and adjectival complementation (ef1668-83) A passive construction in which the direct object becomes subject is also an important criterion

AH the letters were left unopened (by the secretary) (i) Her condition was pronounced uttery hopeess (by the doctors) (ji)

Note [a] There is sometimes a meaning difference between the object complement construction and the corresponding that-clause [B3) or objeet + infinitive [C4] eonstruction

1 imagined myself severely ill [3] p 1 imagined myself to be severely ill [4]

Sentence [3] suggests that the speaker is indulgiacuteng in a flight of faney sentence [4J suggests that the speaker is deluding himself (eg that he is a hypochondriae) A differenee is also to be observed between [5] and [6]

They gol him angry [5J p They got him lo be angry (6]

where [5J suggests made him angry in spite of himself and [6] suggests persuaded him to be angry (Yet a third meaning is represented by Donl get me wrong [Dont misunderstand me J) Two iacuteurther comrasts are

We found the ehildren undernourished [ We encou nte red them iacute n tha t cond i tiacuteon J [7] p Wefoundthe children lo be undernourished [8]

[Our examination revealed their condition] and

He declared the meeting offieial He declared the meeting lO be officiaL

where [9] has a performati ve and resultati ve force (The meeting beeame official as a result of his announeement) not regularly present in [lO] [b] Have in sentences sueh as We have IWO employees sck is not a member of the [CI] category but belongs to a special have-existential construetion lo be discussed with existential sentences in general in 1851 Since it has no passive this elause construction lacks one criterial feature of comp1ex transitive constructions Two employees are had sick [e] There is a variant order in which the object complement precedes the object eg He thought desirable most ofthe women in the room (efIS37) This order tends to occur when the object is a long noun phlase

1645 In addition to the verbs listed in 1644 aboye there are many verbs which belong more peripherally to Type [C1] Their membership is more peripheral in one or both of the following respects (a) They occur only in restricted sequences such as rub dry (ef 1617) (b) They can occur in the [BI] monotransitive construction without appreciable change of meaning iacutee the object complement is optional and resembles an optional adverbial Iil the following typical co11ocations the object noun phtase is symbolized by N

1

Types of verb complementation 11991198 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

CURRENT RESULTING

bring (a child) up health boil (an egg) 8aft 1

buy N eheapl erap (hair) shoriexcl1 return (a letter) unopened freeze N hard serve (food) hOlleold paint N redblue 1

seU N eheaplnew1 roll N flat sweep (the fioor) clean 1

calour N blueyellow 1

dye N pinklgreen 1

knock (someone) senseless polish N smooth 1

scrape N clean I swing (a door) open

For those combinations marked l the object complement could be easily omitted without a change in the basic sense of the verbo

Among resulting attributes the adjectives open loose free and clean are particularly common push N open shake N loose set N free wipe N clean

The collocations make sure and make certain are peculiar in that the object is a that-clause and always follows the adjectivaI complement

Please make sureleertain that you endose your birth certificate

There is no passive be made surecertain With other collocations the that-clause object is postponed by extraposiacutetion (ef 1835)

He found it strange that no one else had arri ved 1think it very odd that she left without saying goodbye The emperor pronounced it illegal for landlords to enfranchise their

tenants

Extraposition is optional with make N clear and therefore the preparatory it may be omitted She made (it) eear that we were regarded as trespassers

Note [al Sorne collocations require the object to be a rellexive pronoun Ilaughed myself sick They roared themselves hoarse Here the object complement cannot be omitted llaughed myself [b] The resultative pattern illustrated in thiacutes section is quite productive and occurs with rare or newly-converted verbs such as selotape and scotchtape selotape N fiat ltRrE) seotehtape N fiat (AmE) Similarly

iexclve deepfrozen the bread solido

(C21 Noun phrase as object complement 646 Most of the verbs listed in 1644 can occur also with a noun phrase

complement In addition there are a few verbs which occur with anoun phrase but not with an adjective phrase as complement eg appoint These verbs marked 1 in the list below can also occur with theobject + infinitive construction

The queen appointedWilliam Cecil (to be) her personal secretary

The list is subdivided into categories corresponding to those in 1644

(i) hold2 (iv) believe (v) appoint l2middot 3

keep2 consider2 choose 2 3

eleetl 2 3leave deem esteem l 2 3 make(ii) cal find provecanfess imagine2 voteprofess

pronounce judge2 (vi) baptize13

presume certify 23 (iii) wish 3rate2 christent bull

reckon2 erown l bull 2bull 3

suppose declare think proclaim

namemiddot23

The superscript 2 indicates that the as-construction (cf 1 647) is also possible The superscript 3 indicates that the verb is also monotransitive and that the verb retains the same meaning when the object complement is omitted Hence She appointed him secretary implies that she appointed him Examples of each sub-type follow With profess and wish which are used to illustrate subtypes (H) and (iii) respectively a reflexive pronoun as object is normal

She held her niece (a) captive for several years (i) The prince professed himself a supporter of free speech (ji) 1have often wished myself a millionaire (iii) Charles does not esteem him a trustworthy adviser (iv) The committee has elected you its chairman (v) Her parents named her Sophia after her grandmother (vi)

Some verbs in this pattem are unlikely to occur in the adive eg think beiacuteieve reckon The foilowing are exampies of the passive conslruclIacuteon

Her niece was held (a) captive for several years (i) She was named Sophia after her grandmother (vi)

As with Type (el] the object may be a clause postponed by extraposition

We have made it a condition that the new agreement be signed by all the original signatories

He has proved it a falIacy that old age brings wisdom

Note [al The zero article occurs optionally with captive and prisoner as object complements as in (i) above She held her niece (a) caplive Hold capliveprisoner and keep captivepriacutesoner are unusual in that the omitted article is indefinite rather than definite Examples of the zero article with definite meaning (eS42) are

Edgar was judged overall winner They appointed Sue captain of the athletics team

[b] The object + infinitive construction with 10 be as with Type [Gl] is not always equivalent to the pattero with a phrasal object complement For example name can be used with 10 be only if the following noun phrase designates a future role or status

Her parents named her (0 be) Gladys The selectors named her (lo be) a memberofthe touring team

As can be used with name only on the same condition as applies to lO be Her parenls named her as (adys (cf 1 647 below) [el The copular retation can obtain not only between the object and complement as in [11 bu also between subject and complement as in [21

t iexcl

1200 Complementation of verbs and adjectiacuteves

She made him iexcliexcl good husband (S V OC) [1 J She made him a good wife (S VOC) [2J

[1 Jhas the passive analogue He as gtladea good husband but in the entirelydifferentconstruetion of (2] where the copular rdation is between she and a good middotle no passive is possible Thc meuning is She Vas a good wire to himmiddot A prepositional verb 01 this Same unusuallattcrn is strike l in 101 example

He stmck me os a brilliant slralegist where a brilianl strategist is su bjcet eomplement

(Clprl and (C2prl Object complement foUowing prepositional verb 1647 The preposition as designates a copular relation particularly in specifying a

role or status associated with the direct object The ehureh eondemned the relie as a lraud Following a complex transitive verb and a direct object the prepositional complement of as functions semantiacutecally as an attribute and may be termed a prepositional object complement in the same way as the noun phrase following a transitive prepositional verb is called a prepositional object

a geniacuteus [C2] We considered him as a genius [C2pr]

tobeagenius [C4]

1 bull (as) a genius ~ He was consdered t b

o e agemus

Consider as like regard as class as etc therefore exemplifies yet another type of prepositional verb one that is followed by a prepositiacuteonal object complement rather than a prepositional object

Occasionally the prepositionlor occurs in this copular function instead of as

He took these words as evidence He took me lor a fool

In the following list for verbs in column (i) the preposition is optional where for verbs in column (H) the preposition is obligatory

(i) appoint (as) (ii) aeeept as ehoose (as) aeknowledge as eonsider (as) eharaeterize as eount (as) class as deem (as) define as esteem (as) describe as rate (as) intend as reekon (as) mistakelor report (as) regard as eleet (as) see as eertify (as) take asllor erown (as) trea as make Unto) use as proclaim (as)

Most verbs in [elpr] and[e2pr] can also introduce an adjective phrase in the function of prepositional object complement

Types of verb complementation 1201

The experts raled his paintings (as) poor bUI representalive ol their class

They classed Jane as partialty sighted The media described the situation as hopeless ~ The situation was described as hopeless

Verbs not allowing this construction are marked 1 in the aboye lists The construction iacutes exceptional in allowing an adjective phrase to occur after a prepositiacuteon A more orthodox construction is obtained by adding the word being before the adjective phrase and thereby converting the prepositional complement into a nominal -ing clause

The media descriacutebed the situation as being hopeless

Note [al Count as and rate as can also oecur in an analogous as-conslruction without lhe object as prepositional copular verbs eg This coanslraes as a tWtable success (e 1622 Note lb]) [b] Allhough as is classcd as a preposition in Ibe above pattern il in some ways resemblcs the conjunction as which introduces clauses of comparison (e15 71) Consider Ihe following curious examples in which as introduces on Ihe one hand a clause and on the other hand a noun phrase in an appositional relation lo Ihe clause

Report me as 10m - a superannuated dolt Hedescribcd her as heound her a liar

(C31 Complementation by object and adjunct 1648 Our next category Type [e3] consists of verbs which occur in the SVOA

pattern (el216) ie verbs which ha ve as their complementation an object followed by a predication adjunct The most characteristic adjuncts to occur in this pattern are prepositional phrases of space and more particularly of direction eg

1 slipped the key into the lock He stood my argument on its head [2] Take your hands out olyour poekets

The passive iacutes illustrated by

The key was slipped into the lock [1 al Sentence [2] exemplifies the abstract or metaphorical use of such verbs and adjuncts Many of the verbs which fit into this pattern are causative verbs of motiacuteon put get stand se sit lay place send bring take lead drive etc The class is open-ended since verbs normally without causative meaning can be adapted to this function eg show see elbow etc in

The attendant showed us to our seats [conducted us ] May I see you home [escort you ] He elbowed and bribed his way to fame They talked me into it [persuaded me ]

Other verbs are associated with space position adjuncts rather than direction adjuncts

They lelt the papers at my offiee Always keep your eyes on the road when driving

1

i

1202 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

The attackers eaught us ofJour guardo He wished them at the bottom ofthe sea

Again the spatial meaning ofthe adjunct rnay be understood in sorne abstract or rnetaphorical sense as in the third exarnple aboye

Adjuncts of other sernantic types are less cornrnon but instances are the adjunct of rnanner following treat

badIY Her parents treated her as ifshe were a baby

as like a small ehild

and the optional adjunct of duration following last

This rnoney will ha ve to last you laquo(for) six months)

Note [al Treot has a dilferent meaning when the adjunct is omitted Her parents treated her [= did something pleasant for her]

[b] Superficiacuteally similar to the aboye pattern iacutes that iIIustrated by remind andfurnish followed by an object and a prepositional phrase

She reminds me ofmy sister They furnished all the passengers with iexclfe jackets

These however are classed as transiti ve prepositional verbs (cfI6 7-8) and will be dealt with in 1656fbelow The difference between Ihese prepositional verbs and verbs of complemenlation Type [e3] is that in Ihe former case the lexical verb governs a particular preposition remind offurnish with (Alternative prepositional constructions are sometimes available however provide withprovide for)

Variants of complex transitive complementation 649 We now examine variants of complex transitive cornplernentation in which

thc direct object iexcls f01lowltd by ji nonfinite dau~1 acting as predication adjunct Al four kinds of nonfinite construction (ef 146-8) are possible

[C4] to-infinitive [C6] -ing participle They knew hirn to be a spy 1caught Ann reading my diary

[CS] bare infinitive [C7] -ed participle 1heard someone slam We saw him beaten by the

World Heavyweight Champion thedoor

The nonfinite clause in these patterns (in italics in the above table) has no subject itself but its implied subject is always the preceding noun phrase which is object of the superordinate c1ause This noun phrase which if a personal pronoun is in the objective case is commonly termed a RAISED

OBJECT (ef further 16640) semantically it has the role of subject of the nonfinite verb but syntactically it is raised from the nonfinite c1ause to function as object of the superordinate verbo Hence in general this noun phrase (in italics in the table below) can become subject of the corresponding passive (The passive of [C5] normaly requires substitution of a to-infinitive for abare infinitive the passive of [C7) is of marginal currency ef 1654 Note [a))

(C4] He was known to be a spy

[eS] Someone was heard to slam the door

Types of verb complementation 1203

[C6] Ann was caught reading rny diary

[e] He was seen executed by a firing squad

On the face ofit the patterns [C4] and [e6] are indistinguishable from the rnonotransitive patterns [B8] (eg She hates the train to be late) and [B9] (eg She hates the train being late) in which the nonfinite c1ause has a subject of its own The ability of the noun phrase preceding the nonfinite verb to become subject of a passive is however an important distinction between thern (see further 1651 and 1653)

These patteros [e4] and (e6] are distinguished from corresponding patterns in which the Note nonfinite c1ause is an adverbial by the raet that the iacutemplied subject of the nonfinite verb is O rather than S Note the ambiguity of

She left him to finish the jobo She lert him holding the baby

IC4J Object + to-infinitive complementation The verbs in this group are rather numerous and rnay be subdivided 1650

(vii) assist bother bribe eondemll dariquest defy encourage help induce inspire press summon

semantically into the following categories

(iacute) announee declare proclaim pronounee

(H)

reporl repute [esp P rumour (P only] say[P only] tip (esp BrEgt

assume believe eonceive (formalgt eonsider expeet feel jind imagine know presume reekon see [P only1 suppose take thiacutenk[esp P1 understand

(iiiacute) intend mean

(iv) appoint elect name vote

(v) cause drive force get[no P] lead prompt

(vi) alow authorize compel eonstrain enable entitle equip jit oblige permit requiacutere

[P = Passive]

1ZU4 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Types (i) and (ti) correspond to the factual verbs of category [B3J discussed in 1631 the nonfinite construction following these verbs can often be replaced by a lhal-clause with an indicative verbo Compare

The poli ce reported that the traffic was heavy [B3] The police reported the traffic to be heavy (formal) [C4]

JOhn believed that the stranger was a policeman [B3 = John believed the stranger to be a policeman (formal) [C4]

With factual verbs such as these the nonfinite clause normaIly contains the verb be or sorne other verb of stative meaning EspecialIy when the nonfinite main verb is other than be the finite clause (of pattern [B3]) is preferred to the infiniti ve one except that the infinitive construction provides a convenient passive form

The traffic was reported to be heavy The stranger was believed to be a poli cernan

Sorne verbs in this construction have no lhat-clause equivalent

They tipped him to be the next president (esp BrE) - He was tipped to be the next president (They tipped that he would be the next president)

Sorne verbs (marked [P only] in the list abo ve) occur only in the passive version of this construction

The field marshal was said to be planning a new strategy (Someone said the field marshal to be planning a new strategy)

Other verbs (marked [esp PJ) occur chiefly in the passive

The BroadwiY piOJutioli was inoughi to have made Maxs fortune (Newsmen lhought the Broadway production to have made Maxs fortune)

Ofthe twq classes of factual verbs Type (i) consists ofpublic verbs (cf1631) referring to a speech act and Type (ii) consists of private verbs expressing belief etc

1651 Of the remaining semantic types Type (iii) consists of verbs of intention (on intend itself ef 1641 Note lb]) Types (iv) and (v) consist of causative verls where the infinitive clause identifies the resultant state (Type (iv) verbs also belong to class [Cl]) Type (vi) cClUsists of verbs with a modal character expressing such concepts as enablement permission and compulsion and Type (vii) consists of a variety of verbs of influencing between which a common factor appears to be that the nonfinite clause has a purposive meaning Examples are

(iii) They intended Mary to sing an aria (- Mary was intended to sing an aria)

(iv) The meeting elected Mr Martiacuten to be the next treasurer (- Mr Martin was elected to be the next treasurer)

Types of verb complementation 1205

(v) This optimistic forecast led the administration to promise tax cuts ( _ The administration was led (by this optimistic forecast) to promise tax cuts)

(vi) My contract allows me to take one months lea ve (- 1arn allowed to take one months leave)

(vii) Our teachers eneouraged us to think for ourselves (- We were eneouraged to think for ourselves)

In Type (iv) the infinitive main verb is normaIly be and can be omitted They appointed her (lO be) the social secretar) This type overlaps with Type (v) 1646

Note [al There are a number of multi-word verbs in this category [C4prl counl Ofl bullbullbull lO depend Ol bullbull lo rey on lO bullbullbull [C4phl make OUI 10 bullbull [C4ph-pr] keep 01 al lo bull

(which has no passive) Examples are 1 am dependillg 011 you lO give us your fu support They malle him oul to be a monster ofdepravity Why do you keep On al me 10 work harder

[b] Sorne passives of pattem [C4] (eg be allowed be supposed) have a semi-auxiliary (cf347f) interpretation in which they lose their connection with the corresponding active construction especiay as regareis agency

(es) Object + bare infinitive complementation 1652 This pattern occurs with a relatively smaIl number of verbs

(i) have (ii) fee overhear[P] (iii) help [P] let hear [PI see [PJ know [P] rnake [PI notice [P watch

observe[P]

Typl (i) consists uf vlrbs uf iexcluiexclciacuteVI meaning Type (ii) has percepwal verbs of seeing and hearing and Type (iii) is a residual class of two verbs which are optionally followed by a to-infinitive The marker [PI indicates that the passive (normaIly with a to-infinitive) is possible [P] indicates that the passive is of doubtful or limited acceptability

(i) You shouldnt lel your family iacutenterfere with our plans We must rnake the public take notice ofuso

(- The public must be rnade to take notice ofus) (ji) Did you notiacutece anyone leaue the house

The crowd saw Gray score lwo rnagnificeni goals ( - Gray was seen lo seore two rnagnificent goas)

(iii) Sarah helped us (to) edil the seript 1 have known John (to) give better speeches than that

(- John has been known lO giue better speeches than that)

Know followed by the bare infinitive is confined mainly to BrE and to the perfective aspect have known Lel in group (i) is in other constructions cIassified as similar to an auxiliary (ef3SI) Let has an apparent passive in combination with such verbs as lel go and lel fal but these are best regarded as fixed expressions in which let has an auxiliary or particIe-like function

They let the prisoner go horneo - The prisoner was let go horneo

1206 Complementation of verbs and adjectiacuteves

Note that this apparent passive has the bare infinitive in contrast for example to make which has to have the to-infinitive in the passive

They mude him understand ~ He was made to understalld

A third verb in group (i) is have which (like have in monotransitive constructions) does not occur in the passi ve

They had me repeat the message ~ 1 was had (to) repeat the message

Note [a] The formulaic nature of let him go and similar expressions is illustrated by variants such as [1-3J which cannot be fitted into any regular complementation pattern

gothe rope [1] They lel the rope go [2]

goofthe rope (3)

[b] Of the two constructions with help tha with 10 is more common in BrE and that without 10

is more common in AmE [e] Arare verb in category (i) is the now rather archaic bid with a to-infinitive complementation in the passive

They bidbade me sil down - rwas bidden 10 sil down

[C61 Object + -ing participle complementation 1653 The verbs in category [C6] consist of verbs of perception (Type (iraquo verbs of

encounter (Type (iO) and two verbs of coercive meaniacuteng (Type

feel[C5] see[C5) (ji) eateh (iiiacute) have hear[C5) smell diseover get notiee [C5] spot find observe[C5) spy leave overhear[CS) wateh [CS) pereeive

Perception verbs marked [CS] occur also with the bare infinitive pattern [CS) Wiacuteth such verbs there iacutes an aspect difference between [C5) and [C6) as described in 461f

Tim watched Bill mendlmendingthe lampo

The bare infinitive having nonprogressive meaning implies that Bill did the wholejob while Tiacutem was watching the -ing clause with progressive meaning has no such implicatiacuteon

This complementatiacuteon pattern differs from that of [B9) not only in its progressive aspect but also in that the noun phrase following the superordinate verb cannot take the genitive (or possessive) form (ef 1642)

1 saw him lying on the beach 1 saw his lying on the beach

Another difference from pattern [B9) is that the -ing predication can normally be omitted without radically altering the meaning

1 saw him lying on the beach [entails iexcl saw him)

Contrast

1 hate my friends leaving early [does notentaiacutel 1 hate my friends)

Types of verb complementation 1207

The passive with this pattern is regular

We could hear the rain splashing on the roof ~ The rain could be heard splashing on che roof

A teacher eaughc them smoking in the playground - They were eaught smoking in the playground (by a teacher)

Prepositional verbs with this type of complementation ([C6prJ) include eome aeross eome upon listen to and look at Look at those ehildren climbing the wall But these [C6prJ prepositional verbs have no prepositiacuteonal passive

seen The guards had been spouhed searchiacuteng the building

wate e d looked at

Have in this construction (e18S1ff) also has no passive in keeping with its use in other constructions

She had us working day after day We were had working day after day

Note Feeloccurs especially with a reflexive pronoun object Shefelt herself falling in love

[C7) Object + -ed participle complementation 1654 We can distinguish three small groups of verbs complemented bv a raised

object followed by an -ed participle c1ause

(i) CAUSATIVE verbs get ha ve She gotlhad the watch repaired immediately

Oi) VOLITlONAL verbs want need like I wantlneed this watch repaired immediately

(jii) PERCEPTUAL verbs see hearJeel (oneself) wateh Someone must have seenl heard the car stolen

A fourth group is peripheral to this construction

(iv) Verbs for which the -ed participle describes a resulting statefind

diseoverleave They founddiseoveredfleft him worn out by tra vel and exertion

j In this construction as in that of (C6) have can ha ve either an agentive causative meaning or a stative meaning Hence The guard patrol had two men shot is ambiguous meaning either The patrol caused two men to be shot or

I The patrol suffered the los s oftwo men by shooting The latter meaning is that of the have-existential construction (ef 18S1ff) In general this

complementation type is semantically equivalent to one with an iacutenfinitive form of the verb be Thus in Type (ii) iexcl would like my room cleaned is synonymous with iexcl would like my room to be cleaned in Type Oiiacute) He saw the team beaten is synonymous with He saw the team be beaten

Note [al There is no passive for most verbs in pattem [e7] and at best the passive is dubious The car must have been seen stolen The acceptability of the passive with Type (iv) is exceptional

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1208 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

The car wasfound abandoned This is indeed an indication that Type (iv) may not belong here so much as with the objecl complement construction [el l iexclhe participle construclion being adjectival (cf an abandoned car) lb1In addition to the two meanings of haue + objec + -ed participle above a third meaning results ifthe -ed clause is analysed as a postmodifier of Ihe object eg She had a book (which gtvas) stolenfrom the library

Ditransitive complementation

ID11 Noun phrases as both indirect and direct object 1655 Ditransiacutetive complementation in its basic fonu involves two object no un

phrases an indirect object which is nonually aniacutemate and positioned first and a direct object which is nonually concrete The two noun phrases differ from those of[C2] in not being in a copular relationship

He gave the girl a doll --v-- --r-

S V Oiacute Od

The difference between this and complex transitive complementation is seen in

svoe He found her a loyal friendo ( She was a loyal friend)

SVOO He found her an apartment ( - The apartment was for her)

The characteristics of indirect objects in contrast to direct objects are fully disclssed in 107

Sorne ditransitive verbs have two passive analogues which we shall distinguish as first and second

The girl was given a doll [FIRST PASSIVE]

A doll was given the girl [SECOND PASSIVE]

Of these two the first passive in which the indirect object becomes subject is the more common The prepositional paraphrase is more usual as an alternative than the second passive A dol was given to the girl (For a list of verbs ofType [01] ef1657 below)

[D21 Object and prepositional object 1656 In the ditransitive category prepositional verbs fonu an important group

with its own sub-divisions and may therefore be given a separate category number D2] These verbs are those we have called Type II prepositional verbs (cfI67-8) Alongside the ordinary indirect object pattern two main prepositional patterns rnaybe distinguished _

Indirect object + direct object [D1] Direct object + prepositional object D2a] lndirect object + prepositional object [D2b]

Types of verb complementation 1209

The indirect object is normally animate and is the recipient or beneficiary of the process described by the verb (ef 1019) Unlike ditransitive verbs of category [D 1] (eg give) ditransiti ve verbs with prepositional objects nonually have only one passive

We addressed our remarks to the children [D2a] - Our remarks were addressed to the children (The children were addressed our remarks (toraquo

W e reminded him of the agreement [D2bl - He was reminded of the agreement (The agreement was reminded him (of)

-1 Sorne verbs have a11 three possibilities of construction in the active many have two forothers there is only one possibility (in sorne cases the alternatives are not identical but very similar in meaning)

tel [01 + 2a + 2b]

1

offer [01 + 2a] 1

envy [01 + 2b] I

wish [01]

bamefD2a + 2b]

say [D2a]

warn [D2b]

Mary told only John the secret DI] Mary told the secret only to John [D2a] Mary told only John about the secreto [D2b]

John offered Mary sorne help [DI] John offered sorne help to Mary [D2a]

She envied John his success [DI] She envied Johnfor his success [D2b]

They wished him good luck [DI]

Helen blamed the divorce on John rD2al Helen blamed Johnfor the divorce [D2bj

Why didnt anybody say this to me [D2a] I

Mary warned John ofthe dangers [D2b) I

The different constructional possibilities of certain verbs provide a means of achieving different focus (cfI837f) Compare the fo11owing pairsofsentences as pronounced with unmarked (end) focus

Mary blamed the broken vase on IOHN Mary blamed John for the broken VAacuteSE

(ef John was blamed by MARY)

The government supplied blankets for the HOMEless The government supplied the homeless with BLANKets

(ef Blankets were supplied by the Goacutevernment)

Note [al The aboye constructions are presented in the most typical syntactic ordering but postshyponernent of the direct or iacutendirect object may take place in contexts where end-focus or endshyweight is required (cf1837) eg John offered lO Mary Ihe help thal she needed [b] Additional prepositional verb patterns should be briefly mentioned There is for example the double-prepositional-verb pattern noted in 1617(c)

1210 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1211

1657

1 am applying lo the hospitalor ajobo There is a further possibility that two prepositional objects may follow a diacuterect object

We are paying $100 lo the garage for the repairs

Verbs of complementation types ID1 and [D2 The following list gives sorne of the verbs that occur in Types [DI] [D2aJ [D2b] organized aeeording to the cross-classifications of 1656 aboye We are interested here only in synonymous or nearly synonyrnous constructions in which the same participant roles (ef lO18jJ) oceur Hence many possible prepositional verbs are ignored Pay for for example is ignored because it introduces a further participant (the commodity bought) not incuded in pay (with) and pay (to)

Table 1657

Type [DI) Type [D2a] Type[D2b]

EXAMPLE serve (Jaek scampi) serve (searnpi) serve (Jack) to (Jack) with (scampi)

[DI + 2a + 2b) pay payto pay with provide (AmE) providefor provide with serve serve to serve with tel tell to tell about

[DI + 2a) (l) bring bring to den deny to give give lo

grant gram to hand hand to leave leave tofor lend lend to offer offer to owe oweto promise promiseto read read lo send send to show show to teaeh teaeh to throw throw to

(ii) do doacutefor find findfor make makefor order order for reserve reservefor save savefor spare sparefor

(iii) ask askof

1658

[DI + 2b]

[Di]

[D2a + 2b]

[D2a]

[D2b)

envy excuse forgive

allow eharge fine refuse wish

blameon supply forto

address to announee to eommunieate to explain to sayto

envyfor exeusefor forgivefor

blamefor supply with

advise about punishfor etc

The membership of[D2b] is numerous Here are further examples arranged by prepositions

thankfor eonvineeof robof refer to preventfmm depriacutevenf ltuspee f 9f sentenee to proleet from informof warnof subject ro imerest in persuadeof congratulate on treat to aecuseof relieveof confine to charge with convictof remindof introduce to compare with

Note that reflexive verbs (cf 625) sometirnes oecur with a prepositional object eg We pride ourselves on the serviee we ofler Sorne of the verbs abo ve (such as compare with) ean have two inanimate objects

In Table 1657 we have distinguished under[Dl + 2a] verbs taking to as their preposition from those takingfor eg

(i) She sent Paul a present She sent a present to Paul (ji) She made Paul a meaL She made a mealfor Paul

Occasionally a preposition other than to and for oceurs in this function

OiO She asked Paul a favour She asked a favour ofPaul

Distinct from [D2aJ and [D2bJ aboye is a kind of prepositional verb which has already been discussed in 167-8 a verb for which the direet object forms part of an idiomatic unit with the verb and the preposition The syntactic properties of this type which we label (D2e] have already been dealt with and it is enough here to list a further sample ofsueh idioms

1212 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1213I I

eateh siacuteght of make allowanee for put a stop to give place to make fun of set jire to give way to make afuss overabout take aeeount Ofl keep pace with make roomfor take advantage ojI lose sight of make use ojI take eare of 1

lose toueh with pay attention to 1 take note ojI lose traek of put an end to take notice ojI

Those marked with a raised 1 can take not only a prepositional passive (ef 167-8) but also can easily take a passive for which the idiomatically-fixed direct object beco mes subject eg (Some) allowanee was made for loss of eamings (Little) notiee was taken of this evento Other verbs can take the passive but with greater difficulty with these examples as with prepositional verbs in general idiomatic cohesion is a matter of gradience

Variants of ditransitive complementation

ID3J Indirect object + that-cIause object 1659 Corresponding to monotransitive verbs ofType [B3] (efI630) are ditransiti ve

verbs for which the direct object is a that-clause

John eonvinced me (that) he was right ~ I was eonvineed (by John) (that) he was right

The second passive is unacceptable when the direct object is a clause That he was right was eonvineed me Thus the first passive (ef 1655) above is the only passive that can occur with this pattern With sorne verbs such as eonvinee above it is impossible to delete the noun phrase object

John conviucJ (lhat) he was riguiacute

With other verbs such as show the indirect object is optional

The professor of mathematics showed me that Pythagoras was mistaken ~ The professor of mathematics showed that Pythagoras was

mistaken

Ditransitive verbs followed by a that-clause may be divided into a subtype introducing an indirect statement and a subtype introducing an indirect directive (ef 1433) In the indirect statement the that-clause contains an indicative verb in the indirect directive the verb may be indicative or subjunctive and often contains putative should or another modal verb (ef 1632 for the distribution ofthese options)

INDIRECT STATEMENT

May 1 inform you that your order is ready for eolleetion INDIRECT DIRECTIVE

mightbeShe petitioned the king that her father ~ould be pardoned

In the following list Type (i) verbs introduce indirect statements and Type (H) verbs introduce indirect directives The indirect directive construction is

rare and formal in comparison with the similar infinitive construction (ef 1663)

WOUldI begged her that she should help ltformal) 1 begged her to help ltmore usual)

For those verbs marked O the indirect object is obligatory foc those marked (O) the indirect object is optional for those marked laquoOraquo the indirect object is not only optional but unusual

(i) advise (O) remindO (iiacute) ask3 laquoOraquo assureO satisfyO beg3 (O) bet (O) show3 (O) eharge (O) eonvineeO teaeh3 (O) eommand laquoOraquo forewarn (O) tellO iacutenstruet laquoOraquo informO wager(O) order laquoOraquo notify 3 O warn (O) petition3 (O) persuadelO write2bull 3 (O) tellO promise3 (O)

The superscripts are interpreted as follows

1 Persuade in the sense ofconvince belongs to Type (i) but it may also be used in a Type (iiacute) sense of persuade someone to do something

2 Write is found with an indirect object + that-clause especially in AmE 3 With verbs so marked the indiacuterect object can be replaced by a

prepositional object (ef 1660)

Note Superficially similar W the [D3] pallern is lhe impersonal construction Iacutef strikeslstruck me (Ihal) asin

It strikes me this work is for his own amusement But here the Ihal-c1ause (as in 1634) is the extraposed subject of the verbo Compare He strikes me as (cf1646 Note [el) and lt occursto me that (cfI634 Note [e))

ID3prl Prepositionalobject + that-cIause object 1660 The verbs marked 3 in the aboye list can be optionally followed by a

preposition thus forming a category similar to [D2a] in 1656

He promised laquoto) me) that the debt would be repaid

For most verbs of [03] which permit a prepositional object the preposition is to

He wrote to me He reported to me that etc

Exceptions are ask and beg which (in somewhat formal usage) are followed by the preposition of

I askbegofyou that you will keep this secret ltformal)

There is in addition a group of verbs which were classified in 1631-32 as monotransitive but which optionally allow the preposition to preceding a prepositional object These may be distinguished as Type [D3pr] and subdivided into sub-types (i) and (iacutei) as in the paraUel description of [B3] verbs

1214 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Joan mentioned (to me) that her father was siacuteck [Type (O] Or Oay recommended (to her) that the treatment be continued [Type (ii)]

For elample

(i) acknowledge declare remark (ji) propose admit explain repon recommend announce mention say suggest complain pointout signal eoness prove state

As before Type (i) verbs introduce indirect statements and the less numerous Type (ii) verbs introduce indirect directives As befare too sorne exceptional verbs take a preposition other than to

She demanded ome that She agreed with me that etc

Unlike the nonprepositional verbs of [03] these prepositional verbs alow the that-c1ause to become subject of a corresponding passive clause an option which is more acceptable with extraposition

That several ministers are resigning has been admitted to our correspondent ~ It has been admitted to our correspondent that several ministers

are resigning It has been shown to us al that Miss Jones was innocent

Without the preposition ie with an ordinary indirect object such sentences are at best marginally grammatical 1It has been shown us al that Miss Jones was innocent

~~otc The constructions of lt appc-siexclappe(~iexclcfurseems ro me ha slipclfidaly appear ti) bclvuumlg to the paltero [D3prl but in faet these contain monotransitive verbs with an extraposed tnatshyelause as subject

It occurredlseemed to me that he was Iying esimilar patteros with extraposition in 1634 1659 Note

ID4) Indirect object + finite wh-c1ause object 1661 This pattern of complementatiacuteon is primarily found with the verb ask which

introduces a reported question

John asked me what time the meeting would end ~ 1 was Gsked (by John) what time the meeting would end

AIso used with this pattern are verbs which take an indirect object followed by a that-clause (Type (i) of [03]) but for these the wh-clause tends to be limited 10 nonassertive contexts (cf1635) Compare

George didnt tell them that the train was late [1] George didn t tel them whether the train was late [21

The difference of meaning between the that- and whether-constructiacuteons can be stated in terms of presupposition Sentence [1] typically implies that the train was late while [2] is noncommittal on the matter [04] verbs can also introduce other question words such as where and how

Tvpes of verb complementation 1215

Jim was reluctant to inform us (o) where he got the money Would you remind me (about) how we start the engine

A preposition may always be placed before the wh-c1ause In the aJiexclove cases the prepositiacuteon is optional but in the case of verbs like enquire o (Type [04prJ) the preposition is obligatory iexcl enquired ofthe clerk which doeuments were needed The complex preposition as to can be rather general1y used for introducing the wh-clause eg I enquired as to which documents were needed

[D5) Indirect object + wh-infinitive clause object 1662 This is yet another complementation pattern (comparable with [B5] 1637)

which may be taken by sorne verbs listed under[03] in 1659

advise ask instruct remind show teach tell wam

The instructor taught us how lo land saely - We were taught (by the instructor) how to land saely

They advised him what lO wear in the tropies Please remind me where to meet you afier lunch

The equivalent prepositional verb pattern [05pr] is iIIustrated by suggest to recommend to

Could you please suggest to the visitors which museums to visit

Here as in the [04] type a prepositional phrase introduced by as lO can be used

Helen advised us (as to) how to maintain the machine

f~ iexcl llt ~- I ~ i ~

~i ~ ~~

1663 ID61lndirect object + to-infinitive clause object We have seen that the [03] pattern may be used to introduce indirect statements and that the [04] pattern may be used to introduce indirect questions Now we tuen to the verbs of class [06] which introduce indirect directives (c1433)

1 lOldjadvisedjpersuaded Mark to see a doctor ~ Mark was toldjadvisedjpersuaded to see a doctor

[I] [2]

This complementation category looks like those of[B81 and [C5] in that the verb is followed by a noun phrase and an infinitive construction But the [06] pattern differs from these in that the noun phrase following the verb is an indirect object as will be c1arified in 1666 below As with other verbs introducing indiacuterect speech the subject refers to the speaker of sorne speech act and the indirect object refers to the addressee Like [03] verbs [06] verbs form only the first passive exemplified in [2] above we do not find To see a doctor was lOld Mark The folowing verbs belong to this c1ass

advise command entreat instruct remind teach ask counsel exhort invite request1 tell beg detai[l orbid order recommend urge beseech direct implore persuade challenge enjoin 1 incite l prayl

1216 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Those verbs marked with araised 1 do not have the equivalent construction with a that-clause containing a modal or a subjunctive verb (Types [B3(ii)J [030i)]) Contrast

They ~eg~tedd her to stay another week mm e

They ~eKgtedd (her) that she would stay another week mm e

The alternative that-clause construction however is more formal especially when the indirect object is presento

Note [a] The verb promire when it occurs wiacuteth this kind of complementation is exceptional in that the understood subject of the infinitiacuteve is identified with the subject rather than with the object of the maiacuten c1ause

Sarn prornised me to get some rood

= Sam promised me that he would get sorne roed o Sam promised me that lwould get sorne roed

The present pattern [D6] iexcls however less cornmon with promise than the [B6] pattern without the indiacuterect object Sam promised to get someiexclood lb] Only ordercan be followed by a passive infinitive He ordered Ihem lo be impriacutesonedlreleased

Multiple analysis and gradience in verb complementation 1664 Before we leave verb classification it is important to reflect on the problems

of dividing verbs into complementation types The major division of complementation patterns into copular [AJ monotransitive [BJ complex transitive [C] and ditransitive [OJ categories (introduced in 216) has been extended with little difficulty te include patterns in which the verbs ccmplementation includes finite and nonntildenitc clauses This is the basis rOiacute

the classification Qf verbs into types in 1620-63 aboye But unavoidably our aim of presenting a clear classification has obscured sorne problems of gradience and multiple analysis (e 260ff) and to illustrate these we return to three superficially iacutedentical structures aIread y discussed in 1636 These are now illustrated with three new examples each of which conforms to the pattern NI V N 2 to V N 3 (where N = noun phrase and V = verb phrase)

Table L664a

V N2 to V NJNI

[B8] S V O

We like all parents to visit the schooL

I [1]

[C4] Is V O Co

They James therace I [2]

[D6] I S Oiexcl

We I asked I the students I toattend

Ia lectu~en_~

Types of verb complementation 1217

Each ofthese sentences consists ofthe sequence Niexcl V N 2 to V N 3 and yet we have analysed them respectively as monotransitive (S V O) complex transitive (S V degCol and ditransitiacuteve (S V Oiexcl 0d) A different analysis in sorne ways more revealing would recognize an overlap between two competing descriptions of the intennediacuteate noun phrase N2 There is little doubt that in [1 J this is to be analysed as subject of the infinitive clause (e 1636) whereas in [3J there are equally strong reasons for regarding N as (indirect) object of the main clause (e 1666)

Smiddot V S V O 1shyI I

I I ISmiddot V 0 V OI I I I I iexcl I I I I I I I I I iexcl

NI V Nz 10 V NJ NI V N2 lo V N) I I I I

Fig 1664b Sentence[l] Fig 1664c Sentence [3J

Sentence [2J however partakes ofboth these descriptions From the semantic point of view it requires the analysis of Fig 1664b (ef They expeeted [that James would win the race]) But from the structural point of view the analysis in Fig 1664c is more appropriate reflecting N2s ability to become subject of the passive sentence James was expeeted to win the raee We might reasonably say that in [2J N 2 behaves like an object (0 rather than Oiacute) in relation to the first verb but like a subject in relation to the second infinitive verh Tbe term RAISED OBJECT applied in 1649ffto the intermediate noun phrase of patterns [C4 - Cn incorporates yet another way of recognizing this double analysis by envisaging a process whereby the subject of the infinitive becomes the object of the preceding finite verbo This raised object will be symbolized in what follows SO

1665 Given that the double analysis aboye provides sorne insight into clauses containing nonfinite complementation we could take such an analysis further and apply it to aH complex transitive patterns including the more straightforward SVOC and SVOA pattems of[Cl - C3]

that John is a good driver lB3J 1consider John to be a good driver [C4]

John a good driver [C2]

The paraHelism of meaning and phrasal relations demonstrated in these three sentences recommends an analysis in which the complementation of pattern [C2J John a good driver would be regarded as a clause in its own right ie as a verbless clause consisting of S = John and Cs = a good driver without an intervening V This description would not however displace the by now familiar S V Od Co analysis but would rather be seen as an alternative way of looking at the same construction

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1218 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Gradience 1666 The teehnique of multiple analysis stiU leaves some subtletiacutees unexposed

What this teehnique has suggested is that there are the folowing three eategories eorresponding to [1 in 1664

N 2 S We like all parenls to visit the school [1) N2 = SO They expeeted James to win the raee [2] Nz = O We asked Ihe sludents to attend a leeture

But more than three eategories ean be appropriately distinguished if we reeognize [1) and [3] as end-points of a gradient with [2) at some point on the seate between them This area of grammar affords a good example of gradienee

At the monotransitive end of the seale [I) ean be characterized by a number of criteria whieh suggest that N 2 to V N3 (al parents to visit the school) constitutes the direct object of an SVO pattern

(a) It ean be replaced by a pronoun referring to the cIause or noun phrase nominalizing it We like it We like al parens visits

(b) It can be an answer to a what-question A What do you like best

B We like al parents to visit the school (e) In some dialects it can be preceded by the infinitive clause introdueer

for We like (it)for all parens to visit the school (d) It ean easily (when preeeded by for) be the focus of a pseudo-cIeft

sentence What we like (best) is for al parents to visit the school (e) When the sequenee N 2 to V N 3 is turned into the passive form N 3 to be

Vedz by Nz there is no ehange ofmeaning We ike aIl parents to visit the sehcel

= We like the school te be visited biexcl al parents (f) In a reduced construetion the infinitive marker to remains We like them

does not have the same meaning as We like them to

At the other ditransitive end of the seale a eontrasting set of criteria eharaeterize [3) and support the analysis of N2 (the students) as an indireet object and to V N3 (to attend a lecture) as a cIausal direet objeet

(a) 10 V N 3 ean be replaced by a pronoun a noun phrase or a finite clause with Nz still funetioning as indireet object

SOmething We asked the students a question

what they wanted

(b) 10 V N 3 can be the answer to a wh-question while N2 funetions as indirect object

A What did you ask the students B We asked them to attend a lecture

(e) When the sequenee N2 to V N3 is turned into the passive sequence N3 to be Ved2 by N 2 the meaning is always changed

They asked the students to attend a leeture They asked a lecture to be attended by the students

this case indeed the passive transform results in an absurdity)

Types of verb complementation 1219

(d) to V N 3 can marginally become the focus of a pseudo-cleft sentence What they asked the students was to attend a lecture (Contrast the decidedly unaeeeptable What we like the parents is to visil the school)

(e) Nz which like Oi in general is usually personal can be detached from its place after the first V to beeome subjeet of a eorresponding passive sentenee The students were asked to attend a lecture

(n In a reduced eonstruction the infinitive marker to ean be omitted We asked them We persuaded them etc

Note [a] With some ditransitive verbs criterion (a) has to be interpreted as the replacement of the infinitive clause by a preposition and prepositional object (cfI656-8)

They reminded hiacutem ofhis responsibiacutelities One man challenged the other lo a duel

[b] Criterion (d) is less reliacuteable than the others since the pseudo-cleft sentence is unacceptable for many verbs But a pseudo-cleft sentence in which the indirect object is replaced by a prepositional object tends to be more grammatical Whal Ihey asked ollhe sludenls was lO attend a leclure (The alternative construction with the substitute verb do which also occurs with [1] is always more acceptable What Ihey asked Ihe students lo do was lO attend a lecture)

1667 To give a simplified illustration of the analysis of gradience in the sequence NI V N 2 to V N 3 we now take a subset ofthe eriteria listed aboye and apply them to a range of verbs on the gradient eonneeting [1] and [3] of 16_66

(1) (3) (4)(2) wantask elect intend

CRITERIA likeallow expectlel~ etc I etc etc etc~ (a) lo V N 3 can be replaeed by - - -+a finite clause

(e) ehange of meaning in passive -+ +of N 2 10 VN3

(e) N 2 can beeome subjeet of passive -+ ++

Fig 1667 A eomplementatiacuteon gradient

The matrix uses only three criteria and thereby distinguishes only four categories This is sufficient to indicate the principie however that the three categories [BS] [C4] and [D6) of our taxonomy eould be broken down iexclnto a finer spectrum of eategories between which the differences are small In effeet Fig 1667 distinguishes two subeategories of [C4] one (including elect and allow) whieh is c10ser to the ditransitive type and one (including inlend and expect) eloser to the monotransitive type Elect and allow respond to cri terion (e)

They elected Miss Coe to suceeed the present seeretary They elected the present seeretary to be sueceeded by Miss Coe

We dont allow residents to entertain visitors We dont allow visitors to be entertained by residents

1220 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

while intend and expeet do not

They intended the students to see the professor = They intended the professor to be seen by the students

They expeet the students to enjoy the classes = They expeet the classes to be enjoyed by the students

Note Por verbs in group (3) the voice oflhe infinitive clause and the voiceofthe main clausemay be independently varied with the result Ihat a SlIacutentence like They expected the students lo enjoy lile classes has tbree corresponding passiv~s with iexclhe same meaning

They expected the classes to be enjoyed by the students The students were expecled lo enjoy the classes

The classes were expected lo be enjoyed by the students

The last example has a passive verb phrase in both the superordinate clause and Ihe infinitive clame

Adjective complementation

168 Categories of complementation in adjective phrases (ef 228 721-2) are similar in variety to those ofverb complementation We distinguish [El-ES)as follows

[El] Complementation by a prepositional phrase [E2] Complementation by a that-clause [E3] Complementation by a wh-clause

i[E4) Complementation by a than-clause [ES] Complementation by a to-infinitive clause [E6] Complementation by an -ing participle clause

These complementation patterns can occur after an adjective (andmiddot its modifiers if any) in various syntactic functions For example

The violiacuten iacutes (rather) difficut to play (adjective phrase as CJ

Mary found the violiacuten (rather) diffieut to play (adjective phrase as CJ

The violiacuten is an instrument (rather) diffieult to play (adjective phrase as postmodifier)

The on1y posiacutetion in which an adjective cannot normally be followed by iacutets complementation is the premodifying position in a noun phrase a keen child on ehess But here too with certain constructions (Types [ES(iraquo) and [ES(v)D the complementation can follow discontinuously after the head noun The violiacuten is a diffieult instrument to play (ef discontinuity with comparative constructions IS75) For illustrative purposes we will confine examples in the following sections to the subject complement function The lists like the verb lists in 1620-63 will be selective

Adjective complementation 1221

Note There is a considerable parallel as the categories [El-ES] aboye demonstrate between patterns associated with adjectives and those associated with monotransitive verbs The chief difference is that adjectives cannot be followed by a noun phrase object To bring out the parallel further we could describe adjectives exemplified in 1669 below (averse to conscous oJ etc) as prepositional adjectives comparable with prepositional verbs We could moreover identify phrasal adjectives (derived from participiaI forms ofphrasal verbs) such as ron down (exhausled depressed) and phrasaI-prepositionaI adjectives such as fed up (with) These tatter variants however are rare enough lo be disregarded in the foUowing lists

[E1] Adjective complementation by a prepositional phrase 1669 Like prepositional verbs adjectives often forro a lexical unit with a following

preposition good atfond oj opposedto etc The lexical bond is strongest with adjectives for which in a given sense the complementation is obligatory Max is averse to games Max is averse Such adjectives are marked 1 in the following lists

The lists make a distinction between participial (ef 715-19) and nonparticipial adjectives The differencebetween participial adjectives and the -ed participle of the passive construction is discussed in 375-77 These lists provide on1y a small sample of the adjectives accompanying the prepositions concemed In particular it is often possible for the same adjective to go with two or more prepositions as in angry about angry at and angrywith

ABOUT He was very worried about her reaction (ef960)

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

angry knowledgeabe aggrieved frightened glad mad annoyed pleased happy reasonable delighted worried

AT She was badat mathematics (ef962)

NONP ARTICIPIAL P ARTlCIPIAL

angry good alarmed disgusted brilliant hopeless amusedmiddotmiddot pleased elever terrible delighted puzzled

FROM Thevillage is remotefromthe bustle ofcity life (ef918 947)

different distant distinct free remo te

OF She was aware ofhis difficulties

NONPARTlCIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

eonvineed ashamed empty proud1 afraid conseiousl glad

seared eapable fond 1 short1 tired certain full worthy

ONUPON Their plan was based on cooperation

NONPARTICIPIAL IPARTICIPIAL

contingent1 intent1 reliantl basedl set1

dependent keen severe hentl

Yiexcl

1222 Complementation of verbs and adjectives ~ Adjective complementation 1223

Note lal In general choice of preposilion remains the same after morphologicalIy related verbs adjectives and nouns differentftom differ from differencefrom But Ihis eorrespondence is not always lo be relied on contrastfull ofwilhfilied wllh proudofwith pride in lb] Other prepositions whieh less comrnonly enlee into adjective + prepositlon idioms iexclnelude for and lowards graleful for sorry for inclined towards le] Usedfollowed by the preposition lO a more informal synonym ofaccustomed(to) is participial in spelling but has the speeial pronuneiation nus~ Unlike accustomed however used does not oceur with a following infinitive (ef 1679) This adjeetival used to in spite of identity of spelling and pronunciation is quite distinet from used lO as a marginal modal (cf344) Contrast

Im used lO hard work I used ro work hard Id] In the past prescriptive objeetions have been made to the use of to ralher Ihan from after averse and different Howevee ro is the normal preposition to fol1lt11 averse and differenr 10 is quite widely used (esp in BrE) as an altemative lo differentfrom On iJifferent rhan cf1566 Note 1674

le] Wilh can be omitted after (fn)compalibie if the subject is plural cfmutual participation 1360

middotCarl is incompatible OUT Cad and Eva are incompatible

[E2] Adjective complementation by a that-clause 670 Like that-clauses following a verb that-clauses folIowiacuteng an adjective may

have

(A) indicative verb 1am sure (that) he is here now (B) subjunctiacuteve verb They were insistent (that) we be ready (formal) (C) putativeshould Im sorry (that) he should hove left ltformal)

The uses of the mandative subjunctive and of putative should have been discussed in 359 and 1425 respectiacutevely Putative should often occurs after expressions of emotion (sorrowjoy displeasure surprise wonder etc) and is often accompanied by intensifying expressions such as so such like thisl that ever or at all The indicative that-clause on the other hand refers to an established fact The foHowing pairs illustrate choices of construction

1 (that) 1 have to leave so early am sorry (that) you should have been (so) inconvenienced

(that) you didnt call the doctor before 1 am surprised (that) anyone ofyour intelligence should swallow a tie

likethat

With some adjectives (those in category [E2b(iiacute)] 1672) the should-clause can be paraphrased by an infinitive clause with a subject

It was natural for him to go to London after the war = It was natural that he should go to London after the war

That-clauses cannot be preceded by preposiacutetions Hence adjectives which are constructed with prepositions before noun phrases ([El]) drop the preposition before a that-clause (cfI628) Compare the folIowing

OfhiS innocence [E1 ] 1am convlnced (th ) h t [E2]at e IS mnocen

Many that-clauses folIowing an adjective are actualIy subjects postponed by extraposition (cf1833)

lt is lucky (that) you came - That you came is lucky

These are listed separately in 1672

lEla) Adjectives with experiencer (cflO23 Note) as subject 1671 (i) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATIVE VERB ONL Y (cfNote [a] below)

These adjectives express degrees of certainty or confidence aware certain corifident sure

We were corifident that Karen was stiacutell alive

(ii) THAT-CLAUSE HAS PUTATIVE SHOULD OR SUBJUNCTIVE VERB

(or marginally aloo an indicative verb) The three principal adjectives in this class are anxious eager and willing

he should be permitted to resiacutegn 1 Are you willing that he be permitted to resign 1

1he is permitted to resign 1 ~

(On the distribution of these three altematives cfI630)

(iH) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATIVE VERB OR PUTATIVE SHOULD

These adjectives express emotions

Im so thankful that nobody was hurto Were you surprised that Ray should win the prize

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

afraid hopeful alarmed depressed horrified angry proud amazed disappointed irritated glad sad amused distressed pleased grateful sorry annoyed disturbed shocked happy tha7lkful astonished frightened upset

There is a tendency to prefer the putative should construction in nonassertive contexts or where the adjective has negative or unfavourshyable associations

TO AH capital gains are subject to taxation NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

answerable close liableacute accustomedl

averse l due1 simz1ar allied1I WiTH This plan is not compatible with our princiacuteples

NONPARTICIPIAL I PARTICIPIAL

angry busy

happy impatient

annoyed bored

ClJmfortable incompatible1 concerned compatibleacute sick delighted content familiar friendly furious

uneasy depressed disappointed disgusted dismayed distressed

inclined1

opposed1

drunk enchanted obsessed occupied overcome pleased satisfied taken1

1672

1224 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Adjective complementatlon 1225

Note [a] The restriction oC Type (i) above lo indicative verbs only is meant to allow Cor the use of T

Note [a] Although tlle pro-forms so and n01 cannot be used after tllese [E2bI adjectives (ef 1671modal auxiliaries including should in a nonputative sense eg I am a~are that I should [= ought 1lo] havejoined longago iexcl Note [bJ) there iexclsa possibilityofreplacing the adjective + solnat by a related adverb + sonot

[b) Afraid is unique among adjectives in that it accepts the pro~oun so (and iexclts negative equivalent Mt) as a that-clause substitute (cfI631) rm afraid SOMI

IElbJ Adjectives with anticipatory it as subject

The that-elause in this eonstruetion is an extraposed subjeet Three types are again distinguished matehing those in 167l

(i) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATlVE VERBONLY (cfI671 Note CaD These adjectives have to do with truthor knowledge

It is true that she never cemes on time

apparent evident likely possible untrue certain implicit obvious true well-known clear indubitable plain unlikely

(ji) THAT-CLAUSE HAS PUTATIVIl SHOULD OR SUBJUNCTIVE VERB (or marginshyaIly also an indicative verb) These adjectives express eoncepts concerned with modality or volition

should be lifted tomorrow It is essential that the ban be lifted tomorrow

(1) is lifted tomorrow

appropriate essentiacuteal important necessary vital compulsory fitting impossible obligatoryshycrucial imperative improper proper

Various deverbal adjectives ending in -able also belong to this group egadvisable desrabIe preferable

(iii) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATlVE VERB OR PUTATIVE SHOULD

This group consists mainly of emotive adjectives and ineludes a large num ber ofparticipial ad jecti ves ending in -ing

Itmiddot strange th t She is so late IS upsetting a she should be so late

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTlCIPIAL

awkward logical alarming perplexing curious odd annoying pleasing disastrous peculiar depressing shocking dreadful sad disappointing surprising extraordinary silly embarrassing fortunate tragie frightening iexclrrational unfortunate irritating

Various -able-ible adjectives also be10ng tp this group admirable eommendable deplorable despieable incomprehensible inconceivable lamentable remarkable understandable unjustifiable etc

ha h l Id l h B Yes obviouslyfortunately soA 1 t IS apparentt t s e IVes oesn t Ive ere B N J I I di t o event y sa y no [b] When an adjective ofType (iii) above occurs after a modal verb construction the that-clause is commonly replaced by an if-clause If the modal verb in the main c1ause is hypothetical (eg would) the verb in the ifmiddotdause is placed in tlle hypothetical pasto Compare

It is sad that you have to leave It will be sad ifyou hove to lea ve

It would be sad ifyou had lo lea ve

[E3] Adjective complementation by a wh-clause 1673 As with that-clauses we have to distinguish those adjeetives ([E3a]) which

are predicated of an experieneer (normalIy a person) as subject and those ([E3bD which go with antieipatory it In the latter case the wh-clause is an extraposed subject Examples are

(onwhat 1should sayo [1]E3a 1was unsure[ 1 (about) whether the problem was solved [2]

[E3b] It was unclear what they would do [3]

Type [E3a1 consists of adjectives which are constructed with prepositions and whieh therefore belong also to Type [EI1 The preposition is sometimes omitted before the wh-clause (ef155 Note reD In Type [E3b] on the other hand no preposition can be inserted bull It was uneear ofabout what lhey would do AIso no infinitive wh-cIause is possible (ef i637) It is unsure where to go is unacceptable unless it refers to sorne aniacutemate being (sueh as a mouse) and is consequently not interpreted in terms of extraposition

Retuming to Type [E3a] we note that in sorne cases the adjective takes a wh-elause in assertive eontexts eg eareful (about) doubtful (as to) fussy (about) puzzled (as to) uneear (about) uncertain (o) undecided (about) unsure (0) unaware (o)

John is careul (about) what he does with his money

Most of these adjeetives are intrinsiealIy negative In meaning In other cases although elsewhere it is associated with an indicative that-clause [E2a(i)] the adjective tends to oceur with a wh-cIause in nonassertive contexts (efI635) eg aware certain eear sure

Are you sure (o) how mueh the maehine costs 1wasnt altogether cleaiexcl- (about) what we had to do

A similar division may be made among adjectives of the antieipatory-it type ([E3b]) Those whieh intrinsieally express doubt and therefore take this strueture even in assertive contexts include doubtful uneertain uneear unsure and unknown Those normally oceurring with an indieative that-elause (le Type [E2b(i)]) inelude apparent eertain obvious and plain They can take a wh-cIause in nonassertive contexts Each type is illustrated in

It was uneear whether an amendment would be accepted It was not obvious how far the westernization process would IO

~ltgt ~~~1~ 1 -~ Adjective complementation 1227

1226 Complementation of verbs and adjectives iexcl

After adjectives of Type [E3a] there may also occur an infinitive wh-clause 1 was uncertain (oi) what to do This is preferable to the finite c1ause in cases illustrated by [1-3] aboye since the subject can remain unexpressed in the reduced nonfinite version

[E4] Adjective complementation by a than-clause 1674 There is an unusual construction in which a noncomparative adjective is

foIlowed by a comparative than-clause as complementation Different is the only adjective which fits into this pattero and even then there is a tradition which regards the use of than here as impropero There is however no felicitous alternative to the different than construction in examples such as

Shes quite a different girl than she wasfilie years ago [11 The various styliacutestic variants of and alteroatives to the than-clause after different are examined in 1566 Note lb] When the c1ause is reduceacuted to a noun phrase it becomes possible to usefrom as an alternative to than

The unions are taking a very different attitude ~ the employers

When the noun phrase folIowing thanffrom cannot be derived by ellipsis from a c1ause than is decidedly less acceptable thanfrom

The main languages of southern India are totaIly different In origin

~~~ those ofthe northern partofthe country

Note [al On differenlrom and different 10 1669 Note [dI [bj It is aloo possible for a Ihan-c1ause to be used after he adverb difilrently

In the west of the country they pronounce their vowels quite aifferently han (they do) in the easl

The same prescriptive objections are made to differenlly Ihan as to different Ihan

[E5] Adjective complementation by a to-infinitive clause [675 We distinguish seven kinds of construction in which an adjective is foIlowed

by a to-infinitive c1ause They are exemplified in the following sentences which are superficially alike

Bob is splendid to wait (ii) Bob is slow to react

(iii) Bob is sorry to hear it (iv) Bob is hesitant to agree with yOU (v) Bob is hard to convince

(vi) The food is ready to eat (vii) lt is important to be accurate

In Types (i-iv) the subject of the main clause (Bob) is also the subject of the infinitive c1ause We can therefore always have a direct object in the infinitive clause if its verb is transitive Por example if we replace intransitive wait by transitive build in (i) we can have Bob is splendid to build this house

Por Types (v-vii) on the other hand the subject of the infinitive is unspecified although the contextoften makes clear which subject is intended

In these types it is possible to insert a subject preceded by for eg in Type (vi) The food is ready (jOr Ihe children) to eat

Infinitive complementation following adjectives modified by lOO and enQugh is discussed eIse Note where in 1S73

(ES(i)) Bob is Iplendid to wait Type (i) has an analogue in a construction involving extraposition (cf1833)1676 1t is splendid of Bob lo wait This type OC construction also permits a head noun between the adjective and the infinitive

Bob must be a spiendid craftsman ~ ~~bUilt this house

As this example shows the infinitive may be perfective We may also compare constructions in which an evaluative noun with its determiner

replaces the adjective

ffoolishYourelafool to spend so mucho

WOnderfUl Youre 1 to walt for me anange

Adjectives in this group are evaluative of human beha~iour They inelude

careful crazy mad silly wise careless greedy nice unwise wrong

These adjectives can also occur with anticipatory il and an of-phrase as additional complementation (cf1682)

It was foolish of you to spend so mucho

IE5(Hraquo) Bob is IOW to react In Type (ii) the sentence corresponds to one in which the adjective becomes 1677 an adverbwhile the infinitive becomes the finite verb

Bob is slow to react - Bob reacts slowlyc

In another analogue the adjective is followed by in and an -ing participle Bob is slow in reacting The infinitive verb phrase must be simple for example unlike the inftnitive phrase in [E5(i)] it cannot be perfective Bob is slow ItJ have reacted Other adjectives in this small group are quick and prompt

There is also a partial adverbial analogue (e8127ff) for Type (i) but in Type (i) unlike Type Note (ii) the perfective infinitive andeven the get-passive (e366) can be used

loan was wise to resigno ~ loan wisely resigned loan was careless to get beaten - loan carelessly got beaten

loan is careless to have got beaten

IES(iuumlraquo) Bob is 10rry lo hear it In Type (iexcliexcli) the head of the adjective phrase is an emotive adjective 1678 (commonly a participial adjective) and the infinitive clause expresses

causation

1679

1228 Complementation of verbs end adjectives

Im sorry to have kept you waiting [rm sorry because I have kept you waiting]

1 was exeited to be there [- To be there exeited me]

Adjectives in this group correspond c10sely to the adjectives followed by a that-clause in 1671 (Type [E2a(iii)D

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

afraid angry ashamed content furious glad

happy impatient indignant jubilant thankful

annoyed astonished bored coneerned delighted depressed

disgusted dissatisfied embarrassed fasemated frightened interested

overwhelmed perturbed puzzled relieved surprised worried

disappointed overjoyed

IE5(ivraquo) Boh is heaitant to agree withyou In Type (iv) the head of the adjective phrase expresses volitional meaning or a modal meaning such as ability possibility or liability Examples are

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

able keen determined anxious Iiable disposed apt Iikely [E2b] fated[E2b] eertain [E2b] loath inclined curious powerless poiseddue prone prepared eager ready [E5] (all) set eligible reluetant unqualified fit [ES] sure [E2b] free [ES] unable greedy weleome hesitant willing impotent worthy

The adjectives marked [E2b] occur with a corresponding construction with extraposition of a that-clause

JilI is likely to attend - It is likely that JiU will attend

Those marked [E5] are capable of occurring with an infinitive construction of passive meaning ie with an indefinite implied subject and a coreferential implied object

Theyare not fit to eat = They are not tit to be eaten

Some ofthe most common adjectives in this list have a tendency to coalesce with the preceding copula 10 form a semimiddotauxiliary verb (ef3A7) be able to be willing to be sure to In addition to modal and volitional adjectives some adjectives ofaspectual meaning such as aeeustomed and wont may be placed here

Adjective complementation 1229

We are aecustomedto take teaon the terrace (formal) He was wont to leave the office at 5 pm (formal archaic)

(ES(vraquo) Bob is lard to convince 1680 In Type (v) the subject of the sentence is identified with the unexpressed

object of the infinitive clause which must therefore have a transitive verb hence the unacceptable Bob Is hard to arrive There is an analogous construction in which the adjective is complement to an infinitive c1ause acting as (extraposed) subject (ef 1836)

- To convince Bob is hard Bob IS hard to convmce It is hard to convince Bob

Adjeeacutetives so used refer 10 degrees of ease or comfort and iexclnclude

awkward hard tough (informal) eonvenient impossible trieky (informal) difficult niee (informal) unpleasant easy pleasant

Unless there is ellipsis we cannot omit the infinitive c1ause and so there is no semantic implication between (say) The bread was hard to bake and The bread was hard Unlike the preceding types Type (v) permitsfor + subject to be inserted at the beginning of the infinitive clause Those darts are trieky (for a beginner) to use Where the infinitive has no overt subject its implicit subject is understood to have an indefinite meanihg

Jack is easy 10 fool =Jack is easy for anyone to foo

Note With some adjectives in this group such as nice or unpleasant the entailment relation between be + adjective ro V and be + adjective is less easy lO avoid eg Jenny is nice lo know iacutemplies that Jenny is nice

IE5(viraquo) Thefood is ready to eat 1681 Again in this type the subject of the main clause is identified with the object

of the intinitive c1ause But unlike Type (v) Typemiddot(vi) has no analogous construction with an infinitive clause subject

The food is ready to eat To eat the food is ready

Also we can generally (a) omit the infinitive clause or (b) substitute a passive infinitive clause without change ofmeaning

Are these cups available (to use) = Are these cups available (to be used)

Some adjectives of this type such as availablefitfree ready and suffieient belong additionally 10 Type (iv) so that a sentence like The lamb ia ready to eat is ambiguous in one sense (the most accessible) being equivalent to the passive The lamb is ready to be eaten Then there is a wider set of adjectives which often occur without complementation at all

The air isfrosty (to breathe) Its fur is soft (to touch)

1230 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

In both Type (v) and Type (vi) the subjectofthe main clause can be equated with the prepositional object of the infinitive clause so that the infinitive c1ause ends with a deferred preposition

She is pleasant to talk to (-It is pleasant to talk to her) This paper is terribly flimsy to write on Is the cloth sufficient to make a dress out ol

In Type (vi) as well as in Type (v)for + subjeet may be inserted before the infinitive verb Are these books free (for visitors) to borrow Are these books available to borrow]

(E5(vii)J Jt is important to he accurate 1682 We saw in 1672 that a that-clause following an adjeetive may prove to be a

subjeet postponed by extraposition (ef1833) A to-infinitive clause following an adjeetive may have the same oouree

It is essential to spray the trees every year - To spray the trees every year is essential

The infinitive clause can also be introduced by for + subjeet

It is vital (for the ehildren) to be properly cIad It will be strange (for us) to be living alone

Adjectives ofTypes (ji) and (iii) in 1672 ([E2b]) may have this construction importantJortunate lueky surprising etc Possible also belongs te this group

An addiacutetional group of adjeetives oeeurring after anticipatory it are those adjeetives (ehiefly naming evaluative attributes of persons) whieh occur in pattern [E5(i)] (ef 1676) The adjeetive in this group is often followed byan of-phrase identifying the persones) being discussed

It was wrong (of him) to teIllies iexcli

It is niee ofyou to phone

[E6] Adjective complementation by an -ing participle cfause [683 A number of sub-types ofthis pattem may be mentioned

(i) Busy is followed by an -ing participle clause without subject

Margery is busy writiacuteng Ietters

Worth and worthwhile on the other hand oceur both with and without subjeet

It is seareely worth(while) (youyour) going home

Here worth(while) follows preparatory it and the participle clause is an extraposed subjeet (ef1834) Other adjectives ofthis pattern are pointless and useless (Its pointless buying so mueh food) and adjectives of Type [E2b(iiacutei)J (efl6 72) also sometimes have this complementation absurd awkwardJortunate annoying etc

EIsewhere worth and worthwhile accompany an -ing participle elause without subjeet but with a passive meaning comparable to tbat of the infinitive elause in pattern [E5(v)] (ef1680)

Complementation of abstract nouns 1231

The cartons are worth(while) saving ( Its worth(while) saving the cartens)

(iv) There is a variant eonstruction in whieh a preposition oecurs between the adjective and the participle clause In some cases the preposition is optional (cf(i) aboye)

Im busy (with) getting the house redeeorated Werefortunate (in) having Aunt Mary as a baby-sitter

In other cases the preposition is obligatory We are used to not having a car (cf1669 Note [e]) Im hopeless at keeping the garden tidy Shes not capable oflooking after herself

Note [al The adjectival constructions in (ii) above may be compared in some cases with nominal constructionsof equivalent meaning

ts 110 goaduse telling him anything Theres 110 point (in) telling him anything

8uch constructions are introduced either by anticipatory il (el 1833) or by eltistential there (el 184$) AmE also hu Theres no use telling him anythlng (b) Worthwhlle is sometimes spelled as two words The vacillation between the spellings worthwhile and worth while reflects an unclarity about the status of this sequence which may altematively be regarded as the preposition worth (eI96) followed by a noun Compare

lts not worth your whife staying lts not worlhh whh~e (your) staying worl w 1

Complementation of abstract nouns

1684 In this coneluding section we will show as a conneeting link between this chapter and the next how the pattems of complementation described for verbs and adjectives in 1620-83 are aloo to be found with abstraet nouns which are morphologieally related to those verbs and adjectives (ef nominalization 1751ff and appositional constructions 1726 1735) For example the noun likelihood is derived from and semantically related to the adjective likely It is therefore not surprising that a construction associated with the adjeetive Is found with the corresponding noun

It is likely that Joan will get married [1]

The likelihood is that loan will get married [21 the likelihood that Joan will get married [31

But the assumption of eorrespondence eannot be automatie for it may faiacutel in both direetions

loan is likely to get married Joan s likelihood to get married

It is likely of J oans getting married the likelihood of Joans getting married

------__shyiacute1 11

COMPLEX INTRANSITIVE CONSTRUCTIONS p H MATIHEWS

1 Introduction

In sentences such as [1J

ArR C~Iltiacuteltmiddotli N ([1J Th~deitgreen ~

he construct~oEJ~QLordf JJP~ that GCE850ff describes as 9QMfLEX JRANSITIV~ Ofthe elements in questionit and made are related a~Jn tQllt ~imple transitive

j [2J They made it

YihiJe ir and green a~_~latelasinasimple_ltQI1llar_sentence ( [3] lt is green (- lt

~f the type that following Lyons (l977469ff) raquoe will call ASCRIPTIVE raquouacutet greacuteen- also standsJna direcueJordf9lsJIacuteIL ordm~_iii~de the object and adjective exemplifying a single I2atteIILof VERB COMllEMe~nrJ91 This paUCIDl can be sajd torepresenta IJJS10N (G e E 850) ofJ~ltsimpler transitiv iexcll~J~Jjpiexcly_e_tjPes - _shy

IH~~_sfiE~~Ve can be fused with th~~~tY_e_(lri~alsoP~ fused with theintransitixe1 Insentildetentildeces SUChas[4] -

MI It turned green

~construc~~~~~]y idmtifkQyaacuteth th~ of l3J in both examples the

l]

~ ~ ~ ENGLISH GRAMMAR

verb is described as copularor in the terminology of GCE820f as taking intensive complementation But neither description is quite appropriate to1 both cases In the~ptive sentence there i indeed no mor~than~pYhL~

1 2ampffiMical iP~ betwe~ the adjective and its subject~ plainly this ~ ~ is not true of [4] whose verb TURN has its own specific meaning lf turned~ iacute I is a full verb it must then be the govemor of green as made is in (1) in that

iexcl ~ sense there is cornplernentatjon But we express nothing by assigning such a complernentation to the copula A solution is to c1ass I4] as a COMPLBX

IITMNSITIVE iL~onsect_trJltiordmL being an extension of th~simpleJmransiUacutelLe _shy~ i I5] It turned

j precisely as that of (1) is extended from that of [2)iexcl

2 Fused constructions

Let us take our cue from GCEs referenee to fusionlo the simpl~L =nfu~~~_~~~~~~~)t1ecltgtnstVf1ionconsistso(asingJULeAicJ~tQI(lgde) which in a dependency ana~is has both the subject and the object as its dependents or to adapt G CEs term has both a subjeet and an oJkltt asit complementation lnJhaL~se (2) has a _K1U~~~_~ruetion (Lyons i977) w1jch cannotJiexclJLr~s~Cl9JUnQ(lt_e~mentary relationships of ptediCJJQJkSo too has the simple intransitive (5] vi1ihidepeiioenforior forming the complementation of tumed So too has the simple aseriptive [3] its predicator on the analysis ofLyons and others is the adjective green One reason for relatlng the subject to the adjective is that the elements are jointly subject to selectional restrictions A reason for not relating either to the copula is that the latter stands aside (rom these restrictions adding none ofitsown

In a fused construction the pattem ls neither strictly kernel nor straightforwardly non-kemellnJhegmplex transitive [lL1oth1tan41~Y are again direct ~cngents of made these relatio~_elQ~ the words in FigJbx direC1~ltaI~_uacutela~~I~Qordf-ordfl9blleiexcl)Uumlnamp21uacuteward frollLthe

~d

(aJiquest-Fig 1

[42]

P H Matthew$

p~ed~~ So is green arc el this too being supported by selectional restrictions We are therefore dealing with a single clause rooted in made of which each word is a distinct element But green js a1soapredicator in iexclelation to il (are d)J that wav we are dealing with two kernelp~QlS th~ fuurtermclauseinfQmQrating bothtM_~tuet~[IDJr~JlsitiYlljh~ twoshytenn a~-middot -_shy

In Fig 1 we have diagrammed what any grammarian will propose provided that his terminology or his notational apparatus allow him to say it Iut similar reasonjng applies to the construction which we have called the ~IpJex ln~~-ordfEsitive Of the relationships showninf1g --~~t~~~~_

it turned green

aAacutebJ Fig2

to ir (arcc)_isagainasintheascripJjy~ and needs no further cornment But the final element is clearly suJiexcliect to ru19jtional resr=l~ordmI~ tlTlJRI_ im~~tordm-~~it~~rAUQj~9iY_I9U~l~~ed noun (He turned pink He turned kings eVidence) iQ~~~1lined phrase is exCiuacuteded (He turned arog)

tDle~sthe p~e~~i0rl~lJ9rtn is ~~jordmntildei[qiireifitetuumlmed iexclnto a frog) ~itt G-ordm-1h exdusi(m is abgolule one cannot even say He went into a criminal

f [he adjeqtive is also Iimlted to specific collocations For example one can say It turned sour or Ir went sour but it is harder to accept Ir grew sour 1 Conversely one can say He grew od but not He went od On that evidence

j we may establish a relationship of dependency between green and tumedj (arc b) The verb too can then be related to the subject (arc a)

1 Epgth o~2am~ thefe is one terro ir lVhich is a9~de~~~~t1 theascriptile anCITlieletbalk~m~1 (Fig 1 ares b and d Fig 2 ares a and c) The fusion is then effected by a further link (Fig 1 arc e Fig 2 are b) in which ond of the two predicators een is ineo orat~a~_ ordf d~RendenlO(th~ I re atlon that uirk an4hl~ COU~_~ampI~s-1 jn the case of th complex intransitille hall app1ied the Iean intlaquo=nsve

mmplementatio~gly describe he yaleruLQ(IUN or iexcl l otIllBNinthisuseJuh~int~siYeint[ansitivx But the insight intildeaacute I

alsQ be extended to the complex transitiye In that spirit MAKE or MAKE as

used in sentences such as W might appropriatelL be described ~~_~n_ i ~ntensive transitive -J -bull_--------shy

[43)

ENGLISH GRAMMAR

3 Distinctions between tbe complex intransitive and other partly similar constructions

For a three-term construction Fig 2 shows the maximum number of interconnections with each term related to each of the others The miacutenimum isone thus for the ascriptive (3) we have adopted the structure shown i~

L with l~~E2nd te~~Il2= tlliacuten amaroe~ ordmrS1PP9~g~lexn~~ ~eLClatiacute9D~t~~~~t~first an~~~hir~ But this leaves five other possibilities which in theory might be realized ust as the second element_lt~p~ltmark(r ordfs inEig 3bullKlJQQmgordmHhetordm-iriexcl in thatJ~SiquestOillY

iacutet is green

Fig3

1he_verb vQ1lld_be a predicatorrwithonl)l1he_~ygtject related 10 it This structure does not seem to be realized at least not in away whiacuteCh is -relevant to our analysis Asecond_possibil~iuhatJmly the verb a~ ~~~iexcltiY~L iquestnjgl~~_rell~q in that ca~e bot~redicatoS_w-ordmyldIgt~ impersonal-vUh lh~su~ject a me~m~ce-filler This structure might conceivably be suggested for exampIacuteesmiddotSuumlch as [6]

[6] It got mistier

with a so-called ambient it But although it may indeed be ambient with respect to mistier it need not follow that it is ambient with respect to got

In the remaining cases no element is a marker but there are only two instead of three interconnections Ir there wem no link betw-IlJhe subject ~YMh(Ejg 2 are a) the verb1tSelf would agajn be impersmordf-~ I~ transformational terms its surface subject would be derived by raising (Postal 1974) from a subordinate adjectival clause lf th3ewere no intensiye lipk between the first and second predicators (Fg 2 arWJUlt verb would be a simple intransitive taking just t~_S)lbject as its complementation th~on of tbe adjec1iYtLL~ then be uumlMrn-~0n[7] forexample --- -_~

Eacutel He arrived saber J (~ eacute cc L f ~ 2 f

grammars do not establish an intensive or copular use of ARIUVB Finally

[44]

1 P H Marrhew$

if the ascriQive lik wer~~2ken iacuteEiKbJ~~ f)hHordmjlti~~ment woulordm-no longer bJlta predicaQ~ltiexclHQle wQuldin~teadb~ADVJllqt~iexcl as in 8)

(8) He ran fa~t

There is no doubt that the intensive construction is distinct from the adverbial and that sober in [7] is at least more circumstantial than green in It turned green But the subject-verb relation is more problematic in that a raising transformation has been proposed for one at least of the G C E s intensive verbs Let us therefore take that distinction first

31 Ofthe twenty or so most common intensive verbs (GCE821) SEEM and APPEAR particularly lend themselves to transformational analysis On the evidence of sentences such as [9]

(2) It seemed that they wereamp~e~

_U~naIlJral lo establish an underlying ~~ct~~

J~sIhey were green]~ seemed

irlYhIacutetEw~4)srelate(L1ot to they J~Q9green indhiOacute1lally but to the yiole ascri2tive kernelrom the same structure a sentence such as [10)

[10] They seemed to be green

can then be derived by further transformations of subject raising and infinitive formation Froro the structure reaJized by [Io]lIleare n3tllcalli

~m~ed to derive the comple~_~transiti~euacutell

[u) They seemed gre~

by a further transformation deleting the copuiacutea For SEEM the rules deriving [10] and [u] would both be optional But for

other verbs such as TURN or GO We could make them obligatory so It turned green could be the only realization of an underlying sUr was greenls turned the ambient Ir got misrier - [6] aboye - a realization of say s[mistier]s gorand so on If the obligatory rules were then restricted to the copula we would also ensure that any other form of embedded structure (g[he eft]s turned or g[he kissed her]s grew) was filtered out By such means a treatment which is widely accepted for SEEM and for which the evidence is at first compelling could be extended if it were thought appropriate to the entire intensive intransitive class

There are good reasons for not thinking it appropriate In a sentence such as [12]

[12] Harry got drunk

Qn~JsllQIacuteli~ply talking of a_~ate tha~ reslllttI s~o t~a~ ~~rry vs (45)

ENGLISH GRAMMAR

drunk or Harrys drunkenness happened) Nor is Harrya mere theme or tliexclfc (Aacute~-to-KarryQruniexcliquestenneacuteSs-l1ippened to him) tlamp11tbject iexclS1

potentia1lt-at-l~st--alMl~tgh-ge~~amp9run_~ wassoID1hiiL~hatJIal did The--verb mayaccordiacutentilde-gly take a subject adjunct (O CE 466]) thus I delibera tey got drunk or He foo(lshy turned traitor It may also supply the complement of a conative verb (1 did try to get drunk) may appear in the imperative (Dont get drunk ) and so on For sorne collocations this potentiacuteality is doubtless harder to realize (compare He delibera tey turned bue with He delibera tey turned nasty or He tried ro grow oder with He tried ro grow farter) but that is precisely the case for subjects and predicators generally lt is this semantic role that justifies the first link shown in Fig 2

which an impersonal structure as in (b)

(b) s[Harry was drunkls got

would relegate to the surface If (b) is wrong for Harry got drunk a transformationalist should consider

more carefully w hether a similar structure is correct for Harry seemed drunk Let us assume that it is correct for the construction with a that-clause (It seemed that Harry was dhmk) for SEEM and APPEAR a c1ausal complement does form one possibility Let us also accept that SBBM has a constant sense in all its constructions But for other current intensives (G eE 820 f) the evidence is more complexo With SOUNO a that-clause can be forced for example if a dative is inserted (lt sounds ro me that (hey arent coming) There is also an impersonal construction with as if

[131 It sounds as ifthey were green

which might be thought to derive from the same source The construction of [13] is also acceptable witb LOOK (lt ooks as ifthey arent coming) But between it and the complex intransitive we can find clear disparities in meaning In [13] the judgment is based on indirect clues what sounds or appears from audible information is indeed the whole proposition they were green But in the complex intransitive [14]

[141 They sound drunk

it is based on sounds that they are making For that reason it is harder 10 make sense of They sound green Likewise They [ook drunk means that they from their appearance are so But in It loob as ifthey are drunk the speaker does not even imply that he has seen them (Compare Prom what you say it ooks as if rhey are drunk) Ir we wanted a complex source it would be tempting 10 relate [14] not 10 the impersonal [13] with raising but rather to the personal [Is1

[IS] They sound as iexclfthey are drunk

with the second they deleted

[46]

P H Marthews

Personal and impersonal are often hard to separate as Palmer (1972) and before him Bolinger(l96la) have shown Ofthis group ofintensives TASTE

and 5MBLL are the most restricted in meaning and it is with these that the impersonal construction as in [91 and [131 is least acceptable With TASTE

neither seems likely Ir rasres to me that the soup is saty It tastes to me as if they are sweer If the second example can be interpreted it is by virtue of a blending with the personal construction (compare It tasres as ifit ) With SMELL the construction of [131 may be more acceptable (Ir smells ro me as if dinner is ready) but the blending remains With PEEL a non-tactile sense is possible (Ir fees Iikey) but is less established than the broader senses of LOOK or SOUNO (compare Ir ooks likey II sounds likey) It is in this case that my judgment is least secure would one say for example It fees (or Ir fees to me) as if they were green With SOUNO and LOOK the general sense is well established as in [131 or Ir sounds likely but there is still a sensory meaning as in [14] and [Isl which inhibits the pure impersonal with that With SEEM and APPEAR we are at the end of the continuum both having general senses only Hence the construction of[91 alongside the impersonal with as if (Ir seems as if they were green) Hence perhaps the infinitive construction of [101 with SOUNO and the others this too is awkward (They ooked ro have arrived Or Ir tastes ro me to be sweer) But it does not follow that the semantical1y general They seem drunk differs in syntax from the specifically sensory They sound drunk or They smell drunk We can even force an active interpretation of the subject thus They tried lO appear drunk or I deliberarey seemed irrftated

32 As [11] with SEEM Hes on a gradience between personal and impersonal so there are others which raise problems in distinguishing intensive from adverbial and circumstantial constructions For there is no criterion which is both sufficient and necessary

The obvious step is to tesectt for simpler transforms Thus J9r [12] Harl~ qrunk ~e can comp~jiexcleJgtimple a~ve Harry was drul~ TRANSFORM in that firstIy it is a a d secondly the predicator

-ORUNK hasnot a tq~ sense s no intraiiSIuvetrans[oacuterintilde ~stiiis~se of G BI is oot ~ble Nor has 4 r tumeirgeacute-iexcl an intransitive transform It turned since this involves a different sense oC TURN Ir there~~ an ascriptive transform but n9-Wn~itive the JhirdeiacuteeDlen t mult be a complementi so [41 and [12] must be complex intransitive Ir there is neither transform it MA y be complement but the col~of verb and adjective mjgbt rCaSantildea be classed as idiomatic Thus The roses have run wild has no transform The roses ve iiOr-aacuteoes it strictly match The rOSes are wild But WILO is at least an adiecti~ must stand in sorne relationship to the verb therefore R UN WILO is right1y

chmldw-rresultintensive (O eE) ---shy-- -_--g ~ _---_bull ~ shy

[471

ENOLISH ORAMMAR

If there is a simple intransitive but no ascriptive transr2ffil--_~~~ coacutentildeSffiiClioacutentilde-intildeuumlSt]ie iexcljdve(J2iacuteaIYlIacuteustrivialIy He ran iexcliuieacutekly has no ascriptive tiexclansfo~ He was quickly less trivially He travelled light does not match He was ight But what if we find both rlJgJQQordf~tillha$ordflJ ascriEtive _~ran~f~rrlJ~eYI1Jer~_~~ ~sectmL1aY-J~_a~~plement circumstantjallik~iilelltjnThey-sJoQdsilent ordfytlb~~j~llsothe simpler intran~1ti~ fbilystQPf so still ~ight be anadver~ like sileniTyintilde-fiieystood silenty Since there is no distinct form srilly the latter is hard to rule out For It shone white we can compare the formally adjectivallt shone brighr again there are both transforms (Ir shone Ir was white) But It shone brighr is c10se in meaning to the formaUy adverbial Ir shone brighry could white be an adverb in default of or as the commoner altemative to whirely Blending may aIso be found in idioms For example it is fruitless to ask if doggo is an adjective or an adverb in He is Iying doggo

For the circumstantial case both transforms are necessary thus [7] He arriuacuteiid sober has the triexcliexclntildeiiiacuteormsmiddotiexcliexcluacuteli-iexcliexclved andHe wasectSoacutebe Wewoacuteuumllifiliso ixpeeacutetthilUumlheveromiddotantildedmiddotildjectTe-shouId befreeOi collocationaI restrictions so He arrived sober He left sober He Jeft satisjied He arrived satisfied and so on But it is very hard to say when such a requirement iacutes meto One does not say for example They stood noisy or They sroodpeacefuJ on that evidence They stood sient might be classed as complex intransitive But neither is one likely to say They arrived noisy or They arrived kind Is that too a matter of collocational restrictions so that [7] is also intensive Or is it merely that NOISY and KIND are ill suIacuteted 10 this construction7 At this point jt is tempting to distinguish degrees of circumstantiality The extreme case would be represented by such sentences as [16]

[16] They stood there exhausted

(Iikewise They have arrived quite sober) where the adjective and verb are marked as separate Beside [16] the construction in [7] is less clearly circumstantial in They stood sient or They stoodfidgering it is perhaps even r less so But this last might stilJ be seen as less intensive than for example

iexcl They stood amazed Likewise They feJl exhausted is less clearly intensi ve than 1 They fell sick since it involves no special sense of FALL

~

f lrOacutel p1lI1riHmD ~ amires f0tr eompiex trlmSitive fu Tlieyfbuntlliim~

guilry there is a special sense OfPIND as ofMAKE in They mode it green In TIwy rrun Juacutem JOber tbat IacuteoS DO spcciiexcll SCDSII of)lEET~ by tbat cS ~ is more eircumsumlial BUl onc la unlikely lO say for eumple They me hlm meditative

4 Finally there is an obvious gradience between the coxnP-1ex intransitive ~nct the simple ascriptj~ With TURN 01 GROW there are~-selecUumlonal restrictions as we have seen With SBJlli or SIhV tney are far fewer

[48J

P H Matthews

neverthelesson~canI1Q~~yfordmr_~ordfmplelfil_sectil1Ied chairmqf1-ltcompareH~ stayelt chairman Qr1fsectJjiquest_riquest~cordfirmordfl1) or It srays obvious that (compare It seemsobvious that or It remainsobvious that ) With REMAIN it is hard to find any but at least the intransitive exists He remained) and their senses can be related Wth BECOMB that evidence too is lacking He became drunk can be distinguish-ed(rontildei1lieasgiptiYlt1g lu7ntl1k onlyJ~iiui~s from jts resultative meaning -_-

This merging has ied grammarians to treat the constructions together But we can do this only by assimi)ating BE to the mode) of verb complementation (as in GCE) not by assimilating TURN and so on to the model of a copula likethecpmplexrordfnsectitiy~nl_e compleimrap~W~i~ ayoor ca~~idatefltY-l~LIl~Jlt~IQ~-ordf_~~rnelltructllr~middot

M

~_

Page 12: in - UGR · (III). 11-70 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1171 Note [a] The ... In addition, we shall use where necessary the suffixes 'ph' (for

1190 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

(i) (cant) bear l (not)fanci miss l

begrudge l hate l regret l bull4

detest like relish

dislike l loathe resent l

dread l love l (cant) stand 1

enjoy (not) mind l

(ii) cease quit start l

commence resume stop I

eontinue

(jii) admit4 forget l bull J4 recommend l J

avoid (eant) heli rememberl 34

eonfess4 imagine repent eonsider iacutenvolvel J require2

deny4 justifylJ risk l 3

deserue2 need l 2 save l 3 diseouragel 3 permit l ) tryS envisage l 3 propose want l

(dialectaI2)

escape reealll 34

The verbs ofType (i) preceded by a negative (such as eant bear) have a builtshyin negative bias so that they cannot occur in straightforward assertive contexts

Cora doesnt mind waiting Cora minds waiting

They can however occur in nonassertive contexts

Do you mind waiting How can anyone bear wearing clothes like that

and also in second instance contexts ie where the construction refers back to a nonassertive occurrence of the same construction earlier in the discourse

cant stand] k h h 1A 1[ d ji wor mgwlt t atglron t anc)

fd ti [stand it JB We1I 1m a ral you HAVE to ji k h h ancy wor mg Wlt ero

Superscripts in the aboye lists are interpreted as follows

1 The verb also occurs in pattern [B9] ie with a subject preceding the participle (ef 1642)

2 The participle has a passive interpretation (see aboye) 3 The participle has independent interpretation ie the subject of the

participle clause is not necessarily coreferential with the subject of the preceding verb and may have indefinite meaning

4 The participle may occur with a perfective construction

1admit having seen it (l]

But with such verbs the nonperfective construction can also be used with past meaning Thus [1] is synonymous with [2]

1 admit seeing it [2]

Types of verb complementation 1191

This paraphrase relation however exists mainly withverbs of dynamic meaning contrast verbs of stati ve meaning

I admit knowing him 1admit having known him

5 On the construction with (ry cf 1640

Examples of prepositional verbs belonging to this class ([B7pr]) are

bankonl decide on playat seeabout counton l delight in l resort to shrinkfrom

O Examples of phrasal verbs ([B7ph]) are

break off give up Jeaue off putoff takeup

Examples of(B7ph-pr] are

doaway with get around to go infor look forward fo

The following sentences ilIustrate these patterns

We counted on getting there early [B7pr] Ive taken up playing tenniacutes [B7ph] Jim is looking forward lo having the house to himself [B7ph-pr]

It IS important to notice that the lo in gel around to lookforward to and resor to is not an infinitive marker but a preposition Hence 1 am looking forward to seeing you is grammatical but not 1 am looking forward fo see you

Note [al The superscript 1 in the aboye lisU is not added lo verbs like stop although a noun phrase can be inserted between the participle and (he preceding verb in ~uch cases

They stopped (her) working all night Thiacutes ls because the construction containing the extra noun phrase (her in the aboye example) is arguably complex transiacutetive (e 1653) rather than monotransiacutetive (as is evident from the marginally acceptable passive She was slopped working all nighl) [b) Also we exclude from the aboye lists catenative verbs such as go in We wenl running and gel in Gel moving (e349)

Choice betwecn the infinitive and participle constructions (lB6) and (B71) 1640 Where both constructions [B6] and B7] are admitted there is usualIy felt to

be a difference of aspect or mood which infiuences the choice As a rule the infinitive gives a sense of mere potentiality for action as in She hoped fo leam French while the participle gives a sense of the actual performance of the action itself as in She enjoyed leaming Freneh In the case of try the double meaning is particularly clear

Sh 1 t d to bribe the jailor [1 ] el a ne b b hln mg teJa or

[1] implies that Sheila attempted an act ofbribery but did not manage it [2] implies that she actualIy did bribe the jailor but without (necessarily) achieving what she wanted With other verbs the difference is more subtle and may be overruled or neutralized by the meaning of the verb of the main clause For example the negative meaning of avoid and escape cancels out the sense of performance in He escapedlavoided being branded as a traitor

1192 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Let us consider more carefully three classes of verb which take both

constructions

(O EMOTlVE VERas (see Type (i) in the lists in 1638 and 1639) With the verbs which take both constructions (eread hate like loathe love and prefer) the bias of the infinitive towards potentiacuteality tends to fa vour its use in hypothetiacutecal and nonfactual contexts eg

Would you like o see my stamp collectiacuteon seemg

1hateto seem rude but youre blocking the view seemmg

On the other hand the particiacutepial construction is favoured where the speaker is referring to something which definitely happens or has

happened

to live Bnan loalhed 1 m the countrylUmg

(But with would loathe the infinitive is just as acceptable as the -ing participle)

Here to Uve implies that Brian could exercise choice about where to live whereas living presupposes that he actually did live in the country and probably had no choice in the matter But in other contexts there is little appreciable difference between the two constructions

tocoOk 1 [to eat JDo you prefer k for yourself or t m a restaurant[coa mg ea mg

(in ASF2C7uumlAL VERBS of beginni1g (a~ti1urng) and ending also in many cases take both constructions

Lucy startedcOntinUedceasedto W~iteWhile in hospital IIntmg

In such examples as this there is no observable difference of meaning between the constnlctiacuteons But in other cases a contrast between potentiality and performance may influerice the choice

to speak but stopped because she objected He s tarted speakmg and k ept on for more t han an hbur

The association of the -ing participle with the progressive aspect may also influence a p[ference for the participle where multiple activities

are involved

to open allthe cupboardsHe began openlflg all the cupboards

Here opening is more appropriate than to open While sorne verbs in this group (begin continue cease sean) allow both constructions others (finish stop) altowonly the participle construction (Go on and keep (on) may be classified as catenative verbs (cf349) onfinishfstop followed by the infinitive cf1638 Note [b])

Types of verb complementation 1193

(di) RETROSPECTlVE VERBS For three verbslorget remember and regret the potentialityperformance distiacutenction becomes extended into the past so that there is a temporal (as well as in part modal) difference between the two constructions The infinitive construction indicates that the action or event takes place after (and as a result of) the mental process denoted by the verb has begun while the reverse is true for the participle construction which refers to a preceding event or occasion coming to mind at the time indicated by the main verb

1 remembered to fill out the formo [1 remembered that 1 was to fill out the form and then did so]

1 remembered filling out the form rl remembered that 1 had filled out the form]

lforgot 10 go to the bank [1 forgot that 1was to go to the bank and therefore did not do soJ

lforgot (about) going to the bank [rare without about 1 forgot that 1went to the bank or that 1should have gone ]

1regret to tel you that John stole i1 [1 regret that 1am about to tel you that John sto le i1]

1 regret telling you that John stole i1 [I regret that 1 told you that John stole i1 or that 1 am now telling you J

[B8) Complementation by to-infinitive clause (with subject) 1641 The verbs in this group (as distinct from the apparently similar object +

t infinitive -o1struction el 1650) are restricted to a small numbcr chicfly denoting (nol) liking or wanting (cant) bear desire hate like iexcloLe prefer want and wish

They dont like the house to be left empty 1 wouldn t want you to lose your way

After these verbs the noun phrase preceding the infinitive cannot be made the subject of a passive main c1ause The house isnt liked to be left empty (by them)

There is moreover an alternative construction (chiefly restricted to AmE) in which the noun phrase is preceded by for which marks it as the subject of an infinitive clause rather than as object ofthe main clause

Jack prefersfor his wife to drive the truck ltesp AmE)

These two observations point in the direction of a monotransitive analysis of such verbs

In the following howeverJor has a different status and must occur in both AmE and BrE

They arranged for Mary to come at once

In this case the construction is that of a prepositional verb arrange for ([B8prl) the infinitive clause acting as prepositional object Other examples

1194 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

wherejor occurs as part of a prepositional verb are askfor eatlfor aehefor aim for bum for burst jor eare for clamour for erave for hope for iteh for long jor plan joacuter prepare for wait for yearn for

We were al achingburningbursting jor the performance to begin They plannedfor the mayor to arrive on the following day

For some of the verbs in these clauses the that-clause with should ([B3(iiacute)j) is an alternative form of complementation

They planned that the mayor should arrive on the following day

A further reason in favour of a monotransitive analysis of verbs of Type [B8pr] is the possibility (in some cases) of a passive with or without extraposition

For the administration to resign so quickly was not called foro It had been arranged for the food to be served indoors

Note [al Sorne [B8pr] verbs such as arrangefor planfor and preparefor also have a [B2] construction in which they are followed by a direct object Compare Have you arranged the meeting Have you arrangedfor iexclhe meeting Compare also She askedfor the children to leave and She asked iexclhe children O leave [b] Desire expect and intend although they tit into this category with respect to introductory for and the extraposed passive also accept the passive of the raised object which applies to [C4] (cfI650) Thus expect for example pennits two associated passives

It was nOt expected for the administration to resigno The administration was not expected to resigno

The former of these however is felt to be awkward and of marginal acceptability On such contlicts of c1assiacutefication cfI664jf

jB91 Complementation by -ing participle clause (with subject) 642 Verbs which accept this pattern comprise a considerable subset of those

verbs accepting the subjectless -ing clause as object they include the verbs marked 1 in the list of 1639 The genitive form of the subject is an option in formal English (ef 1512) but is often felt to be awkward or stilted

1 dislike him his driving my car We look forward to youyour beeoming our neighbour

In some cases particularIy when the subject of the participle is not a pronoun and does not have personal reference the geniti ve option is rare

vehicle h hPeter stoppe d te h l cras mg mto t e ence h ve lees

The genitive is also rare with a pronoun with nonpersonal reference

1 look forward to ~t geUing warmer in spring lts

The verbs of negative meaning stop prevent and prohibit have a related ditransitive construction (cfI656f) in which the prepositionfrom precedes the -ing clause as second object

They tried toacute preven the planefrom landing on the runway

Types of verb complementation 1195

Thus thefrom is optional In the very few cases where we have a choice between an -ing participle

and a to-infinitive construction there is usual1y felt to be a difference ofaspect or mood such as that described in 1640

1hate the children lo quarrel [ theyre ordinarily such good friacuteends] [1]

1 hate the children quarrelling [ all the time] [2]

focuses on the childrens potential for quarrelling [2] emphasizes their performance the point being that they do quarrel rather often in fact An aspectual difference is uppermost in

ehiming ( all night long) 1h he c oc k ate t l

to ehlme ( Just when Im gOtng to sleep)

The infinitive suggests a single chime while the participle suggests continual chiming (ef435 467f)

Note Verbs ofthe observational type eg notice in 1 noticed him writing a leller do not belong in this group and are dealt with in 1653 For such verbs the genitive is not a possible alternative iexcl noticed hiacutes writiacuteng a Jeter

Complex transitive complementation 1643 In 216 we applied the term COMPLEX TRANSlTIVE to verbs in the pattems

SVOC and SVOA In this chapter we extend the term to other clause patterns in which an object is followed by another element which is not an object (eg a nonfinite clause) A distinguishing characteristic o[ complex transitive compiemculiIacuteuacutelI j thallhe two elltments iacuteuiiuwiug the yerb (eg object and object complement) are notionally equated with the subject and predication respectively of a nominal c1ause For example

MONOTRANSlTIVE She presumed lhat her father was dead [1] She presumed her father to be dead [2]

COMPLEX TRANSITIVE Sh d h 1 h d d [3]e presume er Jat er ea

In [3J her father (O) and dead (C) are equivalent in meaning to a separate clause viz the that-clause in [l] This relationship remains where the object complement is expanded into an infinitive clause as in 2] Yet her father to be dead in spite of its clause-like meaning and appearance does not act syntactica1ly as a single constituent as is evident in the passive where the O is separated from its complement

Her father was presumed (by her) to be dead

This divisibility into two elements of a semantically clausal construction following the verb is the defining property ofcomplex transitive complementshyation

We begin with three already familiar patterns of complex transitive complementation those corresponding to [A I-A3] (ef 1621-4)

Note On the simiacutelarities between complex transitive and ditransitive complementation see 1666ff

1196 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

ICII Adjective phrase as object complement 1644 The SVOC pattern (ef216) in whiacutech the object complement is an adjective

phrase is found with verbs which like copular verbs may be divided into CURRENT and RESULTING types

You should keep the cabbagefresh (1] That music drives me mad [2]

The verb keep in [1] introduces the current attributefresh while the verb drive in [2] introduces the resulting attribute mad These two verbs therefore exemplify the two main categories ofcomplex transiti ve complementatiacuteon in this pattern The current verbs (ef1621ff) are usually staiive and the resulting verbs are always dynamic Further examples ofeach type are

CURRENT RESULTING

hod[C2] (v) drive [C4] keep [C2] get [C4] eave [C2] make [C2 C4]

prove [B3 C2 C4] (ii) eall [C2] render[C4]eonfess [B3 C2 C4] sendprofess [B3 C2 C4]

pronounce [B3 C2 C4] turn

report [B3 C4] eertify [B3 C2 C4] declare [B3 C2 C4] like proclaim [B3 C2 C4] prefer[B3]

want wish [B3 C2 C4]

(iv) beliacuteeve [B3 C2 eonsider [B3 C2 C4] deem [B3 C2 C4] find [B3 C2 C4] hod[B3 C4] imagine [B3 C2 C4] judge [B3 C2 C4] presume[B3 C2 C4] rate [C2 C4] reekon [B3 C2 C4] suppose [B3 C2 C4] think [B3 C2 C4]

Type (O is a category of current verbs of general meaning Type (ii) consists offactual speech act verbs (cf1631) Type (iii) of volitional verbs Type (iv) of verbs of inte11ectual state Type (v) of general resulting verbs and Type (vi) ofresulting verbs referring to speech acts which havethe performative force of declarations (Hod occurs twice in the aboye list as a general verb [Type (i) as in She hed her head high] and as an inte11ectual state verb [Type (iv) as in 1 hod you responsibe]) The symbols added after sorne verbs indicate other related complementation types to which those verbs belong

Types of verb complementation 1197

[B3] The verb can also be used monotransitively (el Note (a]) with a that-clause

[C2] The verb can also occur wiacuteth a noun phrase as object complement [C4] The verb can a1so occur with an object + infiniacutetive construction

Examples

The secretary eft a1l the letters unopened The doctors pronounced her conditiacuteon uttery hopeess Oi) 1want my coffee stronger than this (iii) Weve alwaysfound the assistants very frtendy (iv) The long waIk made us a11 hungry They have declared the house unfit for habitatiacuteon (vi)

Note that the adjectival complement may contain modifiers and adjectival complementation (ef1668-83) A passive construction in which the direct object becomes subject is also an important criterion

AH the letters were left unopened (by the secretary) (i) Her condition was pronounced uttery hopeess (by the doctors) (ji)

Note [a] There is sometimes a meaning difference between the object complement construction and the corresponding that-clause [B3) or objeet + infinitive [C4] eonstruction

1 imagined myself severely ill [3] p 1 imagined myself to be severely ill [4]

Sentence [3] suggests that the speaker is indulgiacuteng in a flight of faney sentence [4J suggests that the speaker is deluding himself (eg that he is a hypochondriae) A differenee is also to be observed between [5] and [6]

They gol him angry [5J p They got him lo be angry (6]

where [5J suggests made him angry in spite of himself and [6] suggests persuaded him to be angry (Yet a third meaning is represented by Donl get me wrong [Dont misunderstand me J) Two iacuteurther comrasts are

We found the ehildren undernourished [ We encou nte red them iacute n tha t cond i tiacuteon J [7] p Wefoundthe children lo be undernourished [8]

[Our examination revealed their condition] and

He declared the meeting offieial He declared the meeting lO be officiaL

where [9] has a performati ve and resultati ve force (The meeting beeame official as a result of his announeement) not regularly present in [lO] [b] Have in sentences sueh as We have IWO employees sck is not a member of the [CI] category but belongs to a special have-existential construetion lo be discussed with existential sentences in general in 1851 Since it has no passive this elause construction lacks one criterial feature of comp1ex transitive constructions Two employees are had sick [e] There is a variant order in which the object complement precedes the object eg He thought desirable most ofthe women in the room (efIS37) This order tends to occur when the object is a long noun phlase

1645 In addition to the verbs listed in 1644 aboye there are many verbs which belong more peripherally to Type [C1] Their membership is more peripheral in one or both of the following respects (a) They occur only in restricted sequences such as rub dry (ef 1617) (b) They can occur in the [BI] monotransitive construction without appreciable change of meaning iacutee the object complement is optional and resembles an optional adverbial Iil the following typical co11ocations the object noun phtase is symbolized by N

1

Types of verb complementation 11991198 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

CURRENT RESULTING

bring (a child) up health boil (an egg) 8aft 1

buy N eheapl erap (hair) shoriexcl1 return (a letter) unopened freeze N hard serve (food) hOlleold paint N redblue 1

seU N eheaplnew1 roll N flat sweep (the fioor) clean 1

calour N blueyellow 1

dye N pinklgreen 1

knock (someone) senseless polish N smooth 1

scrape N clean I swing (a door) open

For those combinations marked l the object complement could be easily omitted without a change in the basic sense of the verbo

Among resulting attributes the adjectives open loose free and clean are particularly common push N open shake N loose set N free wipe N clean

The collocations make sure and make certain are peculiar in that the object is a that-clause and always follows the adjectivaI complement

Please make sureleertain that you endose your birth certificate

There is no passive be made surecertain With other collocations the that-clause object is postponed by extraposiacutetion (ef 1835)

He found it strange that no one else had arri ved 1think it very odd that she left without saying goodbye The emperor pronounced it illegal for landlords to enfranchise their

tenants

Extraposition is optional with make N clear and therefore the preparatory it may be omitted She made (it) eear that we were regarded as trespassers

Note [al Sorne collocations require the object to be a rellexive pronoun Ilaughed myself sick They roared themselves hoarse Here the object complement cannot be omitted llaughed myself [b] The resultative pattern illustrated in thiacutes section is quite productive and occurs with rare or newly-converted verbs such as selotape and scotchtape selotape N fiat ltRrE) seotehtape N fiat (AmE) Similarly

iexclve deepfrozen the bread solido

(C21 Noun phrase as object complement 646 Most of the verbs listed in 1644 can occur also with a noun phrase

complement In addition there are a few verbs which occur with anoun phrase but not with an adjective phrase as complement eg appoint These verbs marked 1 in the list below can also occur with theobject + infinitive construction

The queen appointedWilliam Cecil (to be) her personal secretary

The list is subdivided into categories corresponding to those in 1644

(i) hold2 (iv) believe (v) appoint l2middot 3

keep2 consider2 choose 2 3

eleetl 2 3leave deem esteem l 2 3 make(ii) cal find provecanfess imagine2 voteprofess

pronounce judge2 (vi) baptize13

presume certify 23 (iii) wish 3rate2 christent bull

reckon2 erown l bull 2bull 3

suppose declare think proclaim

namemiddot23

The superscript 2 indicates that the as-construction (cf 1 647) is also possible The superscript 3 indicates that the verb is also monotransitive and that the verb retains the same meaning when the object complement is omitted Hence She appointed him secretary implies that she appointed him Examples of each sub-type follow With profess and wish which are used to illustrate subtypes (H) and (iii) respectively a reflexive pronoun as object is normal

She held her niece (a) captive for several years (i) The prince professed himself a supporter of free speech (ji) 1have often wished myself a millionaire (iii) Charles does not esteem him a trustworthy adviser (iv) The committee has elected you its chairman (v) Her parents named her Sophia after her grandmother (vi)

Some verbs in this pattem are unlikely to occur in the adive eg think beiacuteieve reckon The foilowing are exampies of the passive conslruclIacuteon

Her niece was held (a) captive for several years (i) She was named Sophia after her grandmother (vi)

As with Type (el] the object may be a clause postponed by extraposition

We have made it a condition that the new agreement be signed by all the original signatories

He has proved it a falIacy that old age brings wisdom

Note [al The zero article occurs optionally with captive and prisoner as object complements as in (i) above She held her niece (a) caplive Hold capliveprisoner and keep captivepriacutesoner are unusual in that the omitted article is indefinite rather than definite Examples of the zero article with definite meaning (eS42) are

Edgar was judged overall winner They appointed Sue captain of the athletics team

[b] The object + infinitive construction with 10 be as with Type [Gl] is not always equivalent to the pattero with a phrasal object complement For example name can be used with 10 be only if the following noun phrase designates a future role or status

Her parents named her (0 be) Gladys The selectors named her (lo be) a memberofthe touring team

As can be used with name only on the same condition as applies to lO be Her parenls named her as (adys (cf 1 647 below) [el The copular retation can obtain not only between the object and complement as in [11 bu also between subject and complement as in [21

t iexcl

1200 Complementation of verbs and adjectiacuteves

She made him iexcliexcl good husband (S V OC) [1 J She made him a good wife (S VOC) [2J

[1 Jhas the passive analogue He as gtladea good husband but in the entirelydifferentconstruetion of (2] where the copular rdation is between she and a good middotle no passive is possible Thc meuning is She Vas a good wire to himmiddot A prepositional verb 01 this Same unusuallattcrn is strike l in 101 example

He stmck me os a brilliant slralegist where a brilianl strategist is su bjcet eomplement

(Clprl and (C2prl Object complement foUowing prepositional verb 1647 The preposition as designates a copular relation particularly in specifying a

role or status associated with the direct object The ehureh eondemned the relie as a lraud Following a complex transitive verb and a direct object the prepositional complement of as functions semantiacutecally as an attribute and may be termed a prepositional object complement in the same way as the noun phrase following a transitive prepositional verb is called a prepositional object

a geniacuteus [C2] We considered him as a genius [C2pr]

tobeagenius [C4]

1 bull (as) a genius ~ He was consdered t b

o e agemus

Consider as like regard as class as etc therefore exemplifies yet another type of prepositional verb one that is followed by a prepositiacuteonal object complement rather than a prepositional object

Occasionally the prepositionlor occurs in this copular function instead of as

He took these words as evidence He took me lor a fool

In the following list for verbs in column (i) the preposition is optional where for verbs in column (H) the preposition is obligatory

(i) appoint (as) (ii) aeeept as ehoose (as) aeknowledge as eonsider (as) eharaeterize as eount (as) class as deem (as) define as esteem (as) describe as rate (as) intend as reekon (as) mistakelor report (as) regard as eleet (as) see as eertify (as) take asllor erown (as) trea as make Unto) use as proclaim (as)

Most verbs in [elpr] and[e2pr] can also introduce an adjective phrase in the function of prepositional object complement

Types of verb complementation 1201

The experts raled his paintings (as) poor bUI representalive ol their class

They classed Jane as partialty sighted The media described the situation as hopeless ~ The situation was described as hopeless

Verbs not allowing this construction are marked 1 in the aboye lists The construction iacutes exceptional in allowing an adjective phrase to occur after a prepositiacuteon A more orthodox construction is obtained by adding the word being before the adjective phrase and thereby converting the prepositional complement into a nominal -ing clause

The media descriacutebed the situation as being hopeless

Note [al Count as and rate as can also oecur in an analogous as-conslruction without lhe object as prepositional copular verbs eg This coanslraes as a tWtable success (e 1622 Note lb]) [b] Allhough as is classcd as a preposition in Ibe above pattern il in some ways resemblcs the conjunction as which introduces clauses of comparison (e15 71) Consider Ihe following curious examples in which as introduces on Ihe one hand a clause and on the other hand a noun phrase in an appositional relation lo Ihe clause

Report me as 10m - a superannuated dolt Hedescribcd her as heound her a liar

(C31 Complementation by object and adjunct 1648 Our next category Type [e3] consists of verbs which occur in the SVOA

pattern (el216) ie verbs which ha ve as their complementation an object followed by a predication adjunct The most characteristic adjuncts to occur in this pattern are prepositional phrases of space and more particularly of direction eg

1 slipped the key into the lock He stood my argument on its head [2] Take your hands out olyour poekets

The passive iacutes illustrated by

The key was slipped into the lock [1 al Sentence [2] exemplifies the abstract or metaphorical use of such verbs and adjuncts Many of the verbs which fit into this pattern are causative verbs of motiacuteon put get stand se sit lay place send bring take lead drive etc The class is open-ended since verbs normally without causative meaning can be adapted to this function eg show see elbow etc in

The attendant showed us to our seats [conducted us ] May I see you home [escort you ] He elbowed and bribed his way to fame They talked me into it [persuaded me ]

Other verbs are associated with space position adjuncts rather than direction adjuncts

They lelt the papers at my offiee Always keep your eyes on the road when driving

1

i

1202 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

The attackers eaught us ofJour guardo He wished them at the bottom ofthe sea

Again the spatial meaning ofthe adjunct rnay be understood in sorne abstract or rnetaphorical sense as in the third exarnple aboye

Adjuncts of other sernantic types are less cornrnon but instances are the adjunct of rnanner following treat

badIY Her parents treated her as ifshe were a baby

as like a small ehild

and the optional adjunct of duration following last

This rnoney will ha ve to last you laquo(for) six months)

Note [al Treot has a dilferent meaning when the adjunct is omitted Her parents treated her [= did something pleasant for her]

[b] Superficiacuteally similar to the aboye pattern iacutes that iIIustrated by remind andfurnish followed by an object and a prepositional phrase

She reminds me ofmy sister They furnished all the passengers with iexclfe jackets

These however are classed as transiti ve prepositional verbs (cfI6 7-8) and will be dealt with in 1656fbelow The difference between Ihese prepositional verbs and verbs of complemenlation Type [e3] is that in Ihe former case the lexical verb governs a particular preposition remind offurnish with (Alternative prepositional constructions are sometimes available however provide withprovide for)

Variants of complex transitive complementation 649 We now examine variants of complex transitive cornplernentation in which

thc direct object iexcls f01lowltd by ji nonfinite dau~1 acting as predication adjunct Al four kinds of nonfinite construction (ef 146-8) are possible

[C4] to-infinitive [C6] -ing participle They knew hirn to be a spy 1caught Ann reading my diary

[CS] bare infinitive [C7] -ed participle 1heard someone slam We saw him beaten by the

World Heavyweight Champion thedoor

The nonfinite clause in these patterns (in italics in the above table) has no subject itself but its implied subject is always the preceding noun phrase which is object of the superordinate c1ause This noun phrase which if a personal pronoun is in the objective case is commonly termed a RAISED

OBJECT (ef further 16640) semantically it has the role of subject of the nonfinite verb but syntactically it is raised from the nonfinite c1ause to function as object of the superordinate verbo Hence in general this noun phrase (in italics in the table below) can become subject of the corresponding passive (The passive of [C5] normaly requires substitution of a to-infinitive for abare infinitive the passive of [C7) is of marginal currency ef 1654 Note [a))

(C4] He was known to be a spy

[eS] Someone was heard to slam the door

Types of verb complementation 1203

[C6] Ann was caught reading rny diary

[e] He was seen executed by a firing squad

On the face ofit the patterns [C4] and [e6] are indistinguishable from the rnonotransitive patterns [B8] (eg She hates the train to be late) and [B9] (eg She hates the train being late) in which the nonfinite c1ause has a subject of its own The ability of the noun phrase preceding the nonfinite verb to become subject of a passive is however an important distinction between thern (see further 1651 and 1653)

These patteros [e4] and (e6] are distinguished from corresponding patterns in which the Note nonfinite c1ause is an adverbial by the raet that the iacutemplied subject of the nonfinite verb is O rather than S Note the ambiguity of

She left him to finish the jobo She lert him holding the baby

IC4J Object + to-infinitive complementation The verbs in this group are rather numerous and rnay be subdivided 1650

(vii) assist bother bribe eondemll dariquest defy encourage help induce inspire press summon

semantically into the following categories

(iacute) announee declare proclaim pronounee

(H)

reporl repute [esp P rumour (P only] say[P only] tip (esp BrEgt

assume believe eonceive (formalgt eonsider expeet feel jind imagine know presume reekon see [P only1 suppose take thiacutenk[esp P1 understand

(iiiacute) intend mean

(iv) appoint elect name vote

(v) cause drive force get[no P] lead prompt

(vi) alow authorize compel eonstrain enable entitle equip jit oblige permit requiacutere

[P = Passive]

1ZU4 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Types (i) and (ti) correspond to the factual verbs of category [B3J discussed in 1631 the nonfinite construction following these verbs can often be replaced by a lhal-clause with an indicative verbo Compare

The poli ce reported that the traffic was heavy [B3] The police reported the traffic to be heavy (formal) [C4]

JOhn believed that the stranger was a policeman [B3 = John believed the stranger to be a policeman (formal) [C4]

With factual verbs such as these the nonfinite clause normaIly contains the verb be or sorne other verb of stative meaning EspecialIy when the nonfinite main verb is other than be the finite clause (of pattern [B3]) is preferred to the infiniti ve one except that the infinitive construction provides a convenient passive form

The traffic was reported to be heavy The stranger was believed to be a poli cernan

Sorne verbs in this construction have no lhat-clause equivalent

They tipped him to be the next president (esp BrE) - He was tipped to be the next president (They tipped that he would be the next president)

Sorne verbs (marked [P only] in the list abo ve) occur only in the passive version of this construction

The field marshal was said to be planning a new strategy (Someone said the field marshal to be planning a new strategy)

Other verbs (marked [esp PJ) occur chiefly in the passive

The BroadwiY piOJutioli was inoughi to have made Maxs fortune (Newsmen lhought the Broadway production to have made Maxs fortune)

Ofthe twq classes of factual verbs Type (i) consists ofpublic verbs (cf1631) referring to a speech act and Type (ii) consists of private verbs expressing belief etc

1651 Of the remaining semantic types Type (iii) consists of verbs of intention (on intend itself ef 1641 Note lb]) Types (iv) and (v) consist of causative verls where the infinitive clause identifies the resultant state (Type (iv) verbs also belong to class [Cl]) Type (vi) cClUsists of verbs with a modal character expressing such concepts as enablement permission and compulsion and Type (vii) consists of a variety of verbs of influencing between which a common factor appears to be that the nonfinite clause has a purposive meaning Examples are

(iii) They intended Mary to sing an aria (- Mary was intended to sing an aria)

(iv) The meeting elected Mr Martiacuten to be the next treasurer (- Mr Martin was elected to be the next treasurer)

Types of verb complementation 1205

(v) This optimistic forecast led the administration to promise tax cuts ( _ The administration was led (by this optimistic forecast) to promise tax cuts)

(vi) My contract allows me to take one months lea ve (- 1arn allowed to take one months leave)

(vii) Our teachers eneouraged us to think for ourselves (- We were eneouraged to think for ourselves)

In Type (iv) the infinitive main verb is normaIly be and can be omitted They appointed her (lO be) the social secretar) This type overlaps with Type (v) 1646

Note [al There are a number of multi-word verbs in this category [C4prl counl Ofl bullbullbull lO depend Ol bullbull lo rey on lO bullbullbull [C4phl make OUI 10 bullbull [C4ph-pr] keep 01 al lo bull

(which has no passive) Examples are 1 am dependillg 011 you lO give us your fu support They malle him oul to be a monster ofdepravity Why do you keep On al me 10 work harder

[b] Sorne passives of pattem [C4] (eg be allowed be supposed) have a semi-auxiliary (cf347f) interpretation in which they lose their connection with the corresponding active construction especiay as regareis agency

(es) Object + bare infinitive complementation 1652 This pattern occurs with a relatively smaIl number of verbs

(i) have (ii) fee overhear[P] (iii) help [P] let hear [PI see [PJ know [P] rnake [PI notice [P watch

observe[P]

Typl (i) consists uf vlrbs uf iexcluiexclciacuteVI meaning Type (ii) has percepwal verbs of seeing and hearing and Type (iii) is a residual class of two verbs which are optionally followed by a to-infinitive The marker [PI indicates that the passive (normaIly with a to-infinitive) is possible [P] indicates that the passive is of doubtful or limited acceptability

(i) You shouldnt lel your family iacutenterfere with our plans We must rnake the public take notice ofuso

(- The public must be rnade to take notice ofus) (ji) Did you notiacutece anyone leaue the house

The crowd saw Gray score lwo rnagnificeni goals ( - Gray was seen lo seore two rnagnificent goas)

(iii) Sarah helped us (to) edil the seript 1 have known John (to) give better speeches than that

(- John has been known lO giue better speeches than that)

Know followed by the bare infinitive is confined mainly to BrE and to the perfective aspect have known Lel in group (i) is in other constructions cIassified as similar to an auxiliary (ef3SI) Let has an apparent passive in combination with such verbs as lel go and lel fal but these are best regarded as fixed expressions in which let has an auxiliary or particIe-like function

They let the prisoner go horneo - The prisoner was let go horneo

1206 Complementation of verbs and adjectiacuteves

Note that this apparent passive has the bare infinitive in contrast for example to make which has to have the to-infinitive in the passive

They mude him understand ~ He was made to understalld

A third verb in group (i) is have which (like have in monotransitive constructions) does not occur in the passi ve

They had me repeat the message ~ 1 was had (to) repeat the message

Note [a] The formulaic nature of let him go and similar expressions is illustrated by variants such as [1-3J which cannot be fitted into any regular complementation pattern

gothe rope [1] They lel the rope go [2]

goofthe rope (3)

[b] Of the two constructions with help tha with 10 is more common in BrE and that without 10

is more common in AmE [e] Arare verb in category (i) is the now rather archaic bid with a to-infinitive complementation in the passive

They bidbade me sil down - rwas bidden 10 sil down

[C61 Object + -ing participle complementation 1653 The verbs in category [C6] consist of verbs of perception (Type (iraquo verbs of

encounter (Type (iO) and two verbs of coercive meaniacuteng (Type

feel[C5] see[C5) (ji) eateh (iiiacute) have hear[C5) smell diseover get notiee [C5] spot find observe[C5) spy leave overhear[CS) wateh [CS) pereeive

Perception verbs marked [CS] occur also with the bare infinitive pattern [CS) Wiacuteth such verbs there iacutes an aspect difference between [C5) and [C6) as described in 461f

Tim watched Bill mendlmendingthe lampo

The bare infinitive having nonprogressive meaning implies that Bill did the wholejob while Tiacutem was watching the -ing clause with progressive meaning has no such implicatiacuteon

This complementatiacuteon pattern differs from that of [B9) not only in its progressive aspect but also in that the noun phrase following the superordinate verb cannot take the genitive (or possessive) form (ef 1642)

1 saw him lying on the beach 1 saw his lying on the beach

Another difference from pattern [B9) is that the -ing predication can normally be omitted without radically altering the meaning

1 saw him lying on the beach [entails iexcl saw him)

Contrast

1 hate my friends leaving early [does notentaiacutel 1 hate my friends)

Types of verb complementation 1207

The passive with this pattern is regular

We could hear the rain splashing on the roof ~ The rain could be heard splashing on che roof

A teacher eaughc them smoking in the playground - They were eaught smoking in the playground (by a teacher)

Prepositional verbs with this type of complementation ([C6prJ) include eome aeross eome upon listen to and look at Look at those ehildren climbing the wall But these [C6prJ prepositional verbs have no prepositiacuteonal passive

seen The guards had been spouhed searchiacuteng the building

wate e d looked at

Have in this construction (e18S1ff) also has no passive in keeping with its use in other constructions

She had us working day after day We were had working day after day

Note Feeloccurs especially with a reflexive pronoun object Shefelt herself falling in love

[C7) Object + -ed participle complementation 1654 We can distinguish three small groups of verbs complemented bv a raised

object followed by an -ed participle c1ause

(i) CAUSATIVE verbs get ha ve She gotlhad the watch repaired immediately

Oi) VOLITlONAL verbs want need like I wantlneed this watch repaired immediately

(jii) PERCEPTUAL verbs see hearJeel (oneself) wateh Someone must have seenl heard the car stolen

A fourth group is peripheral to this construction

(iv) Verbs for which the -ed participle describes a resulting statefind

diseoverleave They founddiseoveredfleft him worn out by tra vel and exertion

j In this construction as in that of (C6) have can ha ve either an agentive causative meaning or a stative meaning Hence The guard patrol had two men shot is ambiguous meaning either The patrol caused two men to be shot or

I The patrol suffered the los s oftwo men by shooting The latter meaning is that of the have-existential construction (ef 18S1ff) In general this

complementation type is semantically equivalent to one with an iacutenfinitive form of the verb be Thus in Type (ii) iexcl would like my room cleaned is synonymous with iexcl would like my room to be cleaned in Type Oiiacute) He saw the team beaten is synonymous with He saw the team be beaten

Note [al There is no passive for most verbs in pattem [e7] and at best the passive is dubious The car must have been seen stolen The acceptability of the passive with Type (iv) is exceptional

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1208 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

The car wasfound abandoned This is indeed an indication that Type (iv) may not belong here so much as with the objecl complement construction [el l iexclhe participle construclion being adjectival (cf an abandoned car) lb1In addition to the two meanings of haue + objec + -ed participle above a third meaning results ifthe -ed clause is analysed as a postmodifier of Ihe object eg She had a book (which gtvas) stolenfrom the library

Ditransitive complementation

ID11 Noun phrases as both indirect and direct object 1655 Ditransiacutetive complementation in its basic fonu involves two object no un

phrases an indirect object which is nonually aniacutemate and positioned first and a direct object which is nonually concrete The two noun phrases differ from those of[C2] in not being in a copular relationship

He gave the girl a doll --v-- --r-

S V Oiacute Od

The difference between this and complex transitive complementation is seen in

svoe He found her a loyal friendo ( She was a loyal friend)

SVOO He found her an apartment ( - The apartment was for her)

The characteristics of indirect objects in contrast to direct objects are fully disclssed in 107

Sorne ditransitive verbs have two passive analogues which we shall distinguish as first and second

The girl was given a doll [FIRST PASSIVE]

A doll was given the girl [SECOND PASSIVE]

Of these two the first passive in which the indirect object becomes subject is the more common The prepositional paraphrase is more usual as an alternative than the second passive A dol was given to the girl (For a list of verbs ofType [01] ef1657 below)

[D21 Object and prepositional object 1656 In the ditransitive category prepositional verbs fonu an important group

with its own sub-divisions and may therefore be given a separate category number D2] These verbs are those we have called Type II prepositional verbs (cfI67-8) Alongside the ordinary indirect object pattern two main prepositional patterns rnaybe distinguished _

Indirect object + direct object [D1] Direct object + prepositional object D2a] lndirect object + prepositional object [D2b]

Types of verb complementation 1209

The indirect object is normally animate and is the recipient or beneficiary of the process described by the verb (ef 1019) Unlike ditransitive verbs of category [D 1] (eg give) ditransiti ve verbs with prepositional objects nonually have only one passive

We addressed our remarks to the children [D2a] - Our remarks were addressed to the children (The children were addressed our remarks (toraquo

W e reminded him of the agreement [D2bl - He was reminded of the agreement (The agreement was reminded him (of)

-1 Sorne verbs have a11 three possibilities of construction in the active many have two forothers there is only one possibility (in sorne cases the alternatives are not identical but very similar in meaning)

tel [01 + 2a + 2b]

1

offer [01 + 2a] 1

envy [01 + 2b] I

wish [01]

bamefD2a + 2b]

say [D2a]

warn [D2b]

Mary told only John the secret DI] Mary told the secret only to John [D2a] Mary told only John about the secreto [D2b]

John offered Mary sorne help [DI] John offered sorne help to Mary [D2a]

She envied John his success [DI] She envied Johnfor his success [D2b]

They wished him good luck [DI]

Helen blamed the divorce on John rD2al Helen blamed Johnfor the divorce [D2bj

Why didnt anybody say this to me [D2a] I

Mary warned John ofthe dangers [D2b) I

The different constructional possibilities of certain verbs provide a means of achieving different focus (cfI837f) Compare the fo11owing pairsofsentences as pronounced with unmarked (end) focus

Mary blamed the broken vase on IOHN Mary blamed John for the broken VAacuteSE

(ef John was blamed by MARY)

The government supplied blankets for the HOMEless The government supplied the homeless with BLANKets

(ef Blankets were supplied by the Goacutevernment)

Note [al The aboye constructions are presented in the most typical syntactic ordering but postshyponernent of the direct or iacutendirect object may take place in contexts where end-focus or endshyweight is required (cf1837) eg John offered lO Mary Ihe help thal she needed [b] Additional prepositional verb patterns should be briefly mentioned There is for example the double-prepositional-verb pattern noted in 1617(c)

1210 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1211

1657

1 am applying lo the hospitalor ajobo There is a further possibility that two prepositional objects may follow a diacuterect object

We are paying $100 lo the garage for the repairs

Verbs of complementation types ID1 and [D2 The following list gives sorne of the verbs that occur in Types [DI] [D2aJ [D2b] organized aeeording to the cross-classifications of 1656 aboye We are interested here only in synonymous or nearly synonyrnous constructions in which the same participant roles (ef lO18jJ) oceur Hence many possible prepositional verbs are ignored Pay for for example is ignored because it introduces a further participant (the commodity bought) not incuded in pay (with) and pay (to)

Table 1657

Type [DI) Type [D2a] Type[D2b]

EXAMPLE serve (Jaek scampi) serve (searnpi) serve (Jack) to (Jack) with (scampi)

[DI + 2a + 2b) pay payto pay with provide (AmE) providefor provide with serve serve to serve with tel tell to tell about

[DI + 2a) (l) bring bring to den deny to give give lo

grant gram to hand hand to leave leave tofor lend lend to offer offer to owe oweto promise promiseto read read lo send send to show show to teaeh teaeh to throw throw to

(ii) do doacutefor find findfor make makefor order order for reserve reservefor save savefor spare sparefor

(iii) ask askof

1658

[DI + 2b]

[Di]

[D2a + 2b]

[D2a]

[D2b)

envy excuse forgive

allow eharge fine refuse wish

blameon supply forto

address to announee to eommunieate to explain to sayto

envyfor exeusefor forgivefor

blamefor supply with

advise about punishfor etc

The membership of[D2b] is numerous Here are further examples arranged by prepositions

thankfor eonvineeof robof refer to preventfmm depriacutevenf ltuspee f 9f sentenee to proleet from informof warnof subject ro imerest in persuadeof congratulate on treat to aecuseof relieveof confine to charge with convictof remindof introduce to compare with

Note that reflexive verbs (cf 625) sometirnes oecur with a prepositional object eg We pride ourselves on the serviee we ofler Sorne of the verbs abo ve (such as compare with) ean have two inanimate objects

In Table 1657 we have distinguished under[Dl + 2a] verbs taking to as their preposition from those takingfor eg

(i) She sent Paul a present She sent a present to Paul (ji) She made Paul a meaL She made a mealfor Paul

Occasionally a preposition other than to and for oceurs in this function

OiO She asked Paul a favour She asked a favour ofPaul

Distinct from [D2aJ and [D2bJ aboye is a kind of prepositional verb which has already been discussed in 167-8 a verb for which the direet object forms part of an idiomatic unit with the verb and the preposition The syntactic properties of this type which we label (D2e] have already been dealt with and it is enough here to list a further sample ofsueh idioms

1212 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1213I I

eateh siacuteght of make allowanee for put a stop to give place to make fun of set jire to give way to make afuss overabout take aeeount Ofl keep pace with make roomfor take advantage ojI lose sight of make use ojI take eare of 1

lose toueh with pay attention to 1 take note ojI lose traek of put an end to take notice ojI

Those marked with a raised 1 can take not only a prepositional passive (ef 167-8) but also can easily take a passive for which the idiomatically-fixed direct object beco mes subject eg (Some) allowanee was made for loss of eamings (Little) notiee was taken of this evento Other verbs can take the passive but with greater difficulty with these examples as with prepositional verbs in general idiomatic cohesion is a matter of gradience

Variants of ditransitive complementation

ID3J Indirect object + that-cIause object 1659 Corresponding to monotransitive verbs ofType [B3] (efI630) are ditransiti ve

verbs for which the direct object is a that-clause

John eonvinced me (that) he was right ~ I was eonvineed (by John) (that) he was right

The second passive is unacceptable when the direct object is a clause That he was right was eonvineed me Thus the first passive (ef 1655) above is the only passive that can occur with this pattern With sorne verbs such as eonvinee above it is impossible to delete the noun phrase object

John conviucJ (lhat) he was riguiacute

With other verbs such as show the indirect object is optional

The professor of mathematics showed me that Pythagoras was mistaken ~ The professor of mathematics showed that Pythagoras was

mistaken

Ditransitive verbs followed by a that-clause may be divided into a subtype introducing an indirect statement and a subtype introducing an indirect directive (ef 1433) In the indirect statement the that-clause contains an indicative verb in the indirect directive the verb may be indicative or subjunctive and often contains putative should or another modal verb (ef 1632 for the distribution ofthese options)

INDIRECT STATEMENT

May 1 inform you that your order is ready for eolleetion INDIRECT DIRECTIVE

mightbeShe petitioned the king that her father ~ould be pardoned

In the following list Type (i) verbs introduce indirect statements and Type (H) verbs introduce indirect directives The indirect directive construction is

rare and formal in comparison with the similar infinitive construction (ef 1663)

WOUldI begged her that she should help ltformal) 1 begged her to help ltmore usual)

For those verbs marked O the indirect object is obligatory foc those marked (O) the indirect object is optional for those marked laquoOraquo the indirect object is not only optional but unusual

(i) advise (O) remindO (iiacute) ask3 laquoOraquo assureO satisfyO beg3 (O) bet (O) show3 (O) eharge (O) eonvineeO teaeh3 (O) eommand laquoOraquo forewarn (O) tellO iacutenstruet laquoOraquo informO wager(O) order laquoOraquo notify 3 O warn (O) petition3 (O) persuadelO write2bull 3 (O) tellO promise3 (O)

The superscripts are interpreted as follows

1 Persuade in the sense ofconvince belongs to Type (i) but it may also be used in a Type (iiacute) sense of persuade someone to do something

2 Write is found with an indirect object + that-clause especially in AmE 3 With verbs so marked the indiacuterect object can be replaced by a

prepositional object (ef 1660)

Note Superficially similar W the [D3] pallern is lhe impersonal construction Iacutef strikeslstruck me (Ihal) asin

It strikes me this work is for his own amusement But here the Ihal-c1ause (as in 1634) is the extraposed subject of the verbo Compare He strikes me as (cf1646 Note [el) and lt occursto me that (cfI634 Note [e))

ID3prl Prepositionalobject + that-cIause object 1660 The verbs marked 3 in the aboye list can be optionally followed by a

preposition thus forming a category similar to [D2a] in 1656

He promised laquoto) me) that the debt would be repaid

For most verbs of [03] which permit a prepositional object the preposition is to

He wrote to me He reported to me that etc

Exceptions are ask and beg which (in somewhat formal usage) are followed by the preposition of

I askbegofyou that you will keep this secret ltformal)

There is in addition a group of verbs which were classified in 1631-32 as monotransitive but which optionally allow the preposition to preceding a prepositional object These may be distinguished as Type [D3pr] and subdivided into sub-types (i) and (iacutei) as in the paraUel description of [B3] verbs

1214 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Joan mentioned (to me) that her father was siacuteck [Type (O] Or Oay recommended (to her) that the treatment be continued [Type (ii)]

For elample

(i) acknowledge declare remark (ji) propose admit explain repon recommend announce mention say suggest complain pointout signal eoness prove state

As before Type (i) verbs introduce indirect statements and the less numerous Type (ii) verbs introduce indirect directives As befare too sorne exceptional verbs take a preposition other than to

She demanded ome that She agreed with me that etc

Unlike the nonprepositional verbs of [03] these prepositional verbs alow the that-c1ause to become subject of a corresponding passive clause an option which is more acceptable with extraposition

That several ministers are resigning has been admitted to our correspondent ~ It has been admitted to our correspondent that several ministers

are resigning It has been shown to us al that Miss Jones was innocent

Without the preposition ie with an ordinary indirect object such sentences are at best marginally grammatical 1It has been shown us al that Miss Jones was innocent

~~otc The constructions of lt appc-siexclappe(~iexclcfurseems ro me ha slipclfidaly appear ti) bclvuumlg to the paltero [D3prl but in faet these contain monotransitive verbs with an extraposed tnatshyelause as subject

It occurredlseemed to me that he was Iying esimilar patteros with extraposition in 1634 1659 Note

ID4) Indirect object + finite wh-c1ause object 1661 This pattern of complementatiacuteon is primarily found with the verb ask which

introduces a reported question

John asked me what time the meeting would end ~ 1 was Gsked (by John) what time the meeting would end

AIso used with this pattern are verbs which take an indirect object followed by a that-clause (Type (i) of [03]) but for these the wh-clause tends to be limited 10 nonassertive contexts (cf1635) Compare

George didnt tell them that the train was late [1] George didn t tel them whether the train was late [21

The difference of meaning between the that- and whether-constructiacuteons can be stated in terms of presupposition Sentence [1] typically implies that the train was late while [2] is noncommittal on the matter [04] verbs can also introduce other question words such as where and how

Tvpes of verb complementation 1215

Jim was reluctant to inform us (o) where he got the money Would you remind me (about) how we start the engine

A preposition may always be placed before the wh-c1ause In the aJiexclove cases the prepositiacuteon is optional but in the case of verbs like enquire o (Type [04prJ) the preposition is obligatory iexcl enquired ofthe clerk which doeuments were needed The complex preposition as to can be rather general1y used for introducing the wh-clause eg I enquired as to which documents were needed

[D5) Indirect object + wh-infinitive clause object 1662 This is yet another complementation pattern (comparable with [B5] 1637)

which may be taken by sorne verbs listed under[03] in 1659

advise ask instruct remind show teach tell wam

The instructor taught us how lo land saely - We were taught (by the instructor) how to land saely

They advised him what lO wear in the tropies Please remind me where to meet you afier lunch

The equivalent prepositional verb pattern [05pr] is iIIustrated by suggest to recommend to

Could you please suggest to the visitors which museums to visit

Here as in the [04] type a prepositional phrase introduced by as lO can be used

Helen advised us (as to) how to maintain the machine

f~ iexcl llt ~- I ~ i ~

~i ~ ~~

1663 ID61lndirect object + to-infinitive clause object We have seen that the [03] pattern may be used to introduce indirect statements and that the [04] pattern may be used to introduce indirect questions Now we tuen to the verbs of class [06] which introduce indirect directives (c1433)

1 lOldjadvisedjpersuaded Mark to see a doctor ~ Mark was toldjadvisedjpersuaded to see a doctor

[I] [2]

This complementation category looks like those of[B81 and [C5] in that the verb is followed by a noun phrase and an infinitive construction But the [06] pattern differs from these in that the noun phrase following the verb is an indirect object as will be c1arified in 1666 below As with other verbs introducing indiacuterect speech the subject refers to the speaker of sorne speech act and the indirect object refers to the addressee Like [03] verbs [06] verbs form only the first passive exemplified in [2] above we do not find To see a doctor was lOld Mark The folowing verbs belong to this c1ass

advise command entreat instruct remind teach ask counsel exhort invite request1 tell beg detai[l orbid order recommend urge beseech direct implore persuade challenge enjoin 1 incite l prayl

1216 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Those verbs marked with araised 1 do not have the equivalent construction with a that-clause containing a modal or a subjunctive verb (Types [B3(ii)J [030i)]) Contrast

They ~eg~tedd her to stay another week mm e

They ~eKgtedd (her) that she would stay another week mm e

The alternative that-clause construction however is more formal especially when the indirect object is presento

Note [a] The verb promire when it occurs wiacuteth this kind of complementation is exceptional in that the understood subject of the infinitiacuteve is identified with the subject rather than with the object of the maiacuten c1ause

Sarn prornised me to get some rood

= Sam promised me that he would get sorne roed o Sam promised me that lwould get sorne roed

The present pattern [D6] iexcls however less cornmon with promise than the [B6] pattern without the indiacuterect object Sam promised to get someiexclood lb] Only ordercan be followed by a passive infinitive He ordered Ihem lo be impriacutesonedlreleased

Multiple analysis and gradience in verb complementation 1664 Before we leave verb classification it is important to reflect on the problems

of dividing verbs into complementation types The major division of complementation patterns into copular [AJ monotransitive [BJ complex transitive [C] and ditransitive [OJ categories (introduced in 216) has been extended with little difficulty te include patterns in which the verbs ccmplementation includes finite and nonntildenitc clauses This is the basis rOiacute

the classification Qf verbs into types in 1620-63 aboye But unavoidably our aim of presenting a clear classification has obscured sorne problems of gradience and multiple analysis (e 260ff) and to illustrate these we return to three superficially iacutedentical structures aIread y discussed in 1636 These are now illustrated with three new examples each of which conforms to the pattern NI V N 2 to V N 3 (where N = noun phrase and V = verb phrase)

Table L664a

V N2 to V NJNI

[B8] S V O

We like all parents to visit the schooL

I [1]

[C4] Is V O Co

They James therace I [2]

[D6] I S Oiexcl

We I asked I the students I toattend

Ia lectu~en_~

Types of verb complementation 1217

Each ofthese sentences consists ofthe sequence Niexcl V N 2 to V N 3 and yet we have analysed them respectively as monotransitive (S V O) complex transitive (S V degCol and ditransitiacuteve (S V Oiexcl 0d) A different analysis in sorne ways more revealing would recognize an overlap between two competing descriptions of the intennediacuteate noun phrase N2 There is little doubt that in [1 J this is to be analysed as subject of the infinitive clause (e 1636) whereas in [3J there are equally strong reasons for regarding N as (indirect) object of the main clause (e 1666)

Smiddot V S V O 1shyI I

I I ISmiddot V 0 V OI I I I I iexcl I I I I I I I I I iexcl

NI V Nz 10 V NJ NI V N2 lo V N) I I I I

Fig 1664b Sentence[l] Fig 1664c Sentence [3J

Sentence [2J however partakes ofboth these descriptions From the semantic point of view it requires the analysis of Fig 1664b (ef They expeeted [that James would win the race]) But from the structural point of view the analysis in Fig 1664c is more appropriate reflecting N2s ability to become subject of the passive sentence James was expeeted to win the raee We might reasonably say that in [2J N 2 behaves like an object (0 rather than Oiacute) in relation to the first verb but like a subject in relation to the second infinitive verh Tbe term RAISED OBJECT applied in 1649ffto the intermediate noun phrase of patterns [C4 - Cn incorporates yet another way of recognizing this double analysis by envisaging a process whereby the subject of the infinitive becomes the object of the preceding finite verbo This raised object will be symbolized in what follows SO

1665 Given that the double analysis aboye provides sorne insight into clauses containing nonfinite complementation we could take such an analysis further and apply it to aH complex transitive patterns including the more straightforward SVOC and SVOA pattems of[Cl - C3]

that John is a good driver lB3J 1consider John to be a good driver [C4]

John a good driver [C2]

The paraHelism of meaning and phrasal relations demonstrated in these three sentences recommends an analysis in which the complementation of pattern [C2J John a good driver would be regarded as a clause in its own right ie as a verbless clause consisting of S = John and Cs = a good driver without an intervening V This description would not however displace the by now familiar S V Od Co analysis but would rather be seen as an alternative way of looking at the same construction

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1218 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Gradience 1666 The teehnique of multiple analysis stiU leaves some subtletiacutees unexposed

What this teehnique has suggested is that there are the folowing three eategories eorresponding to [1 in 1664

N 2 S We like all parenls to visit the school [1) N2 = SO They expeeted James to win the raee [2] Nz = O We asked Ihe sludents to attend a leeture

But more than three eategories ean be appropriately distinguished if we reeognize [1) and [3] as end-points of a gradient with [2) at some point on the seate between them This area of grammar affords a good example of gradienee

At the monotransitive end of the seale [I) ean be characterized by a number of criteria whieh suggest that N 2 to V N3 (al parents to visit the school) constitutes the direct object of an SVO pattern

(a) It ean be replaced by a pronoun referring to the cIause or noun phrase nominalizing it We like it We like al parens visits

(b) It can be an answer to a what-question A What do you like best

B We like al parents to visit the school (e) In some dialects it can be preceded by the infinitive clause introdueer

for We like (it)for all parens to visit the school (d) It ean easily (when preeeded by for) be the focus of a pseudo-cIeft

sentence What we like (best) is for al parents to visit the school (e) When the sequenee N 2 to V N 3 is turned into the passive form N 3 to be

Vedz by Nz there is no ehange ofmeaning We ike aIl parents to visit the sehcel

= We like the school te be visited biexcl al parents (f) In a reduced construetion the infinitive marker to remains We like them

does not have the same meaning as We like them to

At the other ditransitive end of the seale a eontrasting set of criteria eharaeterize [3) and support the analysis of N2 (the students) as an indireet object and to V N3 (to attend a lecture) as a cIausal direet objeet

(a) 10 V N 3 ean be replaced by a pronoun a noun phrase or a finite clause with Nz still funetioning as indireet object

SOmething We asked the students a question

what they wanted

(b) 10 V N 3 can be the answer to a wh-question while N2 funetions as indirect object

A What did you ask the students B We asked them to attend a lecture

(e) When the sequenee N2 to V N3 is turned into the passive sequence N3 to be Ved2 by N 2 the meaning is always changed

They asked the students to attend a leeture They asked a lecture to be attended by the students

this case indeed the passive transform results in an absurdity)

Types of verb complementation 1219

(d) to V N 3 can marginally become the focus of a pseudo-cleft sentence What they asked the students was to attend a lecture (Contrast the decidedly unaeeeptable What we like the parents is to visil the school)

(e) Nz which like Oi in general is usually personal can be detached from its place after the first V to beeome subjeet of a eorresponding passive sentenee The students were asked to attend a lecture

(n In a reduced eonstruction the infinitive marker to ean be omitted We asked them We persuaded them etc

Note [a] With some ditransitive verbs criterion (a) has to be interpreted as the replacement of the infinitive clause by a preposition and prepositional object (cfI656-8)

They reminded hiacutem ofhis responsibiacutelities One man challenged the other lo a duel

[b] Criterion (d) is less reliacuteable than the others since the pseudo-cleft sentence is unacceptable for many verbs But a pseudo-cleft sentence in which the indirect object is replaced by a prepositional object tends to be more grammatical Whal Ihey asked ollhe sludenls was lO attend a leclure (The alternative construction with the substitute verb do which also occurs with [1] is always more acceptable What Ihey asked Ihe students lo do was lO attend a lecture)

1667 To give a simplified illustration of the analysis of gradience in the sequence NI V N 2 to V N 3 we now take a subset ofthe eriteria listed aboye and apply them to a range of verbs on the gradient eonneeting [1] and [3] of 16_66

(1) (3) (4)(2) wantask elect intend

CRITERIA likeallow expectlel~ etc I etc etc etc~ (a) lo V N 3 can be replaeed by - - -+a finite clause

(e) ehange of meaning in passive -+ +of N 2 10 VN3

(e) N 2 can beeome subjeet of passive -+ ++

Fig 1667 A eomplementatiacuteon gradient

The matrix uses only three criteria and thereby distinguishes only four categories This is sufficient to indicate the principie however that the three categories [BS] [C4] and [D6) of our taxonomy eould be broken down iexclnto a finer spectrum of eategories between which the differences are small In effeet Fig 1667 distinguishes two subeategories of [C4] one (including elect and allow) whieh is c10ser to the ditransitive type and one (including inlend and expect) eloser to the monotransitive type Elect and allow respond to cri terion (e)

They elected Miss Coe to suceeed the present seeretary They elected the present seeretary to be sueceeded by Miss Coe

We dont allow residents to entertain visitors We dont allow visitors to be entertained by residents

1220 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

while intend and expeet do not

They intended the students to see the professor = They intended the professor to be seen by the students

They expeet the students to enjoy the classes = They expeet the classes to be enjoyed by the students

Note Por verbs in group (3) the voice oflhe infinitive clause and the voiceofthe main clausemay be independently varied with the result Ihat a SlIacutentence like They expected the students lo enjoy lile classes has tbree corresponding passiv~s with iexclhe same meaning

They expected the classes to be enjoyed by the students The students were expecled lo enjoy the classes

The classes were expected lo be enjoyed by the students

The last example has a passive verb phrase in both the superordinate clause and Ihe infinitive clame

Adjective complementation

168 Categories of complementation in adjective phrases (ef 228 721-2) are similar in variety to those ofverb complementation We distinguish [El-ES)as follows

[El] Complementation by a prepositional phrase [E2] Complementation by a that-clause [E3] Complementation by a wh-clause

i[E4) Complementation by a than-clause [ES] Complementation by a to-infinitive clause [E6] Complementation by an -ing participle clause

These complementation patterns can occur after an adjective (andmiddot its modifiers if any) in various syntactic functions For example

The violiacuten iacutes (rather) difficut to play (adjective phrase as CJ

Mary found the violiacuten (rather) diffieut to play (adjective phrase as CJ

The violiacuten is an instrument (rather) diffieult to play (adjective phrase as postmodifier)

The on1y posiacutetion in which an adjective cannot normally be followed by iacutets complementation is the premodifying position in a noun phrase a keen child on ehess But here too with certain constructions (Types [ES(iraquo) and [ES(v)D the complementation can follow discontinuously after the head noun The violiacuten is a diffieult instrument to play (ef discontinuity with comparative constructions IS75) For illustrative purposes we will confine examples in the following sections to the subject complement function The lists like the verb lists in 1620-63 will be selective

Adjective complementation 1221

Note There is a considerable parallel as the categories [El-ES] aboye demonstrate between patterns associated with adjectives and those associated with monotransitive verbs The chief difference is that adjectives cannot be followed by a noun phrase object To bring out the parallel further we could describe adjectives exemplified in 1669 below (averse to conscous oJ etc) as prepositional adjectives comparable with prepositional verbs We could moreover identify phrasal adjectives (derived from participiaI forms ofphrasal verbs) such as ron down (exhausled depressed) and phrasaI-prepositionaI adjectives such as fed up (with) These tatter variants however are rare enough lo be disregarded in the foUowing lists

[E1] Adjective complementation by a prepositional phrase 1669 Like prepositional verbs adjectives often forro a lexical unit with a following

preposition good atfond oj opposedto etc The lexical bond is strongest with adjectives for which in a given sense the complementation is obligatory Max is averse to games Max is averse Such adjectives are marked 1 in the following lists

The lists make a distinction between participial (ef 715-19) and nonparticipial adjectives The differencebetween participial adjectives and the -ed participle of the passive construction is discussed in 375-77 These lists provide on1y a small sample of the adjectives accompanying the prepositions concemed In particular it is often possible for the same adjective to go with two or more prepositions as in angry about angry at and angrywith

ABOUT He was very worried about her reaction (ef960)

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

angry knowledgeabe aggrieved frightened glad mad annoyed pleased happy reasonable delighted worried

AT She was badat mathematics (ef962)

NONP ARTICIPIAL P ARTlCIPIAL

angry good alarmed disgusted brilliant hopeless amusedmiddotmiddot pleased elever terrible delighted puzzled

FROM Thevillage is remotefromthe bustle ofcity life (ef918 947)

different distant distinct free remo te

OF She was aware ofhis difficulties

NONPARTlCIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

eonvineed ashamed empty proud1 afraid conseiousl glad

seared eapable fond 1 short1 tired certain full worthy

ONUPON Their plan was based on cooperation

NONPARTICIPIAL IPARTICIPIAL

contingent1 intent1 reliantl basedl set1

dependent keen severe hentl

Yiexcl

1222 Complementation of verbs and adjectives ~ Adjective complementation 1223

Note lal In general choice of preposilion remains the same after morphologicalIy related verbs adjectives and nouns differentftom differ from differencefrom But Ihis eorrespondence is not always lo be relied on contrastfull ofwilhfilied wllh proudofwith pride in lb] Other prepositions whieh less comrnonly enlee into adjective + prepositlon idioms iexclnelude for and lowards graleful for sorry for inclined towards le] Usedfollowed by the preposition lO a more informal synonym ofaccustomed(to) is participial in spelling but has the speeial pronuneiation nus~ Unlike accustomed however used does not oceur with a following infinitive (ef 1679) This adjeetival used to in spite of identity of spelling and pronunciation is quite distinet from used lO as a marginal modal (cf344) Contrast

Im used lO hard work I used ro work hard Id] In the past prescriptive objeetions have been made to the use of to ralher Ihan from after averse and different Howevee ro is the normal preposition to fol1lt11 averse and differenr 10 is quite widely used (esp in BrE) as an altemative lo differentfrom On iJifferent rhan cf1566 Note 1674

le] Wilh can be omitted after (fn)compalibie if the subject is plural cfmutual participation 1360

middotCarl is incompatible OUT Cad and Eva are incompatible

[E2] Adjective complementation by a that-clause 670 Like that-clauses following a verb that-clauses folIowiacuteng an adjective may

have

(A) indicative verb 1am sure (that) he is here now (B) subjunctiacuteve verb They were insistent (that) we be ready (formal) (C) putativeshould Im sorry (that) he should hove left ltformal)

The uses of the mandative subjunctive and of putative should have been discussed in 359 and 1425 respectiacutevely Putative should often occurs after expressions of emotion (sorrowjoy displeasure surprise wonder etc) and is often accompanied by intensifying expressions such as so such like thisl that ever or at all The indicative that-clause on the other hand refers to an established fact The foHowing pairs illustrate choices of construction

1 (that) 1 have to leave so early am sorry (that) you should have been (so) inconvenienced

(that) you didnt call the doctor before 1 am surprised (that) anyone ofyour intelligence should swallow a tie

likethat

With some adjectives (those in category [E2b(iiacute)] 1672) the should-clause can be paraphrased by an infinitive clause with a subject

It was natural for him to go to London after the war = It was natural that he should go to London after the war

That-clauses cannot be preceded by preposiacutetions Hence adjectives which are constructed with prepositions before noun phrases ([El]) drop the preposition before a that-clause (cfI628) Compare the folIowing

OfhiS innocence [E1 ] 1am convlnced (th ) h t [E2]at e IS mnocen

Many that-clauses folIowing an adjective are actualIy subjects postponed by extraposition (cf1833)

lt is lucky (that) you came - That you came is lucky

These are listed separately in 1672

lEla) Adjectives with experiencer (cflO23 Note) as subject 1671 (i) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATIVE VERB ONL Y (cfNote [a] below)

These adjectives express degrees of certainty or confidence aware certain corifident sure

We were corifident that Karen was stiacutell alive

(ii) THAT-CLAUSE HAS PUTATIVE SHOULD OR SUBJUNCTIVE VERB

(or marginally aloo an indicative verb) The three principal adjectives in this class are anxious eager and willing

he should be permitted to resiacutegn 1 Are you willing that he be permitted to resign 1

1he is permitted to resign 1 ~

(On the distribution of these three altematives cfI630)

(iH) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATIVE VERB OR PUTATIVE SHOULD

These adjectives express emotions

Im so thankful that nobody was hurto Were you surprised that Ray should win the prize

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

afraid hopeful alarmed depressed horrified angry proud amazed disappointed irritated glad sad amused distressed pleased grateful sorry annoyed disturbed shocked happy tha7lkful astonished frightened upset

There is a tendency to prefer the putative should construction in nonassertive contexts or where the adjective has negative or unfavourshyable associations

TO AH capital gains are subject to taxation NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

answerable close liableacute accustomedl

averse l due1 simz1ar allied1I WiTH This plan is not compatible with our princiacuteples

NONPARTICIPIAL I PARTICIPIAL

angry busy

happy impatient

annoyed bored

ClJmfortable incompatible1 concerned compatibleacute sick delighted content familiar friendly furious

uneasy depressed disappointed disgusted dismayed distressed

inclined1

opposed1

drunk enchanted obsessed occupied overcome pleased satisfied taken1

1672

1224 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Adjective complementatlon 1225

Note [a] The restriction oC Type (i) above lo indicative verbs only is meant to allow Cor the use of T

Note [a] Although tlle pro-forms so and n01 cannot be used after tllese [E2bI adjectives (ef 1671modal auxiliaries including should in a nonputative sense eg I am a~are that I should [= ought 1lo] havejoined longago iexcl Note [bJ) there iexclsa possibilityofreplacing the adjective + solnat by a related adverb + sonot

[b) Afraid is unique among adjectives in that it accepts the pro~oun so (and iexclts negative equivalent Mt) as a that-clause substitute (cfI631) rm afraid SOMI

IElbJ Adjectives with anticipatory it as subject

The that-elause in this eonstruetion is an extraposed subjeet Three types are again distinguished matehing those in 167l

(i) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATlVE VERBONLY (cfI671 Note CaD These adjectives have to do with truthor knowledge

It is true that she never cemes on time

apparent evident likely possible untrue certain implicit obvious true well-known clear indubitable plain unlikely

(ji) THAT-CLAUSE HAS PUTATIVIl SHOULD OR SUBJUNCTIVE VERB (or marginshyaIly also an indicative verb) These adjectives express eoncepts concerned with modality or volition

should be lifted tomorrow It is essential that the ban be lifted tomorrow

(1) is lifted tomorrow

appropriate essentiacuteal important necessary vital compulsory fitting impossible obligatoryshycrucial imperative improper proper

Various deverbal adjectives ending in -able also belong to this group egadvisable desrabIe preferable

(iii) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATlVE VERB OR PUTATIVE SHOULD

This group consists mainly of emotive adjectives and ineludes a large num ber ofparticipial ad jecti ves ending in -ing

Itmiddot strange th t She is so late IS upsetting a she should be so late

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTlCIPIAL

awkward logical alarming perplexing curious odd annoying pleasing disastrous peculiar depressing shocking dreadful sad disappointing surprising extraordinary silly embarrassing fortunate tragie frightening iexclrrational unfortunate irritating

Various -able-ible adjectives also be10ng tp this group admirable eommendable deplorable despieable incomprehensible inconceivable lamentable remarkable understandable unjustifiable etc

ha h l Id l h B Yes obviouslyfortunately soA 1 t IS apparentt t s e IVes oesn t Ive ere B N J I I di t o event y sa y no [b] When an adjective ofType (iii) above occurs after a modal verb construction the that-clause is commonly replaced by an if-clause If the modal verb in the main c1ause is hypothetical (eg would) the verb in the ifmiddotdause is placed in tlle hypothetical pasto Compare

It is sad that you have to leave It will be sad ifyou hove to lea ve

It would be sad ifyou had lo lea ve

[E3] Adjective complementation by a wh-clause 1673 As with that-clauses we have to distinguish those adjeetives ([E3a]) which

are predicated of an experieneer (normalIy a person) as subject and those ([E3bD which go with antieipatory it In the latter case the wh-clause is an extraposed subject Examples are

(onwhat 1should sayo [1]E3a 1was unsure[ 1 (about) whether the problem was solved [2]

[E3b] It was unclear what they would do [3]

Type [E3a1 consists of adjectives which are constructed with prepositions and whieh therefore belong also to Type [EI1 The preposition is sometimes omitted before the wh-clause (ef155 Note reD In Type [E3b] on the other hand no preposition can be inserted bull It was uneear ofabout what lhey would do AIso no infinitive wh-cIause is possible (ef i637) It is unsure where to go is unacceptable unless it refers to sorne aniacutemate being (sueh as a mouse) and is consequently not interpreted in terms of extraposition

Retuming to Type [E3a] we note that in sorne cases the adjective takes a wh-elause in assertive eontexts eg eareful (about) doubtful (as to) fussy (about) puzzled (as to) uneear (about) uncertain (o) undecided (about) unsure (0) unaware (o)

John is careul (about) what he does with his money

Most of these adjeetives are intrinsiealIy negative In meaning In other cases although elsewhere it is associated with an indicative that-clause [E2a(i)] the adjective tends to oceur with a wh-cIause in nonassertive contexts (efI635) eg aware certain eear sure

Are you sure (o) how mueh the maehine costs 1wasnt altogether cleaiexcl- (about) what we had to do

A similar division may be made among adjectives of the antieipatory-it type ([E3b]) Those whieh intrinsieally express doubt and therefore take this strueture even in assertive contexts include doubtful uneertain uneear unsure and unknown Those normally oceurring with an indieative that-elause (le Type [E2b(i)]) inelude apparent eertain obvious and plain They can take a wh-cIause in nonassertive contexts Each type is illustrated in

It was uneear whether an amendment would be accepted It was not obvious how far the westernization process would IO

~ltgt ~~~1~ 1 -~ Adjective complementation 1227

1226 Complementation of verbs and adjectives iexcl

After adjectives of Type [E3a] there may also occur an infinitive wh-clause 1 was uncertain (oi) what to do This is preferable to the finite c1ause in cases illustrated by [1-3] aboye since the subject can remain unexpressed in the reduced nonfinite version

[E4] Adjective complementation by a than-clause 1674 There is an unusual construction in which a noncomparative adjective is

foIlowed by a comparative than-clause as complementation Different is the only adjective which fits into this pattero and even then there is a tradition which regards the use of than here as impropero There is however no felicitous alternative to the different than construction in examples such as

Shes quite a different girl than she wasfilie years ago [11 The various styliacutestic variants of and alteroatives to the than-clause after different are examined in 1566 Note lb] When the c1ause is reduceacuted to a noun phrase it becomes possible to usefrom as an alternative to than

The unions are taking a very different attitude ~ the employers

When the noun phrase folIowing thanffrom cannot be derived by ellipsis from a c1ause than is decidedly less acceptable thanfrom

The main languages of southern India are totaIly different In origin

~~~ those ofthe northern partofthe country

Note [al On differenlrom and different 10 1669 Note [dI [bj It is aloo possible for a Ihan-c1ause to be used after he adverb difilrently

In the west of the country they pronounce their vowels quite aifferently han (they do) in the easl

The same prescriptive objections are made to differenlly Ihan as to different Ihan

[E5] Adjective complementation by a to-infinitive clause [675 We distinguish seven kinds of construction in which an adjective is foIlowed

by a to-infinitive c1ause They are exemplified in the following sentences which are superficially alike

Bob is splendid to wait (ii) Bob is slow to react

(iii) Bob is sorry to hear it (iv) Bob is hesitant to agree with yOU (v) Bob is hard to convince

(vi) The food is ready to eat (vii) lt is important to be accurate

In Types (i-iv) the subject of the main clause (Bob) is also the subject of the infinitive c1ause We can therefore always have a direct object in the infinitive clause if its verb is transitive Por example if we replace intransitive wait by transitive build in (i) we can have Bob is splendid to build this house

Por Types (v-vii) on the other hand the subject of the infinitive is unspecified although the contextoften makes clear which subject is intended

In these types it is possible to insert a subject preceded by for eg in Type (vi) The food is ready (jOr Ihe children) to eat

Infinitive complementation following adjectives modified by lOO and enQugh is discussed eIse Note where in 1S73

(ES(i)) Bob is Iplendid to wait Type (i) has an analogue in a construction involving extraposition (cf1833)1676 1t is splendid of Bob lo wait This type OC construction also permits a head noun between the adjective and the infinitive

Bob must be a spiendid craftsman ~ ~~bUilt this house

As this example shows the infinitive may be perfective We may also compare constructions in which an evaluative noun with its determiner

replaces the adjective

ffoolishYourelafool to spend so mucho

WOnderfUl Youre 1 to walt for me anange

Adjectives in this group are evaluative of human beha~iour They inelude

careful crazy mad silly wise careless greedy nice unwise wrong

These adjectives can also occur with anticipatory il and an of-phrase as additional complementation (cf1682)

It was foolish of you to spend so mucho

IE5(Hraquo) Bob is IOW to react In Type (ii) the sentence corresponds to one in which the adjective becomes 1677 an adverbwhile the infinitive becomes the finite verb

Bob is slow to react - Bob reacts slowlyc

In another analogue the adjective is followed by in and an -ing participle Bob is slow in reacting The infinitive verb phrase must be simple for example unlike the inftnitive phrase in [E5(i)] it cannot be perfective Bob is slow ItJ have reacted Other adjectives in this small group are quick and prompt

There is also a partial adverbial analogue (e8127ff) for Type (i) but in Type (i) unlike Type Note (ii) the perfective infinitive andeven the get-passive (e366) can be used

loan was wise to resigno ~ loan wisely resigned loan was careless to get beaten - loan carelessly got beaten

loan is careless to have got beaten

IES(iuumlraquo) Bob is 10rry lo hear it In Type (iexcliexcli) the head of the adjective phrase is an emotive adjective 1678 (commonly a participial adjective) and the infinitive clause expresses

causation

1679

1228 Complementation of verbs end adjectives

Im sorry to have kept you waiting [rm sorry because I have kept you waiting]

1 was exeited to be there [- To be there exeited me]

Adjectives in this group correspond c10sely to the adjectives followed by a that-clause in 1671 (Type [E2a(iii)D

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

afraid angry ashamed content furious glad

happy impatient indignant jubilant thankful

annoyed astonished bored coneerned delighted depressed

disgusted dissatisfied embarrassed fasemated frightened interested

overwhelmed perturbed puzzled relieved surprised worried

disappointed overjoyed

IE5(ivraquo) Boh is heaitant to agree withyou In Type (iv) the head of the adjective phrase expresses volitional meaning or a modal meaning such as ability possibility or liability Examples are

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

able keen determined anxious Iiable disposed apt Iikely [E2b] fated[E2b] eertain [E2b] loath inclined curious powerless poiseddue prone prepared eager ready [E5] (all) set eligible reluetant unqualified fit [ES] sure [E2b] free [ES] unable greedy weleome hesitant willing impotent worthy

The adjectives marked [E2b] occur with a corresponding construction with extraposition of a that-clause

JilI is likely to attend - It is likely that JiU will attend

Those marked [E5] are capable of occurring with an infinitive construction of passive meaning ie with an indefinite implied subject and a coreferential implied object

Theyare not fit to eat = They are not tit to be eaten

Some ofthe most common adjectives in this list have a tendency to coalesce with the preceding copula 10 form a semimiddotauxiliary verb (ef3A7) be able to be willing to be sure to In addition to modal and volitional adjectives some adjectives ofaspectual meaning such as aeeustomed and wont may be placed here

Adjective complementation 1229

We are aecustomedto take teaon the terrace (formal) He was wont to leave the office at 5 pm (formal archaic)

(ES(vraquo) Bob is lard to convince 1680 In Type (v) the subject of the sentence is identified with the unexpressed

object of the infinitive clause which must therefore have a transitive verb hence the unacceptable Bob Is hard to arrive There is an analogous construction in which the adjective is complement to an infinitive c1ause acting as (extraposed) subject (ef 1836)

- To convince Bob is hard Bob IS hard to convmce It is hard to convince Bob

Adjeeacutetives so used refer 10 degrees of ease or comfort and iexclnclude

awkward hard tough (informal) eonvenient impossible trieky (informal) difficult niee (informal) unpleasant easy pleasant

Unless there is ellipsis we cannot omit the infinitive c1ause and so there is no semantic implication between (say) The bread was hard to bake and The bread was hard Unlike the preceding types Type (v) permitsfor + subject to be inserted at the beginning of the infinitive clause Those darts are trieky (for a beginner) to use Where the infinitive has no overt subject its implicit subject is understood to have an indefinite meanihg

Jack is easy 10 fool =Jack is easy for anyone to foo

Note With some adjectives in this group such as nice or unpleasant the entailment relation between be + adjective ro V and be + adjective is less easy lO avoid eg Jenny is nice lo know iacutemplies that Jenny is nice

IE5(viraquo) Thefood is ready to eat 1681 Again in this type the subject of the main clause is identified with the object

of the intinitive c1ause But unlike Type (v) Typemiddot(vi) has no analogous construction with an infinitive clause subject

The food is ready to eat To eat the food is ready

Also we can generally (a) omit the infinitive clause or (b) substitute a passive infinitive clause without change ofmeaning

Are these cups available (to use) = Are these cups available (to be used)

Some adjectives of this type such as availablefitfree ready and suffieient belong additionally 10 Type (iv) so that a sentence like The lamb ia ready to eat is ambiguous in one sense (the most accessible) being equivalent to the passive The lamb is ready to be eaten Then there is a wider set of adjectives which often occur without complementation at all

The air isfrosty (to breathe) Its fur is soft (to touch)

1230 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

In both Type (v) and Type (vi) the subjectofthe main clause can be equated with the prepositional object of the infinitive clause so that the infinitive c1ause ends with a deferred preposition

She is pleasant to talk to (-It is pleasant to talk to her) This paper is terribly flimsy to write on Is the cloth sufficient to make a dress out ol

In Type (vi) as well as in Type (v)for + subjeet may be inserted before the infinitive verb Are these books free (for visitors) to borrow Are these books available to borrow]

(E5(vii)J Jt is important to he accurate 1682 We saw in 1672 that a that-clause following an adjeetive may prove to be a

subjeet postponed by extraposition (ef1833) A to-infinitive clause following an adjeetive may have the same oouree

It is essential to spray the trees every year - To spray the trees every year is essential

The infinitive clause can also be introduced by for + subjeet

It is vital (for the ehildren) to be properly cIad It will be strange (for us) to be living alone

Adjectives ofTypes (ji) and (iii) in 1672 ([E2b]) may have this construction importantJortunate lueky surprising etc Possible also belongs te this group

An addiacutetional group of adjeetives oeeurring after anticipatory it are those adjeetives (ehiefly naming evaluative attributes of persons) whieh occur in pattern [E5(i)] (ef 1676) The adjeetive in this group is often followed byan of-phrase identifying the persones) being discussed

It was wrong (of him) to teIllies iexcli

It is niee ofyou to phone

[E6] Adjective complementation by an -ing participle cfause [683 A number of sub-types ofthis pattem may be mentioned

(i) Busy is followed by an -ing participle clause without subject

Margery is busy writiacuteng Ietters

Worth and worthwhile on the other hand oceur both with and without subjeet

It is seareely worth(while) (youyour) going home

Here worth(while) follows preparatory it and the participle clause is an extraposed subjeet (ef1834) Other adjectives ofthis pattern are pointless and useless (Its pointless buying so mueh food) and adjectives of Type [E2b(iiacutei)J (efl6 72) also sometimes have this complementation absurd awkwardJortunate annoying etc

EIsewhere worth and worthwhile accompany an -ing participle elause without subjeet but with a passive meaning comparable to tbat of the infinitive elause in pattern [E5(v)] (ef1680)

Complementation of abstract nouns 1231

The cartons are worth(while) saving ( Its worth(while) saving the cartens)

(iv) There is a variant eonstruction in whieh a preposition oecurs between the adjective and the participle clause In some cases the preposition is optional (cf(i) aboye)

Im busy (with) getting the house redeeorated Werefortunate (in) having Aunt Mary as a baby-sitter

In other cases the preposition is obligatory We are used to not having a car (cf1669 Note [e]) Im hopeless at keeping the garden tidy Shes not capable oflooking after herself

Note [al The adjectival constructions in (ii) above may be compared in some cases with nominal constructionsof equivalent meaning

ts 110 goaduse telling him anything Theres 110 point (in) telling him anything

8uch constructions are introduced either by anticipatory il (el 1833) or by eltistential there (el 184$) AmE also hu Theres no use telling him anythlng (b) Worthwhlle is sometimes spelled as two words The vacillation between the spellings worthwhile and worth while reflects an unclarity about the status of this sequence which may altematively be regarded as the preposition worth (eI96) followed by a noun Compare

lts not worth your whife staying lts not worlhh whh~e (your) staying worl w 1

Complementation of abstract nouns

1684 In this coneluding section we will show as a conneeting link between this chapter and the next how the pattems of complementation described for verbs and adjectives in 1620-83 are aloo to be found with abstraet nouns which are morphologieally related to those verbs and adjectives (ef nominalization 1751ff and appositional constructions 1726 1735) For example the noun likelihood is derived from and semantically related to the adjective likely It is therefore not surprising that a construction associated with the adjeetive Is found with the corresponding noun

It is likely that Joan will get married [1]

The likelihood is that loan will get married [21 the likelihood that Joan will get married [31

But the assumption of eorrespondence eannot be automatie for it may faiacutel in both direetions

loan is likely to get married Joan s likelihood to get married

It is likely of J oans getting married the likelihood of Joans getting married

------__shyiacute1 11

COMPLEX INTRANSITIVE CONSTRUCTIONS p H MATIHEWS

1 Introduction

In sentences such as [1J

ArR C~Iltiacuteltmiddotli N ([1J Th~deitgreen ~

he construct~oEJ~QLordf JJP~ that GCE850ff describes as 9QMfLEX JRANSITIV~ Ofthe elements in questionit and made are related a~Jn tQllt ~imple transitive

j [2J They made it

YihiJe ir and green a~_~latelasinasimple_ltQI1llar_sentence ( [3] lt is green (- lt

~f the type that following Lyons (l977469ff) raquoe will call ASCRIPTIVE raquouacutet greacuteen- also standsJna direcueJordf9lsJIacuteIL ordm~_iii~de the object and adjective exemplifying a single I2atteIILof VERB COMllEMe~nrJ91 This paUCIDl can be sajd torepresenta IJJS10N (G e E 850) ofJ~ltsimpler transitiv iexcll~J~Jjpiexcly_e_tjPes - _shy

IH~~_sfiE~~Ve can be fused with th~~~tY_e_(lri~alsoP~ fused with theintransitixe1 Insentildetentildeces SUChas[4] -

MI It turned green

~construc~~~~~]y idmtifkQyaacuteth th~ of l3J in both examples the

l]

~ ~ ~ ENGLISH GRAMMAR

verb is described as copularor in the terminology of GCE820f as taking intensive complementation But neither description is quite appropriate to1 both cases In the~ptive sentence there i indeed no mor~than~pYhL~

1 2ampffiMical iP~ betwe~ the adjective and its subject~ plainly this ~ ~ is not true of [4] whose verb TURN has its own specific meaning lf turned~ iacute I is a full verb it must then be the govemor of green as made is in (1) in that

iexcl ~ sense there is cornplernentatjon But we express nothing by assigning such a complernentation to the copula A solution is to c1ass I4] as a COMPLBX

IITMNSITIVE iL~onsect_trJltiordmL being an extension of th~simpleJmransiUacutelLe _shy~ i I5] It turned

j precisely as that of (1) is extended from that of [2)iexcl

2 Fused constructions

Let us take our cue from GCEs referenee to fusionlo the simpl~L =nfu~~~_~~~~~~~)t1ecltgtnstVf1ionconsistso(asingJULeAicJ~tQI(lgde) which in a dependency ana~is has both the subject and the object as its dependents or to adapt G CEs term has both a subjeet and an oJkltt asit complementation lnJhaL~se (2) has a _K1U~~~_~ruetion (Lyons i977) w1jch cannotJiexclJLr~s~Cl9JUnQ(lt_e~mentary relationships of ptediCJJQJkSo too has the simple intransitive (5] vi1ihidepeiioenforior forming the complementation of tumed So too has the simple aseriptive [3] its predicator on the analysis ofLyons and others is the adjective green One reason for relatlng the subject to the adjective is that the elements are jointly subject to selectional restrictions A reason for not relating either to the copula is that the latter stands aside (rom these restrictions adding none ofitsown

In a fused construction the pattem ls neither strictly kernel nor straightforwardly non-kemellnJhegmplex transitive [lL1oth1tan41~Y are again direct ~cngents of made these relatio~_elQ~ the words in FigJbx direC1~ltaI~_uacutela~~I~Qordf-ordfl9blleiexcl)Uumlnamp21uacuteward frollLthe

~d

(aJiquest-Fig 1

[42]

P H Matthew$

p~ed~~ So is green arc el this too being supported by selectional restrictions We are therefore dealing with a single clause rooted in made of which each word is a distinct element But green js a1soapredicator in iexclelation to il (are d)J that wav we are dealing with two kernelp~QlS th~ fuurtermclauseinfQmQrating bothtM_~tuet~[IDJr~JlsitiYlljh~ twoshytenn a~-middot -_shy

In Fig 1 we have diagrammed what any grammarian will propose provided that his terminology or his notational apparatus allow him to say it Iut similar reasonjng applies to the construction which we have called the ~IpJex ln~~-ordfEsitive Of the relationships showninf1g --~~t~~~~_

it turned green

aAacutebJ Fig2

to ir (arcc)_isagainasintheascripJjy~ and needs no further cornment But the final element is clearly suJiexcliect to ru19jtional resr=l~ordmI~ tlTlJRI_ im~~tordm-~~it~~rAUQj~9iY_I9U~l~~ed noun (He turned pink He turned kings eVidence) iQ~~~1lined phrase is exCiuacuteded (He turned arog)

tDle~sthe p~e~~i0rl~lJ9rtn is ~~jordmntildei[qiireifitetuumlmed iexclnto a frog) ~itt G-ordm-1h exdusi(m is abgolule one cannot even say He went into a criminal

f [he adjeqtive is also Iimlted to specific collocations For example one can say It turned sour or Ir went sour but it is harder to accept Ir grew sour 1 Conversely one can say He grew od but not He went od On that evidence

j we may establish a relationship of dependency between green and tumedj (arc b) The verb too can then be related to the subject (arc a)

1 Epgth o~2am~ thefe is one terro ir lVhich is a9~de~~~~t1 theascriptile anCITlieletbalk~m~1 (Fig 1 ares b and d Fig 2 ares a and c) The fusion is then effected by a further link (Fig 1 arc e Fig 2 are b) in which ond of the two predicators een is ineo orat~a~_ ordf d~RendenlO(th~ I re atlon that uirk an4hl~ COU~_~ampI~s-1 jn the case of th complex intransitille hall app1ied the Iean intlaquo=nsve

mmplementatio~gly describe he yaleruLQ(IUN or iexcl l otIllBNinthisuseJuh~int~siYeint[ansitivx But the insight intildeaacute I

alsQ be extended to the complex transitiye In that spirit MAKE or MAKE as

used in sentences such as W might appropriatelL be described ~~_~n_ i ~ntensive transitive -J -bull_--------shy

[43)

ENGLISH GRAMMAR

3 Distinctions between tbe complex intransitive and other partly similar constructions

For a three-term construction Fig 2 shows the maximum number of interconnections with each term related to each of the others The miacutenimum isone thus for the ascriptive (3) we have adopted the structure shown i~

L with l~~E2nd te~~Il2= tlliacuten amaroe~ ordmrS1PP9~g~lexn~~ ~eLClatiacute9D~t~~~~t~first an~~~hir~ But this leaves five other possibilities which in theory might be realized ust as the second element_lt~p~ltmark(r ordfs inEig 3bullKlJQQmgordmHhetordm-iriexcl in thatJ~SiquestOillY

iacutet is green

Fig3

1he_verb vQ1lld_be a predicatorrwithonl)l1he_~ygtject related 10 it This structure does not seem to be realized at least not in away whiacuteCh is -relevant to our analysis Asecond_possibil~iuhatJmly the verb a~ ~~~iexcltiY~L iquestnjgl~~_rell~q in that ca~e bot~redicatoS_w-ordmyldIgt~ impersonal-vUh lh~su~ject a me~m~ce-filler This structure might conceivably be suggested for exampIacuteesmiddotSuumlch as [6]

[6] It got mistier

with a so-called ambient it But although it may indeed be ambient with respect to mistier it need not follow that it is ambient with respect to got

In the remaining cases no element is a marker but there are only two instead of three interconnections Ir there wem no link betw-IlJhe subject ~YMh(Ejg 2 are a) the verb1tSelf would agajn be impersmordf-~ I~ transformational terms its surface subject would be derived by raising (Postal 1974) from a subordinate adjectival clause lf th3ewere no intensiye lipk between the first and second predicators (Fg 2 arWJUlt verb would be a simple intransitive taking just t~_S)lbject as its complementation th~on of tbe adjec1iYtLL~ then be uumlMrn-~0n[7] forexample --- -_~

Eacutel He arrived saber J (~ eacute cc L f ~ 2 f

grammars do not establish an intensive or copular use of ARIUVB Finally

[44]

1 P H Marrhew$

if the ascriQive lik wer~~2ken iacuteEiKbJ~~ f)hHordmjlti~~ment woulordm-no longer bJlta predicaQ~ltiexclHQle wQuldin~teadb~ADVJllqt~iexcl as in 8)

(8) He ran fa~t

There is no doubt that the intensive construction is distinct from the adverbial and that sober in [7] is at least more circumstantial than green in It turned green But the subject-verb relation is more problematic in that a raising transformation has been proposed for one at least of the G C E s intensive verbs Let us therefore take that distinction first

31 Ofthe twenty or so most common intensive verbs (GCE821) SEEM and APPEAR particularly lend themselves to transformational analysis On the evidence of sentences such as [9]

(2) It seemed that they wereamp~e~

_U~naIlJral lo establish an underlying ~~ct~~

J~sIhey were green]~ seemed

irlYhIacutetEw~4)srelate(L1ot to they J~Q9green indhiOacute1lally but to the yiole ascri2tive kernelrom the same structure a sentence such as [10)

[10] They seemed to be green

can then be derived by further transformations of subject raising and infinitive formation Froro the structure reaJized by [Io]lIleare n3tllcalli

~m~ed to derive the comple~_~transiti~euacutell

[u) They seemed gre~

by a further transformation deleting the copuiacutea For SEEM the rules deriving [10] and [u] would both be optional But for

other verbs such as TURN or GO We could make them obligatory so It turned green could be the only realization of an underlying sUr was greenls turned the ambient Ir got misrier - [6] aboye - a realization of say s[mistier]s gorand so on If the obligatory rules were then restricted to the copula we would also ensure that any other form of embedded structure (g[he eft]s turned or g[he kissed her]s grew) was filtered out By such means a treatment which is widely accepted for SEEM and for which the evidence is at first compelling could be extended if it were thought appropriate to the entire intensive intransitive class

There are good reasons for not thinking it appropriate In a sentence such as [12]

[12] Harry got drunk

Qn~JsllQIacuteli~ply talking of a_~ate tha~ reslllttI s~o t~a~ ~~rry vs (45)

ENGLISH GRAMMAR

drunk or Harrys drunkenness happened) Nor is Harrya mere theme or tliexclfc (Aacute~-to-KarryQruniexcliquestenneacuteSs-l1ippened to him) tlamp11tbject iexclS1

potentia1lt-at-l~st--alMl~tgh-ge~~amp9run_~ wassoID1hiiL~hatJIal did The--verb mayaccordiacutentilde-gly take a subject adjunct (O CE 466]) thus I delibera tey got drunk or He foo(lshy turned traitor It may also supply the complement of a conative verb (1 did try to get drunk) may appear in the imperative (Dont get drunk ) and so on For sorne collocations this potentiacuteality is doubtless harder to realize (compare He delibera tey turned bue with He delibera tey turned nasty or He tried ro grow oder with He tried ro grow farter) but that is precisely the case for subjects and predicators generally lt is this semantic role that justifies the first link shown in Fig 2

which an impersonal structure as in (b)

(b) s[Harry was drunkls got

would relegate to the surface If (b) is wrong for Harry got drunk a transformationalist should consider

more carefully w hether a similar structure is correct for Harry seemed drunk Let us assume that it is correct for the construction with a that-clause (It seemed that Harry was dhmk) for SEEM and APPEAR a c1ausal complement does form one possibility Let us also accept that SBBM has a constant sense in all its constructions But for other current intensives (G eE 820 f) the evidence is more complexo With SOUNO a that-clause can be forced for example if a dative is inserted (lt sounds ro me that (hey arent coming) There is also an impersonal construction with as if

[131 It sounds as ifthey were green

which might be thought to derive from the same source The construction of [13] is also acceptable witb LOOK (lt ooks as ifthey arent coming) But between it and the complex intransitive we can find clear disparities in meaning In [13] the judgment is based on indirect clues what sounds or appears from audible information is indeed the whole proposition they were green But in the complex intransitive [14]

[141 They sound drunk

it is based on sounds that they are making For that reason it is harder 10 make sense of They sound green Likewise They [ook drunk means that they from their appearance are so But in It loob as ifthey are drunk the speaker does not even imply that he has seen them (Compare Prom what you say it ooks as if rhey are drunk) Ir we wanted a complex source it would be tempting 10 relate [14] not 10 the impersonal [13] with raising but rather to the personal [Is1

[IS] They sound as iexclfthey are drunk

with the second they deleted

[46]

P H Marthews

Personal and impersonal are often hard to separate as Palmer (1972) and before him Bolinger(l96la) have shown Ofthis group ofintensives TASTE

and 5MBLL are the most restricted in meaning and it is with these that the impersonal construction as in [91 and [131 is least acceptable With TASTE

neither seems likely Ir rasres to me that the soup is saty It tastes to me as if they are sweer If the second example can be interpreted it is by virtue of a blending with the personal construction (compare It tasres as ifit ) With SMELL the construction of [131 may be more acceptable (Ir smells ro me as if dinner is ready) but the blending remains With PEEL a non-tactile sense is possible (Ir fees Iikey) but is less established than the broader senses of LOOK or SOUNO (compare Ir ooks likey II sounds likey) It is in this case that my judgment is least secure would one say for example It fees (or Ir fees to me) as if they were green With SOUNO and LOOK the general sense is well established as in [131 or Ir sounds likely but there is still a sensory meaning as in [14] and [Isl which inhibits the pure impersonal with that With SEEM and APPEAR we are at the end of the continuum both having general senses only Hence the construction of[91 alongside the impersonal with as if (Ir seems as if they were green) Hence perhaps the infinitive construction of [101 with SOUNO and the others this too is awkward (They ooked ro have arrived Or Ir tastes ro me to be sweer) But it does not follow that the semantical1y general They seem drunk differs in syntax from the specifically sensory They sound drunk or They smell drunk We can even force an active interpretation of the subject thus They tried lO appear drunk or I deliberarey seemed irrftated

32 As [11] with SEEM Hes on a gradience between personal and impersonal so there are others which raise problems in distinguishing intensive from adverbial and circumstantial constructions For there is no criterion which is both sufficient and necessary

The obvious step is to tesectt for simpler transforms Thus J9r [12] Harl~ qrunk ~e can comp~jiexcleJgtimple a~ve Harry was drul~ TRANSFORM in that firstIy it is a a d secondly the predicator

-ORUNK hasnot a tq~ sense s no intraiiSIuvetrans[oacuterintilde ~stiiis~se of G BI is oot ~ble Nor has 4 r tumeirgeacute-iexcl an intransitive transform It turned since this involves a different sense oC TURN Ir there~~ an ascriptive transform but n9-Wn~itive the JhirdeiacuteeDlen t mult be a complementi so [41 and [12] must be complex intransitive Ir there is neither transform it MA y be complement but the col~of verb and adjective mjgbt rCaSantildea be classed as idiomatic Thus The roses have run wild has no transform The roses ve iiOr-aacuteoes it strictly match The rOSes are wild But WILO is at least an adiecti~ must stand in sorne relationship to the verb therefore R UN WILO is right1y

chmldw-rresultintensive (O eE) ---shy-- -_--g ~ _---_bull ~ shy

[471

ENOLISH ORAMMAR

If there is a simple intransitive but no ascriptive transr2ffil--_~~~ coacutentildeSffiiClioacutentilde-intildeuumlSt]ie iexcljdve(J2iacuteaIYlIacuteustrivialIy He ran iexcliuieacutekly has no ascriptive tiexclansfo~ He was quickly less trivially He travelled light does not match He was ight But what if we find both rlJgJQQordf~tillha$ordflJ ascriEtive _~ran~f~rrlJ~eYI1Jer~_~~ ~sectmL1aY-J~_a~~plement circumstantjallik~iilelltjnThey-sJoQdsilent ordfytlb~~j~llsothe simpler intran~1ti~ fbilystQPf so still ~ight be anadver~ like sileniTyintilde-fiieystood silenty Since there is no distinct form srilly the latter is hard to rule out For It shone white we can compare the formally adjectivallt shone brighr again there are both transforms (Ir shone Ir was white) But It shone brighr is c10se in meaning to the formaUy adverbial Ir shone brighry could white be an adverb in default of or as the commoner altemative to whirely Blending may aIso be found in idioms For example it is fruitless to ask if doggo is an adjective or an adverb in He is Iying doggo

For the circumstantial case both transforms are necessary thus [7] He arriuacuteiid sober has the triexcliexclntildeiiiacuteormsmiddotiexcliexcluacuteli-iexcliexclved andHe wasectSoacutebe Wewoacuteuumllifiliso ixpeeacutetthilUumlheveromiddotantildedmiddotildjectTe-shouId befreeOi collocationaI restrictions so He arrived sober He left sober He Jeft satisjied He arrived satisfied and so on But it is very hard to say when such a requirement iacutes meto One does not say for example They stood noisy or They sroodpeacefuJ on that evidence They stood sient might be classed as complex intransitive But neither is one likely to say They arrived noisy or They arrived kind Is that too a matter of collocational restrictions so that [7] is also intensive Or is it merely that NOISY and KIND are ill suIacuteted 10 this construction7 At this point jt is tempting to distinguish degrees of circumstantiality The extreme case would be represented by such sentences as [16]

[16] They stood there exhausted

(Iikewise They have arrived quite sober) where the adjective and verb are marked as separate Beside [16] the construction in [7] is less clearly circumstantial in They stood sient or They stoodfidgering it is perhaps even r less so But this last might stilJ be seen as less intensive than for example

iexcl They stood amazed Likewise They feJl exhausted is less clearly intensi ve than 1 They fell sick since it involves no special sense of FALL

~

f lrOacutel p1lI1riHmD ~ amires f0tr eompiex trlmSitive fu Tlieyfbuntlliim~

guilry there is a special sense OfPIND as ofMAKE in They mode it green In TIwy rrun Juacutem JOber tbat IacuteoS DO spcciiexcll SCDSII of)lEET~ by tbat cS ~ is more eircumsumlial BUl onc la unlikely lO say for eumple They me hlm meditative

4 Finally there is an obvious gradience between the coxnP-1ex intransitive ~nct the simple ascriptj~ With TURN 01 GROW there are~-selecUumlonal restrictions as we have seen With SBJlli or SIhV tney are far fewer

[48J

P H Matthews

neverthelesson~canI1Q~~yfordmr_~ordfmplelfil_sectil1Ied chairmqf1-ltcompareH~ stayelt chairman Qr1fsectJjiquest_riquest~cordfirmordfl1) or It srays obvious that (compare It seemsobvious that or It remainsobvious that ) With REMAIN it is hard to find any but at least the intransitive exists He remained) and their senses can be related Wth BECOMB that evidence too is lacking He became drunk can be distinguish-ed(rontildei1lieasgiptiYlt1g lu7ntl1k onlyJ~iiui~s from jts resultative meaning -_-

This merging has ied grammarians to treat the constructions together But we can do this only by assimi)ating BE to the mode) of verb complementation (as in GCE) not by assimilating TURN and so on to the model of a copula likethecpmplexrordfnsectitiy~nl_e compleimrap~W~i~ ayoor ca~~idatefltY-l~LIl~Jlt~IQ~-ordf_~~rnelltructllr~middot

M

~_

Page 13: in - UGR · (III). 11-70 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1171 Note [a] The ... In addition, we shall use where necessary the suffixes 'ph' (for

1192 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Let us consider more carefully three classes of verb which take both

constructions

(O EMOTlVE VERas (see Type (i) in the lists in 1638 and 1639) With the verbs which take both constructions (eread hate like loathe love and prefer) the bias of the infinitive towards potentiacuteality tends to fa vour its use in hypothetiacutecal and nonfactual contexts eg

Would you like o see my stamp collectiacuteon seemg

1hateto seem rude but youre blocking the view seemmg

On the other hand the particiacutepial construction is favoured where the speaker is referring to something which definitely happens or has

happened

to live Bnan loalhed 1 m the countrylUmg

(But with would loathe the infinitive is just as acceptable as the -ing participle)

Here to Uve implies that Brian could exercise choice about where to live whereas living presupposes that he actually did live in the country and probably had no choice in the matter But in other contexts there is little appreciable difference between the two constructions

tocoOk 1 [to eat JDo you prefer k for yourself or t m a restaurant[coa mg ea mg

(in ASF2C7uumlAL VERBS of beginni1g (a~ti1urng) and ending also in many cases take both constructions

Lucy startedcOntinUedceasedto W~iteWhile in hospital IIntmg

In such examples as this there is no observable difference of meaning between the constnlctiacuteons But in other cases a contrast between potentiality and performance may influerice the choice

to speak but stopped because she objected He s tarted speakmg and k ept on for more t han an hbur

The association of the -ing participle with the progressive aspect may also influence a p[ference for the participle where multiple activities

are involved

to open allthe cupboardsHe began openlflg all the cupboards

Here opening is more appropriate than to open While sorne verbs in this group (begin continue cease sean) allow both constructions others (finish stop) altowonly the participle construction (Go on and keep (on) may be classified as catenative verbs (cf349) onfinishfstop followed by the infinitive cf1638 Note [b])

Types of verb complementation 1193

(di) RETROSPECTlVE VERBS For three verbslorget remember and regret the potentialityperformance distiacutenction becomes extended into the past so that there is a temporal (as well as in part modal) difference between the two constructions The infinitive construction indicates that the action or event takes place after (and as a result of) the mental process denoted by the verb has begun while the reverse is true for the participle construction which refers to a preceding event or occasion coming to mind at the time indicated by the main verb

1 remembered to fill out the formo [1 remembered that 1 was to fill out the form and then did so]

1 remembered filling out the form rl remembered that 1 had filled out the form]

lforgot 10 go to the bank [1 forgot that 1was to go to the bank and therefore did not do soJ

lforgot (about) going to the bank [rare without about 1 forgot that 1went to the bank or that 1should have gone ]

1regret to tel you that John stole i1 [1 regret that 1am about to tel you that John sto le i1]

1 regret telling you that John stole i1 [I regret that 1 told you that John stole i1 or that 1 am now telling you J

[B8) Complementation by to-infinitive clause (with subject) 1641 The verbs in this group (as distinct from the apparently similar object +

t infinitive -o1struction el 1650) are restricted to a small numbcr chicfly denoting (nol) liking or wanting (cant) bear desire hate like iexcloLe prefer want and wish

They dont like the house to be left empty 1 wouldn t want you to lose your way

After these verbs the noun phrase preceding the infinitive cannot be made the subject of a passive main c1ause The house isnt liked to be left empty (by them)

There is moreover an alternative construction (chiefly restricted to AmE) in which the noun phrase is preceded by for which marks it as the subject of an infinitive clause rather than as object ofthe main clause

Jack prefersfor his wife to drive the truck ltesp AmE)

These two observations point in the direction of a monotransitive analysis of such verbs

In the following howeverJor has a different status and must occur in both AmE and BrE

They arranged for Mary to come at once

In this case the construction is that of a prepositional verb arrange for ([B8prl) the infinitive clause acting as prepositional object Other examples

1194 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

wherejor occurs as part of a prepositional verb are askfor eatlfor aehefor aim for bum for burst jor eare for clamour for erave for hope for iteh for long jor plan joacuter prepare for wait for yearn for

We were al achingburningbursting jor the performance to begin They plannedfor the mayor to arrive on the following day

For some of the verbs in these clauses the that-clause with should ([B3(iiacute)j) is an alternative form of complementation

They planned that the mayor should arrive on the following day

A further reason in favour of a monotransitive analysis of verbs of Type [B8pr] is the possibility (in some cases) of a passive with or without extraposition

For the administration to resign so quickly was not called foro It had been arranged for the food to be served indoors

Note [al Sorne [B8pr] verbs such as arrangefor planfor and preparefor also have a [B2] construction in which they are followed by a direct object Compare Have you arranged the meeting Have you arrangedfor iexclhe meeting Compare also She askedfor the children to leave and She asked iexclhe children O leave [b] Desire expect and intend although they tit into this category with respect to introductory for and the extraposed passive also accept the passive of the raised object which applies to [C4] (cfI650) Thus expect for example pennits two associated passives

It was nOt expected for the administration to resigno The administration was not expected to resigno

The former of these however is felt to be awkward and of marginal acceptability On such contlicts of c1assiacutefication cfI664jf

jB91 Complementation by -ing participle clause (with subject) 642 Verbs which accept this pattern comprise a considerable subset of those

verbs accepting the subjectless -ing clause as object they include the verbs marked 1 in the list of 1639 The genitive form of the subject is an option in formal English (ef 1512) but is often felt to be awkward or stilted

1 dislike him his driving my car We look forward to youyour beeoming our neighbour

In some cases particularIy when the subject of the participle is not a pronoun and does not have personal reference the geniti ve option is rare

vehicle h hPeter stoppe d te h l cras mg mto t e ence h ve lees

The genitive is also rare with a pronoun with nonpersonal reference

1 look forward to ~t geUing warmer in spring lts

The verbs of negative meaning stop prevent and prohibit have a related ditransitive construction (cfI656f) in which the prepositionfrom precedes the -ing clause as second object

They tried toacute preven the planefrom landing on the runway

Types of verb complementation 1195

Thus thefrom is optional In the very few cases where we have a choice between an -ing participle

and a to-infinitive construction there is usual1y felt to be a difference ofaspect or mood such as that described in 1640

1hate the children lo quarrel [ theyre ordinarily such good friacuteends] [1]

1 hate the children quarrelling [ all the time] [2]

focuses on the childrens potential for quarrelling [2] emphasizes their performance the point being that they do quarrel rather often in fact An aspectual difference is uppermost in

ehiming ( all night long) 1h he c oc k ate t l

to ehlme ( Just when Im gOtng to sleep)

The infinitive suggests a single chime while the participle suggests continual chiming (ef435 467f)

Note Verbs ofthe observational type eg notice in 1 noticed him writing a leller do not belong in this group and are dealt with in 1653 For such verbs the genitive is not a possible alternative iexcl noticed hiacutes writiacuteng a Jeter

Complex transitive complementation 1643 In 216 we applied the term COMPLEX TRANSlTIVE to verbs in the pattems

SVOC and SVOA In this chapter we extend the term to other clause patterns in which an object is followed by another element which is not an object (eg a nonfinite clause) A distinguishing characteristic o[ complex transitive compiemculiIacuteuacutelI j thallhe two elltments iacuteuiiuwiug the yerb (eg object and object complement) are notionally equated with the subject and predication respectively of a nominal c1ause For example

MONOTRANSlTIVE She presumed lhat her father was dead [1] She presumed her father to be dead [2]

COMPLEX TRANSITIVE Sh d h 1 h d d [3]e presume er Jat er ea

In [3J her father (O) and dead (C) are equivalent in meaning to a separate clause viz the that-clause in [l] This relationship remains where the object complement is expanded into an infinitive clause as in 2] Yet her father to be dead in spite of its clause-like meaning and appearance does not act syntactica1ly as a single constituent as is evident in the passive where the O is separated from its complement

Her father was presumed (by her) to be dead

This divisibility into two elements of a semantically clausal construction following the verb is the defining property ofcomplex transitive complementshyation

We begin with three already familiar patterns of complex transitive complementation those corresponding to [A I-A3] (ef 1621-4)

Note On the simiacutelarities between complex transitive and ditransitive complementation see 1666ff

1196 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

ICII Adjective phrase as object complement 1644 The SVOC pattern (ef216) in whiacutech the object complement is an adjective

phrase is found with verbs which like copular verbs may be divided into CURRENT and RESULTING types

You should keep the cabbagefresh (1] That music drives me mad [2]

The verb keep in [1] introduces the current attributefresh while the verb drive in [2] introduces the resulting attribute mad These two verbs therefore exemplify the two main categories ofcomplex transiti ve complementatiacuteon in this pattern The current verbs (ef1621ff) are usually staiive and the resulting verbs are always dynamic Further examples ofeach type are

CURRENT RESULTING

hod[C2] (v) drive [C4] keep [C2] get [C4] eave [C2] make [C2 C4]

prove [B3 C2 C4] (ii) eall [C2] render[C4]eonfess [B3 C2 C4] sendprofess [B3 C2 C4]

pronounce [B3 C2 C4] turn

report [B3 C4] eertify [B3 C2 C4] declare [B3 C2 C4] like proclaim [B3 C2 C4] prefer[B3]

want wish [B3 C2 C4]

(iv) beliacuteeve [B3 C2 eonsider [B3 C2 C4] deem [B3 C2 C4] find [B3 C2 C4] hod[B3 C4] imagine [B3 C2 C4] judge [B3 C2 C4] presume[B3 C2 C4] rate [C2 C4] reekon [B3 C2 C4] suppose [B3 C2 C4] think [B3 C2 C4]

Type (O is a category of current verbs of general meaning Type (ii) consists offactual speech act verbs (cf1631) Type (iii) of volitional verbs Type (iv) of verbs of inte11ectual state Type (v) of general resulting verbs and Type (vi) ofresulting verbs referring to speech acts which havethe performative force of declarations (Hod occurs twice in the aboye list as a general verb [Type (i) as in She hed her head high] and as an inte11ectual state verb [Type (iv) as in 1 hod you responsibe]) The symbols added after sorne verbs indicate other related complementation types to which those verbs belong

Types of verb complementation 1197

[B3] The verb can also be used monotransitively (el Note (a]) with a that-clause

[C2] The verb can also occur wiacuteth a noun phrase as object complement [C4] The verb can a1so occur with an object + infiniacutetive construction

Examples

The secretary eft a1l the letters unopened The doctors pronounced her conditiacuteon uttery hopeess Oi) 1want my coffee stronger than this (iii) Weve alwaysfound the assistants very frtendy (iv) The long waIk made us a11 hungry They have declared the house unfit for habitatiacuteon (vi)

Note that the adjectival complement may contain modifiers and adjectival complementation (ef1668-83) A passive construction in which the direct object becomes subject is also an important criterion

AH the letters were left unopened (by the secretary) (i) Her condition was pronounced uttery hopeess (by the doctors) (ji)

Note [a] There is sometimes a meaning difference between the object complement construction and the corresponding that-clause [B3) or objeet + infinitive [C4] eonstruction

1 imagined myself severely ill [3] p 1 imagined myself to be severely ill [4]

Sentence [3] suggests that the speaker is indulgiacuteng in a flight of faney sentence [4J suggests that the speaker is deluding himself (eg that he is a hypochondriae) A differenee is also to be observed between [5] and [6]

They gol him angry [5J p They got him lo be angry (6]

where [5J suggests made him angry in spite of himself and [6] suggests persuaded him to be angry (Yet a third meaning is represented by Donl get me wrong [Dont misunderstand me J) Two iacuteurther comrasts are

We found the ehildren undernourished [ We encou nte red them iacute n tha t cond i tiacuteon J [7] p Wefoundthe children lo be undernourished [8]

[Our examination revealed their condition] and

He declared the meeting offieial He declared the meeting lO be officiaL

where [9] has a performati ve and resultati ve force (The meeting beeame official as a result of his announeement) not regularly present in [lO] [b] Have in sentences sueh as We have IWO employees sck is not a member of the [CI] category but belongs to a special have-existential construetion lo be discussed with existential sentences in general in 1851 Since it has no passive this elause construction lacks one criterial feature of comp1ex transitive constructions Two employees are had sick [e] There is a variant order in which the object complement precedes the object eg He thought desirable most ofthe women in the room (efIS37) This order tends to occur when the object is a long noun phlase

1645 In addition to the verbs listed in 1644 aboye there are many verbs which belong more peripherally to Type [C1] Their membership is more peripheral in one or both of the following respects (a) They occur only in restricted sequences such as rub dry (ef 1617) (b) They can occur in the [BI] monotransitive construction without appreciable change of meaning iacutee the object complement is optional and resembles an optional adverbial Iil the following typical co11ocations the object noun phtase is symbolized by N

1

Types of verb complementation 11991198 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

CURRENT RESULTING

bring (a child) up health boil (an egg) 8aft 1

buy N eheapl erap (hair) shoriexcl1 return (a letter) unopened freeze N hard serve (food) hOlleold paint N redblue 1

seU N eheaplnew1 roll N flat sweep (the fioor) clean 1

calour N blueyellow 1

dye N pinklgreen 1

knock (someone) senseless polish N smooth 1

scrape N clean I swing (a door) open

For those combinations marked l the object complement could be easily omitted without a change in the basic sense of the verbo

Among resulting attributes the adjectives open loose free and clean are particularly common push N open shake N loose set N free wipe N clean

The collocations make sure and make certain are peculiar in that the object is a that-clause and always follows the adjectivaI complement

Please make sureleertain that you endose your birth certificate

There is no passive be made surecertain With other collocations the that-clause object is postponed by extraposiacutetion (ef 1835)

He found it strange that no one else had arri ved 1think it very odd that she left without saying goodbye The emperor pronounced it illegal for landlords to enfranchise their

tenants

Extraposition is optional with make N clear and therefore the preparatory it may be omitted She made (it) eear that we were regarded as trespassers

Note [al Sorne collocations require the object to be a rellexive pronoun Ilaughed myself sick They roared themselves hoarse Here the object complement cannot be omitted llaughed myself [b] The resultative pattern illustrated in thiacutes section is quite productive and occurs with rare or newly-converted verbs such as selotape and scotchtape selotape N fiat ltRrE) seotehtape N fiat (AmE) Similarly

iexclve deepfrozen the bread solido

(C21 Noun phrase as object complement 646 Most of the verbs listed in 1644 can occur also with a noun phrase

complement In addition there are a few verbs which occur with anoun phrase but not with an adjective phrase as complement eg appoint These verbs marked 1 in the list below can also occur with theobject + infinitive construction

The queen appointedWilliam Cecil (to be) her personal secretary

The list is subdivided into categories corresponding to those in 1644

(i) hold2 (iv) believe (v) appoint l2middot 3

keep2 consider2 choose 2 3

eleetl 2 3leave deem esteem l 2 3 make(ii) cal find provecanfess imagine2 voteprofess

pronounce judge2 (vi) baptize13

presume certify 23 (iii) wish 3rate2 christent bull

reckon2 erown l bull 2bull 3

suppose declare think proclaim

namemiddot23

The superscript 2 indicates that the as-construction (cf 1 647) is also possible The superscript 3 indicates that the verb is also monotransitive and that the verb retains the same meaning when the object complement is omitted Hence She appointed him secretary implies that she appointed him Examples of each sub-type follow With profess and wish which are used to illustrate subtypes (H) and (iii) respectively a reflexive pronoun as object is normal

She held her niece (a) captive for several years (i) The prince professed himself a supporter of free speech (ji) 1have often wished myself a millionaire (iii) Charles does not esteem him a trustworthy adviser (iv) The committee has elected you its chairman (v) Her parents named her Sophia after her grandmother (vi)

Some verbs in this pattem are unlikely to occur in the adive eg think beiacuteieve reckon The foilowing are exampies of the passive conslruclIacuteon

Her niece was held (a) captive for several years (i) She was named Sophia after her grandmother (vi)

As with Type (el] the object may be a clause postponed by extraposition

We have made it a condition that the new agreement be signed by all the original signatories

He has proved it a falIacy that old age brings wisdom

Note [al The zero article occurs optionally with captive and prisoner as object complements as in (i) above She held her niece (a) caplive Hold capliveprisoner and keep captivepriacutesoner are unusual in that the omitted article is indefinite rather than definite Examples of the zero article with definite meaning (eS42) are

Edgar was judged overall winner They appointed Sue captain of the athletics team

[b] The object + infinitive construction with 10 be as with Type [Gl] is not always equivalent to the pattero with a phrasal object complement For example name can be used with 10 be only if the following noun phrase designates a future role or status

Her parents named her (0 be) Gladys The selectors named her (lo be) a memberofthe touring team

As can be used with name only on the same condition as applies to lO be Her parenls named her as (adys (cf 1 647 below) [el The copular retation can obtain not only between the object and complement as in [11 bu also between subject and complement as in [21

t iexcl

1200 Complementation of verbs and adjectiacuteves

She made him iexcliexcl good husband (S V OC) [1 J She made him a good wife (S VOC) [2J

[1 Jhas the passive analogue He as gtladea good husband but in the entirelydifferentconstruetion of (2] where the copular rdation is between she and a good middotle no passive is possible Thc meuning is She Vas a good wire to himmiddot A prepositional verb 01 this Same unusuallattcrn is strike l in 101 example

He stmck me os a brilliant slralegist where a brilianl strategist is su bjcet eomplement

(Clprl and (C2prl Object complement foUowing prepositional verb 1647 The preposition as designates a copular relation particularly in specifying a

role or status associated with the direct object The ehureh eondemned the relie as a lraud Following a complex transitive verb and a direct object the prepositional complement of as functions semantiacutecally as an attribute and may be termed a prepositional object complement in the same way as the noun phrase following a transitive prepositional verb is called a prepositional object

a geniacuteus [C2] We considered him as a genius [C2pr]

tobeagenius [C4]

1 bull (as) a genius ~ He was consdered t b

o e agemus

Consider as like regard as class as etc therefore exemplifies yet another type of prepositional verb one that is followed by a prepositiacuteonal object complement rather than a prepositional object

Occasionally the prepositionlor occurs in this copular function instead of as

He took these words as evidence He took me lor a fool

In the following list for verbs in column (i) the preposition is optional where for verbs in column (H) the preposition is obligatory

(i) appoint (as) (ii) aeeept as ehoose (as) aeknowledge as eonsider (as) eharaeterize as eount (as) class as deem (as) define as esteem (as) describe as rate (as) intend as reekon (as) mistakelor report (as) regard as eleet (as) see as eertify (as) take asllor erown (as) trea as make Unto) use as proclaim (as)

Most verbs in [elpr] and[e2pr] can also introduce an adjective phrase in the function of prepositional object complement

Types of verb complementation 1201

The experts raled his paintings (as) poor bUI representalive ol their class

They classed Jane as partialty sighted The media described the situation as hopeless ~ The situation was described as hopeless

Verbs not allowing this construction are marked 1 in the aboye lists The construction iacutes exceptional in allowing an adjective phrase to occur after a prepositiacuteon A more orthodox construction is obtained by adding the word being before the adjective phrase and thereby converting the prepositional complement into a nominal -ing clause

The media descriacutebed the situation as being hopeless

Note [al Count as and rate as can also oecur in an analogous as-conslruction without lhe object as prepositional copular verbs eg This coanslraes as a tWtable success (e 1622 Note lb]) [b] Allhough as is classcd as a preposition in Ibe above pattern il in some ways resemblcs the conjunction as which introduces clauses of comparison (e15 71) Consider Ihe following curious examples in which as introduces on Ihe one hand a clause and on the other hand a noun phrase in an appositional relation lo Ihe clause

Report me as 10m - a superannuated dolt Hedescribcd her as heound her a liar

(C31 Complementation by object and adjunct 1648 Our next category Type [e3] consists of verbs which occur in the SVOA

pattern (el216) ie verbs which ha ve as their complementation an object followed by a predication adjunct The most characteristic adjuncts to occur in this pattern are prepositional phrases of space and more particularly of direction eg

1 slipped the key into the lock He stood my argument on its head [2] Take your hands out olyour poekets

The passive iacutes illustrated by

The key was slipped into the lock [1 al Sentence [2] exemplifies the abstract or metaphorical use of such verbs and adjuncts Many of the verbs which fit into this pattern are causative verbs of motiacuteon put get stand se sit lay place send bring take lead drive etc The class is open-ended since verbs normally without causative meaning can be adapted to this function eg show see elbow etc in

The attendant showed us to our seats [conducted us ] May I see you home [escort you ] He elbowed and bribed his way to fame They talked me into it [persuaded me ]

Other verbs are associated with space position adjuncts rather than direction adjuncts

They lelt the papers at my offiee Always keep your eyes on the road when driving

1

i

1202 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

The attackers eaught us ofJour guardo He wished them at the bottom ofthe sea

Again the spatial meaning ofthe adjunct rnay be understood in sorne abstract or rnetaphorical sense as in the third exarnple aboye

Adjuncts of other sernantic types are less cornrnon but instances are the adjunct of rnanner following treat

badIY Her parents treated her as ifshe were a baby

as like a small ehild

and the optional adjunct of duration following last

This rnoney will ha ve to last you laquo(for) six months)

Note [al Treot has a dilferent meaning when the adjunct is omitted Her parents treated her [= did something pleasant for her]

[b] Superficiacuteally similar to the aboye pattern iacutes that iIIustrated by remind andfurnish followed by an object and a prepositional phrase

She reminds me ofmy sister They furnished all the passengers with iexclfe jackets

These however are classed as transiti ve prepositional verbs (cfI6 7-8) and will be dealt with in 1656fbelow The difference between Ihese prepositional verbs and verbs of complemenlation Type [e3] is that in Ihe former case the lexical verb governs a particular preposition remind offurnish with (Alternative prepositional constructions are sometimes available however provide withprovide for)

Variants of complex transitive complementation 649 We now examine variants of complex transitive cornplernentation in which

thc direct object iexcls f01lowltd by ji nonfinite dau~1 acting as predication adjunct Al four kinds of nonfinite construction (ef 146-8) are possible

[C4] to-infinitive [C6] -ing participle They knew hirn to be a spy 1caught Ann reading my diary

[CS] bare infinitive [C7] -ed participle 1heard someone slam We saw him beaten by the

World Heavyweight Champion thedoor

The nonfinite clause in these patterns (in italics in the above table) has no subject itself but its implied subject is always the preceding noun phrase which is object of the superordinate c1ause This noun phrase which if a personal pronoun is in the objective case is commonly termed a RAISED

OBJECT (ef further 16640) semantically it has the role of subject of the nonfinite verb but syntactically it is raised from the nonfinite c1ause to function as object of the superordinate verbo Hence in general this noun phrase (in italics in the table below) can become subject of the corresponding passive (The passive of [C5] normaly requires substitution of a to-infinitive for abare infinitive the passive of [C7) is of marginal currency ef 1654 Note [a))

(C4] He was known to be a spy

[eS] Someone was heard to slam the door

Types of verb complementation 1203

[C6] Ann was caught reading rny diary

[e] He was seen executed by a firing squad

On the face ofit the patterns [C4] and [e6] are indistinguishable from the rnonotransitive patterns [B8] (eg She hates the train to be late) and [B9] (eg She hates the train being late) in which the nonfinite c1ause has a subject of its own The ability of the noun phrase preceding the nonfinite verb to become subject of a passive is however an important distinction between thern (see further 1651 and 1653)

These patteros [e4] and (e6] are distinguished from corresponding patterns in which the Note nonfinite c1ause is an adverbial by the raet that the iacutemplied subject of the nonfinite verb is O rather than S Note the ambiguity of

She left him to finish the jobo She lert him holding the baby

IC4J Object + to-infinitive complementation The verbs in this group are rather numerous and rnay be subdivided 1650

(vii) assist bother bribe eondemll dariquest defy encourage help induce inspire press summon

semantically into the following categories

(iacute) announee declare proclaim pronounee

(H)

reporl repute [esp P rumour (P only] say[P only] tip (esp BrEgt

assume believe eonceive (formalgt eonsider expeet feel jind imagine know presume reekon see [P only1 suppose take thiacutenk[esp P1 understand

(iiiacute) intend mean

(iv) appoint elect name vote

(v) cause drive force get[no P] lead prompt

(vi) alow authorize compel eonstrain enable entitle equip jit oblige permit requiacutere

[P = Passive]

1ZU4 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Types (i) and (ti) correspond to the factual verbs of category [B3J discussed in 1631 the nonfinite construction following these verbs can often be replaced by a lhal-clause with an indicative verbo Compare

The poli ce reported that the traffic was heavy [B3] The police reported the traffic to be heavy (formal) [C4]

JOhn believed that the stranger was a policeman [B3 = John believed the stranger to be a policeman (formal) [C4]

With factual verbs such as these the nonfinite clause normaIly contains the verb be or sorne other verb of stative meaning EspecialIy when the nonfinite main verb is other than be the finite clause (of pattern [B3]) is preferred to the infiniti ve one except that the infinitive construction provides a convenient passive form

The traffic was reported to be heavy The stranger was believed to be a poli cernan

Sorne verbs in this construction have no lhat-clause equivalent

They tipped him to be the next president (esp BrE) - He was tipped to be the next president (They tipped that he would be the next president)

Sorne verbs (marked [P only] in the list abo ve) occur only in the passive version of this construction

The field marshal was said to be planning a new strategy (Someone said the field marshal to be planning a new strategy)

Other verbs (marked [esp PJ) occur chiefly in the passive

The BroadwiY piOJutioli was inoughi to have made Maxs fortune (Newsmen lhought the Broadway production to have made Maxs fortune)

Ofthe twq classes of factual verbs Type (i) consists ofpublic verbs (cf1631) referring to a speech act and Type (ii) consists of private verbs expressing belief etc

1651 Of the remaining semantic types Type (iii) consists of verbs of intention (on intend itself ef 1641 Note lb]) Types (iv) and (v) consist of causative verls where the infinitive clause identifies the resultant state (Type (iv) verbs also belong to class [Cl]) Type (vi) cClUsists of verbs with a modal character expressing such concepts as enablement permission and compulsion and Type (vii) consists of a variety of verbs of influencing between which a common factor appears to be that the nonfinite clause has a purposive meaning Examples are

(iii) They intended Mary to sing an aria (- Mary was intended to sing an aria)

(iv) The meeting elected Mr Martiacuten to be the next treasurer (- Mr Martin was elected to be the next treasurer)

Types of verb complementation 1205

(v) This optimistic forecast led the administration to promise tax cuts ( _ The administration was led (by this optimistic forecast) to promise tax cuts)

(vi) My contract allows me to take one months lea ve (- 1arn allowed to take one months leave)

(vii) Our teachers eneouraged us to think for ourselves (- We were eneouraged to think for ourselves)

In Type (iv) the infinitive main verb is normaIly be and can be omitted They appointed her (lO be) the social secretar) This type overlaps with Type (v) 1646

Note [al There are a number of multi-word verbs in this category [C4prl counl Ofl bullbullbull lO depend Ol bullbull lo rey on lO bullbullbull [C4phl make OUI 10 bullbull [C4ph-pr] keep 01 al lo bull

(which has no passive) Examples are 1 am dependillg 011 you lO give us your fu support They malle him oul to be a monster ofdepravity Why do you keep On al me 10 work harder

[b] Sorne passives of pattem [C4] (eg be allowed be supposed) have a semi-auxiliary (cf347f) interpretation in which they lose their connection with the corresponding active construction especiay as regareis agency

(es) Object + bare infinitive complementation 1652 This pattern occurs with a relatively smaIl number of verbs

(i) have (ii) fee overhear[P] (iii) help [P] let hear [PI see [PJ know [P] rnake [PI notice [P watch

observe[P]

Typl (i) consists uf vlrbs uf iexcluiexclciacuteVI meaning Type (ii) has percepwal verbs of seeing and hearing and Type (iii) is a residual class of two verbs which are optionally followed by a to-infinitive The marker [PI indicates that the passive (normaIly with a to-infinitive) is possible [P] indicates that the passive is of doubtful or limited acceptability

(i) You shouldnt lel your family iacutenterfere with our plans We must rnake the public take notice ofuso

(- The public must be rnade to take notice ofus) (ji) Did you notiacutece anyone leaue the house

The crowd saw Gray score lwo rnagnificeni goals ( - Gray was seen lo seore two rnagnificent goas)

(iii) Sarah helped us (to) edil the seript 1 have known John (to) give better speeches than that

(- John has been known lO giue better speeches than that)

Know followed by the bare infinitive is confined mainly to BrE and to the perfective aspect have known Lel in group (i) is in other constructions cIassified as similar to an auxiliary (ef3SI) Let has an apparent passive in combination with such verbs as lel go and lel fal but these are best regarded as fixed expressions in which let has an auxiliary or particIe-like function

They let the prisoner go horneo - The prisoner was let go horneo

1206 Complementation of verbs and adjectiacuteves

Note that this apparent passive has the bare infinitive in contrast for example to make which has to have the to-infinitive in the passive

They mude him understand ~ He was made to understalld

A third verb in group (i) is have which (like have in monotransitive constructions) does not occur in the passi ve

They had me repeat the message ~ 1 was had (to) repeat the message

Note [a] The formulaic nature of let him go and similar expressions is illustrated by variants such as [1-3J which cannot be fitted into any regular complementation pattern

gothe rope [1] They lel the rope go [2]

goofthe rope (3)

[b] Of the two constructions with help tha with 10 is more common in BrE and that without 10

is more common in AmE [e] Arare verb in category (i) is the now rather archaic bid with a to-infinitive complementation in the passive

They bidbade me sil down - rwas bidden 10 sil down

[C61 Object + -ing participle complementation 1653 The verbs in category [C6] consist of verbs of perception (Type (iraquo verbs of

encounter (Type (iO) and two verbs of coercive meaniacuteng (Type

feel[C5] see[C5) (ji) eateh (iiiacute) have hear[C5) smell diseover get notiee [C5] spot find observe[C5) spy leave overhear[CS) wateh [CS) pereeive

Perception verbs marked [CS] occur also with the bare infinitive pattern [CS) Wiacuteth such verbs there iacutes an aspect difference between [C5) and [C6) as described in 461f

Tim watched Bill mendlmendingthe lampo

The bare infinitive having nonprogressive meaning implies that Bill did the wholejob while Tiacutem was watching the -ing clause with progressive meaning has no such implicatiacuteon

This complementatiacuteon pattern differs from that of [B9) not only in its progressive aspect but also in that the noun phrase following the superordinate verb cannot take the genitive (or possessive) form (ef 1642)

1 saw him lying on the beach 1 saw his lying on the beach

Another difference from pattern [B9) is that the -ing predication can normally be omitted without radically altering the meaning

1 saw him lying on the beach [entails iexcl saw him)

Contrast

1 hate my friends leaving early [does notentaiacutel 1 hate my friends)

Types of verb complementation 1207

The passive with this pattern is regular

We could hear the rain splashing on the roof ~ The rain could be heard splashing on che roof

A teacher eaughc them smoking in the playground - They were eaught smoking in the playground (by a teacher)

Prepositional verbs with this type of complementation ([C6prJ) include eome aeross eome upon listen to and look at Look at those ehildren climbing the wall But these [C6prJ prepositional verbs have no prepositiacuteonal passive

seen The guards had been spouhed searchiacuteng the building

wate e d looked at

Have in this construction (e18S1ff) also has no passive in keeping with its use in other constructions

She had us working day after day We were had working day after day

Note Feeloccurs especially with a reflexive pronoun object Shefelt herself falling in love

[C7) Object + -ed participle complementation 1654 We can distinguish three small groups of verbs complemented bv a raised

object followed by an -ed participle c1ause

(i) CAUSATIVE verbs get ha ve She gotlhad the watch repaired immediately

Oi) VOLITlONAL verbs want need like I wantlneed this watch repaired immediately

(jii) PERCEPTUAL verbs see hearJeel (oneself) wateh Someone must have seenl heard the car stolen

A fourth group is peripheral to this construction

(iv) Verbs for which the -ed participle describes a resulting statefind

diseoverleave They founddiseoveredfleft him worn out by tra vel and exertion

j In this construction as in that of (C6) have can ha ve either an agentive causative meaning or a stative meaning Hence The guard patrol had two men shot is ambiguous meaning either The patrol caused two men to be shot or

I The patrol suffered the los s oftwo men by shooting The latter meaning is that of the have-existential construction (ef 18S1ff) In general this

complementation type is semantically equivalent to one with an iacutenfinitive form of the verb be Thus in Type (ii) iexcl would like my room cleaned is synonymous with iexcl would like my room to be cleaned in Type Oiiacute) He saw the team beaten is synonymous with He saw the team be beaten

Note [al There is no passive for most verbs in pattem [e7] and at best the passive is dubious The car must have been seen stolen The acceptability of the passive with Type (iv) is exceptional

---

--

1208 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

The car wasfound abandoned This is indeed an indication that Type (iv) may not belong here so much as with the objecl complement construction [el l iexclhe participle construclion being adjectival (cf an abandoned car) lb1In addition to the two meanings of haue + objec + -ed participle above a third meaning results ifthe -ed clause is analysed as a postmodifier of Ihe object eg She had a book (which gtvas) stolenfrom the library

Ditransitive complementation

ID11 Noun phrases as both indirect and direct object 1655 Ditransiacutetive complementation in its basic fonu involves two object no un

phrases an indirect object which is nonually aniacutemate and positioned first and a direct object which is nonually concrete The two noun phrases differ from those of[C2] in not being in a copular relationship

He gave the girl a doll --v-- --r-

S V Oiacute Od

The difference between this and complex transitive complementation is seen in

svoe He found her a loyal friendo ( She was a loyal friend)

SVOO He found her an apartment ( - The apartment was for her)

The characteristics of indirect objects in contrast to direct objects are fully disclssed in 107

Sorne ditransitive verbs have two passive analogues which we shall distinguish as first and second

The girl was given a doll [FIRST PASSIVE]

A doll was given the girl [SECOND PASSIVE]

Of these two the first passive in which the indirect object becomes subject is the more common The prepositional paraphrase is more usual as an alternative than the second passive A dol was given to the girl (For a list of verbs ofType [01] ef1657 below)

[D21 Object and prepositional object 1656 In the ditransitive category prepositional verbs fonu an important group

with its own sub-divisions and may therefore be given a separate category number D2] These verbs are those we have called Type II prepositional verbs (cfI67-8) Alongside the ordinary indirect object pattern two main prepositional patterns rnaybe distinguished _

Indirect object + direct object [D1] Direct object + prepositional object D2a] lndirect object + prepositional object [D2b]

Types of verb complementation 1209

The indirect object is normally animate and is the recipient or beneficiary of the process described by the verb (ef 1019) Unlike ditransitive verbs of category [D 1] (eg give) ditransiti ve verbs with prepositional objects nonually have only one passive

We addressed our remarks to the children [D2a] - Our remarks were addressed to the children (The children were addressed our remarks (toraquo

W e reminded him of the agreement [D2bl - He was reminded of the agreement (The agreement was reminded him (of)

-1 Sorne verbs have a11 three possibilities of construction in the active many have two forothers there is only one possibility (in sorne cases the alternatives are not identical but very similar in meaning)

tel [01 + 2a + 2b]

1

offer [01 + 2a] 1

envy [01 + 2b] I

wish [01]

bamefD2a + 2b]

say [D2a]

warn [D2b]

Mary told only John the secret DI] Mary told the secret only to John [D2a] Mary told only John about the secreto [D2b]

John offered Mary sorne help [DI] John offered sorne help to Mary [D2a]

She envied John his success [DI] She envied Johnfor his success [D2b]

They wished him good luck [DI]

Helen blamed the divorce on John rD2al Helen blamed Johnfor the divorce [D2bj

Why didnt anybody say this to me [D2a] I

Mary warned John ofthe dangers [D2b) I

The different constructional possibilities of certain verbs provide a means of achieving different focus (cfI837f) Compare the fo11owing pairsofsentences as pronounced with unmarked (end) focus

Mary blamed the broken vase on IOHN Mary blamed John for the broken VAacuteSE

(ef John was blamed by MARY)

The government supplied blankets for the HOMEless The government supplied the homeless with BLANKets

(ef Blankets were supplied by the Goacutevernment)

Note [al The aboye constructions are presented in the most typical syntactic ordering but postshyponernent of the direct or iacutendirect object may take place in contexts where end-focus or endshyweight is required (cf1837) eg John offered lO Mary Ihe help thal she needed [b] Additional prepositional verb patterns should be briefly mentioned There is for example the double-prepositional-verb pattern noted in 1617(c)

1210 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1211

1657

1 am applying lo the hospitalor ajobo There is a further possibility that two prepositional objects may follow a diacuterect object

We are paying $100 lo the garage for the repairs

Verbs of complementation types ID1 and [D2 The following list gives sorne of the verbs that occur in Types [DI] [D2aJ [D2b] organized aeeording to the cross-classifications of 1656 aboye We are interested here only in synonymous or nearly synonyrnous constructions in which the same participant roles (ef lO18jJ) oceur Hence many possible prepositional verbs are ignored Pay for for example is ignored because it introduces a further participant (the commodity bought) not incuded in pay (with) and pay (to)

Table 1657

Type [DI) Type [D2a] Type[D2b]

EXAMPLE serve (Jaek scampi) serve (searnpi) serve (Jack) to (Jack) with (scampi)

[DI + 2a + 2b) pay payto pay with provide (AmE) providefor provide with serve serve to serve with tel tell to tell about

[DI + 2a) (l) bring bring to den deny to give give lo

grant gram to hand hand to leave leave tofor lend lend to offer offer to owe oweto promise promiseto read read lo send send to show show to teaeh teaeh to throw throw to

(ii) do doacutefor find findfor make makefor order order for reserve reservefor save savefor spare sparefor

(iii) ask askof

1658

[DI + 2b]

[Di]

[D2a + 2b]

[D2a]

[D2b)

envy excuse forgive

allow eharge fine refuse wish

blameon supply forto

address to announee to eommunieate to explain to sayto

envyfor exeusefor forgivefor

blamefor supply with

advise about punishfor etc

The membership of[D2b] is numerous Here are further examples arranged by prepositions

thankfor eonvineeof robof refer to preventfmm depriacutevenf ltuspee f 9f sentenee to proleet from informof warnof subject ro imerest in persuadeof congratulate on treat to aecuseof relieveof confine to charge with convictof remindof introduce to compare with

Note that reflexive verbs (cf 625) sometirnes oecur with a prepositional object eg We pride ourselves on the serviee we ofler Sorne of the verbs abo ve (such as compare with) ean have two inanimate objects

In Table 1657 we have distinguished under[Dl + 2a] verbs taking to as their preposition from those takingfor eg

(i) She sent Paul a present She sent a present to Paul (ji) She made Paul a meaL She made a mealfor Paul

Occasionally a preposition other than to and for oceurs in this function

OiO She asked Paul a favour She asked a favour ofPaul

Distinct from [D2aJ and [D2bJ aboye is a kind of prepositional verb which has already been discussed in 167-8 a verb for which the direet object forms part of an idiomatic unit with the verb and the preposition The syntactic properties of this type which we label (D2e] have already been dealt with and it is enough here to list a further sample ofsueh idioms

1212 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1213I I

eateh siacuteght of make allowanee for put a stop to give place to make fun of set jire to give way to make afuss overabout take aeeount Ofl keep pace with make roomfor take advantage ojI lose sight of make use ojI take eare of 1

lose toueh with pay attention to 1 take note ojI lose traek of put an end to take notice ojI

Those marked with a raised 1 can take not only a prepositional passive (ef 167-8) but also can easily take a passive for which the idiomatically-fixed direct object beco mes subject eg (Some) allowanee was made for loss of eamings (Little) notiee was taken of this evento Other verbs can take the passive but with greater difficulty with these examples as with prepositional verbs in general idiomatic cohesion is a matter of gradience

Variants of ditransitive complementation

ID3J Indirect object + that-cIause object 1659 Corresponding to monotransitive verbs ofType [B3] (efI630) are ditransiti ve

verbs for which the direct object is a that-clause

John eonvinced me (that) he was right ~ I was eonvineed (by John) (that) he was right

The second passive is unacceptable when the direct object is a clause That he was right was eonvineed me Thus the first passive (ef 1655) above is the only passive that can occur with this pattern With sorne verbs such as eonvinee above it is impossible to delete the noun phrase object

John conviucJ (lhat) he was riguiacute

With other verbs such as show the indirect object is optional

The professor of mathematics showed me that Pythagoras was mistaken ~ The professor of mathematics showed that Pythagoras was

mistaken

Ditransitive verbs followed by a that-clause may be divided into a subtype introducing an indirect statement and a subtype introducing an indirect directive (ef 1433) In the indirect statement the that-clause contains an indicative verb in the indirect directive the verb may be indicative or subjunctive and often contains putative should or another modal verb (ef 1632 for the distribution ofthese options)

INDIRECT STATEMENT

May 1 inform you that your order is ready for eolleetion INDIRECT DIRECTIVE

mightbeShe petitioned the king that her father ~ould be pardoned

In the following list Type (i) verbs introduce indirect statements and Type (H) verbs introduce indirect directives The indirect directive construction is

rare and formal in comparison with the similar infinitive construction (ef 1663)

WOUldI begged her that she should help ltformal) 1 begged her to help ltmore usual)

For those verbs marked O the indirect object is obligatory foc those marked (O) the indirect object is optional for those marked laquoOraquo the indirect object is not only optional but unusual

(i) advise (O) remindO (iiacute) ask3 laquoOraquo assureO satisfyO beg3 (O) bet (O) show3 (O) eharge (O) eonvineeO teaeh3 (O) eommand laquoOraquo forewarn (O) tellO iacutenstruet laquoOraquo informO wager(O) order laquoOraquo notify 3 O warn (O) petition3 (O) persuadelO write2bull 3 (O) tellO promise3 (O)

The superscripts are interpreted as follows

1 Persuade in the sense ofconvince belongs to Type (i) but it may also be used in a Type (iiacute) sense of persuade someone to do something

2 Write is found with an indirect object + that-clause especially in AmE 3 With verbs so marked the indiacuterect object can be replaced by a

prepositional object (ef 1660)

Note Superficially similar W the [D3] pallern is lhe impersonal construction Iacutef strikeslstruck me (Ihal) asin

It strikes me this work is for his own amusement But here the Ihal-c1ause (as in 1634) is the extraposed subject of the verbo Compare He strikes me as (cf1646 Note [el) and lt occursto me that (cfI634 Note [e))

ID3prl Prepositionalobject + that-cIause object 1660 The verbs marked 3 in the aboye list can be optionally followed by a

preposition thus forming a category similar to [D2a] in 1656

He promised laquoto) me) that the debt would be repaid

For most verbs of [03] which permit a prepositional object the preposition is to

He wrote to me He reported to me that etc

Exceptions are ask and beg which (in somewhat formal usage) are followed by the preposition of

I askbegofyou that you will keep this secret ltformal)

There is in addition a group of verbs which were classified in 1631-32 as monotransitive but which optionally allow the preposition to preceding a prepositional object These may be distinguished as Type [D3pr] and subdivided into sub-types (i) and (iacutei) as in the paraUel description of [B3] verbs

1214 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Joan mentioned (to me) that her father was siacuteck [Type (O] Or Oay recommended (to her) that the treatment be continued [Type (ii)]

For elample

(i) acknowledge declare remark (ji) propose admit explain repon recommend announce mention say suggest complain pointout signal eoness prove state

As before Type (i) verbs introduce indirect statements and the less numerous Type (ii) verbs introduce indirect directives As befare too sorne exceptional verbs take a preposition other than to

She demanded ome that She agreed with me that etc

Unlike the nonprepositional verbs of [03] these prepositional verbs alow the that-c1ause to become subject of a corresponding passive clause an option which is more acceptable with extraposition

That several ministers are resigning has been admitted to our correspondent ~ It has been admitted to our correspondent that several ministers

are resigning It has been shown to us al that Miss Jones was innocent

Without the preposition ie with an ordinary indirect object such sentences are at best marginally grammatical 1It has been shown us al that Miss Jones was innocent

~~otc The constructions of lt appc-siexclappe(~iexclcfurseems ro me ha slipclfidaly appear ti) bclvuumlg to the paltero [D3prl but in faet these contain monotransitive verbs with an extraposed tnatshyelause as subject

It occurredlseemed to me that he was Iying esimilar patteros with extraposition in 1634 1659 Note

ID4) Indirect object + finite wh-c1ause object 1661 This pattern of complementatiacuteon is primarily found with the verb ask which

introduces a reported question

John asked me what time the meeting would end ~ 1 was Gsked (by John) what time the meeting would end

AIso used with this pattern are verbs which take an indirect object followed by a that-clause (Type (i) of [03]) but for these the wh-clause tends to be limited 10 nonassertive contexts (cf1635) Compare

George didnt tell them that the train was late [1] George didn t tel them whether the train was late [21

The difference of meaning between the that- and whether-constructiacuteons can be stated in terms of presupposition Sentence [1] typically implies that the train was late while [2] is noncommittal on the matter [04] verbs can also introduce other question words such as where and how

Tvpes of verb complementation 1215

Jim was reluctant to inform us (o) where he got the money Would you remind me (about) how we start the engine

A preposition may always be placed before the wh-c1ause In the aJiexclove cases the prepositiacuteon is optional but in the case of verbs like enquire o (Type [04prJ) the preposition is obligatory iexcl enquired ofthe clerk which doeuments were needed The complex preposition as to can be rather general1y used for introducing the wh-clause eg I enquired as to which documents were needed

[D5) Indirect object + wh-infinitive clause object 1662 This is yet another complementation pattern (comparable with [B5] 1637)

which may be taken by sorne verbs listed under[03] in 1659

advise ask instruct remind show teach tell wam

The instructor taught us how lo land saely - We were taught (by the instructor) how to land saely

They advised him what lO wear in the tropies Please remind me where to meet you afier lunch

The equivalent prepositional verb pattern [05pr] is iIIustrated by suggest to recommend to

Could you please suggest to the visitors which museums to visit

Here as in the [04] type a prepositional phrase introduced by as lO can be used

Helen advised us (as to) how to maintain the machine

f~ iexcl llt ~- I ~ i ~

~i ~ ~~

1663 ID61lndirect object + to-infinitive clause object We have seen that the [03] pattern may be used to introduce indirect statements and that the [04] pattern may be used to introduce indirect questions Now we tuen to the verbs of class [06] which introduce indirect directives (c1433)

1 lOldjadvisedjpersuaded Mark to see a doctor ~ Mark was toldjadvisedjpersuaded to see a doctor

[I] [2]

This complementation category looks like those of[B81 and [C5] in that the verb is followed by a noun phrase and an infinitive construction But the [06] pattern differs from these in that the noun phrase following the verb is an indirect object as will be c1arified in 1666 below As with other verbs introducing indiacuterect speech the subject refers to the speaker of sorne speech act and the indirect object refers to the addressee Like [03] verbs [06] verbs form only the first passive exemplified in [2] above we do not find To see a doctor was lOld Mark The folowing verbs belong to this c1ass

advise command entreat instruct remind teach ask counsel exhort invite request1 tell beg detai[l orbid order recommend urge beseech direct implore persuade challenge enjoin 1 incite l prayl

1216 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Those verbs marked with araised 1 do not have the equivalent construction with a that-clause containing a modal or a subjunctive verb (Types [B3(ii)J [030i)]) Contrast

They ~eg~tedd her to stay another week mm e

They ~eKgtedd (her) that she would stay another week mm e

The alternative that-clause construction however is more formal especially when the indirect object is presento

Note [a] The verb promire when it occurs wiacuteth this kind of complementation is exceptional in that the understood subject of the infinitiacuteve is identified with the subject rather than with the object of the maiacuten c1ause

Sarn prornised me to get some rood

= Sam promised me that he would get sorne roed o Sam promised me that lwould get sorne roed

The present pattern [D6] iexcls however less cornmon with promise than the [B6] pattern without the indiacuterect object Sam promised to get someiexclood lb] Only ordercan be followed by a passive infinitive He ordered Ihem lo be impriacutesonedlreleased

Multiple analysis and gradience in verb complementation 1664 Before we leave verb classification it is important to reflect on the problems

of dividing verbs into complementation types The major division of complementation patterns into copular [AJ monotransitive [BJ complex transitive [C] and ditransitive [OJ categories (introduced in 216) has been extended with little difficulty te include patterns in which the verbs ccmplementation includes finite and nonntildenitc clauses This is the basis rOiacute

the classification Qf verbs into types in 1620-63 aboye But unavoidably our aim of presenting a clear classification has obscured sorne problems of gradience and multiple analysis (e 260ff) and to illustrate these we return to three superficially iacutedentical structures aIread y discussed in 1636 These are now illustrated with three new examples each of which conforms to the pattern NI V N 2 to V N 3 (where N = noun phrase and V = verb phrase)

Table L664a

V N2 to V NJNI

[B8] S V O

We like all parents to visit the schooL

I [1]

[C4] Is V O Co

They James therace I [2]

[D6] I S Oiexcl

We I asked I the students I toattend

Ia lectu~en_~

Types of verb complementation 1217

Each ofthese sentences consists ofthe sequence Niexcl V N 2 to V N 3 and yet we have analysed them respectively as monotransitive (S V O) complex transitive (S V degCol and ditransitiacuteve (S V Oiexcl 0d) A different analysis in sorne ways more revealing would recognize an overlap between two competing descriptions of the intennediacuteate noun phrase N2 There is little doubt that in [1 J this is to be analysed as subject of the infinitive clause (e 1636) whereas in [3J there are equally strong reasons for regarding N as (indirect) object of the main clause (e 1666)

Smiddot V S V O 1shyI I

I I ISmiddot V 0 V OI I I I I iexcl I I I I I I I I I iexcl

NI V Nz 10 V NJ NI V N2 lo V N) I I I I

Fig 1664b Sentence[l] Fig 1664c Sentence [3J

Sentence [2J however partakes ofboth these descriptions From the semantic point of view it requires the analysis of Fig 1664b (ef They expeeted [that James would win the race]) But from the structural point of view the analysis in Fig 1664c is more appropriate reflecting N2s ability to become subject of the passive sentence James was expeeted to win the raee We might reasonably say that in [2J N 2 behaves like an object (0 rather than Oiacute) in relation to the first verb but like a subject in relation to the second infinitive verh Tbe term RAISED OBJECT applied in 1649ffto the intermediate noun phrase of patterns [C4 - Cn incorporates yet another way of recognizing this double analysis by envisaging a process whereby the subject of the infinitive becomes the object of the preceding finite verbo This raised object will be symbolized in what follows SO

1665 Given that the double analysis aboye provides sorne insight into clauses containing nonfinite complementation we could take such an analysis further and apply it to aH complex transitive patterns including the more straightforward SVOC and SVOA pattems of[Cl - C3]

that John is a good driver lB3J 1consider John to be a good driver [C4]

John a good driver [C2]

The paraHelism of meaning and phrasal relations demonstrated in these three sentences recommends an analysis in which the complementation of pattern [C2J John a good driver would be regarded as a clause in its own right ie as a verbless clause consisting of S = John and Cs = a good driver without an intervening V This description would not however displace the by now familiar S V Od Co analysis but would rather be seen as an alternative way of looking at the same construction

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1218 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Gradience 1666 The teehnique of multiple analysis stiU leaves some subtletiacutees unexposed

What this teehnique has suggested is that there are the folowing three eategories eorresponding to [1 in 1664

N 2 S We like all parenls to visit the school [1) N2 = SO They expeeted James to win the raee [2] Nz = O We asked Ihe sludents to attend a leeture

But more than three eategories ean be appropriately distinguished if we reeognize [1) and [3] as end-points of a gradient with [2) at some point on the seate between them This area of grammar affords a good example of gradienee

At the monotransitive end of the seale [I) ean be characterized by a number of criteria whieh suggest that N 2 to V N3 (al parents to visit the school) constitutes the direct object of an SVO pattern

(a) It ean be replaced by a pronoun referring to the cIause or noun phrase nominalizing it We like it We like al parens visits

(b) It can be an answer to a what-question A What do you like best

B We like al parents to visit the school (e) In some dialects it can be preceded by the infinitive clause introdueer

for We like (it)for all parens to visit the school (d) It ean easily (when preeeded by for) be the focus of a pseudo-cIeft

sentence What we like (best) is for al parents to visit the school (e) When the sequenee N 2 to V N 3 is turned into the passive form N 3 to be

Vedz by Nz there is no ehange ofmeaning We ike aIl parents to visit the sehcel

= We like the school te be visited biexcl al parents (f) In a reduced construetion the infinitive marker to remains We like them

does not have the same meaning as We like them to

At the other ditransitive end of the seale a eontrasting set of criteria eharaeterize [3) and support the analysis of N2 (the students) as an indireet object and to V N3 (to attend a lecture) as a cIausal direet objeet

(a) 10 V N 3 ean be replaced by a pronoun a noun phrase or a finite clause with Nz still funetioning as indireet object

SOmething We asked the students a question

what they wanted

(b) 10 V N 3 can be the answer to a wh-question while N2 funetions as indirect object

A What did you ask the students B We asked them to attend a lecture

(e) When the sequenee N2 to V N3 is turned into the passive sequence N3 to be Ved2 by N 2 the meaning is always changed

They asked the students to attend a leeture They asked a lecture to be attended by the students

this case indeed the passive transform results in an absurdity)

Types of verb complementation 1219

(d) to V N 3 can marginally become the focus of a pseudo-cleft sentence What they asked the students was to attend a lecture (Contrast the decidedly unaeeeptable What we like the parents is to visil the school)

(e) Nz which like Oi in general is usually personal can be detached from its place after the first V to beeome subjeet of a eorresponding passive sentenee The students were asked to attend a lecture

(n In a reduced eonstruction the infinitive marker to ean be omitted We asked them We persuaded them etc

Note [a] With some ditransitive verbs criterion (a) has to be interpreted as the replacement of the infinitive clause by a preposition and prepositional object (cfI656-8)

They reminded hiacutem ofhis responsibiacutelities One man challenged the other lo a duel

[b] Criterion (d) is less reliacuteable than the others since the pseudo-cleft sentence is unacceptable for many verbs But a pseudo-cleft sentence in which the indirect object is replaced by a prepositional object tends to be more grammatical Whal Ihey asked ollhe sludenls was lO attend a leclure (The alternative construction with the substitute verb do which also occurs with [1] is always more acceptable What Ihey asked Ihe students lo do was lO attend a lecture)

1667 To give a simplified illustration of the analysis of gradience in the sequence NI V N 2 to V N 3 we now take a subset ofthe eriteria listed aboye and apply them to a range of verbs on the gradient eonneeting [1] and [3] of 16_66

(1) (3) (4)(2) wantask elect intend

CRITERIA likeallow expectlel~ etc I etc etc etc~ (a) lo V N 3 can be replaeed by - - -+a finite clause

(e) ehange of meaning in passive -+ +of N 2 10 VN3

(e) N 2 can beeome subjeet of passive -+ ++

Fig 1667 A eomplementatiacuteon gradient

The matrix uses only three criteria and thereby distinguishes only four categories This is sufficient to indicate the principie however that the three categories [BS] [C4] and [D6) of our taxonomy eould be broken down iexclnto a finer spectrum of eategories between which the differences are small In effeet Fig 1667 distinguishes two subeategories of [C4] one (including elect and allow) whieh is c10ser to the ditransitive type and one (including inlend and expect) eloser to the monotransitive type Elect and allow respond to cri terion (e)

They elected Miss Coe to suceeed the present seeretary They elected the present seeretary to be sueceeded by Miss Coe

We dont allow residents to entertain visitors We dont allow visitors to be entertained by residents

1220 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

while intend and expeet do not

They intended the students to see the professor = They intended the professor to be seen by the students

They expeet the students to enjoy the classes = They expeet the classes to be enjoyed by the students

Note Por verbs in group (3) the voice oflhe infinitive clause and the voiceofthe main clausemay be independently varied with the result Ihat a SlIacutentence like They expected the students lo enjoy lile classes has tbree corresponding passiv~s with iexclhe same meaning

They expected the classes to be enjoyed by the students The students were expecled lo enjoy the classes

The classes were expected lo be enjoyed by the students

The last example has a passive verb phrase in both the superordinate clause and Ihe infinitive clame

Adjective complementation

168 Categories of complementation in adjective phrases (ef 228 721-2) are similar in variety to those ofverb complementation We distinguish [El-ES)as follows

[El] Complementation by a prepositional phrase [E2] Complementation by a that-clause [E3] Complementation by a wh-clause

i[E4) Complementation by a than-clause [ES] Complementation by a to-infinitive clause [E6] Complementation by an -ing participle clause

These complementation patterns can occur after an adjective (andmiddot its modifiers if any) in various syntactic functions For example

The violiacuten iacutes (rather) difficut to play (adjective phrase as CJ

Mary found the violiacuten (rather) diffieut to play (adjective phrase as CJ

The violiacuten is an instrument (rather) diffieult to play (adjective phrase as postmodifier)

The on1y posiacutetion in which an adjective cannot normally be followed by iacutets complementation is the premodifying position in a noun phrase a keen child on ehess But here too with certain constructions (Types [ES(iraquo) and [ES(v)D the complementation can follow discontinuously after the head noun The violiacuten is a diffieult instrument to play (ef discontinuity with comparative constructions IS75) For illustrative purposes we will confine examples in the following sections to the subject complement function The lists like the verb lists in 1620-63 will be selective

Adjective complementation 1221

Note There is a considerable parallel as the categories [El-ES] aboye demonstrate between patterns associated with adjectives and those associated with monotransitive verbs The chief difference is that adjectives cannot be followed by a noun phrase object To bring out the parallel further we could describe adjectives exemplified in 1669 below (averse to conscous oJ etc) as prepositional adjectives comparable with prepositional verbs We could moreover identify phrasal adjectives (derived from participiaI forms ofphrasal verbs) such as ron down (exhausled depressed) and phrasaI-prepositionaI adjectives such as fed up (with) These tatter variants however are rare enough lo be disregarded in the foUowing lists

[E1] Adjective complementation by a prepositional phrase 1669 Like prepositional verbs adjectives often forro a lexical unit with a following

preposition good atfond oj opposedto etc The lexical bond is strongest with adjectives for which in a given sense the complementation is obligatory Max is averse to games Max is averse Such adjectives are marked 1 in the following lists

The lists make a distinction between participial (ef 715-19) and nonparticipial adjectives The differencebetween participial adjectives and the -ed participle of the passive construction is discussed in 375-77 These lists provide on1y a small sample of the adjectives accompanying the prepositions concemed In particular it is often possible for the same adjective to go with two or more prepositions as in angry about angry at and angrywith

ABOUT He was very worried about her reaction (ef960)

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

angry knowledgeabe aggrieved frightened glad mad annoyed pleased happy reasonable delighted worried

AT She was badat mathematics (ef962)

NONP ARTICIPIAL P ARTlCIPIAL

angry good alarmed disgusted brilliant hopeless amusedmiddotmiddot pleased elever terrible delighted puzzled

FROM Thevillage is remotefromthe bustle ofcity life (ef918 947)

different distant distinct free remo te

OF She was aware ofhis difficulties

NONPARTlCIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

eonvineed ashamed empty proud1 afraid conseiousl glad

seared eapable fond 1 short1 tired certain full worthy

ONUPON Their plan was based on cooperation

NONPARTICIPIAL IPARTICIPIAL

contingent1 intent1 reliantl basedl set1

dependent keen severe hentl

Yiexcl

1222 Complementation of verbs and adjectives ~ Adjective complementation 1223

Note lal In general choice of preposilion remains the same after morphologicalIy related verbs adjectives and nouns differentftom differ from differencefrom But Ihis eorrespondence is not always lo be relied on contrastfull ofwilhfilied wllh proudofwith pride in lb] Other prepositions whieh less comrnonly enlee into adjective + prepositlon idioms iexclnelude for and lowards graleful for sorry for inclined towards le] Usedfollowed by the preposition lO a more informal synonym ofaccustomed(to) is participial in spelling but has the speeial pronuneiation nus~ Unlike accustomed however used does not oceur with a following infinitive (ef 1679) This adjeetival used to in spite of identity of spelling and pronunciation is quite distinet from used lO as a marginal modal (cf344) Contrast

Im used lO hard work I used ro work hard Id] In the past prescriptive objeetions have been made to the use of to ralher Ihan from after averse and different Howevee ro is the normal preposition to fol1lt11 averse and differenr 10 is quite widely used (esp in BrE) as an altemative lo differentfrom On iJifferent rhan cf1566 Note 1674

le] Wilh can be omitted after (fn)compalibie if the subject is plural cfmutual participation 1360

middotCarl is incompatible OUT Cad and Eva are incompatible

[E2] Adjective complementation by a that-clause 670 Like that-clauses following a verb that-clauses folIowiacuteng an adjective may

have

(A) indicative verb 1am sure (that) he is here now (B) subjunctiacuteve verb They were insistent (that) we be ready (formal) (C) putativeshould Im sorry (that) he should hove left ltformal)

The uses of the mandative subjunctive and of putative should have been discussed in 359 and 1425 respectiacutevely Putative should often occurs after expressions of emotion (sorrowjoy displeasure surprise wonder etc) and is often accompanied by intensifying expressions such as so such like thisl that ever or at all The indicative that-clause on the other hand refers to an established fact The foHowing pairs illustrate choices of construction

1 (that) 1 have to leave so early am sorry (that) you should have been (so) inconvenienced

(that) you didnt call the doctor before 1 am surprised (that) anyone ofyour intelligence should swallow a tie

likethat

With some adjectives (those in category [E2b(iiacute)] 1672) the should-clause can be paraphrased by an infinitive clause with a subject

It was natural for him to go to London after the war = It was natural that he should go to London after the war

That-clauses cannot be preceded by preposiacutetions Hence adjectives which are constructed with prepositions before noun phrases ([El]) drop the preposition before a that-clause (cfI628) Compare the folIowing

OfhiS innocence [E1 ] 1am convlnced (th ) h t [E2]at e IS mnocen

Many that-clauses folIowing an adjective are actualIy subjects postponed by extraposition (cf1833)

lt is lucky (that) you came - That you came is lucky

These are listed separately in 1672

lEla) Adjectives with experiencer (cflO23 Note) as subject 1671 (i) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATIVE VERB ONL Y (cfNote [a] below)

These adjectives express degrees of certainty or confidence aware certain corifident sure

We were corifident that Karen was stiacutell alive

(ii) THAT-CLAUSE HAS PUTATIVE SHOULD OR SUBJUNCTIVE VERB

(or marginally aloo an indicative verb) The three principal adjectives in this class are anxious eager and willing

he should be permitted to resiacutegn 1 Are you willing that he be permitted to resign 1

1he is permitted to resign 1 ~

(On the distribution of these three altematives cfI630)

(iH) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATIVE VERB OR PUTATIVE SHOULD

These adjectives express emotions

Im so thankful that nobody was hurto Were you surprised that Ray should win the prize

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

afraid hopeful alarmed depressed horrified angry proud amazed disappointed irritated glad sad amused distressed pleased grateful sorry annoyed disturbed shocked happy tha7lkful astonished frightened upset

There is a tendency to prefer the putative should construction in nonassertive contexts or where the adjective has negative or unfavourshyable associations

TO AH capital gains are subject to taxation NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

answerable close liableacute accustomedl

averse l due1 simz1ar allied1I WiTH This plan is not compatible with our princiacuteples

NONPARTICIPIAL I PARTICIPIAL

angry busy

happy impatient

annoyed bored

ClJmfortable incompatible1 concerned compatibleacute sick delighted content familiar friendly furious

uneasy depressed disappointed disgusted dismayed distressed

inclined1

opposed1

drunk enchanted obsessed occupied overcome pleased satisfied taken1

1672

1224 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Adjective complementatlon 1225

Note [a] The restriction oC Type (i) above lo indicative verbs only is meant to allow Cor the use of T

Note [a] Although tlle pro-forms so and n01 cannot be used after tllese [E2bI adjectives (ef 1671modal auxiliaries including should in a nonputative sense eg I am a~are that I should [= ought 1lo] havejoined longago iexcl Note [bJ) there iexclsa possibilityofreplacing the adjective + solnat by a related adverb + sonot

[b) Afraid is unique among adjectives in that it accepts the pro~oun so (and iexclts negative equivalent Mt) as a that-clause substitute (cfI631) rm afraid SOMI

IElbJ Adjectives with anticipatory it as subject

The that-elause in this eonstruetion is an extraposed subjeet Three types are again distinguished matehing those in 167l

(i) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATlVE VERBONLY (cfI671 Note CaD These adjectives have to do with truthor knowledge

It is true that she never cemes on time

apparent evident likely possible untrue certain implicit obvious true well-known clear indubitable plain unlikely

(ji) THAT-CLAUSE HAS PUTATIVIl SHOULD OR SUBJUNCTIVE VERB (or marginshyaIly also an indicative verb) These adjectives express eoncepts concerned with modality or volition

should be lifted tomorrow It is essential that the ban be lifted tomorrow

(1) is lifted tomorrow

appropriate essentiacuteal important necessary vital compulsory fitting impossible obligatoryshycrucial imperative improper proper

Various deverbal adjectives ending in -able also belong to this group egadvisable desrabIe preferable

(iii) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATlVE VERB OR PUTATIVE SHOULD

This group consists mainly of emotive adjectives and ineludes a large num ber ofparticipial ad jecti ves ending in -ing

Itmiddot strange th t She is so late IS upsetting a she should be so late

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTlCIPIAL

awkward logical alarming perplexing curious odd annoying pleasing disastrous peculiar depressing shocking dreadful sad disappointing surprising extraordinary silly embarrassing fortunate tragie frightening iexclrrational unfortunate irritating

Various -able-ible adjectives also be10ng tp this group admirable eommendable deplorable despieable incomprehensible inconceivable lamentable remarkable understandable unjustifiable etc

ha h l Id l h B Yes obviouslyfortunately soA 1 t IS apparentt t s e IVes oesn t Ive ere B N J I I di t o event y sa y no [b] When an adjective ofType (iii) above occurs after a modal verb construction the that-clause is commonly replaced by an if-clause If the modal verb in the main c1ause is hypothetical (eg would) the verb in the ifmiddotdause is placed in tlle hypothetical pasto Compare

It is sad that you have to leave It will be sad ifyou hove to lea ve

It would be sad ifyou had lo lea ve

[E3] Adjective complementation by a wh-clause 1673 As with that-clauses we have to distinguish those adjeetives ([E3a]) which

are predicated of an experieneer (normalIy a person) as subject and those ([E3bD which go with antieipatory it In the latter case the wh-clause is an extraposed subject Examples are

(onwhat 1should sayo [1]E3a 1was unsure[ 1 (about) whether the problem was solved [2]

[E3b] It was unclear what they would do [3]

Type [E3a1 consists of adjectives which are constructed with prepositions and whieh therefore belong also to Type [EI1 The preposition is sometimes omitted before the wh-clause (ef155 Note reD In Type [E3b] on the other hand no preposition can be inserted bull It was uneear ofabout what lhey would do AIso no infinitive wh-cIause is possible (ef i637) It is unsure where to go is unacceptable unless it refers to sorne aniacutemate being (sueh as a mouse) and is consequently not interpreted in terms of extraposition

Retuming to Type [E3a] we note that in sorne cases the adjective takes a wh-elause in assertive eontexts eg eareful (about) doubtful (as to) fussy (about) puzzled (as to) uneear (about) uncertain (o) undecided (about) unsure (0) unaware (o)

John is careul (about) what he does with his money

Most of these adjeetives are intrinsiealIy negative In meaning In other cases although elsewhere it is associated with an indicative that-clause [E2a(i)] the adjective tends to oceur with a wh-cIause in nonassertive contexts (efI635) eg aware certain eear sure

Are you sure (o) how mueh the maehine costs 1wasnt altogether cleaiexcl- (about) what we had to do

A similar division may be made among adjectives of the antieipatory-it type ([E3b]) Those whieh intrinsieally express doubt and therefore take this strueture even in assertive contexts include doubtful uneertain uneear unsure and unknown Those normally oceurring with an indieative that-elause (le Type [E2b(i)]) inelude apparent eertain obvious and plain They can take a wh-cIause in nonassertive contexts Each type is illustrated in

It was uneear whether an amendment would be accepted It was not obvious how far the westernization process would IO

~ltgt ~~~1~ 1 -~ Adjective complementation 1227

1226 Complementation of verbs and adjectives iexcl

After adjectives of Type [E3a] there may also occur an infinitive wh-clause 1 was uncertain (oi) what to do This is preferable to the finite c1ause in cases illustrated by [1-3] aboye since the subject can remain unexpressed in the reduced nonfinite version

[E4] Adjective complementation by a than-clause 1674 There is an unusual construction in which a noncomparative adjective is

foIlowed by a comparative than-clause as complementation Different is the only adjective which fits into this pattero and even then there is a tradition which regards the use of than here as impropero There is however no felicitous alternative to the different than construction in examples such as

Shes quite a different girl than she wasfilie years ago [11 The various styliacutestic variants of and alteroatives to the than-clause after different are examined in 1566 Note lb] When the c1ause is reduceacuted to a noun phrase it becomes possible to usefrom as an alternative to than

The unions are taking a very different attitude ~ the employers

When the noun phrase folIowing thanffrom cannot be derived by ellipsis from a c1ause than is decidedly less acceptable thanfrom

The main languages of southern India are totaIly different In origin

~~~ those ofthe northern partofthe country

Note [al On differenlrom and different 10 1669 Note [dI [bj It is aloo possible for a Ihan-c1ause to be used after he adverb difilrently

In the west of the country they pronounce their vowels quite aifferently han (they do) in the easl

The same prescriptive objections are made to differenlly Ihan as to different Ihan

[E5] Adjective complementation by a to-infinitive clause [675 We distinguish seven kinds of construction in which an adjective is foIlowed

by a to-infinitive c1ause They are exemplified in the following sentences which are superficially alike

Bob is splendid to wait (ii) Bob is slow to react

(iii) Bob is sorry to hear it (iv) Bob is hesitant to agree with yOU (v) Bob is hard to convince

(vi) The food is ready to eat (vii) lt is important to be accurate

In Types (i-iv) the subject of the main clause (Bob) is also the subject of the infinitive c1ause We can therefore always have a direct object in the infinitive clause if its verb is transitive Por example if we replace intransitive wait by transitive build in (i) we can have Bob is splendid to build this house

Por Types (v-vii) on the other hand the subject of the infinitive is unspecified although the contextoften makes clear which subject is intended

In these types it is possible to insert a subject preceded by for eg in Type (vi) The food is ready (jOr Ihe children) to eat

Infinitive complementation following adjectives modified by lOO and enQugh is discussed eIse Note where in 1S73

(ES(i)) Bob is Iplendid to wait Type (i) has an analogue in a construction involving extraposition (cf1833)1676 1t is splendid of Bob lo wait This type OC construction also permits a head noun between the adjective and the infinitive

Bob must be a spiendid craftsman ~ ~~bUilt this house

As this example shows the infinitive may be perfective We may also compare constructions in which an evaluative noun with its determiner

replaces the adjective

ffoolishYourelafool to spend so mucho

WOnderfUl Youre 1 to walt for me anange

Adjectives in this group are evaluative of human beha~iour They inelude

careful crazy mad silly wise careless greedy nice unwise wrong

These adjectives can also occur with anticipatory il and an of-phrase as additional complementation (cf1682)

It was foolish of you to spend so mucho

IE5(Hraquo) Bob is IOW to react In Type (ii) the sentence corresponds to one in which the adjective becomes 1677 an adverbwhile the infinitive becomes the finite verb

Bob is slow to react - Bob reacts slowlyc

In another analogue the adjective is followed by in and an -ing participle Bob is slow in reacting The infinitive verb phrase must be simple for example unlike the inftnitive phrase in [E5(i)] it cannot be perfective Bob is slow ItJ have reacted Other adjectives in this small group are quick and prompt

There is also a partial adverbial analogue (e8127ff) for Type (i) but in Type (i) unlike Type Note (ii) the perfective infinitive andeven the get-passive (e366) can be used

loan was wise to resigno ~ loan wisely resigned loan was careless to get beaten - loan carelessly got beaten

loan is careless to have got beaten

IES(iuumlraquo) Bob is 10rry lo hear it In Type (iexcliexcli) the head of the adjective phrase is an emotive adjective 1678 (commonly a participial adjective) and the infinitive clause expresses

causation

1679

1228 Complementation of verbs end adjectives

Im sorry to have kept you waiting [rm sorry because I have kept you waiting]

1 was exeited to be there [- To be there exeited me]

Adjectives in this group correspond c10sely to the adjectives followed by a that-clause in 1671 (Type [E2a(iii)D

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

afraid angry ashamed content furious glad

happy impatient indignant jubilant thankful

annoyed astonished bored coneerned delighted depressed

disgusted dissatisfied embarrassed fasemated frightened interested

overwhelmed perturbed puzzled relieved surprised worried

disappointed overjoyed

IE5(ivraquo) Boh is heaitant to agree withyou In Type (iv) the head of the adjective phrase expresses volitional meaning or a modal meaning such as ability possibility or liability Examples are

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

able keen determined anxious Iiable disposed apt Iikely [E2b] fated[E2b] eertain [E2b] loath inclined curious powerless poiseddue prone prepared eager ready [E5] (all) set eligible reluetant unqualified fit [ES] sure [E2b] free [ES] unable greedy weleome hesitant willing impotent worthy

The adjectives marked [E2b] occur with a corresponding construction with extraposition of a that-clause

JilI is likely to attend - It is likely that JiU will attend

Those marked [E5] are capable of occurring with an infinitive construction of passive meaning ie with an indefinite implied subject and a coreferential implied object

Theyare not fit to eat = They are not tit to be eaten

Some ofthe most common adjectives in this list have a tendency to coalesce with the preceding copula 10 form a semimiddotauxiliary verb (ef3A7) be able to be willing to be sure to In addition to modal and volitional adjectives some adjectives ofaspectual meaning such as aeeustomed and wont may be placed here

Adjective complementation 1229

We are aecustomedto take teaon the terrace (formal) He was wont to leave the office at 5 pm (formal archaic)

(ES(vraquo) Bob is lard to convince 1680 In Type (v) the subject of the sentence is identified with the unexpressed

object of the infinitive clause which must therefore have a transitive verb hence the unacceptable Bob Is hard to arrive There is an analogous construction in which the adjective is complement to an infinitive c1ause acting as (extraposed) subject (ef 1836)

- To convince Bob is hard Bob IS hard to convmce It is hard to convince Bob

Adjeeacutetives so used refer 10 degrees of ease or comfort and iexclnclude

awkward hard tough (informal) eonvenient impossible trieky (informal) difficult niee (informal) unpleasant easy pleasant

Unless there is ellipsis we cannot omit the infinitive c1ause and so there is no semantic implication between (say) The bread was hard to bake and The bread was hard Unlike the preceding types Type (v) permitsfor + subject to be inserted at the beginning of the infinitive clause Those darts are trieky (for a beginner) to use Where the infinitive has no overt subject its implicit subject is understood to have an indefinite meanihg

Jack is easy 10 fool =Jack is easy for anyone to foo

Note With some adjectives in this group such as nice or unpleasant the entailment relation between be + adjective ro V and be + adjective is less easy lO avoid eg Jenny is nice lo know iacutemplies that Jenny is nice

IE5(viraquo) Thefood is ready to eat 1681 Again in this type the subject of the main clause is identified with the object

of the intinitive c1ause But unlike Type (v) Typemiddot(vi) has no analogous construction with an infinitive clause subject

The food is ready to eat To eat the food is ready

Also we can generally (a) omit the infinitive clause or (b) substitute a passive infinitive clause without change ofmeaning

Are these cups available (to use) = Are these cups available (to be used)

Some adjectives of this type such as availablefitfree ready and suffieient belong additionally 10 Type (iv) so that a sentence like The lamb ia ready to eat is ambiguous in one sense (the most accessible) being equivalent to the passive The lamb is ready to be eaten Then there is a wider set of adjectives which often occur without complementation at all

The air isfrosty (to breathe) Its fur is soft (to touch)

1230 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

In both Type (v) and Type (vi) the subjectofthe main clause can be equated with the prepositional object of the infinitive clause so that the infinitive c1ause ends with a deferred preposition

She is pleasant to talk to (-It is pleasant to talk to her) This paper is terribly flimsy to write on Is the cloth sufficient to make a dress out ol

In Type (vi) as well as in Type (v)for + subjeet may be inserted before the infinitive verb Are these books free (for visitors) to borrow Are these books available to borrow]

(E5(vii)J Jt is important to he accurate 1682 We saw in 1672 that a that-clause following an adjeetive may prove to be a

subjeet postponed by extraposition (ef1833) A to-infinitive clause following an adjeetive may have the same oouree

It is essential to spray the trees every year - To spray the trees every year is essential

The infinitive clause can also be introduced by for + subjeet

It is vital (for the ehildren) to be properly cIad It will be strange (for us) to be living alone

Adjectives ofTypes (ji) and (iii) in 1672 ([E2b]) may have this construction importantJortunate lueky surprising etc Possible also belongs te this group

An addiacutetional group of adjeetives oeeurring after anticipatory it are those adjeetives (ehiefly naming evaluative attributes of persons) whieh occur in pattern [E5(i)] (ef 1676) The adjeetive in this group is often followed byan of-phrase identifying the persones) being discussed

It was wrong (of him) to teIllies iexcli

It is niee ofyou to phone

[E6] Adjective complementation by an -ing participle cfause [683 A number of sub-types ofthis pattem may be mentioned

(i) Busy is followed by an -ing participle clause without subject

Margery is busy writiacuteng Ietters

Worth and worthwhile on the other hand oceur both with and without subjeet

It is seareely worth(while) (youyour) going home

Here worth(while) follows preparatory it and the participle clause is an extraposed subjeet (ef1834) Other adjectives ofthis pattern are pointless and useless (Its pointless buying so mueh food) and adjectives of Type [E2b(iiacutei)J (efl6 72) also sometimes have this complementation absurd awkwardJortunate annoying etc

EIsewhere worth and worthwhile accompany an -ing participle elause without subjeet but with a passive meaning comparable to tbat of the infinitive elause in pattern [E5(v)] (ef1680)

Complementation of abstract nouns 1231

The cartons are worth(while) saving ( Its worth(while) saving the cartens)

(iv) There is a variant eonstruction in whieh a preposition oecurs between the adjective and the participle clause In some cases the preposition is optional (cf(i) aboye)

Im busy (with) getting the house redeeorated Werefortunate (in) having Aunt Mary as a baby-sitter

In other cases the preposition is obligatory We are used to not having a car (cf1669 Note [e]) Im hopeless at keeping the garden tidy Shes not capable oflooking after herself

Note [al The adjectival constructions in (ii) above may be compared in some cases with nominal constructionsof equivalent meaning

ts 110 goaduse telling him anything Theres 110 point (in) telling him anything

8uch constructions are introduced either by anticipatory il (el 1833) or by eltistential there (el 184$) AmE also hu Theres no use telling him anythlng (b) Worthwhlle is sometimes spelled as two words The vacillation between the spellings worthwhile and worth while reflects an unclarity about the status of this sequence which may altematively be regarded as the preposition worth (eI96) followed by a noun Compare

lts not worth your whife staying lts not worlhh whh~e (your) staying worl w 1

Complementation of abstract nouns

1684 In this coneluding section we will show as a conneeting link between this chapter and the next how the pattems of complementation described for verbs and adjectives in 1620-83 are aloo to be found with abstraet nouns which are morphologieally related to those verbs and adjectives (ef nominalization 1751ff and appositional constructions 1726 1735) For example the noun likelihood is derived from and semantically related to the adjective likely It is therefore not surprising that a construction associated with the adjeetive Is found with the corresponding noun

It is likely that Joan will get married [1]

The likelihood is that loan will get married [21 the likelihood that Joan will get married [31

But the assumption of eorrespondence eannot be automatie for it may faiacutel in both direetions

loan is likely to get married Joan s likelihood to get married

It is likely of J oans getting married the likelihood of Joans getting married

------__shyiacute1 11

COMPLEX INTRANSITIVE CONSTRUCTIONS p H MATIHEWS

1 Introduction

In sentences such as [1J

ArR C~Iltiacuteltmiddotli N ([1J Th~deitgreen ~

he construct~oEJ~QLordf JJP~ that GCE850ff describes as 9QMfLEX JRANSITIV~ Ofthe elements in questionit and made are related a~Jn tQllt ~imple transitive

j [2J They made it

YihiJe ir and green a~_~latelasinasimple_ltQI1llar_sentence ( [3] lt is green (- lt

~f the type that following Lyons (l977469ff) raquoe will call ASCRIPTIVE raquouacutet greacuteen- also standsJna direcueJordf9lsJIacuteIL ordm~_iii~de the object and adjective exemplifying a single I2atteIILof VERB COMllEMe~nrJ91 This paUCIDl can be sajd torepresenta IJJS10N (G e E 850) ofJ~ltsimpler transitiv iexcll~J~Jjpiexcly_e_tjPes - _shy

IH~~_sfiE~~Ve can be fused with th~~~tY_e_(lri~alsoP~ fused with theintransitixe1 Insentildetentildeces SUChas[4] -

MI It turned green

~construc~~~~~]y idmtifkQyaacuteth th~ of l3J in both examples the

l]

~ ~ ~ ENGLISH GRAMMAR

verb is described as copularor in the terminology of GCE820f as taking intensive complementation But neither description is quite appropriate to1 both cases In the~ptive sentence there i indeed no mor~than~pYhL~

1 2ampffiMical iP~ betwe~ the adjective and its subject~ plainly this ~ ~ is not true of [4] whose verb TURN has its own specific meaning lf turned~ iacute I is a full verb it must then be the govemor of green as made is in (1) in that

iexcl ~ sense there is cornplernentatjon But we express nothing by assigning such a complernentation to the copula A solution is to c1ass I4] as a COMPLBX

IITMNSITIVE iL~onsect_trJltiordmL being an extension of th~simpleJmransiUacutelLe _shy~ i I5] It turned

j precisely as that of (1) is extended from that of [2)iexcl

2 Fused constructions

Let us take our cue from GCEs referenee to fusionlo the simpl~L =nfu~~~_~~~~~~~)t1ecltgtnstVf1ionconsistso(asingJULeAicJ~tQI(lgde) which in a dependency ana~is has both the subject and the object as its dependents or to adapt G CEs term has both a subjeet and an oJkltt asit complementation lnJhaL~se (2) has a _K1U~~~_~ruetion (Lyons i977) w1jch cannotJiexclJLr~s~Cl9JUnQ(lt_e~mentary relationships of ptediCJJQJkSo too has the simple intransitive (5] vi1ihidepeiioenforior forming the complementation of tumed So too has the simple aseriptive [3] its predicator on the analysis ofLyons and others is the adjective green One reason for relatlng the subject to the adjective is that the elements are jointly subject to selectional restrictions A reason for not relating either to the copula is that the latter stands aside (rom these restrictions adding none ofitsown

In a fused construction the pattem ls neither strictly kernel nor straightforwardly non-kemellnJhegmplex transitive [lL1oth1tan41~Y are again direct ~cngents of made these relatio~_elQ~ the words in FigJbx direC1~ltaI~_uacutela~~I~Qordf-ordfl9blleiexcl)Uumlnamp21uacuteward frollLthe

~d

(aJiquest-Fig 1

[42]

P H Matthew$

p~ed~~ So is green arc el this too being supported by selectional restrictions We are therefore dealing with a single clause rooted in made of which each word is a distinct element But green js a1soapredicator in iexclelation to il (are d)J that wav we are dealing with two kernelp~QlS th~ fuurtermclauseinfQmQrating bothtM_~tuet~[IDJr~JlsitiYlljh~ twoshytenn a~-middot -_shy

In Fig 1 we have diagrammed what any grammarian will propose provided that his terminology or his notational apparatus allow him to say it Iut similar reasonjng applies to the construction which we have called the ~IpJex ln~~-ordfEsitive Of the relationships showninf1g --~~t~~~~_

it turned green

aAacutebJ Fig2

to ir (arcc)_isagainasintheascripJjy~ and needs no further cornment But the final element is clearly suJiexcliect to ru19jtional resr=l~ordmI~ tlTlJRI_ im~~tordm-~~it~~rAUQj~9iY_I9U~l~~ed noun (He turned pink He turned kings eVidence) iQ~~~1lined phrase is exCiuacuteded (He turned arog)

tDle~sthe p~e~~i0rl~lJ9rtn is ~~jordmntildei[qiireifitetuumlmed iexclnto a frog) ~itt G-ordm-1h exdusi(m is abgolule one cannot even say He went into a criminal

f [he adjeqtive is also Iimlted to specific collocations For example one can say It turned sour or Ir went sour but it is harder to accept Ir grew sour 1 Conversely one can say He grew od but not He went od On that evidence

j we may establish a relationship of dependency between green and tumedj (arc b) The verb too can then be related to the subject (arc a)

1 Epgth o~2am~ thefe is one terro ir lVhich is a9~de~~~~t1 theascriptile anCITlieletbalk~m~1 (Fig 1 ares b and d Fig 2 ares a and c) The fusion is then effected by a further link (Fig 1 arc e Fig 2 are b) in which ond of the two predicators een is ineo orat~a~_ ordf d~RendenlO(th~ I re atlon that uirk an4hl~ COU~_~ampI~s-1 jn the case of th complex intransitille hall app1ied the Iean intlaquo=nsve

mmplementatio~gly describe he yaleruLQ(IUN or iexcl l otIllBNinthisuseJuh~int~siYeint[ansitivx But the insight intildeaacute I

alsQ be extended to the complex transitiye In that spirit MAKE or MAKE as

used in sentences such as W might appropriatelL be described ~~_~n_ i ~ntensive transitive -J -bull_--------shy

[43)

ENGLISH GRAMMAR

3 Distinctions between tbe complex intransitive and other partly similar constructions

For a three-term construction Fig 2 shows the maximum number of interconnections with each term related to each of the others The miacutenimum isone thus for the ascriptive (3) we have adopted the structure shown i~

L with l~~E2nd te~~Il2= tlliacuten amaroe~ ordmrS1PP9~g~lexn~~ ~eLClatiacute9D~t~~~~t~first an~~~hir~ But this leaves five other possibilities which in theory might be realized ust as the second element_lt~p~ltmark(r ordfs inEig 3bullKlJQQmgordmHhetordm-iriexcl in thatJ~SiquestOillY

iacutet is green

Fig3

1he_verb vQ1lld_be a predicatorrwithonl)l1he_~ygtject related 10 it This structure does not seem to be realized at least not in away whiacuteCh is -relevant to our analysis Asecond_possibil~iuhatJmly the verb a~ ~~~iexcltiY~L iquestnjgl~~_rell~q in that ca~e bot~redicatoS_w-ordmyldIgt~ impersonal-vUh lh~su~ject a me~m~ce-filler This structure might conceivably be suggested for exampIacuteesmiddotSuumlch as [6]

[6] It got mistier

with a so-called ambient it But although it may indeed be ambient with respect to mistier it need not follow that it is ambient with respect to got

In the remaining cases no element is a marker but there are only two instead of three interconnections Ir there wem no link betw-IlJhe subject ~YMh(Ejg 2 are a) the verb1tSelf would agajn be impersmordf-~ I~ transformational terms its surface subject would be derived by raising (Postal 1974) from a subordinate adjectival clause lf th3ewere no intensiye lipk between the first and second predicators (Fg 2 arWJUlt verb would be a simple intransitive taking just t~_S)lbject as its complementation th~on of tbe adjec1iYtLL~ then be uumlMrn-~0n[7] forexample --- -_~

Eacutel He arrived saber J (~ eacute cc L f ~ 2 f

grammars do not establish an intensive or copular use of ARIUVB Finally

[44]

1 P H Marrhew$

if the ascriQive lik wer~~2ken iacuteEiKbJ~~ f)hHordmjlti~~ment woulordm-no longer bJlta predicaQ~ltiexclHQle wQuldin~teadb~ADVJllqt~iexcl as in 8)

(8) He ran fa~t

There is no doubt that the intensive construction is distinct from the adverbial and that sober in [7] is at least more circumstantial than green in It turned green But the subject-verb relation is more problematic in that a raising transformation has been proposed for one at least of the G C E s intensive verbs Let us therefore take that distinction first

31 Ofthe twenty or so most common intensive verbs (GCE821) SEEM and APPEAR particularly lend themselves to transformational analysis On the evidence of sentences such as [9]

(2) It seemed that they wereamp~e~

_U~naIlJral lo establish an underlying ~~ct~~

J~sIhey were green]~ seemed

irlYhIacutetEw~4)srelate(L1ot to they J~Q9green indhiOacute1lally but to the yiole ascri2tive kernelrom the same structure a sentence such as [10)

[10] They seemed to be green

can then be derived by further transformations of subject raising and infinitive formation Froro the structure reaJized by [Io]lIleare n3tllcalli

~m~ed to derive the comple~_~transiti~euacutell

[u) They seemed gre~

by a further transformation deleting the copuiacutea For SEEM the rules deriving [10] and [u] would both be optional But for

other verbs such as TURN or GO We could make them obligatory so It turned green could be the only realization of an underlying sUr was greenls turned the ambient Ir got misrier - [6] aboye - a realization of say s[mistier]s gorand so on If the obligatory rules were then restricted to the copula we would also ensure that any other form of embedded structure (g[he eft]s turned or g[he kissed her]s grew) was filtered out By such means a treatment which is widely accepted for SEEM and for which the evidence is at first compelling could be extended if it were thought appropriate to the entire intensive intransitive class

There are good reasons for not thinking it appropriate In a sentence such as [12]

[12] Harry got drunk

Qn~JsllQIacuteli~ply talking of a_~ate tha~ reslllttI s~o t~a~ ~~rry vs (45)

ENGLISH GRAMMAR

drunk or Harrys drunkenness happened) Nor is Harrya mere theme or tliexclfc (Aacute~-to-KarryQruniexcliquestenneacuteSs-l1ippened to him) tlamp11tbject iexclS1

potentia1lt-at-l~st--alMl~tgh-ge~~amp9run_~ wassoID1hiiL~hatJIal did The--verb mayaccordiacutentilde-gly take a subject adjunct (O CE 466]) thus I delibera tey got drunk or He foo(lshy turned traitor It may also supply the complement of a conative verb (1 did try to get drunk) may appear in the imperative (Dont get drunk ) and so on For sorne collocations this potentiacuteality is doubtless harder to realize (compare He delibera tey turned bue with He delibera tey turned nasty or He tried ro grow oder with He tried ro grow farter) but that is precisely the case for subjects and predicators generally lt is this semantic role that justifies the first link shown in Fig 2

which an impersonal structure as in (b)

(b) s[Harry was drunkls got

would relegate to the surface If (b) is wrong for Harry got drunk a transformationalist should consider

more carefully w hether a similar structure is correct for Harry seemed drunk Let us assume that it is correct for the construction with a that-clause (It seemed that Harry was dhmk) for SEEM and APPEAR a c1ausal complement does form one possibility Let us also accept that SBBM has a constant sense in all its constructions But for other current intensives (G eE 820 f) the evidence is more complexo With SOUNO a that-clause can be forced for example if a dative is inserted (lt sounds ro me that (hey arent coming) There is also an impersonal construction with as if

[131 It sounds as ifthey were green

which might be thought to derive from the same source The construction of [13] is also acceptable witb LOOK (lt ooks as ifthey arent coming) But between it and the complex intransitive we can find clear disparities in meaning In [13] the judgment is based on indirect clues what sounds or appears from audible information is indeed the whole proposition they were green But in the complex intransitive [14]

[141 They sound drunk

it is based on sounds that they are making For that reason it is harder 10 make sense of They sound green Likewise They [ook drunk means that they from their appearance are so But in It loob as ifthey are drunk the speaker does not even imply that he has seen them (Compare Prom what you say it ooks as if rhey are drunk) Ir we wanted a complex source it would be tempting 10 relate [14] not 10 the impersonal [13] with raising but rather to the personal [Is1

[IS] They sound as iexclfthey are drunk

with the second they deleted

[46]

P H Marthews

Personal and impersonal are often hard to separate as Palmer (1972) and before him Bolinger(l96la) have shown Ofthis group ofintensives TASTE

and 5MBLL are the most restricted in meaning and it is with these that the impersonal construction as in [91 and [131 is least acceptable With TASTE

neither seems likely Ir rasres to me that the soup is saty It tastes to me as if they are sweer If the second example can be interpreted it is by virtue of a blending with the personal construction (compare It tasres as ifit ) With SMELL the construction of [131 may be more acceptable (Ir smells ro me as if dinner is ready) but the blending remains With PEEL a non-tactile sense is possible (Ir fees Iikey) but is less established than the broader senses of LOOK or SOUNO (compare Ir ooks likey II sounds likey) It is in this case that my judgment is least secure would one say for example It fees (or Ir fees to me) as if they were green With SOUNO and LOOK the general sense is well established as in [131 or Ir sounds likely but there is still a sensory meaning as in [14] and [Isl which inhibits the pure impersonal with that With SEEM and APPEAR we are at the end of the continuum both having general senses only Hence the construction of[91 alongside the impersonal with as if (Ir seems as if they were green) Hence perhaps the infinitive construction of [101 with SOUNO and the others this too is awkward (They ooked ro have arrived Or Ir tastes ro me to be sweer) But it does not follow that the semantical1y general They seem drunk differs in syntax from the specifically sensory They sound drunk or They smell drunk We can even force an active interpretation of the subject thus They tried lO appear drunk or I deliberarey seemed irrftated

32 As [11] with SEEM Hes on a gradience between personal and impersonal so there are others which raise problems in distinguishing intensive from adverbial and circumstantial constructions For there is no criterion which is both sufficient and necessary

The obvious step is to tesectt for simpler transforms Thus J9r [12] Harl~ qrunk ~e can comp~jiexcleJgtimple a~ve Harry was drul~ TRANSFORM in that firstIy it is a a d secondly the predicator

-ORUNK hasnot a tq~ sense s no intraiiSIuvetrans[oacuterintilde ~stiiis~se of G BI is oot ~ble Nor has 4 r tumeirgeacute-iexcl an intransitive transform It turned since this involves a different sense oC TURN Ir there~~ an ascriptive transform but n9-Wn~itive the JhirdeiacuteeDlen t mult be a complementi so [41 and [12] must be complex intransitive Ir there is neither transform it MA y be complement but the col~of verb and adjective mjgbt rCaSantildea be classed as idiomatic Thus The roses have run wild has no transform The roses ve iiOr-aacuteoes it strictly match The rOSes are wild But WILO is at least an adiecti~ must stand in sorne relationship to the verb therefore R UN WILO is right1y

chmldw-rresultintensive (O eE) ---shy-- -_--g ~ _---_bull ~ shy

[471

ENOLISH ORAMMAR

If there is a simple intransitive but no ascriptive transr2ffil--_~~~ coacutentildeSffiiClioacutentilde-intildeuumlSt]ie iexcljdve(J2iacuteaIYlIacuteustrivialIy He ran iexcliuieacutekly has no ascriptive tiexclansfo~ He was quickly less trivially He travelled light does not match He was ight But what if we find both rlJgJQQordf~tillha$ordflJ ascriEtive _~ran~f~rrlJ~eYI1Jer~_~~ ~sectmL1aY-J~_a~~plement circumstantjallik~iilelltjnThey-sJoQdsilent ordfytlb~~j~llsothe simpler intran~1ti~ fbilystQPf so still ~ight be anadver~ like sileniTyintilde-fiieystood silenty Since there is no distinct form srilly the latter is hard to rule out For It shone white we can compare the formally adjectivallt shone brighr again there are both transforms (Ir shone Ir was white) But It shone brighr is c10se in meaning to the formaUy adverbial Ir shone brighry could white be an adverb in default of or as the commoner altemative to whirely Blending may aIso be found in idioms For example it is fruitless to ask if doggo is an adjective or an adverb in He is Iying doggo

For the circumstantial case both transforms are necessary thus [7] He arriuacuteiid sober has the triexcliexclntildeiiiacuteormsmiddotiexcliexcluacuteli-iexcliexclved andHe wasectSoacutebe Wewoacuteuumllifiliso ixpeeacutetthilUumlheveromiddotantildedmiddotildjectTe-shouId befreeOi collocationaI restrictions so He arrived sober He left sober He Jeft satisjied He arrived satisfied and so on But it is very hard to say when such a requirement iacutes meto One does not say for example They stood noisy or They sroodpeacefuJ on that evidence They stood sient might be classed as complex intransitive But neither is one likely to say They arrived noisy or They arrived kind Is that too a matter of collocational restrictions so that [7] is also intensive Or is it merely that NOISY and KIND are ill suIacuteted 10 this construction7 At this point jt is tempting to distinguish degrees of circumstantiality The extreme case would be represented by such sentences as [16]

[16] They stood there exhausted

(Iikewise They have arrived quite sober) where the adjective and verb are marked as separate Beside [16] the construction in [7] is less clearly circumstantial in They stood sient or They stoodfidgering it is perhaps even r less so But this last might stilJ be seen as less intensive than for example

iexcl They stood amazed Likewise They feJl exhausted is less clearly intensi ve than 1 They fell sick since it involves no special sense of FALL

~

f lrOacutel p1lI1riHmD ~ amires f0tr eompiex trlmSitive fu Tlieyfbuntlliim~

guilry there is a special sense OfPIND as ofMAKE in They mode it green In TIwy rrun Juacutem JOber tbat IacuteoS DO spcciiexcll SCDSII of)lEET~ by tbat cS ~ is more eircumsumlial BUl onc la unlikely lO say for eumple They me hlm meditative

4 Finally there is an obvious gradience between the coxnP-1ex intransitive ~nct the simple ascriptj~ With TURN 01 GROW there are~-selecUumlonal restrictions as we have seen With SBJlli or SIhV tney are far fewer

[48J

P H Matthews

neverthelesson~canI1Q~~yfordmr_~ordfmplelfil_sectil1Ied chairmqf1-ltcompareH~ stayelt chairman Qr1fsectJjiquest_riquest~cordfirmordfl1) or It srays obvious that (compare It seemsobvious that or It remainsobvious that ) With REMAIN it is hard to find any but at least the intransitive exists He remained) and their senses can be related Wth BECOMB that evidence too is lacking He became drunk can be distinguish-ed(rontildei1lieasgiptiYlt1g lu7ntl1k onlyJ~iiui~s from jts resultative meaning -_-

This merging has ied grammarians to treat the constructions together But we can do this only by assimi)ating BE to the mode) of verb complementation (as in GCE) not by assimilating TURN and so on to the model of a copula likethecpmplexrordfnsectitiy~nl_e compleimrap~W~i~ ayoor ca~~idatefltY-l~LIl~Jlt~IQ~-ordf_~~rnelltructllr~middot

M

~_

Page 14: in - UGR · (III). 11-70 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1171 Note [a] The ... In addition, we shall use where necessary the suffixes 'ph' (for

1194 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

wherejor occurs as part of a prepositional verb are askfor eatlfor aehefor aim for bum for burst jor eare for clamour for erave for hope for iteh for long jor plan joacuter prepare for wait for yearn for

We were al achingburningbursting jor the performance to begin They plannedfor the mayor to arrive on the following day

For some of the verbs in these clauses the that-clause with should ([B3(iiacute)j) is an alternative form of complementation

They planned that the mayor should arrive on the following day

A further reason in favour of a monotransitive analysis of verbs of Type [B8pr] is the possibility (in some cases) of a passive with or without extraposition

For the administration to resign so quickly was not called foro It had been arranged for the food to be served indoors

Note [al Sorne [B8pr] verbs such as arrangefor planfor and preparefor also have a [B2] construction in which they are followed by a direct object Compare Have you arranged the meeting Have you arrangedfor iexclhe meeting Compare also She askedfor the children to leave and She asked iexclhe children O leave [b] Desire expect and intend although they tit into this category with respect to introductory for and the extraposed passive also accept the passive of the raised object which applies to [C4] (cfI650) Thus expect for example pennits two associated passives

It was nOt expected for the administration to resigno The administration was not expected to resigno

The former of these however is felt to be awkward and of marginal acceptability On such contlicts of c1assiacutefication cfI664jf

jB91 Complementation by -ing participle clause (with subject) 642 Verbs which accept this pattern comprise a considerable subset of those

verbs accepting the subjectless -ing clause as object they include the verbs marked 1 in the list of 1639 The genitive form of the subject is an option in formal English (ef 1512) but is often felt to be awkward or stilted

1 dislike him his driving my car We look forward to youyour beeoming our neighbour

In some cases particularIy when the subject of the participle is not a pronoun and does not have personal reference the geniti ve option is rare

vehicle h hPeter stoppe d te h l cras mg mto t e ence h ve lees

The genitive is also rare with a pronoun with nonpersonal reference

1 look forward to ~t geUing warmer in spring lts

The verbs of negative meaning stop prevent and prohibit have a related ditransitive construction (cfI656f) in which the prepositionfrom precedes the -ing clause as second object

They tried toacute preven the planefrom landing on the runway

Types of verb complementation 1195

Thus thefrom is optional In the very few cases where we have a choice between an -ing participle

and a to-infinitive construction there is usual1y felt to be a difference ofaspect or mood such as that described in 1640

1hate the children lo quarrel [ theyre ordinarily such good friacuteends] [1]

1 hate the children quarrelling [ all the time] [2]

focuses on the childrens potential for quarrelling [2] emphasizes their performance the point being that they do quarrel rather often in fact An aspectual difference is uppermost in

ehiming ( all night long) 1h he c oc k ate t l

to ehlme ( Just when Im gOtng to sleep)

The infinitive suggests a single chime while the participle suggests continual chiming (ef435 467f)

Note Verbs ofthe observational type eg notice in 1 noticed him writing a leller do not belong in this group and are dealt with in 1653 For such verbs the genitive is not a possible alternative iexcl noticed hiacutes writiacuteng a Jeter

Complex transitive complementation 1643 In 216 we applied the term COMPLEX TRANSlTIVE to verbs in the pattems

SVOC and SVOA In this chapter we extend the term to other clause patterns in which an object is followed by another element which is not an object (eg a nonfinite clause) A distinguishing characteristic o[ complex transitive compiemculiIacuteuacutelI j thallhe two elltments iacuteuiiuwiug the yerb (eg object and object complement) are notionally equated with the subject and predication respectively of a nominal c1ause For example

MONOTRANSlTIVE She presumed lhat her father was dead [1] She presumed her father to be dead [2]

COMPLEX TRANSITIVE Sh d h 1 h d d [3]e presume er Jat er ea

In [3J her father (O) and dead (C) are equivalent in meaning to a separate clause viz the that-clause in [l] This relationship remains where the object complement is expanded into an infinitive clause as in 2] Yet her father to be dead in spite of its clause-like meaning and appearance does not act syntactica1ly as a single constituent as is evident in the passive where the O is separated from its complement

Her father was presumed (by her) to be dead

This divisibility into two elements of a semantically clausal construction following the verb is the defining property ofcomplex transitive complementshyation

We begin with three already familiar patterns of complex transitive complementation those corresponding to [A I-A3] (ef 1621-4)

Note On the simiacutelarities between complex transitive and ditransitive complementation see 1666ff

1196 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

ICII Adjective phrase as object complement 1644 The SVOC pattern (ef216) in whiacutech the object complement is an adjective

phrase is found with verbs which like copular verbs may be divided into CURRENT and RESULTING types

You should keep the cabbagefresh (1] That music drives me mad [2]

The verb keep in [1] introduces the current attributefresh while the verb drive in [2] introduces the resulting attribute mad These two verbs therefore exemplify the two main categories ofcomplex transiti ve complementatiacuteon in this pattern The current verbs (ef1621ff) are usually staiive and the resulting verbs are always dynamic Further examples ofeach type are

CURRENT RESULTING

hod[C2] (v) drive [C4] keep [C2] get [C4] eave [C2] make [C2 C4]

prove [B3 C2 C4] (ii) eall [C2] render[C4]eonfess [B3 C2 C4] sendprofess [B3 C2 C4]

pronounce [B3 C2 C4] turn

report [B3 C4] eertify [B3 C2 C4] declare [B3 C2 C4] like proclaim [B3 C2 C4] prefer[B3]

want wish [B3 C2 C4]

(iv) beliacuteeve [B3 C2 eonsider [B3 C2 C4] deem [B3 C2 C4] find [B3 C2 C4] hod[B3 C4] imagine [B3 C2 C4] judge [B3 C2 C4] presume[B3 C2 C4] rate [C2 C4] reekon [B3 C2 C4] suppose [B3 C2 C4] think [B3 C2 C4]

Type (O is a category of current verbs of general meaning Type (ii) consists offactual speech act verbs (cf1631) Type (iii) of volitional verbs Type (iv) of verbs of inte11ectual state Type (v) of general resulting verbs and Type (vi) ofresulting verbs referring to speech acts which havethe performative force of declarations (Hod occurs twice in the aboye list as a general verb [Type (i) as in She hed her head high] and as an inte11ectual state verb [Type (iv) as in 1 hod you responsibe]) The symbols added after sorne verbs indicate other related complementation types to which those verbs belong

Types of verb complementation 1197

[B3] The verb can also be used monotransitively (el Note (a]) with a that-clause

[C2] The verb can also occur wiacuteth a noun phrase as object complement [C4] The verb can a1so occur with an object + infiniacutetive construction

Examples

The secretary eft a1l the letters unopened The doctors pronounced her conditiacuteon uttery hopeess Oi) 1want my coffee stronger than this (iii) Weve alwaysfound the assistants very frtendy (iv) The long waIk made us a11 hungry They have declared the house unfit for habitatiacuteon (vi)

Note that the adjectival complement may contain modifiers and adjectival complementation (ef1668-83) A passive construction in which the direct object becomes subject is also an important criterion

AH the letters were left unopened (by the secretary) (i) Her condition was pronounced uttery hopeess (by the doctors) (ji)

Note [a] There is sometimes a meaning difference between the object complement construction and the corresponding that-clause [B3) or objeet + infinitive [C4] eonstruction

1 imagined myself severely ill [3] p 1 imagined myself to be severely ill [4]

Sentence [3] suggests that the speaker is indulgiacuteng in a flight of faney sentence [4J suggests that the speaker is deluding himself (eg that he is a hypochondriae) A differenee is also to be observed between [5] and [6]

They gol him angry [5J p They got him lo be angry (6]

where [5J suggests made him angry in spite of himself and [6] suggests persuaded him to be angry (Yet a third meaning is represented by Donl get me wrong [Dont misunderstand me J) Two iacuteurther comrasts are

We found the ehildren undernourished [ We encou nte red them iacute n tha t cond i tiacuteon J [7] p Wefoundthe children lo be undernourished [8]

[Our examination revealed their condition] and

He declared the meeting offieial He declared the meeting lO be officiaL

where [9] has a performati ve and resultati ve force (The meeting beeame official as a result of his announeement) not regularly present in [lO] [b] Have in sentences sueh as We have IWO employees sck is not a member of the [CI] category but belongs to a special have-existential construetion lo be discussed with existential sentences in general in 1851 Since it has no passive this elause construction lacks one criterial feature of comp1ex transitive constructions Two employees are had sick [e] There is a variant order in which the object complement precedes the object eg He thought desirable most ofthe women in the room (efIS37) This order tends to occur when the object is a long noun phlase

1645 In addition to the verbs listed in 1644 aboye there are many verbs which belong more peripherally to Type [C1] Their membership is more peripheral in one or both of the following respects (a) They occur only in restricted sequences such as rub dry (ef 1617) (b) They can occur in the [BI] monotransitive construction without appreciable change of meaning iacutee the object complement is optional and resembles an optional adverbial Iil the following typical co11ocations the object noun phtase is symbolized by N

1

Types of verb complementation 11991198 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

CURRENT RESULTING

bring (a child) up health boil (an egg) 8aft 1

buy N eheapl erap (hair) shoriexcl1 return (a letter) unopened freeze N hard serve (food) hOlleold paint N redblue 1

seU N eheaplnew1 roll N flat sweep (the fioor) clean 1

calour N blueyellow 1

dye N pinklgreen 1

knock (someone) senseless polish N smooth 1

scrape N clean I swing (a door) open

For those combinations marked l the object complement could be easily omitted without a change in the basic sense of the verbo

Among resulting attributes the adjectives open loose free and clean are particularly common push N open shake N loose set N free wipe N clean

The collocations make sure and make certain are peculiar in that the object is a that-clause and always follows the adjectivaI complement

Please make sureleertain that you endose your birth certificate

There is no passive be made surecertain With other collocations the that-clause object is postponed by extraposiacutetion (ef 1835)

He found it strange that no one else had arri ved 1think it very odd that she left without saying goodbye The emperor pronounced it illegal for landlords to enfranchise their

tenants

Extraposition is optional with make N clear and therefore the preparatory it may be omitted She made (it) eear that we were regarded as trespassers

Note [al Sorne collocations require the object to be a rellexive pronoun Ilaughed myself sick They roared themselves hoarse Here the object complement cannot be omitted llaughed myself [b] The resultative pattern illustrated in thiacutes section is quite productive and occurs with rare or newly-converted verbs such as selotape and scotchtape selotape N fiat ltRrE) seotehtape N fiat (AmE) Similarly

iexclve deepfrozen the bread solido

(C21 Noun phrase as object complement 646 Most of the verbs listed in 1644 can occur also with a noun phrase

complement In addition there are a few verbs which occur with anoun phrase but not with an adjective phrase as complement eg appoint These verbs marked 1 in the list below can also occur with theobject + infinitive construction

The queen appointedWilliam Cecil (to be) her personal secretary

The list is subdivided into categories corresponding to those in 1644

(i) hold2 (iv) believe (v) appoint l2middot 3

keep2 consider2 choose 2 3

eleetl 2 3leave deem esteem l 2 3 make(ii) cal find provecanfess imagine2 voteprofess

pronounce judge2 (vi) baptize13

presume certify 23 (iii) wish 3rate2 christent bull

reckon2 erown l bull 2bull 3

suppose declare think proclaim

namemiddot23

The superscript 2 indicates that the as-construction (cf 1 647) is also possible The superscript 3 indicates that the verb is also monotransitive and that the verb retains the same meaning when the object complement is omitted Hence She appointed him secretary implies that she appointed him Examples of each sub-type follow With profess and wish which are used to illustrate subtypes (H) and (iii) respectively a reflexive pronoun as object is normal

She held her niece (a) captive for several years (i) The prince professed himself a supporter of free speech (ji) 1have often wished myself a millionaire (iii) Charles does not esteem him a trustworthy adviser (iv) The committee has elected you its chairman (v) Her parents named her Sophia after her grandmother (vi)

Some verbs in this pattem are unlikely to occur in the adive eg think beiacuteieve reckon The foilowing are exampies of the passive conslruclIacuteon

Her niece was held (a) captive for several years (i) She was named Sophia after her grandmother (vi)

As with Type (el] the object may be a clause postponed by extraposition

We have made it a condition that the new agreement be signed by all the original signatories

He has proved it a falIacy that old age brings wisdom

Note [al The zero article occurs optionally with captive and prisoner as object complements as in (i) above She held her niece (a) caplive Hold capliveprisoner and keep captivepriacutesoner are unusual in that the omitted article is indefinite rather than definite Examples of the zero article with definite meaning (eS42) are

Edgar was judged overall winner They appointed Sue captain of the athletics team

[b] The object + infinitive construction with 10 be as with Type [Gl] is not always equivalent to the pattero with a phrasal object complement For example name can be used with 10 be only if the following noun phrase designates a future role or status

Her parents named her (0 be) Gladys The selectors named her (lo be) a memberofthe touring team

As can be used with name only on the same condition as applies to lO be Her parenls named her as (adys (cf 1 647 below) [el The copular retation can obtain not only between the object and complement as in [11 bu also between subject and complement as in [21

t iexcl

1200 Complementation of verbs and adjectiacuteves

She made him iexcliexcl good husband (S V OC) [1 J She made him a good wife (S VOC) [2J

[1 Jhas the passive analogue He as gtladea good husband but in the entirelydifferentconstruetion of (2] where the copular rdation is between she and a good middotle no passive is possible Thc meuning is She Vas a good wire to himmiddot A prepositional verb 01 this Same unusuallattcrn is strike l in 101 example

He stmck me os a brilliant slralegist where a brilianl strategist is su bjcet eomplement

(Clprl and (C2prl Object complement foUowing prepositional verb 1647 The preposition as designates a copular relation particularly in specifying a

role or status associated with the direct object The ehureh eondemned the relie as a lraud Following a complex transitive verb and a direct object the prepositional complement of as functions semantiacutecally as an attribute and may be termed a prepositional object complement in the same way as the noun phrase following a transitive prepositional verb is called a prepositional object

a geniacuteus [C2] We considered him as a genius [C2pr]

tobeagenius [C4]

1 bull (as) a genius ~ He was consdered t b

o e agemus

Consider as like regard as class as etc therefore exemplifies yet another type of prepositional verb one that is followed by a prepositiacuteonal object complement rather than a prepositional object

Occasionally the prepositionlor occurs in this copular function instead of as

He took these words as evidence He took me lor a fool

In the following list for verbs in column (i) the preposition is optional where for verbs in column (H) the preposition is obligatory

(i) appoint (as) (ii) aeeept as ehoose (as) aeknowledge as eonsider (as) eharaeterize as eount (as) class as deem (as) define as esteem (as) describe as rate (as) intend as reekon (as) mistakelor report (as) regard as eleet (as) see as eertify (as) take asllor erown (as) trea as make Unto) use as proclaim (as)

Most verbs in [elpr] and[e2pr] can also introduce an adjective phrase in the function of prepositional object complement

Types of verb complementation 1201

The experts raled his paintings (as) poor bUI representalive ol their class

They classed Jane as partialty sighted The media described the situation as hopeless ~ The situation was described as hopeless

Verbs not allowing this construction are marked 1 in the aboye lists The construction iacutes exceptional in allowing an adjective phrase to occur after a prepositiacuteon A more orthodox construction is obtained by adding the word being before the adjective phrase and thereby converting the prepositional complement into a nominal -ing clause

The media descriacutebed the situation as being hopeless

Note [al Count as and rate as can also oecur in an analogous as-conslruction without lhe object as prepositional copular verbs eg This coanslraes as a tWtable success (e 1622 Note lb]) [b] Allhough as is classcd as a preposition in Ibe above pattern il in some ways resemblcs the conjunction as which introduces clauses of comparison (e15 71) Consider Ihe following curious examples in which as introduces on Ihe one hand a clause and on the other hand a noun phrase in an appositional relation lo Ihe clause

Report me as 10m - a superannuated dolt Hedescribcd her as heound her a liar

(C31 Complementation by object and adjunct 1648 Our next category Type [e3] consists of verbs which occur in the SVOA

pattern (el216) ie verbs which ha ve as their complementation an object followed by a predication adjunct The most characteristic adjuncts to occur in this pattern are prepositional phrases of space and more particularly of direction eg

1 slipped the key into the lock He stood my argument on its head [2] Take your hands out olyour poekets

The passive iacutes illustrated by

The key was slipped into the lock [1 al Sentence [2] exemplifies the abstract or metaphorical use of such verbs and adjuncts Many of the verbs which fit into this pattern are causative verbs of motiacuteon put get stand se sit lay place send bring take lead drive etc The class is open-ended since verbs normally without causative meaning can be adapted to this function eg show see elbow etc in

The attendant showed us to our seats [conducted us ] May I see you home [escort you ] He elbowed and bribed his way to fame They talked me into it [persuaded me ]

Other verbs are associated with space position adjuncts rather than direction adjuncts

They lelt the papers at my offiee Always keep your eyes on the road when driving

1

i

1202 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

The attackers eaught us ofJour guardo He wished them at the bottom ofthe sea

Again the spatial meaning ofthe adjunct rnay be understood in sorne abstract or rnetaphorical sense as in the third exarnple aboye

Adjuncts of other sernantic types are less cornrnon but instances are the adjunct of rnanner following treat

badIY Her parents treated her as ifshe were a baby

as like a small ehild

and the optional adjunct of duration following last

This rnoney will ha ve to last you laquo(for) six months)

Note [al Treot has a dilferent meaning when the adjunct is omitted Her parents treated her [= did something pleasant for her]

[b] Superficiacuteally similar to the aboye pattern iacutes that iIIustrated by remind andfurnish followed by an object and a prepositional phrase

She reminds me ofmy sister They furnished all the passengers with iexclfe jackets

These however are classed as transiti ve prepositional verbs (cfI6 7-8) and will be dealt with in 1656fbelow The difference between Ihese prepositional verbs and verbs of complemenlation Type [e3] is that in Ihe former case the lexical verb governs a particular preposition remind offurnish with (Alternative prepositional constructions are sometimes available however provide withprovide for)

Variants of complex transitive complementation 649 We now examine variants of complex transitive cornplernentation in which

thc direct object iexcls f01lowltd by ji nonfinite dau~1 acting as predication adjunct Al four kinds of nonfinite construction (ef 146-8) are possible

[C4] to-infinitive [C6] -ing participle They knew hirn to be a spy 1caught Ann reading my diary

[CS] bare infinitive [C7] -ed participle 1heard someone slam We saw him beaten by the

World Heavyweight Champion thedoor

The nonfinite clause in these patterns (in italics in the above table) has no subject itself but its implied subject is always the preceding noun phrase which is object of the superordinate c1ause This noun phrase which if a personal pronoun is in the objective case is commonly termed a RAISED

OBJECT (ef further 16640) semantically it has the role of subject of the nonfinite verb but syntactically it is raised from the nonfinite c1ause to function as object of the superordinate verbo Hence in general this noun phrase (in italics in the table below) can become subject of the corresponding passive (The passive of [C5] normaly requires substitution of a to-infinitive for abare infinitive the passive of [C7) is of marginal currency ef 1654 Note [a))

(C4] He was known to be a spy

[eS] Someone was heard to slam the door

Types of verb complementation 1203

[C6] Ann was caught reading rny diary

[e] He was seen executed by a firing squad

On the face ofit the patterns [C4] and [e6] are indistinguishable from the rnonotransitive patterns [B8] (eg She hates the train to be late) and [B9] (eg She hates the train being late) in which the nonfinite c1ause has a subject of its own The ability of the noun phrase preceding the nonfinite verb to become subject of a passive is however an important distinction between thern (see further 1651 and 1653)

These patteros [e4] and (e6] are distinguished from corresponding patterns in which the Note nonfinite c1ause is an adverbial by the raet that the iacutemplied subject of the nonfinite verb is O rather than S Note the ambiguity of

She left him to finish the jobo She lert him holding the baby

IC4J Object + to-infinitive complementation The verbs in this group are rather numerous and rnay be subdivided 1650

(vii) assist bother bribe eondemll dariquest defy encourage help induce inspire press summon

semantically into the following categories

(iacute) announee declare proclaim pronounee

(H)

reporl repute [esp P rumour (P only] say[P only] tip (esp BrEgt

assume believe eonceive (formalgt eonsider expeet feel jind imagine know presume reekon see [P only1 suppose take thiacutenk[esp P1 understand

(iiiacute) intend mean

(iv) appoint elect name vote

(v) cause drive force get[no P] lead prompt

(vi) alow authorize compel eonstrain enable entitle equip jit oblige permit requiacutere

[P = Passive]

1ZU4 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Types (i) and (ti) correspond to the factual verbs of category [B3J discussed in 1631 the nonfinite construction following these verbs can often be replaced by a lhal-clause with an indicative verbo Compare

The poli ce reported that the traffic was heavy [B3] The police reported the traffic to be heavy (formal) [C4]

JOhn believed that the stranger was a policeman [B3 = John believed the stranger to be a policeman (formal) [C4]

With factual verbs such as these the nonfinite clause normaIly contains the verb be or sorne other verb of stative meaning EspecialIy when the nonfinite main verb is other than be the finite clause (of pattern [B3]) is preferred to the infiniti ve one except that the infinitive construction provides a convenient passive form

The traffic was reported to be heavy The stranger was believed to be a poli cernan

Sorne verbs in this construction have no lhat-clause equivalent

They tipped him to be the next president (esp BrE) - He was tipped to be the next president (They tipped that he would be the next president)

Sorne verbs (marked [P only] in the list abo ve) occur only in the passive version of this construction

The field marshal was said to be planning a new strategy (Someone said the field marshal to be planning a new strategy)

Other verbs (marked [esp PJ) occur chiefly in the passive

The BroadwiY piOJutioli was inoughi to have made Maxs fortune (Newsmen lhought the Broadway production to have made Maxs fortune)

Ofthe twq classes of factual verbs Type (i) consists ofpublic verbs (cf1631) referring to a speech act and Type (ii) consists of private verbs expressing belief etc

1651 Of the remaining semantic types Type (iii) consists of verbs of intention (on intend itself ef 1641 Note lb]) Types (iv) and (v) consist of causative verls where the infinitive clause identifies the resultant state (Type (iv) verbs also belong to class [Cl]) Type (vi) cClUsists of verbs with a modal character expressing such concepts as enablement permission and compulsion and Type (vii) consists of a variety of verbs of influencing between which a common factor appears to be that the nonfinite clause has a purposive meaning Examples are

(iii) They intended Mary to sing an aria (- Mary was intended to sing an aria)

(iv) The meeting elected Mr Martiacuten to be the next treasurer (- Mr Martin was elected to be the next treasurer)

Types of verb complementation 1205

(v) This optimistic forecast led the administration to promise tax cuts ( _ The administration was led (by this optimistic forecast) to promise tax cuts)

(vi) My contract allows me to take one months lea ve (- 1arn allowed to take one months leave)

(vii) Our teachers eneouraged us to think for ourselves (- We were eneouraged to think for ourselves)

In Type (iv) the infinitive main verb is normaIly be and can be omitted They appointed her (lO be) the social secretar) This type overlaps with Type (v) 1646

Note [al There are a number of multi-word verbs in this category [C4prl counl Ofl bullbullbull lO depend Ol bullbull lo rey on lO bullbullbull [C4phl make OUI 10 bullbull [C4ph-pr] keep 01 al lo bull

(which has no passive) Examples are 1 am dependillg 011 you lO give us your fu support They malle him oul to be a monster ofdepravity Why do you keep On al me 10 work harder

[b] Sorne passives of pattem [C4] (eg be allowed be supposed) have a semi-auxiliary (cf347f) interpretation in which they lose their connection with the corresponding active construction especiay as regareis agency

(es) Object + bare infinitive complementation 1652 This pattern occurs with a relatively smaIl number of verbs

(i) have (ii) fee overhear[P] (iii) help [P] let hear [PI see [PJ know [P] rnake [PI notice [P watch

observe[P]

Typl (i) consists uf vlrbs uf iexcluiexclciacuteVI meaning Type (ii) has percepwal verbs of seeing and hearing and Type (iii) is a residual class of two verbs which are optionally followed by a to-infinitive The marker [PI indicates that the passive (normaIly with a to-infinitive) is possible [P] indicates that the passive is of doubtful or limited acceptability

(i) You shouldnt lel your family iacutenterfere with our plans We must rnake the public take notice ofuso

(- The public must be rnade to take notice ofus) (ji) Did you notiacutece anyone leaue the house

The crowd saw Gray score lwo rnagnificeni goals ( - Gray was seen lo seore two rnagnificent goas)

(iii) Sarah helped us (to) edil the seript 1 have known John (to) give better speeches than that

(- John has been known lO giue better speeches than that)

Know followed by the bare infinitive is confined mainly to BrE and to the perfective aspect have known Lel in group (i) is in other constructions cIassified as similar to an auxiliary (ef3SI) Let has an apparent passive in combination with such verbs as lel go and lel fal but these are best regarded as fixed expressions in which let has an auxiliary or particIe-like function

They let the prisoner go horneo - The prisoner was let go horneo

1206 Complementation of verbs and adjectiacuteves

Note that this apparent passive has the bare infinitive in contrast for example to make which has to have the to-infinitive in the passive

They mude him understand ~ He was made to understalld

A third verb in group (i) is have which (like have in monotransitive constructions) does not occur in the passi ve

They had me repeat the message ~ 1 was had (to) repeat the message

Note [a] The formulaic nature of let him go and similar expressions is illustrated by variants such as [1-3J which cannot be fitted into any regular complementation pattern

gothe rope [1] They lel the rope go [2]

goofthe rope (3)

[b] Of the two constructions with help tha with 10 is more common in BrE and that without 10

is more common in AmE [e] Arare verb in category (i) is the now rather archaic bid with a to-infinitive complementation in the passive

They bidbade me sil down - rwas bidden 10 sil down

[C61 Object + -ing participle complementation 1653 The verbs in category [C6] consist of verbs of perception (Type (iraquo verbs of

encounter (Type (iO) and two verbs of coercive meaniacuteng (Type

feel[C5] see[C5) (ji) eateh (iiiacute) have hear[C5) smell diseover get notiee [C5] spot find observe[C5) spy leave overhear[CS) wateh [CS) pereeive

Perception verbs marked [CS] occur also with the bare infinitive pattern [CS) Wiacuteth such verbs there iacutes an aspect difference between [C5) and [C6) as described in 461f

Tim watched Bill mendlmendingthe lampo

The bare infinitive having nonprogressive meaning implies that Bill did the wholejob while Tiacutem was watching the -ing clause with progressive meaning has no such implicatiacuteon

This complementatiacuteon pattern differs from that of [B9) not only in its progressive aspect but also in that the noun phrase following the superordinate verb cannot take the genitive (or possessive) form (ef 1642)

1 saw him lying on the beach 1 saw his lying on the beach

Another difference from pattern [B9) is that the -ing predication can normally be omitted without radically altering the meaning

1 saw him lying on the beach [entails iexcl saw him)

Contrast

1 hate my friends leaving early [does notentaiacutel 1 hate my friends)

Types of verb complementation 1207

The passive with this pattern is regular

We could hear the rain splashing on the roof ~ The rain could be heard splashing on che roof

A teacher eaughc them smoking in the playground - They were eaught smoking in the playground (by a teacher)

Prepositional verbs with this type of complementation ([C6prJ) include eome aeross eome upon listen to and look at Look at those ehildren climbing the wall But these [C6prJ prepositional verbs have no prepositiacuteonal passive

seen The guards had been spouhed searchiacuteng the building

wate e d looked at

Have in this construction (e18S1ff) also has no passive in keeping with its use in other constructions

She had us working day after day We were had working day after day

Note Feeloccurs especially with a reflexive pronoun object Shefelt herself falling in love

[C7) Object + -ed participle complementation 1654 We can distinguish three small groups of verbs complemented bv a raised

object followed by an -ed participle c1ause

(i) CAUSATIVE verbs get ha ve She gotlhad the watch repaired immediately

Oi) VOLITlONAL verbs want need like I wantlneed this watch repaired immediately

(jii) PERCEPTUAL verbs see hearJeel (oneself) wateh Someone must have seenl heard the car stolen

A fourth group is peripheral to this construction

(iv) Verbs for which the -ed participle describes a resulting statefind

diseoverleave They founddiseoveredfleft him worn out by tra vel and exertion

j In this construction as in that of (C6) have can ha ve either an agentive causative meaning or a stative meaning Hence The guard patrol had two men shot is ambiguous meaning either The patrol caused two men to be shot or

I The patrol suffered the los s oftwo men by shooting The latter meaning is that of the have-existential construction (ef 18S1ff) In general this

complementation type is semantically equivalent to one with an iacutenfinitive form of the verb be Thus in Type (ii) iexcl would like my room cleaned is synonymous with iexcl would like my room to be cleaned in Type Oiiacute) He saw the team beaten is synonymous with He saw the team be beaten

Note [al There is no passive for most verbs in pattem [e7] and at best the passive is dubious The car must have been seen stolen The acceptability of the passive with Type (iv) is exceptional

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1208 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

The car wasfound abandoned This is indeed an indication that Type (iv) may not belong here so much as with the objecl complement construction [el l iexclhe participle construclion being adjectival (cf an abandoned car) lb1In addition to the two meanings of haue + objec + -ed participle above a third meaning results ifthe -ed clause is analysed as a postmodifier of Ihe object eg She had a book (which gtvas) stolenfrom the library

Ditransitive complementation

ID11 Noun phrases as both indirect and direct object 1655 Ditransiacutetive complementation in its basic fonu involves two object no un

phrases an indirect object which is nonually aniacutemate and positioned first and a direct object which is nonually concrete The two noun phrases differ from those of[C2] in not being in a copular relationship

He gave the girl a doll --v-- --r-

S V Oiacute Od

The difference between this and complex transitive complementation is seen in

svoe He found her a loyal friendo ( She was a loyal friend)

SVOO He found her an apartment ( - The apartment was for her)

The characteristics of indirect objects in contrast to direct objects are fully disclssed in 107

Sorne ditransitive verbs have two passive analogues which we shall distinguish as first and second

The girl was given a doll [FIRST PASSIVE]

A doll was given the girl [SECOND PASSIVE]

Of these two the first passive in which the indirect object becomes subject is the more common The prepositional paraphrase is more usual as an alternative than the second passive A dol was given to the girl (For a list of verbs ofType [01] ef1657 below)

[D21 Object and prepositional object 1656 In the ditransitive category prepositional verbs fonu an important group

with its own sub-divisions and may therefore be given a separate category number D2] These verbs are those we have called Type II prepositional verbs (cfI67-8) Alongside the ordinary indirect object pattern two main prepositional patterns rnaybe distinguished _

Indirect object + direct object [D1] Direct object + prepositional object D2a] lndirect object + prepositional object [D2b]

Types of verb complementation 1209

The indirect object is normally animate and is the recipient or beneficiary of the process described by the verb (ef 1019) Unlike ditransitive verbs of category [D 1] (eg give) ditransiti ve verbs with prepositional objects nonually have only one passive

We addressed our remarks to the children [D2a] - Our remarks were addressed to the children (The children were addressed our remarks (toraquo

W e reminded him of the agreement [D2bl - He was reminded of the agreement (The agreement was reminded him (of)

-1 Sorne verbs have a11 three possibilities of construction in the active many have two forothers there is only one possibility (in sorne cases the alternatives are not identical but very similar in meaning)

tel [01 + 2a + 2b]

1

offer [01 + 2a] 1

envy [01 + 2b] I

wish [01]

bamefD2a + 2b]

say [D2a]

warn [D2b]

Mary told only John the secret DI] Mary told the secret only to John [D2a] Mary told only John about the secreto [D2b]

John offered Mary sorne help [DI] John offered sorne help to Mary [D2a]

She envied John his success [DI] She envied Johnfor his success [D2b]

They wished him good luck [DI]

Helen blamed the divorce on John rD2al Helen blamed Johnfor the divorce [D2bj

Why didnt anybody say this to me [D2a] I

Mary warned John ofthe dangers [D2b) I

The different constructional possibilities of certain verbs provide a means of achieving different focus (cfI837f) Compare the fo11owing pairsofsentences as pronounced with unmarked (end) focus

Mary blamed the broken vase on IOHN Mary blamed John for the broken VAacuteSE

(ef John was blamed by MARY)

The government supplied blankets for the HOMEless The government supplied the homeless with BLANKets

(ef Blankets were supplied by the Goacutevernment)

Note [al The aboye constructions are presented in the most typical syntactic ordering but postshyponernent of the direct or iacutendirect object may take place in contexts where end-focus or endshyweight is required (cf1837) eg John offered lO Mary Ihe help thal she needed [b] Additional prepositional verb patterns should be briefly mentioned There is for example the double-prepositional-verb pattern noted in 1617(c)

1210 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1211

1657

1 am applying lo the hospitalor ajobo There is a further possibility that two prepositional objects may follow a diacuterect object

We are paying $100 lo the garage for the repairs

Verbs of complementation types ID1 and [D2 The following list gives sorne of the verbs that occur in Types [DI] [D2aJ [D2b] organized aeeording to the cross-classifications of 1656 aboye We are interested here only in synonymous or nearly synonyrnous constructions in which the same participant roles (ef lO18jJ) oceur Hence many possible prepositional verbs are ignored Pay for for example is ignored because it introduces a further participant (the commodity bought) not incuded in pay (with) and pay (to)

Table 1657

Type [DI) Type [D2a] Type[D2b]

EXAMPLE serve (Jaek scampi) serve (searnpi) serve (Jack) to (Jack) with (scampi)

[DI + 2a + 2b) pay payto pay with provide (AmE) providefor provide with serve serve to serve with tel tell to tell about

[DI + 2a) (l) bring bring to den deny to give give lo

grant gram to hand hand to leave leave tofor lend lend to offer offer to owe oweto promise promiseto read read lo send send to show show to teaeh teaeh to throw throw to

(ii) do doacutefor find findfor make makefor order order for reserve reservefor save savefor spare sparefor

(iii) ask askof

1658

[DI + 2b]

[Di]

[D2a + 2b]

[D2a]

[D2b)

envy excuse forgive

allow eharge fine refuse wish

blameon supply forto

address to announee to eommunieate to explain to sayto

envyfor exeusefor forgivefor

blamefor supply with

advise about punishfor etc

The membership of[D2b] is numerous Here are further examples arranged by prepositions

thankfor eonvineeof robof refer to preventfmm depriacutevenf ltuspee f 9f sentenee to proleet from informof warnof subject ro imerest in persuadeof congratulate on treat to aecuseof relieveof confine to charge with convictof remindof introduce to compare with

Note that reflexive verbs (cf 625) sometirnes oecur with a prepositional object eg We pride ourselves on the serviee we ofler Sorne of the verbs abo ve (such as compare with) ean have two inanimate objects

In Table 1657 we have distinguished under[Dl + 2a] verbs taking to as their preposition from those takingfor eg

(i) She sent Paul a present She sent a present to Paul (ji) She made Paul a meaL She made a mealfor Paul

Occasionally a preposition other than to and for oceurs in this function

OiO She asked Paul a favour She asked a favour ofPaul

Distinct from [D2aJ and [D2bJ aboye is a kind of prepositional verb which has already been discussed in 167-8 a verb for which the direet object forms part of an idiomatic unit with the verb and the preposition The syntactic properties of this type which we label (D2e] have already been dealt with and it is enough here to list a further sample ofsueh idioms

1212 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1213I I

eateh siacuteght of make allowanee for put a stop to give place to make fun of set jire to give way to make afuss overabout take aeeount Ofl keep pace with make roomfor take advantage ojI lose sight of make use ojI take eare of 1

lose toueh with pay attention to 1 take note ojI lose traek of put an end to take notice ojI

Those marked with a raised 1 can take not only a prepositional passive (ef 167-8) but also can easily take a passive for which the idiomatically-fixed direct object beco mes subject eg (Some) allowanee was made for loss of eamings (Little) notiee was taken of this evento Other verbs can take the passive but with greater difficulty with these examples as with prepositional verbs in general idiomatic cohesion is a matter of gradience

Variants of ditransitive complementation

ID3J Indirect object + that-cIause object 1659 Corresponding to monotransitive verbs ofType [B3] (efI630) are ditransiti ve

verbs for which the direct object is a that-clause

John eonvinced me (that) he was right ~ I was eonvineed (by John) (that) he was right

The second passive is unacceptable when the direct object is a clause That he was right was eonvineed me Thus the first passive (ef 1655) above is the only passive that can occur with this pattern With sorne verbs such as eonvinee above it is impossible to delete the noun phrase object

John conviucJ (lhat) he was riguiacute

With other verbs such as show the indirect object is optional

The professor of mathematics showed me that Pythagoras was mistaken ~ The professor of mathematics showed that Pythagoras was

mistaken

Ditransitive verbs followed by a that-clause may be divided into a subtype introducing an indirect statement and a subtype introducing an indirect directive (ef 1433) In the indirect statement the that-clause contains an indicative verb in the indirect directive the verb may be indicative or subjunctive and often contains putative should or another modal verb (ef 1632 for the distribution ofthese options)

INDIRECT STATEMENT

May 1 inform you that your order is ready for eolleetion INDIRECT DIRECTIVE

mightbeShe petitioned the king that her father ~ould be pardoned

In the following list Type (i) verbs introduce indirect statements and Type (H) verbs introduce indirect directives The indirect directive construction is

rare and formal in comparison with the similar infinitive construction (ef 1663)

WOUldI begged her that she should help ltformal) 1 begged her to help ltmore usual)

For those verbs marked O the indirect object is obligatory foc those marked (O) the indirect object is optional for those marked laquoOraquo the indirect object is not only optional but unusual

(i) advise (O) remindO (iiacute) ask3 laquoOraquo assureO satisfyO beg3 (O) bet (O) show3 (O) eharge (O) eonvineeO teaeh3 (O) eommand laquoOraquo forewarn (O) tellO iacutenstruet laquoOraquo informO wager(O) order laquoOraquo notify 3 O warn (O) petition3 (O) persuadelO write2bull 3 (O) tellO promise3 (O)

The superscripts are interpreted as follows

1 Persuade in the sense ofconvince belongs to Type (i) but it may also be used in a Type (iiacute) sense of persuade someone to do something

2 Write is found with an indirect object + that-clause especially in AmE 3 With verbs so marked the indiacuterect object can be replaced by a

prepositional object (ef 1660)

Note Superficially similar W the [D3] pallern is lhe impersonal construction Iacutef strikeslstruck me (Ihal) asin

It strikes me this work is for his own amusement But here the Ihal-c1ause (as in 1634) is the extraposed subject of the verbo Compare He strikes me as (cf1646 Note [el) and lt occursto me that (cfI634 Note [e))

ID3prl Prepositionalobject + that-cIause object 1660 The verbs marked 3 in the aboye list can be optionally followed by a

preposition thus forming a category similar to [D2a] in 1656

He promised laquoto) me) that the debt would be repaid

For most verbs of [03] which permit a prepositional object the preposition is to

He wrote to me He reported to me that etc

Exceptions are ask and beg which (in somewhat formal usage) are followed by the preposition of

I askbegofyou that you will keep this secret ltformal)

There is in addition a group of verbs which were classified in 1631-32 as monotransitive but which optionally allow the preposition to preceding a prepositional object These may be distinguished as Type [D3pr] and subdivided into sub-types (i) and (iacutei) as in the paraUel description of [B3] verbs

1214 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Joan mentioned (to me) that her father was siacuteck [Type (O] Or Oay recommended (to her) that the treatment be continued [Type (ii)]

For elample

(i) acknowledge declare remark (ji) propose admit explain repon recommend announce mention say suggest complain pointout signal eoness prove state

As before Type (i) verbs introduce indirect statements and the less numerous Type (ii) verbs introduce indirect directives As befare too sorne exceptional verbs take a preposition other than to

She demanded ome that She agreed with me that etc

Unlike the nonprepositional verbs of [03] these prepositional verbs alow the that-c1ause to become subject of a corresponding passive clause an option which is more acceptable with extraposition

That several ministers are resigning has been admitted to our correspondent ~ It has been admitted to our correspondent that several ministers

are resigning It has been shown to us al that Miss Jones was innocent

Without the preposition ie with an ordinary indirect object such sentences are at best marginally grammatical 1It has been shown us al that Miss Jones was innocent

~~otc The constructions of lt appc-siexclappe(~iexclcfurseems ro me ha slipclfidaly appear ti) bclvuumlg to the paltero [D3prl but in faet these contain monotransitive verbs with an extraposed tnatshyelause as subject

It occurredlseemed to me that he was Iying esimilar patteros with extraposition in 1634 1659 Note

ID4) Indirect object + finite wh-c1ause object 1661 This pattern of complementatiacuteon is primarily found with the verb ask which

introduces a reported question

John asked me what time the meeting would end ~ 1 was Gsked (by John) what time the meeting would end

AIso used with this pattern are verbs which take an indirect object followed by a that-clause (Type (i) of [03]) but for these the wh-clause tends to be limited 10 nonassertive contexts (cf1635) Compare

George didnt tell them that the train was late [1] George didn t tel them whether the train was late [21

The difference of meaning between the that- and whether-constructiacuteons can be stated in terms of presupposition Sentence [1] typically implies that the train was late while [2] is noncommittal on the matter [04] verbs can also introduce other question words such as where and how

Tvpes of verb complementation 1215

Jim was reluctant to inform us (o) where he got the money Would you remind me (about) how we start the engine

A preposition may always be placed before the wh-c1ause In the aJiexclove cases the prepositiacuteon is optional but in the case of verbs like enquire o (Type [04prJ) the preposition is obligatory iexcl enquired ofthe clerk which doeuments were needed The complex preposition as to can be rather general1y used for introducing the wh-clause eg I enquired as to which documents were needed

[D5) Indirect object + wh-infinitive clause object 1662 This is yet another complementation pattern (comparable with [B5] 1637)

which may be taken by sorne verbs listed under[03] in 1659

advise ask instruct remind show teach tell wam

The instructor taught us how lo land saely - We were taught (by the instructor) how to land saely

They advised him what lO wear in the tropies Please remind me where to meet you afier lunch

The equivalent prepositional verb pattern [05pr] is iIIustrated by suggest to recommend to

Could you please suggest to the visitors which museums to visit

Here as in the [04] type a prepositional phrase introduced by as lO can be used

Helen advised us (as to) how to maintain the machine

f~ iexcl llt ~- I ~ i ~

~i ~ ~~

1663 ID61lndirect object + to-infinitive clause object We have seen that the [03] pattern may be used to introduce indirect statements and that the [04] pattern may be used to introduce indirect questions Now we tuen to the verbs of class [06] which introduce indirect directives (c1433)

1 lOldjadvisedjpersuaded Mark to see a doctor ~ Mark was toldjadvisedjpersuaded to see a doctor

[I] [2]

This complementation category looks like those of[B81 and [C5] in that the verb is followed by a noun phrase and an infinitive construction But the [06] pattern differs from these in that the noun phrase following the verb is an indirect object as will be c1arified in 1666 below As with other verbs introducing indiacuterect speech the subject refers to the speaker of sorne speech act and the indirect object refers to the addressee Like [03] verbs [06] verbs form only the first passive exemplified in [2] above we do not find To see a doctor was lOld Mark The folowing verbs belong to this c1ass

advise command entreat instruct remind teach ask counsel exhort invite request1 tell beg detai[l orbid order recommend urge beseech direct implore persuade challenge enjoin 1 incite l prayl

1216 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Those verbs marked with araised 1 do not have the equivalent construction with a that-clause containing a modal or a subjunctive verb (Types [B3(ii)J [030i)]) Contrast

They ~eg~tedd her to stay another week mm e

They ~eKgtedd (her) that she would stay another week mm e

The alternative that-clause construction however is more formal especially when the indirect object is presento

Note [a] The verb promire when it occurs wiacuteth this kind of complementation is exceptional in that the understood subject of the infinitiacuteve is identified with the subject rather than with the object of the maiacuten c1ause

Sarn prornised me to get some rood

= Sam promised me that he would get sorne roed o Sam promised me that lwould get sorne roed

The present pattern [D6] iexcls however less cornmon with promise than the [B6] pattern without the indiacuterect object Sam promised to get someiexclood lb] Only ordercan be followed by a passive infinitive He ordered Ihem lo be impriacutesonedlreleased

Multiple analysis and gradience in verb complementation 1664 Before we leave verb classification it is important to reflect on the problems

of dividing verbs into complementation types The major division of complementation patterns into copular [AJ monotransitive [BJ complex transitive [C] and ditransitive [OJ categories (introduced in 216) has been extended with little difficulty te include patterns in which the verbs ccmplementation includes finite and nonntildenitc clauses This is the basis rOiacute

the classification Qf verbs into types in 1620-63 aboye But unavoidably our aim of presenting a clear classification has obscured sorne problems of gradience and multiple analysis (e 260ff) and to illustrate these we return to three superficially iacutedentical structures aIread y discussed in 1636 These are now illustrated with three new examples each of which conforms to the pattern NI V N 2 to V N 3 (where N = noun phrase and V = verb phrase)

Table L664a

V N2 to V NJNI

[B8] S V O

We like all parents to visit the schooL

I [1]

[C4] Is V O Co

They James therace I [2]

[D6] I S Oiexcl

We I asked I the students I toattend

Ia lectu~en_~

Types of verb complementation 1217

Each ofthese sentences consists ofthe sequence Niexcl V N 2 to V N 3 and yet we have analysed them respectively as monotransitive (S V O) complex transitive (S V degCol and ditransitiacuteve (S V Oiexcl 0d) A different analysis in sorne ways more revealing would recognize an overlap between two competing descriptions of the intennediacuteate noun phrase N2 There is little doubt that in [1 J this is to be analysed as subject of the infinitive clause (e 1636) whereas in [3J there are equally strong reasons for regarding N as (indirect) object of the main clause (e 1666)

Smiddot V S V O 1shyI I

I I ISmiddot V 0 V OI I I I I iexcl I I I I I I I I I iexcl

NI V Nz 10 V NJ NI V N2 lo V N) I I I I

Fig 1664b Sentence[l] Fig 1664c Sentence [3J

Sentence [2J however partakes ofboth these descriptions From the semantic point of view it requires the analysis of Fig 1664b (ef They expeeted [that James would win the race]) But from the structural point of view the analysis in Fig 1664c is more appropriate reflecting N2s ability to become subject of the passive sentence James was expeeted to win the raee We might reasonably say that in [2J N 2 behaves like an object (0 rather than Oiacute) in relation to the first verb but like a subject in relation to the second infinitive verh Tbe term RAISED OBJECT applied in 1649ffto the intermediate noun phrase of patterns [C4 - Cn incorporates yet another way of recognizing this double analysis by envisaging a process whereby the subject of the infinitive becomes the object of the preceding finite verbo This raised object will be symbolized in what follows SO

1665 Given that the double analysis aboye provides sorne insight into clauses containing nonfinite complementation we could take such an analysis further and apply it to aH complex transitive patterns including the more straightforward SVOC and SVOA pattems of[Cl - C3]

that John is a good driver lB3J 1consider John to be a good driver [C4]

John a good driver [C2]

The paraHelism of meaning and phrasal relations demonstrated in these three sentences recommends an analysis in which the complementation of pattern [C2J John a good driver would be regarded as a clause in its own right ie as a verbless clause consisting of S = John and Cs = a good driver without an intervening V This description would not however displace the by now familiar S V Od Co analysis but would rather be seen as an alternative way of looking at the same construction

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1218 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Gradience 1666 The teehnique of multiple analysis stiU leaves some subtletiacutees unexposed

What this teehnique has suggested is that there are the folowing three eategories eorresponding to [1 in 1664

N 2 S We like all parenls to visit the school [1) N2 = SO They expeeted James to win the raee [2] Nz = O We asked Ihe sludents to attend a leeture

But more than three eategories ean be appropriately distinguished if we reeognize [1) and [3] as end-points of a gradient with [2) at some point on the seate between them This area of grammar affords a good example of gradienee

At the monotransitive end of the seale [I) ean be characterized by a number of criteria whieh suggest that N 2 to V N3 (al parents to visit the school) constitutes the direct object of an SVO pattern

(a) It ean be replaced by a pronoun referring to the cIause or noun phrase nominalizing it We like it We like al parens visits

(b) It can be an answer to a what-question A What do you like best

B We like al parents to visit the school (e) In some dialects it can be preceded by the infinitive clause introdueer

for We like (it)for all parens to visit the school (d) It ean easily (when preeeded by for) be the focus of a pseudo-cIeft

sentence What we like (best) is for al parents to visit the school (e) When the sequenee N 2 to V N 3 is turned into the passive form N 3 to be

Vedz by Nz there is no ehange ofmeaning We ike aIl parents to visit the sehcel

= We like the school te be visited biexcl al parents (f) In a reduced construetion the infinitive marker to remains We like them

does not have the same meaning as We like them to

At the other ditransitive end of the seale a eontrasting set of criteria eharaeterize [3) and support the analysis of N2 (the students) as an indireet object and to V N3 (to attend a lecture) as a cIausal direet objeet

(a) 10 V N 3 ean be replaced by a pronoun a noun phrase or a finite clause with Nz still funetioning as indireet object

SOmething We asked the students a question

what they wanted

(b) 10 V N 3 can be the answer to a wh-question while N2 funetions as indirect object

A What did you ask the students B We asked them to attend a lecture

(e) When the sequenee N2 to V N3 is turned into the passive sequence N3 to be Ved2 by N 2 the meaning is always changed

They asked the students to attend a leeture They asked a lecture to be attended by the students

this case indeed the passive transform results in an absurdity)

Types of verb complementation 1219

(d) to V N 3 can marginally become the focus of a pseudo-cleft sentence What they asked the students was to attend a lecture (Contrast the decidedly unaeeeptable What we like the parents is to visil the school)

(e) Nz which like Oi in general is usually personal can be detached from its place after the first V to beeome subjeet of a eorresponding passive sentenee The students were asked to attend a lecture

(n In a reduced eonstruction the infinitive marker to ean be omitted We asked them We persuaded them etc

Note [a] With some ditransitive verbs criterion (a) has to be interpreted as the replacement of the infinitive clause by a preposition and prepositional object (cfI656-8)

They reminded hiacutem ofhis responsibiacutelities One man challenged the other lo a duel

[b] Criterion (d) is less reliacuteable than the others since the pseudo-cleft sentence is unacceptable for many verbs But a pseudo-cleft sentence in which the indirect object is replaced by a prepositional object tends to be more grammatical Whal Ihey asked ollhe sludenls was lO attend a leclure (The alternative construction with the substitute verb do which also occurs with [1] is always more acceptable What Ihey asked Ihe students lo do was lO attend a lecture)

1667 To give a simplified illustration of the analysis of gradience in the sequence NI V N 2 to V N 3 we now take a subset ofthe eriteria listed aboye and apply them to a range of verbs on the gradient eonneeting [1] and [3] of 16_66

(1) (3) (4)(2) wantask elect intend

CRITERIA likeallow expectlel~ etc I etc etc etc~ (a) lo V N 3 can be replaeed by - - -+a finite clause

(e) ehange of meaning in passive -+ +of N 2 10 VN3

(e) N 2 can beeome subjeet of passive -+ ++

Fig 1667 A eomplementatiacuteon gradient

The matrix uses only three criteria and thereby distinguishes only four categories This is sufficient to indicate the principie however that the three categories [BS] [C4] and [D6) of our taxonomy eould be broken down iexclnto a finer spectrum of eategories between which the differences are small In effeet Fig 1667 distinguishes two subeategories of [C4] one (including elect and allow) whieh is c10ser to the ditransitive type and one (including inlend and expect) eloser to the monotransitive type Elect and allow respond to cri terion (e)

They elected Miss Coe to suceeed the present seeretary They elected the present seeretary to be sueceeded by Miss Coe

We dont allow residents to entertain visitors We dont allow visitors to be entertained by residents

1220 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

while intend and expeet do not

They intended the students to see the professor = They intended the professor to be seen by the students

They expeet the students to enjoy the classes = They expeet the classes to be enjoyed by the students

Note Por verbs in group (3) the voice oflhe infinitive clause and the voiceofthe main clausemay be independently varied with the result Ihat a SlIacutentence like They expected the students lo enjoy lile classes has tbree corresponding passiv~s with iexclhe same meaning

They expected the classes to be enjoyed by the students The students were expecled lo enjoy the classes

The classes were expected lo be enjoyed by the students

The last example has a passive verb phrase in both the superordinate clause and Ihe infinitive clame

Adjective complementation

168 Categories of complementation in adjective phrases (ef 228 721-2) are similar in variety to those ofverb complementation We distinguish [El-ES)as follows

[El] Complementation by a prepositional phrase [E2] Complementation by a that-clause [E3] Complementation by a wh-clause

i[E4) Complementation by a than-clause [ES] Complementation by a to-infinitive clause [E6] Complementation by an -ing participle clause

These complementation patterns can occur after an adjective (andmiddot its modifiers if any) in various syntactic functions For example

The violiacuten iacutes (rather) difficut to play (adjective phrase as CJ

Mary found the violiacuten (rather) diffieut to play (adjective phrase as CJ

The violiacuten is an instrument (rather) diffieult to play (adjective phrase as postmodifier)

The on1y posiacutetion in which an adjective cannot normally be followed by iacutets complementation is the premodifying position in a noun phrase a keen child on ehess But here too with certain constructions (Types [ES(iraquo) and [ES(v)D the complementation can follow discontinuously after the head noun The violiacuten is a diffieult instrument to play (ef discontinuity with comparative constructions IS75) For illustrative purposes we will confine examples in the following sections to the subject complement function The lists like the verb lists in 1620-63 will be selective

Adjective complementation 1221

Note There is a considerable parallel as the categories [El-ES] aboye demonstrate between patterns associated with adjectives and those associated with monotransitive verbs The chief difference is that adjectives cannot be followed by a noun phrase object To bring out the parallel further we could describe adjectives exemplified in 1669 below (averse to conscous oJ etc) as prepositional adjectives comparable with prepositional verbs We could moreover identify phrasal adjectives (derived from participiaI forms ofphrasal verbs) such as ron down (exhausled depressed) and phrasaI-prepositionaI adjectives such as fed up (with) These tatter variants however are rare enough lo be disregarded in the foUowing lists

[E1] Adjective complementation by a prepositional phrase 1669 Like prepositional verbs adjectives often forro a lexical unit with a following

preposition good atfond oj opposedto etc The lexical bond is strongest with adjectives for which in a given sense the complementation is obligatory Max is averse to games Max is averse Such adjectives are marked 1 in the following lists

The lists make a distinction between participial (ef 715-19) and nonparticipial adjectives The differencebetween participial adjectives and the -ed participle of the passive construction is discussed in 375-77 These lists provide on1y a small sample of the adjectives accompanying the prepositions concemed In particular it is often possible for the same adjective to go with two or more prepositions as in angry about angry at and angrywith

ABOUT He was very worried about her reaction (ef960)

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

angry knowledgeabe aggrieved frightened glad mad annoyed pleased happy reasonable delighted worried

AT She was badat mathematics (ef962)

NONP ARTICIPIAL P ARTlCIPIAL

angry good alarmed disgusted brilliant hopeless amusedmiddotmiddot pleased elever terrible delighted puzzled

FROM Thevillage is remotefromthe bustle ofcity life (ef918 947)

different distant distinct free remo te

OF She was aware ofhis difficulties

NONPARTlCIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

eonvineed ashamed empty proud1 afraid conseiousl glad

seared eapable fond 1 short1 tired certain full worthy

ONUPON Their plan was based on cooperation

NONPARTICIPIAL IPARTICIPIAL

contingent1 intent1 reliantl basedl set1

dependent keen severe hentl

Yiexcl

1222 Complementation of verbs and adjectives ~ Adjective complementation 1223

Note lal In general choice of preposilion remains the same after morphologicalIy related verbs adjectives and nouns differentftom differ from differencefrom But Ihis eorrespondence is not always lo be relied on contrastfull ofwilhfilied wllh proudofwith pride in lb] Other prepositions whieh less comrnonly enlee into adjective + prepositlon idioms iexclnelude for and lowards graleful for sorry for inclined towards le] Usedfollowed by the preposition lO a more informal synonym ofaccustomed(to) is participial in spelling but has the speeial pronuneiation nus~ Unlike accustomed however used does not oceur with a following infinitive (ef 1679) This adjeetival used to in spite of identity of spelling and pronunciation is quite distinet from used lO as a marginal modal (cf344) Contrast

Im used lO hard work I used ro work hard Id] In the past prescriptive objeetions have been made to the use of to ralher Ihan from after averse and different Howevee ro is the normal preposition to fol1lt11 averse and differenr 10 is quite widely used (esp in BrE) as an altemative lo differentfrom On iJifferent rhan cf1566 Note 1674

le] Wilh can be omitted after (fn)compalibie if the subject is plural cfmutual participation 1360

middotCarl is incompatible OUT Cad and Eva are incompatible

[E2] Adjective complementation by a that-clause 670 Like that-clauses following a verb that-clauses folIowiacuteng an adjective may

have

(A) indicative verb 1am sure (that) he is here now (B) subjunctiacuteve verb They were insistent (that) we be ready (formal) (C) putativeshould Im sorry (that) he should hove left ltformal)

The uses of the mandative subjunctive and of putative should have been discussed in 359 and 1425 respectiacutevely Putative should often occurs after expressions of emotion (sorrowjoy displeasure surprise wonder etc) and is often accompanied by intensifying expressions such as so such like thisl that ever or at all The indicative that-clause on the other hand refers to an established fact The foHowing pairs illustrate choices of construction

1 (that) 1 have to leave so early am sorry (that) you should have been (so) inconvenienced

(that) you didnt call the doctor before 1 am surprised (that) anyone ofyour intelligence should swallow a tie

likethat

With some adjectives (those in category [E2b(iiacute)] 1672) the should-clause can be paraphrased by an infinitive clause with a subject

It was natural for him to go to London after the war = It was natural that he should go to London after the war

That-clauses cannot be preceded by preposiacutetions Hence adjectives which are constructed with prepositions before noun phrases ([El]) drop the preposition before a that-clause (cfI628) Compare the folIowing

OfhiS innocence [E1 ] 1am convlnced (th ) h t [E2]at e IS mnocen

Many that-clauses folIowing an adjective are actualIy subjects postponed by extraposition (cf1833)

lt is lucky (that) you came - That you came is lucky

These are listed separately in 1672

lEla) Adjectives with experiencer (cflO23 Note) as subject 1671 (i) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATIVE VERB ONL Y (cfNote [a] below)

These adjectives express degrees of certainty or confidence aware certain corifident sure

We were corifident that Karen was stiacutell alive

(ii) THAT-CLAUSE HAS PUTATIVE SHOULD OR SUBJUNCTIVE VERB

(or marginally aloo an indicative verb) The three principal adjectives in this class are anxious eager and willing

he should be permitted to resiacutegn 1 Are you willing that he be permitted to resign 1

1he is permitted to resign 1 ~

(On the distribution of these three altematives cfI630)

(iH) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATIVE VERB OR PUTATIVE SHOULD

These adjectives express emotions

Im so thankful that nobody was hurto Were you surprised that Ray should win the prize

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

afraid hopeful alarmed depressed horrified angry proud amazed disappointed irritated glad sad amused distressed pleased grateful sorry annoyed disturbed shocked happy tha7lkful astonished frightened upset

There is a tendency to prefer the putative should construction in nonassertive contexts or where the adjective has negative or unfavourshyable associations

TO AH capital gains are subject to taxation NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

answerable close liableacute accustomedl

averse l due1 simz1ar allied1I WiTH This plan is not compatible with our princiacuteples

NONPARTICIPIAL I PARTICIPIAL

angry busy

happy impatient

annoyed bored

ClJmfortable incompatible1 concerned compatibleacute sick delighted content familiar friendly furious

uneasy depressed disappointed disgusted dismayed distressed

inclined1

opposed1

drunk enchanted obsessed occupied overcome pleased satisfied taken1

1672

1224 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Adjective complementatlon 1225

Note [a] The restriction oC Type (i) above lo indicative verbs only is meant to allow Cor the use of T

Note [a] Although tlle pro-forms so and n01 cannot be used after tllese [E2bI adjectives (ef 1671modal auxiliaries including should in a nonputative sense eg I am a~are that I should [= ought 1lo] havejoined longago iexcl Note [bJ) there iexclsa possibilityofreplacing the adjective + solnat by a related adverb + sonot

[b) Afraid is unique among adjectives in that it accepts the pro~oun so (and iexclts negative equivalent Mt) as a that-clause substitute (cfI631) rm afraid SOMI

IElbJ Adjectives with anticipatory it as subject

The that-elause in this eonstruetion is an extraposed subjeet Three types are again distinguished matehing those in 167l

(i) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATlVE VERBONLY (cfI671 Note CaD These adjectives have to do with truthor knowledge

It is true that she never cemes on time

apparent evident likely possible untrue certain implicit obvious true well-known clear indubitable plain unlikely

(ji) THAT-CLAUSE HAS PUTATIVIl SHOULD OR SUBJUNCTIVE VERB (or marginshyaIly also an indicative verb) These adjectives express eoncepts concerned with modality or volition

should be lifted tomorrow It is essential that the ban be lifted tomorrow

(1) is lifted tomorrow

appropriate essentiacuteal important necessary vital compulsory fitting impossible obligatoryshycrucial imperative improper proper

Various deverbal adjectives ending in -able also belong to this group egadvisable desrabIe preferable

(iii) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATlVE VERB OR PUTATIVE SHOULD

This group consists mainly of emotive adjectives and ineludes a large num ber ofparticipial ad jecti ves ending in -ing

Itmiddot strange th t She is so late IS upsetting a she should be so late

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTlCIPIAL

awkward logical alarming perplexing curious odd annoying pleasing disastrous peculiar depressing shocking dreadful sad disappointing surprising extraordinary silly embarrassing fortunate tragie frightening iexclrrational unfortunate irritating

Various -able-ible adjectives also be10ng tp this group admirable eommendable deplorable despieable incomprehensible inconceivable lamentable remarkable understandable unjustifiable etc

ha h l Id l h B Yes obviouslyfortunately soA 1 t IS apparentt t s e IVes oesn t Ive ere B N J I I di t o event y sa y no [b] When an adjective ofType (iii) above occurs after a modal verb construction the that-clause is commonly replaced by an if-clause If the modal verb in the main c1ause is hypothetical (eg would) the verb in the ifmiddotdause is placed in tlle hypothetical pasto Compare

It is sad that you have to leave It will be sad ifyou hove to lea ve

It would be sad ifyou had lo lea ve

[E3] Adjective complementation by a wh-clause 1673 As with that-clauses we have to distinguish those adjeetives ([E3a]) which

are predicated of an experieneer (normalIy a person) as subject and those ([E3bD which go with antieipatory it In the latter case the wh-clause is an extraposed subject Examples are

(onwhat 1should sayo [1]E3a 1was unsure[ 1 (about) whether the problem was solved [2]

[E3b] It was unclear what they would do [3]

Type [E3a1 consists of adjectives which are constructed with prepositions and whieh therefore belong also to Type [EI1 The preposition is sometimes omitted before the wh-clause (ef155 Note reD In Type [E3b] on the other hand no preposition can be inserted bull It was uneear ofabout what lhey would do AIso no infinitive wh-cIause is possible (ef i637) It is unsure where to go is unacceptable unless it refers to sorne aniacutemate being (sueh as a mouse) and is consequently not interpreted in terms of extraposition

Retuming to Type [E3a] we note that in sorne cases the adjective takes a wh-elause in assertive eontexts eg eareful (about) doubtful (as to) fussy (about) puzzled (as to) uneear (about) uncertain (o) undecided (about) unsure (0) unaware (o)

John is careul (about) what he does with his money

Most of these adjeetives are intrinsiealIy negative In meaning In other cases although elsewhere it is associated with an indicative that-clause [E2a(i)] the adjective tends to oceur with a wh-cIause in nonassertive contexts (efI635) eg aware certain eear sure

Are you sure (o) how mueh the maehine costs 1wasnt altogether cleaiexcl- (about) what we had to do

A similar division may be made among adjectives of the antieipatory-it type ([E3b]) Those whieh intrinsieally express doubt and therefore take this strueture even in assertive contexts include doubtful uneertain uneear unsure and unknown Those normally oceurring with an indieative that-elause (le Type [E2b(i)]) inelude apparent eertain obvious and plain They can take a wh-cIause in nonassertive contexts Each type is illustrated in

It was uneear whether an amendment would be accepted It was not obvious how far the westernization process would IO

~ltgt ~~~1~ 1 -~ Adjective complementation 1227

1226 Complementation of verbs and adjectives iexcl

After adjectives of Type [E3a] there may also occur an infinitive wh-clause 1 was uncertain (oi) what to do This is preferable to the finite c1ause in cases illustrated by [1-3] aboye since the subject can remain unexpressed in the reduced nonfinite version

[E4] Adjective complementation by a than-clause 1674 There is an unusual construction in which a noncomparative adjective is

foIlowed by a comparative than-clause as complementation Different is the only adjective which fits into this pattero and even then there is a tradition which regards the use of than here as impropero There is however no felicitous alternative to the different than construction in examples such as

Shes quite a different girl than she wasfilie years ago [11 The various styliacutestic variants of and alteroatives to the than-clause after different are examined in 1566 Note lb] When the c1ause is reduceacuted to a noun phrase it becomes possible to usefrom as an alternative to than

The unions are taking a very different attitude ~ the employers

When the noun phrase folIowing thanffrom cannot be derived by ellipsis from a c1ause than is decidedly less acceptable thanfrom

The main languages of southern India are totaIly different In origin

~~~ those ofthe northern partofthe country

Note [al On differenlrom and different 10 1669 Note [dI [bj It is aloo possible for a Ihan-c1ause to be used after he adverb difilrently

In the west of the country they pronounce their vowels quite aifferently han (they do) in the easl

The same prescriptive objections are made to differenlly Ihan as to different Ihan

[E5] Adjective complementation by a to-infinitive clause [675 We distinguish seven kinds of construction in which an adjective is foIlowed

by a to-infinitive c1ause They are exemplified in the following sentences which are superficially alike

Bob is splendid to wait (ii) Bob is slow to react

(iii) Bob is sorry to hear it (iv) Bob is hesitant to agree with yOU (v) Bob is hard to convince

(vi) The food is ready to eat (vii) lt is important to be accurate

In Types (i-iv) the subject of the main clause (Bob) is also the subject of the infinitive c1ause We can therefore always have a direct object in the infinitive clause if its verb is transitive Por example if we replace intransitive wait by transitive build in (i) we can have Bob is splendid to build this house

Por Types (v-vii) on the other hand the subject of the infinitive is unspecified although the contextoften makes clear which subject is intended

In these types it is possible to insert a subject preceded by for eg in Type (vi) The food is ready (jOr Ihe children) to eat

Infinitive complementation following adjectives modified by lOO and enQugh is discussed eIse Note where in 1S73

(ES(i)) Bob is Iplendid to wait Type (i) has an analogue in a construction involving extraposition (cf1833)1676 1t is splendid of Bob lo wait This type OC construction also permits a head noun between the adjective and the infinitive

Bob must be a spiendid craftsman ~ ~~bUilt this house

As this example shows the infinitive may be perfective We may also compare constructions in which an evaluative noun with its determiner

replaces the adjective

ffoolishYourelafool to spend so mucho

WOnderfUl Youre 1 to walt for me anange

Adjectives in this group are evaluative of human beha~iour They inelude

careful crazy mad silly wise careless greedy nice unwise wrong

These adjectives can also occur with anticipatory il and an of-phrase as additional complementation (cf1682)

It was foolish of you to spend so mucho

IE5(Hraquo) Bob is IOW to react In Type (ii) the sentence corresponds to one in which the adjective becomes 1677 an adverbwhile the infinitive becomes the finite verb

Bob is slow to react - Bob reacts slowlyc

In another analogue the adjective is followed by in and an -ing participle Bob is slow in reacting The infinitive verb phrase must be simple for example unlike the inftnitive phrase in [E5(i)] it cannot be perfective Bob is slow ItJ have reacted Other adjectives in this small group are quick and prompt

There is also a partial adverbial analogue (e8127ff) for Type (i) but in Type (i) unlike Type Note (ii) the perfective infinitive andeven the get-passive (e366) can be used

loan was wise to resigno ~ loan wisely resigned loan was careless to get beaten - loan carelessly got beaten

loan is careless to have got beaten

IES(iuumlraquo) Bob is 10rry lo hear it In Type (iexcliexcli) the head of the adjective phrase is an emotive adjective 1678 (commonly a participial adjective) and the infinitive clause expresses

causation

1679

1228 Complementation of verbs end adjectives

Im sorry to have kept you waiting [rm sorry because I have kept you waiting]

1 was exeited to be there [- To be there exeited me]

Adjectives in this group correspond c10sely to the adjectives followed by a that-clause in 1671 (Type [E2a(iii)D

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

afraid angry ashamed content furious glad

happy impatient indignant jubilant thankful

annoyed astonished bored coneerned delighted depressed

disgusted dissatisfied embarrassed fasemated frightened interested

overwhelmed perturbed puzzled relieved surprised worried

disappointed overjoyed

IE5(ivraquo) Boh is heaitant to agree withyou In Type (iv) the head of the adjective phrase expresses volitional meaning or a modal meaning such as ability possibility or liability Examples are

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

able keen determined anxious Iiable disposed apt Iikely [E2b] fated[E2b] eertain [E2b] loath inclined curious powerless poiseddue prone prepared eager ready [E5] (all) set eligible reluetant unqualified fit [ES] sure [E2b] free [ES] unable greedy weleome hesitant willing impotent worthy

The adjectives marked [E2b] occur with a corresponding construction with extraposition of a that-clause

JilI is likely to attend - It is likely that JiU will attend

Those marked [E5] are capable of occurring with an infinitive construction of passive meaning ie with an indefinite implied subject and a coreferential implied object

Theyare not fit to eat = They are not tit to be eaten

Some ofthe most common adjectives in this list have a tendency to coalesce with the preceding copula 10 form a semimiddotauxiliary verb (ef3A7) be able to be willing to be sure to In addition to modal and volitional adjectives some adjectives ofaspectual meaning such as aeeustomed and wont may be placed here

Adjective complementation 1229

We are aecustomedto take teaon the terrace (formal) He was wont to leave the office at 5 pm (formal archaic)

(ES(vraquo) Bob is lard to convince 1680 In Type (v) the subject of the sentence is identified with the unexpressed

object of the infinitive clause which must therefore have a transitive verb hence the unacceptable Bob Is hard to arrive There is an analogous construction in which the adjective is complement to an infinitive c1ause acting as (extraposed) subject (ef 1836)

- To convince Bob is hard Bob IS hard to convmce It is hard to convince Bob

Adjeeacutetives so used refer 10 degrees of ease or comfort and iexclnclude

awkward hard tough (informal) eonvenient impossible trieky (informal) difficult niee (informal) unpleasant easy pleasant

Unless there is ellipsis we cannot omit the infinitive c1ause and so there is no semantic implication between (say) The bread was hard to bake and The bread was hard Unlike the preceding types Type (v) permitsfor + subject to be inserted at the beginning of the infinitive clause Those darts are trieky (for a beginner) to use Where the infinitive has no overt subject its implicit subject is understood to have an indefinite meanihg

Jack is easy 10 fool =Jack is easy for anyone to foo

Note With some adjectives in this group such as nice or unpleasant the entailment relation between be + adjective ro V and be + adjective is less easy lO avoid eg Jenny is nice lo know iacutemplies that Jenny is nice

IE5(viraquo) Thefood is ready to eat 1681 Again in this type the subject of the main clause is identified with the object

of the intinitive c1ause But unlike Type (v) Typemiddot(vi) has no analogous construction with an infinitive clause subject

The food is ready to eat To eat the food is ready

Also we can generally (a) omit the infinitive clause or (b) substitute a passive infinitive clause without change ofmeaning

Are these cups available (to use) = Are these cups available (to be used)

Some adjectives of this type such as availablefitfree ready and suffieient belong additionally 10 Type (iv) so that a sentence like The lamb ia ready to eat is ambiguous in one sense (the most accessible) being equivalent to the passive The lamb is ready to be eaten Then there is a wider set of adjectives which often occur without complementation at all

The air isfrosty (to breathe) Its fur is soft (to touch)

1230 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

In both Type (v) and Type (vi) the subjectofthe main clause can be equated with the prepositional object of the infinitive clause so that the infinitive c1ause ends with a deferred preposition

She is pleasant to talk to (-It is pleasant to talk to her) This paper is terribly flimsy to write on Is the cloth sufficient to make a dress out ol

In Type (vi) as well as in Type (v)for + subjeet may be inserted before the infinitive verb Are these books free (for visitors) to borrow Are these books available to borrow]

(E5(vii)J Jt is important to he accurate 1682 We saw in 1672 that a that-clause following an adjeetive may prove to be a

subjeet postponed by extraposition (ef1833) A to-infinitive clause following an adjeetive may have the same oouree

It is essential to spray the trees every year - To spray the trees every year is essential

The infinitive clause can also be introduced by for + subjeet

It is vital (for the ehildren) to be properly cIad It will be strange (for us) to be living alone

Adjectives ofTypes (ji) and (iii) in 1672 ([E2b]) may have this construction importantJortunate lueky surprising etc Possible also belongs te this group

An addiacutetional group of adjeetives oeeurring after anticipatory it are those adjeetives (ehiefly naming evaluative attributes of persons) whieh occur in pattern [E5(i)] (ef 1676) The adjeetive in this group is often followed byan of-phrase identifying the persones) being discussed

It was wrong (of him) to teIllies iexcli

It is niee ofyou to phone

[E6] Adjective complementation by an -ing participle cfause [683 A number of sub-types ofthis pattem may be mentioned

(i) Busy is followed by an -ing participle clause without subject

Margery is busy writiacuteng Ietters

Worth and worthwhile on the other hand oceur both with and without subjeet

It is seareely worth(while) (youyour) going home

Here worth(while) follows preparatory it and the participle clause is an extraposed subjeet (ef1834) Other adjectives ofthis pattern are pointless and useless (Its pointless buying so mueh food) and adjectives of Type [E2b(iiacutei)J (efl6 72) also sometimes have this complementation absurd awkwardJortunate annoying etc

EIsewhere worth and worthwhile accompany an -ing participle elause without subjeet but with a passive meaning comparable to tbat of the infinitive elause in pattern [E5(v)] (ef1680)

Complementation of abstract nouns 1231

The cartons are worth(while) saving ( Its worth(while) saving the cartens)

(iv) There is a variant eonstruction in whieh a preposition oecurs between the adjective and the participle clause In some cases the preposition is optional (cf(i) aboye)

Im busy (with) getting the house redeeorated Werefortunate (in) having Aunt Mary as a baby-sitter

In other cases the preposition is obligatory We are used to not having a car (cf1669 Note [e]) Im hopeless at keeping the garden tidy Shes not capable oflooking after herself

Note [al The adjectival constructions in (ii) above may be compared in some cases with nominal constructionsof equivalent meaning

ts 110 goaduse telling him anything Theres 110 point (in) telling him anything

8uch constructions are introduced either by anticipatory il (el 1833) or by eltistential there (el 184$) AmE also hu Theres no use telling him anythlng (b) Worthwhlle is sometimes spelled as two words The vacillation between the spellings worthwhile and worth while reflects an unclarity about the status of this sequence which may altematively be regarded as the preposition worth (eI96) followed by a noun Compare

lts not worth your whife staying lts not worlhh whh~e (your) staying worl w 1

Complementation of abstract nouns

1684 In this coneluding section we will show as a conneeting link between this chapter and the next how the pattems of complementation described for verbs and adjectives in 1620-83 are aloo to be found with abstraet nouns which are morphologieally related to those verbs and adjectives (ef nominalization 1751ff and appositional constructions 1726 1735) For example the noun likelihood is derived from and semantically related to the adjective likely It is therefore not surprising that a construction associated with the adjeetive Is found with the corresponding noun

It is likely that Joan will get married [1]

The likelihood is that loan will get married [21 the likelihood that Joan will get married [31

But the assumption of eorrespondence eannot be automatie for it may faiacutel in both direetions

loan is likely to get married Joan s likelihood to get married

It is likely of J oans getting married the likelihood of Joans getting married

------__shyiacute1 11

COMPLEX INTRANSITIVE CONSTRUCTIONS p H MATIHEWS

1 Introduction

In sentences such as [1J

ArR C~Iltiacuteltmiddotli N ([1J Th~deitgreen ~

he construct~oEJ~QLordf JJP~ that GCE850ff describes as 9QMfLEX JRANSITIV~ Ofthe elements in questionit and made are related a~Jn tQllt ~imple transitive

j [2J They made it

YihiJe ir and green a~_~latelasinasimple_ltQI1llar_sentence ( [3] lt is green (- lt

~f the type that following Lyons (l977469ff) raquoe will call ASCRIPTIVE raquouacutet greacuteen- also standsJna direcueJordf9lsJIacuteIL ordm~_iii~de the object and adjective exemplifying a single I2atteIILof VERB COMllEMe~nrJ91 This paUCIDl can be sajd torepresenta IJJS10N (G e E 850) ofJ~ltsimpler transitiv iexcll~J~Jjpiexcly_e_tjPes - _shy

IH~~_sfiE~~Ve can be fused with th~~~tY_e_(lri~alsoP~ fused with theintransitixe1 Insentildetentildeces SUChas[4] -

MI It turned green

~construc~~~~~]y idmtifkQyaacuteth th~ of l3J in both examples the

l]

~ ~ ~ ENGLISH GRAMMAR

verb is described as copularor in the terminology of GCE820f as taking intensive complementation But neither description is quite appropriate to1 both cases In the~ptive sentence there i indeed no mor~than~pYhL~

1 2ampffiMical iP~ betwe~ the adjective and its subject~ plainly this ~ ~ is not true of [4] whose verb TURN has its own specific meaning lf turned~ iacute I is a full verb it must then be the govemor of green as made is in (1) in that

iexcl ~ sense there is cornplernentatjon But we express nothing by assigning such a complernentation to the copula A solution is to c1ass I4] as a COMPLBX

IITMNSITIVE iL~onsect_trJltiordmL being an extension of th~simpleJmransiUacutelLe _shy~ i I5] It turned

j precisely as that of (1) is extended from that of [2)iexcl

2 Fused constructions

Let us take our cue from GCEs referenee to fusionlo the simpl~L =nfu~~~_~~~~~~~)t1ecltgtnstVf1ionconsistso(asingJULeAicJ~tQI(lgde) which in a dependency ana~is has both the subject and the object as its dependents or to adapt G CEs term has both a subjeet and an oJkltt asit complementation lnJhaL~se (2) has a _K1U~~~_~ruetion (Lyons i977) w1jch cannotJiexclJLr~s~Cl9JUnQ(lt_e~mentary relationships of ptediCJJQJkSo too has the simple intransitive (5] vi1ihidepeiioenforior forming the complementation of tumed So too has the simple aseriptive [3] its predicator on the analysis ofLyons and others is the adjective green One reason for relatlng the subject to the adjective is that the elements are jointly subject to selectional restrictions A reason for not relating either to the copula is that the latter stands aside (rom these restrictions adding none ofitsown

In a fused construction the pattem ls neither strictly kernel nor straightforwardly non-kemellnJhegmplex transitive [lL1oth1tan41~Y are again direct ~cngents of made these relatio~_elQ~ the words in FigJbx direC1~ltaI~_uacutela~~I~Qordf-ordfl9blleiexcl)Uumlnamp21uacuteward frollLthe

~d

(aJiquest-Fig 1

[42]

P H Matthew$

p~ed~~ So is green arc el this too being supported by selectional restrictions We are therefore dealing with a single clause rooted in made of which each word is a distinct element But green js a1soapredicator in iexclelation to il (are d)J that wav we are dealing with two kernelp~QlS th~ fuurtermclauseinfQmQrating bothtM_~tuet~[IDJr~JlsitiYlljh~ twoshytenn a~-middot -_shy

In Fig 1 we have diagrammed what any grammarian will propose provided that his terminology or his notational apparatus allow him to say it Iut similar reasonjng applies to the construction which we have called the ~IpJex ln~~-ordfEsitive Of the relationships showninf1g --~~t~~~~_

it turned green

aAacutebJ Fig2

to ir (arcc)_isagainasintheascripJjy~ and needs no further cornment But the final element is clearly suJiexcliect to ru19jtional resr=l~ordmI~ tlTlJRI_ im~~tordm-~~it~~rAUQj~9iY_I9U~l~~ed noun (He turned pink He turned kings eVidence) iQ~~~1lined phrase is exCiuacuteded (He turned arog)

tDle~sthe p~e~~i0rl~lJ9rtn is ~~jordmntildei[qiireifitetuumlmed iexclnto a frog) ~itt G-ordm-1h exdusi(m is abgolule one cannot even say He went into a criminal

f [he adjeqtive is also Iimlted to specific collocations For example one can say It turned sour or Ir went sour but it is harder to accept Ir grew sour 1 Conversely one can say He grew od but not He went od On that evidence

j we may establish a relationship of dependency between green and tumedj (arc b) The verb too can then be related to the subject (arc a)

1 Epgth o~2am~ thefe is one terro ir lVhich is a9~de~~~~t1 theascriptile anCITlieletbalk~m~1 (Fig 1 ares b and d Fig 2 ares a and c) The fusion is then effected by a further link (Fig 1 arc e Fig 2 are b) in which ond of the two predicators een is ineo orat~a~_ ordf d~RendenlO(th~ I re atlon that uirk an4hl~ COU~_~ampI~s-1 jn the case of th complex intransitille hall app1ied the Iean intlaquo=nsve

mmplementatio~gly describe he yaleruLQ(IUN or iexcl l otIllBNinthisuseJuh~int~siYeint[ansitivx But the insight intildeaacute I

alsQ be extended to the complex transitiye In that spirit MAKE or MAKE as

used in sentences such as W might appropriatelL be described ~~_~n_ i ~ntensive transitive -J -bull_--------shy

[43)

ENGLISH GRAMMAR

3 Distinctions between tbe complex intransitive and other partly similar constructions

For a three-term construction Fig 2 shows the maximum number of interconnections with each term related to each of the others The miacutenimum isone thus for the ascriptive (3) we have adopted the structure shown i~

L with l~~E2nd te~~Il2= tlliacuten amaroe~ ordmrS1PP9~g~lexn~~ ~eLClatiacute9D~t~~~~t~first an~~~hir~ But this leaves five other possibilities which in theory might be realized ust as the second element_lt~p~ltmark(r ordfs inEig 3bullKlJQQmgordmHhetordm-iriexcl in thatJ~SiquestOillY

iacutet is green

Fig3

1he_verb vQ1lld_be a predicatorrwithonl)l1he_~ygtject related 10 it This structure does not seem to be realized at least not in away whiacuteCh is -relevant to our analysis Asecond_possibil~iuhatJmly the verb a~ ~~~iexcltiY~L iquestnjgl~~_rell~q in that ca~e bot~redicatoS_w-ordmyldIgt~ impersonal-vUh lh~su~ject a me~m~ce-filler This structure might conceivably be suggested for exampIacuteesmiddotSuumlch as [6]

[6] It got mistier

with a so-called ambient it But although it may indeed be ambient with respect to mistier it need not follow that it is ambient with respect to got

In the remaining cases no element is a marker but there are only two instead of three interconnections Ir there wem no link betw-IlJhe subject ~YMh(Ejg 2 are a) the verb1tSelf would agajn be impersmordf-~ I~ transformational terms its surface subject would be derived by raising (Postal 1974) from a subordinate adjectival clause lf th3ewere no intensiye lipk between the first and second predicators (Fg 2 arWJUlt verb would be a simple intransitive taking just t~_S)lbject as its complementation th~on of tbe adjec1iYtLL~ then be uumlMrn-~0n[7] forexample --- -_~

Eacutel He arrived saber J (~ eacute cc L f ~ 2 f

grammars do not establish an intensive or copular use of ARIUVB Finally

[44]

1 P H Marrhew$

if the ascriQive lik wer~~2ken iacuteEiKbJ~~ f)hHordmjlti~~ment woulordm-no longer bJlta predicaQ~ltiexclHQle wQuldin~teadb~ADVJllqt~iexcl as in 8)

(8) He ran fa~t

There is no doubt that the intensive construction is distinct from the adverbial and that sober in [7] is at least more circumstantial than green in It turned green But the subject-verb relation is more problematic in that a raising transformation has been proposed for one at least of the G C E s intensive verbs Let us therefore take that distinction first

31 Ofthe twenty or so most common intensive verbs (GCE821) SEEM and APPEAR particularly lend themselves to transformational analysis On the evidence of sentences such as [9]

(2) It seemed that they wereamp~e~

_U~naIlJral lo establish an underlying ~~ct~~

J~sIhey were green]~ seemed

irlYhIacutetEw~4)srelate(L1ot to they J~Q9green indhiOacute1lally but to the yiole ascri2tive kernelrom the same structure a sentence such as [10)

[10] They seemed to be green

can then be derived by further transformations of subject raising and infinitive formation Froro the structure reaJized by [Io]lIleare n3tllcalli

~m~ed to derive the comple~_~transiti~euacutell

[u) They seemed gre~

by a further transformation deleting the copuiacutea For SEEM the rules deriving [10] and [u] would both be optional But for

other verbs such as TURN or GO We could make them obligatory so It turned green could be the only realization of an underlying sUr was greenls turned the ambient Ir got misrier - [6] aboye - a realization of say s[mistier]s gorand so on If the obligatory rules were then restricted to the copula we would also ensure that any other form of embedded structure (g[he eft]s turned or g[he kissed her]s grew) was filtered out By such means a treatment which is widely accepted for SEEM and for which the evidence is at first compelling could be extended if it were thought appropriate to the entire intensive intransitive class

There are good reasons for not thinking it appropriate In a sentence such as [12]

[12] Harry got drunk

Qn~JsllQIacuteli~ply talking of a_~ate tha~ reslllttI s~o t~a~ ~~rry vs (45)

ENGLISH GRAMMAR

drunk or Harrys drunkenness happened) Nor is Harrya mere theme or tliexclfc (Aacute~-to-KarryQruniexcliquestenneacuteSs-l1ippened to him) tlamp11tbject iexclS1

potentia1lt-at-l~st--alMl~tgh-ge~~amp9run_~ wassoID1hiiL~hatJIal did The--verb mayaccordiacutentilde-gly take a subject adjunct (O CE 466]) thus I delibera tey got drunk or He foo(lshy turned traitor It may also supply the complement of a conative verb (1 did try to get drunk) may appear in the imperative (Dont get drunk ) and so on For sorne collocations this potentiacuteality is doubtless harder to realize (compare He delibera tey turned bue with He delibera tey turned nasty or He tried ro grow oder with He tried ro grow farter) but that is precisely the case for subjects and predicators generally lt is this semantic role that justifies the first link shown in Fig 2

which an impersonal structure as in (b)

(b) s[Harry was drunkls got

would relegate to the surface If (b) is wrong for Harry got drunk a transformationalist should consider

more carefully w hether a similar structure is correct for Harry seemed drunk Let us assume that it is correct for the construction with a that-clause (It seemed that Harry was dhmk) for SEEM and APPEAR a c1ausal complement does form one possibility Let us also accept that SBBM has a constant sense in all its constructions But for other current intensives (G eE 820 f) the evidence is more complexo With SOUNO a that-clause can be forced for example if a dative is inserted (lt sounds ro me that (hey arent coming) There is also an impersonal construction with as if

[131 It sounds as ifthey were green

which might be thought to derive from the same source The construction of [13] is also acceptable witb LOOK (lt ooks as ifthey arent coming) But between it and the complex intransitive we can find clear disparities in meaning In [13] the judgment is based on indirect clues what sounds or appears from audible information is indeed the whole proposition they were green But in the complex intransitive [14]

[141 They sound drunk

it is based on sounds that they are making For that reason it is harder 10 make sense of They sound green Likewise They [ook drunk means that they from their appearance are so But in It loob as ifthey are drunk the speaker does not even imply that he has seen them (Compare Prom what you say it ooks as if rhey are drunk) Ir we wanted a complex source it would be tempting 10 relate [14] not 10 the impersonal [13] with raising but rather to the personal [Is1

[IS] They sound as iexclfthey are drunk

with the second they deleted

[46]

P H Marthews

Personal and impersonal are often hard to separate as Palmer (1972) and before him Bolinger(l96la) have shown Ofthis group ofintensives TASTE

and 5MBLL are the most restricted in meaning and it is with these that the impersonal construction as in [91 and [131 is least acceptable With TASTE

neither seems likely Ir rasres to me that the soup is saty It tastes to me as if they are sweer If the second example can be interpreted it is by virtue of a blending with the personal construction (compare It tasres as ifit ) With SMELL the construction of [131 may be more acceptable (Ir smells ro me as if dinner is ready) but the blending remains With PEEL a non-tactile sense is possible (Ir fees Iikey) but is less established than the broader senses of LOOK or SOUNO (compare Ir ooks likey II sounds likey) It is in this case that my judgment is least secure would one say for example It fees (or Ir fees to me) as if they were green With SOUNO and LOOK the general sense is well established as in [131 or Ir sounds likely but there is still a sensory meaning as in [14] and [Isl which inhibits the pure impersonal with that With SEEM and APPEAR we are at the end of the continuum both having general senses only Hence the construction of[91 alongside the impersonal with as if (Ir seems as if they were green) Hence perhaps the infinitive construction of [101 with SOUNO and the others this too is awkward (They ooked ro have arrived Or Ir tastes ro me to be sweer) But it does not follow that the semantical1y general They seem drunk differs in syntax from the specifically sensory They sound drunk or They smell drunk We can even force an active interpretation of the subject thus They tried lO appear drunk or I deliberarey seemed irrftated

32 As [11] with SEEM Hes on a gradience between personal and impersonal so there are others which raise problems in distinguishing intensive from adverbial and circumstantial constructions For there is no criterion which is both sufficient and necessary

The obvious step is to tesectt for simpler transforms Thus J9r [12] Harl~ qrunk ~e can comp~jiexcleJgtimple a~ve Harry was drul~ TRANSFORM in that firstIy it is a a d secondly the predicator

-ORUNK hasnot a tq~ sense s no intraiiSIuvetrans[oacuterintilde ~stiiis~se of G BI is oot ~ble Nor has 4 r tumeirgeacute-iexcl an intransitive transform It turned since this involves a different sense oC TURN Ir there~~ an ascriptive transform but n9-Wn~itive the JhirdeiacuteeDlen t mult be a complementi so [41 and [12] must be complex intransitive Ir there is neither transform it MA y be complement but the col~of verb and adjective mjgbt rCaSantildea be classed as idiomatic Thus The roses have run wild has no transform The roses ve iiOr-aacuteoes it strictly match The rOSes are wild But WILO is at least an adiecti~ must stand in sorne relationship to the verb therefore R UN WILO is right1y

chmldw-rresultintensive (O eE) ---shy-- -_--g ~ _---_bull ~ shy

[471

ENOLISH ORAMMAR

If there is a simple intransitive but no ascriptive transr2ffil--_~~~ coacutentildeSffiiClioacutentilde-intildeuumlSt]ie iexcljdve(J2iacuteaIYlIacuteustrivialIy He ran iexcliuieacutekly has no ascriptive tiexclansfo~ He was quickly less trivially He travelled light does not match He was ight But what if we find both rlJgJQQordf~tillha$ordflJ ascriEtive _~ran~f~rrlJ~eYI1Jer~_~~ ~sectmL1aY-J~_a~~plement circumstantjallik~iilelltjnThey-sJoQdsilent ordfytlb~~j~llsothe simpler intran~1ti~ fbilystQPf so still ~ight be anadver~ like sileniTyintilde-fiieystood silenty Since there is no distinct form srilly the latter is hard to rule out For It shone white we can compare the formally adjectivallt shone brighr again there are both transforms (Ir shone Ir was white) But It shone brighr is c10se in meaning to the formaUy adverbial Ir shone brighry could white be an adverb in default of or as the commoner altemative to whirely Blending may aIso be found in idioms For example it is fruitless to ask if doggo is an adjective or an adverb in He is Iying doggo

For the circumstantial case both transforms are necessary thus [7] He arriuacuteiid sober has the triexcliexclntildeiiiacuteormsmiddotiexcliexcluacuteli-iexcliexclved andHe wasectSoacutebe Wewoacuteuumllifiliso ixpeeacutetthilUumlheveromiddotantildedmiddotildjectTe-shouId befreeOi collocationaI restrictions so He arrived sober He left sober He Jeft satisjied He arrived satisfied and so on But it is very hard to say when such a requirement iacutes meto One does not say for example They stood noisy or They sroodpeacefuJ on that evidence They stood sient might be classed as complex intransitive But neither is one likely to say They arrived noisy or They arrived kind Is that too a matter of collocational restrictions so that [7] is also intensive Or is it merely that NOISY and KIND are ill suIacuteted 10 this construction7 At this point jt is tempting to distinguish degrees of circumstantiality The extreme case would be represented by such sentences as [16]

[16] They stood there exhausted

(Iikewise They have arrived quite sober) where the adjective and verb are marked as separate Beside [16] the construction in [7] is less clearly circumstantial in They stood sient or They stoodfidgering it is perhaps even r less so But this last might stilJ be seen as less intensive than for example

iexcl They stood amazed Likewise They feJl exhausted is less clearly intensi ve than 1 They fell sick since it involves no special sense of FALL

~

f lrOacutel p1lI1riHmD ~ amires f0tr eompiex trlmSitive fu Tlieyfbuntlliim~

guilry there is a special sense OfPIND as ofMAKE in They mode it green In TIwy rrun Juacutem JOber tbat IacuteoS DO spcciiexcll SCDSII of)lEET~ by tbat cS ~ is more eircumsumlial BUl onc la unlikely lO say for eumple They me hlm meditative

4 Finally there is an obvious gradience between the coxnP-1ex intransitive ~nct the simple ascriptj~ With TURN 01 GROW there are~-selecUumlonal restrictions as we have seen With SBJlli or SIhV tney are far fewer

[48J

P H Matthews

neverthelesson~canI1Q~~yfordmr_~ordfmplelfil_sectil1Ied chairmqf1-ltcompareH~ stayelt chairman Qr1fsectJjiquest_riquest~cordfirmordfl1) or It srays obvious that (compare It seemsobvious that or It remainsobvious that ) With REMAIN it is hard to find any but at least the intransitive exists He remained) and their senses can be related Wth BECOMB that evidence too is lacking He became drunk can be distinguish-ed(rontildei1lieasgiptiYlt1g lu7ntl1k onlyJ~iiui~s from jts resultative meaning -_-

This merging has ied grammarians to treat the constructions together But we can do this only by assimi)ating BE to the mode) of verb complementation (as in GCE) not by assimilating TURN and so on to the model of a copula likethecpmplexrordfnsectitiy~nl_e compleimrap~W~i~ ayoor ca~~idatefltY-l~LIl~Jlt~IQ~-ordf_~~rnelltructllr~middot

M

~_

Page 15: in - UGR · (III). 11-70 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1171 Note [a] The ... In addition, we shall use where necessary the suffixes 'ph' (for

1196 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

ICII Adjective phrase as object complement 1644 The SVOC pattern (ef216) in whiacutech the object complement is an adjective

phrase is found with verbs which like copular verbs may be divided into CURRENT and RESULTING types

You should keep the cabbagefresh (1] That music drives me mad [2]

The verb keep in [1] introduces the current attributefresh while the verb drive in [2] introduces the resulting attribute mad These two verbs therefore exemplify the two main categories ofcomplex transiti ve complementatiacuteon in this pattern The current verbs (ef1621ff) are usually staiive and the resulting verbs are always dynamic Further examples ofeach type are

CURRENT RESULTING

hod[C2] (v) drive [C4] keep [C2] get [C4] eave [C2] make [C2 C4]

prove [B3 C2 C4] (ii) eall [C2] render[C4]eonfess [B3 C2 C4] sendprofess [B3 C2 C4]

pronounce [B3 C2 C4] turn

report [B3 C4] eertify [B3 C2 C4] declare [B3 C2 C4] like proclaim [B3 C2 C4] prefer[B3]

want wish [B3 C2 C4]

(iv) beliacuteeve [B3 C2 eonsider [B3 C2 C4] deem [B3 C2 C4] find [B3 C2 C4] hod[B3 C4] imagine [B3 C2 C4] judge [B3 C2 C4] presume[B3 C2 C4] rate [C2 C4] reekon [B3 C2 C4] suppose [B3 C2 C4] think [B3 C2 C4]

Type (O is a category of current verbs of general meaning Type (ii) consists offactual speech act verbs (cf1631) Type (iii) of volitional verbs Type (iv) of verbs of inte11ectual state Type (v) of general resulting verbs and Type (vi) ofresulting verbs referring to speech acts which havethe performative force of declarations (Hod occurs twice in the aboye list as a general verb [Type (i) as in She hed her head high] and as an inte11ectual state verb [Type (iv) as in 1 hod you responsibe]) The symbols added after sorne verbs indicate other related complementation types to which those verbs belong

Types of verb complementation 1197

[B3] The verb can also be used monotransitively (el Note (a]) with a that-clause

[C2] The verb can also occur wiacuteth a noun phrase as object complement [C4] The verb can a1so occur with an object + infiniacutetive construction

Examples

The secretary eft a1l the letters unopened The doctors pronounced her conditiacuteon uttery hopeess Oi) 1want my coffee stronger than this (iii) Weve alwaysfound the assistants very frtendy (iv) The long waIk made us a11 hungry They have declared the house unfit for habitatiacuteon (vi)

Note that the adjectival complement may contain modifiers and adjectival complementation (ef1668-83) A passive construction in which the direct object becomes subject is also an important criterion

AH the letters were left unopened (by the secretary) (i) Her condition was pronounced uttery hopeess (by the doctors) (ji)

Note [a] There is sometimes a meaning difference between the object complement construction and the corresponding that-clause [B3) or objeet + infinitive [C4] eonstruction

1 imagined myself severely ill [3] p 1 imagined myself to be severely ill [4]

Sentence [3] suggests that the speaker is indulgiacuteng in a flight of faney sentence [4J suggests that the speaker is deluding himself (eg that he is a hypochondriae) A differenee is also to be observed between [5] and [6]

They gol him angry [5J p They got him lo be angry (6]

where [5J suggests made him angry in spite of himself and [6] suggests persuaded him to be angry (Yet a third meaning is represented by Donl get me wrong [Dont misunderstand me J) Two iacuteurther comrasts are

We found the ehildren undernourished [ We encou nte red them iacute n tha t cond i tiacuteon J [7] p Wefoundthe children lo be undernourished [8]

[Our examination revealed their condition] and

He declared the meeting offieial He declared the meeting lO be officiaL

where [9] has a performati ve and resultati ve force (The meeting beeame official as a result of his announeement) not regularly present in [lO] [b] Have in sentences sueh as We have IWO employees sck is not a member of the [CI] category but belongs to a special have-existential construetion lo be discussed with existential sentences in general in 1851 Since it has no passive this elause construction lacks one criterial feature of comp1ex transitive constructions Two employees are had sick [e] There is a variant order in which the object complement precedes the object eg He thought desirable most ofthe women in the room (efIS37) This order tends to occur when the object is a long noun phlase

1645 In addition to the verbs listed in 1644 aboye there are many verbs which belong more peripherally to Type [C1] Their membership is more peripheral in one or both of the following respects (a) They occur only in restricted sequences such as rub dry (ef 1617) (b) They can occur in the [BI] monotransitive construction without appreciable change of meaning iacutee the object complement is optional and resembles an optional adverbial Iil the following typical co11ocations the object noun phtase is symbolized by N

1

Types of verb complementation 11991198 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

CURRENT RESULTING

bring (a child) up health boil (an egg) 8aft 1

buy N eheapl erap (hair) shoriexcl1 return (a letter) unopened freeze N hard serve (food) hOlleold paint N redblue 1

seU N eheaplnew1 roll N flat sweep (the fioor) clean 1

calour N blueyellow 1

dye N pinklgreen 1

knock (someone) senseless polish N smooth 1

scrape N clean I swing (a door) open

For those combinations marked l the object complement could be easily omitted without a change in the basic sense of the verbo

Among resulting attributes the adjectives open loose free and clean are particularly common push N open shake N loose set N free wipe N clean

The collocations make sure and make certain are peculiar in that the object is a that-clause and always follows the adjectivaI complement

Please make sureleertain that you endose your birth certificate

There is no passive be made surecertain With other collocations the that-clause object is postponed by extraposiacutetion (ef 1835)

He found it strange that no one else had arri ved 1think it very odd that she left without saying goodbye The emperor pronounced it illegal for landlords to enfranchise their

tenants

Extraposition is optional with make N clear and therefore the preparatory it may be omitted She made (it) eear that we were regarded as trespassers

Note [al Sorne collocations require the object to be a rellexive pronoun Ilaughed myself sick They roared themselves hoarse Here the object complement cannot be omitted llaughed myself [b] The resultative pattern illustrated in thiacutes section is quite productive and occurs with rare or newly-converted verbs such as selotape and scotchtape selotape N fiat ltRrE) seotehtape N fiat (AmE) Similarly

iexclve deepfrozen the bread solido

(C21 Noun phrase as object complement 646 Most of the verbs listed in 1644 can occur also with a noun phrase

complement In addition there are a few verbs which occur with anoun phrase but not with an adjective phrase as complement eg appoint These verbs marked 1 in the list below can also occur with theobject + infinitive construction

The queen appointedWilliam Cecil (to be) her personal secretary

The list is subdivided into categories corresponding to those in 1644

(i) hold2 (iv) believe (v) appoint l2middot 3

keep2 consider2 choose 2 3

eleetl 2 3leave deem esteem l 2 3 make(ii) cal find provecanfess imagine2 voteprofess

pronounce judge2 (vi) baptize13

presume certify 23 (iii) wish 3rate2 christent bull

reckon2 erown l bull 2bull 3

suppose declare think proclaim

namemiddot23

The superscript 2 indicates that the as-construction (cf 1 647) is also possible The superscript 3 indicates that the verb is also monotransitive and that the verb retains the same meaning when the object complement is omitted Hence She appointed him secretary implies that she appointed him Examples of each sub-type follow With profess and wish which are used to illustrate subtypes (H) and (iii) respectively a reflexive pronoun as object is normal

She held her niece (a) captive for several years (i) The prince professed himself a supporter of free speech (ji) 1have often wished myself a millionaire (iii) Charles does not esteem him a trustworthy adviser (iv) The committee has elected you its chairman (v) Her parents named her Sophia after her grandmother (vi)

Some verbs in this pattem are unlikely to occur in the adive eg think beiacuteieve reckon The foilowing are exampies of the passive conslruclIacuteon

Her niece was held (a) captive for several years (i) She was named Sophia after her grandmother (vi)

As with Type (el] the object may be a clause postponed by extraposition

We have made it a condition that the new agreement be signed by all the original signatories

He has proved it a falIacy that old age brings wisdom

Note [al The zero article occurs optionally with captive and prisoner as object complements as in (i) above She held her niece (a) caplive Hold capliveprisoner and keep captivepriacutesoner are unusual in that the omitted article is indefinite rather than definite Examples of the zero article with definite meaning (eS42) are

Edgar was judged overall winner They appointed Sue captain of the athletics team

[b] The object + infinitive construction with 10 be as with Type [Gl] is not always equivalent to the pattero with a phrasal object complement For example name can be used with 10 be only if the following noun phrase designates a future role or status

Her parents named her (0 be) Gladys The selectors named her (lo be) a memberofthe touring team

As can be used with name only on the same condition as applies to lO be Her parenls named her as (adys (cf 1 647 below) [el The copular retation can obtain not only between the object and complement as in [11 bu also between subject and complement as in [21

t iexcl

1200 Complementation of verbs and adjectiacuteves

She made him iexcliexcl good husband (S V OC) [1 J She made him a good wife (S VOC) [2J

[1 Jhas the passive analogue He as gtladea good husband but in the entirelydifferentconstruetion of (2] where the copular rdation is between she and a good middotle no passive is possible Thc meuning is She Vas a good wire to himmiddot A prepositional verb 01 this Same unusuallattcrn is strike l in 101 example

He stmck me os a brilliant slralegist where a brilianl strategist is su bjcet eomplement

(Clprl and (C2prl Object complement foUowing prepositional verb 1647 The preposition as designates a copular relation particularly in specifying a

role or status associated with the direct object The ehureh eondemned the relie as a lraud Following a complex transitive verb and a direct object the prepositional complement of as functions semantiacutecally as an attribute and may be termed a prepositional object complement in the same way as the noun phrase following a transitive prepositional verb is called a prepositional object

a geniacuteus [C2] We considered him as a genius [C2pr]

tobeagenius [C4]

1 bull (as) a genius ~ He was consdered t b

o e agemus

Consider as like regard as class as etc therefore exemplifies yet another type of prepositional verb one that is followed by a prepositiacuteonal object complement rather than a prepositional object

Occasionally the prepositionlor occurs in this copular function instead of as

He took these words as evidence He took me lor a fool

In the following list for verbs in column (i) the preposition is optional where for verbs in column (H) the preposition is obligatory

(i) appoint (as) (ii) aeeept as ehoose (as) aeknowledge as eonsider (as) eharaeterize as eount (as) class as deem (as) define as esteem (as) describe as rate (as) intend as reekon (as) mistakelor report (as) regard as eleet (as) see as eertify (as) take asllor erown (as) trea as make Unto) use as proclaim (as)

Most verbs in [elpr] and[e2pr] can also introduce an adjective phrase in the function of prepositional object complement

Types of verb complementation 1201

The experts raled his paintings (as) poor bUI representalive ol their class

They classed Jane as partialty sighted The media described the situation as hopeless ~ The situation was described as hopeless

Verbs not allowing this construction are marked 1 in the aboye lists The construction iacutes exceptional in allowing an adjective phrase to occur after a prepositiacuteon A more orthodox construction is obtained by adding the word being before the adjective phrase and thereby converting the prepositional complement into a nominal -ing clause

The media descriacutebed the situation as being hopeless

Note [al Count as and rate as can also oecur in an analogous as-conslruction without lhe object as prepositional copular verbs eg This coanslraes as a tWtable success (e 1622 Note lb]) [b] Allhough as is classcd as a preposition in Ibe above pattern il in some ways resemblcs the conjunction as which introduces clauses of comparison (e15 71) Consider Ihe following curious examples in which as introduces on Ihe one hand a clause and on the other hand a noun phrase in an appositional relation lo Ihe clause

Report me as 10m - a superannuated dolt Hedescribcd her as heound her a liar

(C31 Complementation by object and adjunct 1648 Our next category Type [e3] consists of verbs which occur in the SVOA

pattern (el216) ie verbs which ha ve as their complementation an object followed by a predication adjunct The most characteristic adjuncts to occur in this pattern are prepositional phrases of space and more particularly of direction eg

1 slipped the key into the lock He stood my argument on its head [2] Take your hands out olyour poekets

The passive iacutes illustrated by

The key was slipped into the lock [1 al Sentence [2] exemplifies the abstract or metaphorical use of such verbs and adjuncts Many of the verbs which fit into this pattern are causative verbs of motiacuteon put get stand se sit lay place send bring take lead drive etc The class is open-ended since verbs normally without causative meaning can be adapted to this function eg show see elbow etc in

The attendant showed us to our seats [conducted us ] May I see you home [escort you ] He elbowed and bribed his way to fame They talked me into it [persuaded me ]

Other verbs are associated with space position adjuncts rather than direction adjuncts

They lelt the papers at my offiee Always keep your eyes on the road when driving

1

i

1202 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

The attackers eaught us ofJour guardo He wished them at the bottom ofthe sea

Again the spatial meaning ofthe adjunct rnay be understood in sorne abstract or rnetaphorical sense as in the third exarnple aboye

Adjuncts of other sernantic types are less cornrnon but instances are the adjunct of rnanner following treat

badIY Her parents treated her as ifshe were a baby

as like a small ehild

and the optional adjunct of duration following last

This rnoney will ha ve to last you laquo(for) six months)

Note [al Treot has a dilferent meaning when the adjunct is omitted Her parents treated her [= did something pleasant for her]

[b] Superficiacuteally similar to the aboye pattern iacutes that iIIustrated by remind andfurnish followed by an object and a prepositional phrase

She reminds me ofmy sister They furnished all the passengers with iexclfe jackets

These however are classed as transiti ve prepositional verbs (cfI6 7-8) and will be dealt with in 1656fbelow The difference between Ihese prepositional verbs and verbs of complemenlation Type [e3] is that in Ihe former case the lexical verb governs a particular preposition remind offurnish with (Alternative prepositional constructions are sometimes available however provide withprovide for)

Variants of complex transitive complementation 649 We now examine variants of complex transitive cornplernentation in which

thc direct object iexcls f01lowltd by ji nonfinite dau~1 acting as predication adjunct Al four kinds of nonfinite construction (ef 146-8) are possible

[C4] to-infinitive [C6] -ing participle They knew hirn to be a spy 1caught Ann reading my diary

[CS] bare infinitive [C7] -ed participle 1heard someone slam We saw him beaten by the

World Heavyweight Champion thedoor

The nonfinite clause in these patterns (in italics in the above table) has no subject itself but its implied subject is always the preceding noun phrase which is object of the superordinate c1ause This noun phrase which if a personal pronoun is in the objective case is commonly termed a RAISED

OBJECT (ef further 16640) semantically it has the role of subject of the nonfinite verb but syntactically it is raised from the nonfinite c1ause to function as object of the superordinate verbo Hence in general this noun phrase (in italics in the table below) can become subject of the corresponding passive (The passive of [C5] normaly requires substitution of a to-infinitive for abare infinitive the passive of [C7) is of marginal currency ef 1654 Note [a))

(C4] He was known to be a spy

[eS] Someone was heard to slam the door

Types of verb complementation 1203

[C6] Ann was caught reading rny diary

[e] He was seen executed by a firing squad

On the face ofit the patterns [C4] and [e6] are indistinguishable from the rnonotransitive patterns [B8] (eg She hates the train to be late) and [B9] (eg She hates the train being late) in which the nonfinite c1ause has a subject of its own The ability of the noun phrase preceding the nonfinite verb to become subject of a passive is however an important distinction between thern (see further 1651 and 1653)

These patteros [e4] and (e6] are distinguished from corresponding patterns in which the Note nonfinite c1ause is an adverbial by the raet that the iacutemplied subject of the nonfinite verb is O rather than S Note the ambiguity of

She left him to finish the jobo She lert him holding the baby

IC4J Object + to-infinitive complementation The verbs in this group are rather numerous and rnay be subdivided 1650

(vii) assist bother bribe eondemll dariquest defy encourage help induce inspire press summon

semantically into the following categories

(iacute) announee declare proclaim pronounee

(H)

reporl repute [esp P rumour (P only] say[P only] tip (esp BrEgt

assume believe eonceive (formalgt eonsider expeet feel jind imagine know presume reekon see [P only1 suppose take thiacutenk[esp P1 understand

(iiiacute) intend mean

(iv) appoint elect name vote

(v) cause drive force get[no P] lead prompt

(vi) alow authorize compel eonstrain enable entitle equip jit oblige permit requiacutere

[P = Passive]

1ZU4 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Types (i) and (ti) correspond to the factual verbs of category [B3J discussed in 1631 the nonfinite construction following these verbs can often be replaced by a lhal-clause with an indicative verbo Compare

The poli ce reported that the traffic was heavy [B3] The police reported the traffic to be heavy (formal) [C4]

JOhn believed that the stranger was a policeman [B3 = John believed the stranger to be a policeman (formal) [C4]

With factual verbs such as these the nonfinite clause normaIly contains the verb be or sorne other verb of stative meaning EspecialIy when the nonfinite main verb is other than be the finite clause (of pattern [B3]) is preferred to the infiniti ve one except that the infinitive construction provides a convenient passive form

The traffic was reported to be heavy The stranger was believed to be a poli cernan

Sorne verbs in this construction have no lhat-clause equivalent

They tipped him to be the next president (esp BrE) - He was tipped to be the next president (They tipped that he would be the next president)

Sorne verbs (marked [P only] in the list abo ve) occur only in the passive version of this construction

The field marshal was said to be planning a new strategy (Someone said the field marshal to be planning a new strategy)

Other verbs (marked [esp PJ) occur chiefly in the passive

The BroadwiY piOJutioli was inoughi to have made Maxs fortune (Newsmen lhought the Broadway production to have made Maxs fortune)

Ofthe twq classes of factual verbs Type (i) consists ofpublic verbs (cf1631) referring to a speech act and Type (ii) consists of private verbs expressing belief etc

1651 Of the remaining semantic types Type (iii) consists of verbs of intention (on intend itself ef 1641 Note lb]) Types (iv) and (v) consist of causative verls where the infinitive clause identifies the resultant state (Type (iv) verbs also belong to class [Cl]) Type (vi) cClUsists of verbs with a modal character expressing such concepts as enablement permission and compulsion and Type (vii) consists of a variety of verbs of influencing between which a common factor appears to be that the nonfinite clause has a purposive meaning Examples are

(iii) They intended Mary to sing an aria (- Mary was intended to sing an aria)

(iv) The meeting elected Mr Martiacuten to be the next treasurer (- Mr Martin was elected to be the next treasurer)

Types of verb complementation 1205

(v) This optimistic forecast led the administration to promise tax cuts ( _ The administration was led (by this optimistic forecast) to promise tax cuts)

(vi) My contract allows me to take one months lea ve (- 1arn allowed to take one months leave)

(vii) Our teachers eneouraged us to think for ourselves (- We were eneouraged to think for ourselves)

In Type (iv) the infinitive main verb is normaIly be and can be omitted They appointed her (lO be) the social secretar) This type overlaps with Type (v) 1646

Note [al There are a number of multi-word verbs in this category [C4prl counl Ofl bullbullbull lO depend Ol bullbull lo rey on lO bullbullbull [C4phl make OUI 10 bullbull [C4ph-pr] keep 01 al lo bull

(which has no passive) Examples are 1 am dependillg 011 you lO give us your fu support They malle him oul to be a monster ofdepravity Why do you keep On al me 10 work harder

[b] Sorne passives of pattem [C4] (eg be allowed be supposed) have a semi-auxiliary (cf347f) interpretation in which they lose their connection with the corresponding active construction especiay as regareis agency

(es) Object + bare infinitive complementation 1652 This pattern occurs with a relatively smaIl number of verbs

(i) have (ii) fee overhear[P] (iii) help [P] let hear [PI see [PJ know [P] rnake [PI notice [P watch

observe[P]

Typl (i) consists uf vlrbs uf iexcluiexclciacuteVI meaning Type (ii) has percepwal verbs of seeing and hearing and Type (iii) is a residual class of two verbs which are optionally followed by a to-infinitive The marker [PI indicates that the passive (normaIly with a to-infinitive) is possible [P] indicates that the passive is of doubtful or limited acceptability

(i) You shouldnt lel your family iacutenterfere with our plans We must rnake the public take notice ofuso

(- The public must be rnade to take notice ofus) (ji) Did you notiacutece anyone leaue the house

The crowd saw Gray score lwo rnagnificeni goals ( - Gray was seen lo seore two rnagnificent goas)

(iii) Sarah helped us (to) edil the seript 1 have known John (to) give better speeches than that

(- John has been known lO giue better speeches than that)

Know followed by the bare infinitive is confined mainly to BrE and to the perfective aspect have known Lel in group (i) is in other constructions cIassified as similar to an auxiliary (ef3SI) Let has an apparent passive in combination with such verbs as lel go and lel fal but these are best regarded as fixed expressions in which let has an auxiliary or particIe-like function

They let the prisoner go horneo - The prisoner was let go horneo

1206 Complementation of verbs and adjectiacuteves

Note that this apparent passive has the bare infinitive in contrast for example to make which has to have the to-infinitive in the passive

They mude him understand ~ He was made to understalld

A third verb in group (i) is have which (like have in monotransitive constructions) does not occur in the passi ve

They had me repeat the message ~ 1 was had (to) repeat the message

Note [a] The formulaic nature of let him go and similar expressions is illustrated by variants such as [1-3J which cannot be fitted into any regular complementation pattern

gothe rope [1] They lel the rope go [2]

goofthe rope (3)

[b] Of the two constructions with help tha with 10 is more common in BrE and that without 10

is more common in AmE [e] Arare verb in category (i) is the now rather archaic bid with a to-infinitive complementation in the passive

They bidbade me sil down - rwas bidden 10 sil down

[C61 Object + -ing participle complementation 1653 The verbs in category [C6] consist of verbs of perception (Type (iraquo verbs of

encounter (Type (iO) and two verbs of coercive meaniacuteng (Type

feel[C5] see[C5) (ji) eateh (iiiacute) have hear[C5) smell diseover get notiee [C5] spot find observe[C5) spy leave overhear[CS) wateh [CS) pereeive

Perception verbs marked [CS] occur also with the bare infinitive pattern [CS) Wiacuteth such verbs there iacutes an aspect difference between [C5) and [C6) as described in 461f

Tim watched Bill mendlmendingthe lampo

The bare infinitive having nonprogressive meaning implies that Bill did the wholejob while Tiacutem was watching the -ing clause with progressive meaning has no such implicatiacuteon

This complementatiacuteon pattern differs from that of [B9) not only in its progressive aspect but also in that the noun phrase following the superordinate verb cannot take the genitive (or possessive) form (ef 1642)

1 saw him lying on the beach 1 saw his lying on the beach

Another difference from pattern [B9) is that the -ing predication can normally be omitted without radically altering the meaning

1 saw him lying on the beach [entails iexcl saw him)

Contrast

1 hate my friends leaving early [does notentaiacutel 1 hate my friends)

Types of verb complementation 1207

The passive with this pattern is regular

We could hear the rain splashing on the roof ~ The rain could be heard splashing on che roof

A teacher eaughc them smoking in the playground - They were eaught smoking in the playground (by a teacher)

Prepositional verbs with this type of complementation ([C6prJ) include eome aeross eome upon listen to and look at Look at those ehildren climbing the wall But these [C6prJ prepositional verbs have no prepositiacuteonal passive

seen The guards had been spouhed searchiacuteng the building

wate e d looked at

Have in this construction (e18S1ff) also has no passive in keeping with its use in other constructions

She had us working day after day We were had working day after day

Note Feeloccurs especially with a reflexive pronoun object Shefelt herself falling in love

[C7) Object + -ed participle complementation 1654 We can distinguish three small groups of verbs complemented bv a raised

object followed by an -ed participle c1ause

(i) CAUSATIVE verbs get ha ve She gotlhad the watch repaired immediately

Oi) VOLITlONAL verbs want need like I wantlneed this watch repaired immediately

(jii) PERCEPTUAL verbs see hearJeel (oneself) wateh Someone must have seenl heard the car stolen

A fourth group is peripheral to this construction

(iv) Verbs for which the -ed participle describes a resulting statefind

diseoverleave They founddiseoveredfleft him worn out by tra vel and exertion

j In this construction as in that of (C6) have can ha ve either an agentive causative meaning or a stative meaning Hence The guard patrol had two men shot is ambiguous meaning either The patrol caused two men to be shot or

I The patrol suffered the los s oftwo men by shooting The latter meaning is that of the have-existential construction (ef 18S1ff) In general this

complementation type is semantically equivalent to one with an iacutenfinitive form of the verb be Thus in Type (ii) iexcl would like my room cleaned is synonymous with iexcl would like my room to be cleaned in Type Oiiacute) He saw the team beaten is synonymous with He saw the team be beaten

Note [al There is no passive for most verbs in pattem [e7] and at best the passive is dubious The car must have been seen stolen The acceptability of the passive with Type (iv) is exceptional

---

--

1208 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

The car wasfound abandoned This is indeed an indication that Type (iv) may not belong here so much as with the objecl complement construction [el l iexclhe participle construclion being adjectival (cf an abandoned car) lb1In addition to the two meanings of haue + objec + -ed participle above a third meaning results ifthe -ed clause is analysed as a postmodifier of Ihe object eg She had a book (which gtvas) stolenfrom the library

Ditransitive complementation

ID11 Noun phrases as both indirect and direct object 1655 Ditransiacutetive complementation in its basic fonu involves two object no un

phrases an indirect object which is nonually aniacutemate and positioned first and a direct object which is nonually concrete The two noun phrases differ from those of[C2] in not being in a copular relationship

He gave the girl a doll --v-- --r-

S V Oiacute Od

The difference between this and complex transitive complementation is seen in

svoe He found her a loyal friendo ( She was a loyal friend)

SVOO He found her an apartment ( - The apartment was for her)

The characteristics of indirect objects in contrast to direct objects are fully disclssed in 107

Sorne ditransitive verbs have two passive analogues which we shall distinguish as first and second

The girl was given a doll [FIRST PASSIVE]

A doll was given the girl [SECOND PASSIVE]

Of these two the first passive in which the indirect object becomes subject is the more common The prepositional paraphrase is more usual as an alternative than the second passive A dol was given to the girl (For a list of verbs ofType [01] ef1657 below)

[D21 Object and prepositional object 1656 In the ditransitive category prepositional verbs fonu an important group

with its own sub-divisions and may therefore be given a separate category number D2] These verbs are those we have called Type II prepositional verbs (cfI67-8) Alongside the ordinary indirect object pattern two main prepositional patterns rnaybe distinguished _

Indirect object + direct object [D1] Direct object + prepositional object D2a] lndirect object + prepositional object [D2b]

Types of verb complementation 1209

The indirect object is normally animate and is the recipient or beneficiary of the process described by the verb (ef 1019) Unlike ditransitive verbs of category [D 1] (eg give) ditransiti ve verbs with prepositional objects nonually have only one passive

We addressed our remarks to the children [D2a] - Our remarks were addressed to the children (The children were addressed our remarks (toraquo

W e reminded him of the agreement [D2bl - He was reminded of the agreement (The agreement was reminded him (of)

-1 Sorne verbs have a11 three possibilities of construction in the active many have two forothers there is only one possibility (in sorne cases the alternatives are not identical but very similar in meaning)

tel [01 + 2a + 2b]

1

offer [01 + 2a] 1

envy [01 + 2b] I

wish [01]

bamefD2a + 2b]

say [D2a]

warn [D2b]

Mary told only John the secret DI] Mary told the secret only to John [D2a] Mary told only John about the secreto [D2b]

John offered Mary sorne help [DI] John offered sorne help to Mary [D2a]

She envied John his success [DI] She envied Johnfor his success [D2b]

They wished him good luck [DI]

Helen blamed the divorce on John rD2al Helen blamed Johnfor the divorce [D2bj

Why didnt anybody say this to me [D2a] I

Mary warned John ofthe dangers [D2b) I

The different constructional possibilities of certain verbs provide a means of achieving different focus (cfI837f) Compare the fo11owing pairsofsentences as pronounced with unmarked (end) focus

Mary blamed the broken vase on IOHN Mary blamed John for the broken VAacuteSE

(ef John was blamed by MARY)

The government supplied blankets for the HOMEless The government supplied the homeless with BLANKets

(ef Blankets were supplied by the Goacutevernment)

Note [al The aboye constructions are presented in the most typical syntactic ordering but postshyponernent of the direct or iacutendirect object may take place in contexts where end-focus or endshyweight is required (cf1837) eg John offered lO Mary Ihe help thal she needed [b] Additional prepositional verb patterns should be briefly mentioned There is for example the double-prepositional-verb pattern noted in 1617(c)

1210 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1211

1657

1 am applying lo the hospitalor ajobo There is a further possibility that two prepositional objects may follow a diacuterect object

We are paying $100 lo the garage for the repairs

Verbs of complementation types ID1 and [D2 The following list gives sorne of the verbs that occur in Types [DI] [D2aJ [D2b] organized aeeording to the cross-classifications of 1656 aboye We are interested here only in synonymous or nearly synonyrnous constructions in which the same participant roles (ef lO18jJ) oceur Hence many possible prepositional verbs are ignored Pay for for example is ignored because it introduces a further participant (the commodity bought) not incuded in pay (with) and pay (to)

Table 1657

Type [DI) Type [D2a] Type[D2b]

EXAMPLE serve (Jaek scampi) serve (searnpi) serve (Jack) to (Jack) with (scampi)

[DI + 2a + 2b) pay payto pay with provide (AmE) providefor provide with serve serve to serve with tel tell to tell about

[DI + 2a) (l) bring bring to den deny to give give lo

grant gram to hand hand to leave leave tofor lend lend to offer offer to owe oweto promise promiseto read read lo send send to show show to teaeh teaeh to throw throw to

(ii) do doacutefor find findfor make makefor order order for reserve reservefor save savefor spare sparefor

(iii) ask askof

1658

[DI + 2b]

[Di]

[D2a + 2b]

[D2a]

[D2b)

envy excuse forgive

allow eharge fine refuse wish

blameon supply forto

address to announee to eommunieate to explain to sayto

envyfor exeusefor forgivefor

blamefor supply with

advise about punishfor etc

The membership of[D2b] is numerous Here are further examples arranged by prepositions

thankfor eonvineeof robof refer to preventfmm depriacutevenf ltuspee f 9f sentenee to proleet from informof warnof subject ro imerest in persuadeof congratulate on treat to aecuseof relieveof confine to charge with convictof remindof introduce to compare with

Note that reflexive verbs (cf 625) sometirnes oecur with a prepositional object eg We pride ourselves on the serviee we ofler Sorne of the verbs abo ve (such as compare with) ean have two inanimate objects

In Table 1657 we have distinguished under[Dl + 2a] verbs taking to as their preposition from those takingfor eg

(i) She sent Paul a present She sent a present to Paul (ji) She made Paul a meaL She made a mealfor Paul

Occasionally a preposition other than to and for oceurs in this function

OiO She asked Paul a favour She asked a favour ofPaul

Distinct from [D2aJ and [D2bJ aboye is a kind of prepositional verb which has already been discussed in 167-8 a verb for which the direet object forms part of an idiomatic unit with the verb and the preposition The syntactic properties of this type which we label (D2e] have already been dealt with and it is enough here to list a further sample ofsueh idioms

1212 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1213I I

eateh siacuteght of make allowanee for put a stop to give place to make fun of set jire to give way to make afuss overabout take aeeount Ofl keep pace with make roomfor take advantage ojI lose sight of make use ojI take eare of 1

lose toueh with pay attention to 1 take note ojI lose traek of put an end to take notice ojI

Those marked with a raised 1 can take not only a prepositional passive (ef 167-8) but also can easily take a passive for which the idiomatically-fixed direct object beco mes subject eg (Some) allowanee was made for loss of eamings (Little) notiee was taken of this evento Other verbs can take the passive but with greater difficulty with these examples as with prepositional verbs in general idiomatic cohesion is a matter of gradience

Variants of ditransitive complementation

ID3J Indirect object + that-cIause object 1659 Corresponding to monotransitive verbs ofType [B3] (efI630) are ditransiti ve

verbs for which the direct object is a that-clause

John eonvinced me (that) he was right ~ I was eonvineed (by John) (that) he was right

The second passive is unacceptable when the direct object is a clause That he was right was eonvineed me Thus the first passive (ef 1655) above is the only passive that can occur with this pattern With sorne verbs such as eonvinee above it is impossible to delete the noun phrase object

John conviucJ (lhat) he was riguiacute

With other verbs such as show the indirect object is optional

The professor of mathematics showed me that Pythagoras was mistaken ~ The professor of mathematics showed that Pythagoras was

mistaken

Ditransitive verbs followed by a that-clause may be divided into a subtype introducing an indirect statement and a subtype introducing an indirect directive (ef 1433) In the indirect statement the that-clause contains an indicative verb in the indirect directive the verb may be indicative or subjunctive and often contains putative should or another modal verb (ef 1632 for the distribution ofthese options)

INDIRECT STATEMENT

May 1 inform you that your order is ready for eolleetion INDIRECT DIRECTIVE

mightbeShe petitioned the king that her father ~ould be pardoned

In the following list Type (i) verbs introduce indirect statements and Type (H) verbs introduce indirect directives The indirect directive construction is

rare and formal in comparison with the similar infinitive construction (ef 1663)

WOUldI begged her that she should help ltformal) 1 begged her to help ltmore usual)

For those verbs marked O the indirect object is obligatory foc those marked (O) the indirect object is optional for those marked laquoOraquo the indirect object is not only optional but unusual

(i) advise (O) remindO (iiacute) ask3 laquoOraquo assureO satisfyO beg3 (O) bet (O) show3 (O) eharge (O) eonvineeO teaeh3 (O) eommand laquoOraquo forewarn (O) tellO iacutenstruet laquoOraquo informO wager(O) order laquoOraquo notify 3 O warn (O) petition3 (O) persuadelO write2bull 3 (O) tellO promise3 (O)

The superscripts are interpreted as follows

1 Persuade in the sense ofconvince belongs to Type (i) but it may also be used in a Type (iiacute) sense of persuade someone to do something

2 Write is found with an indirect object + that-clause especially in AmE 3 With verbs so marked the indiacuterect object can be replaced by a

prepositional object (ef 1660)

Note Superficially similar W the [D3] pallern is lhe impersonal construction Iacutef strikeslstruck me (Ihal) asin

It strikes me this work is for his own amusement But here the Ihal-c1ause (as in 1634) is the extraposed subject of the verbo Compare He strikes me as (cf1646 Note [el) and lt occursto me that (cfI634 Note [e))

ID3prl Prepositionalobject + that-cIause object 1660 The verbs marked 3 in the aboye list can be optionally followed by a

preposition thus forming a category similar to [D2a] in 1656

He promised laquoto) me) that the debt would be repaid

For most verbs of [03] which permit a prepositional object the preposition is to

He wrote to me He reported to me that etc

Exceptions are ask and beg which (in somewhat formal usage) are followed by the preposition of

I askbegofyou that you will keep this secret ltformal)

There is in addition a group of verbs which were classified in 1631-32 as monotransitive but which optionally allow the preposition to preceding a prepositional object These may be distinguished as Type [D3pr] and subdivided into sub-types (i) and (iacutei) as in the paraUel description of [B3] verbs

1214 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Joan mentioned (to me) that her father was siacuteck [Type (O] Or Oay recommended (to her) that the treatment be continued [Type (ii)]

For elample

(i) acknowledge declare remark (ji) propose admit explain repon recommend announce mention say suggest complain pointout signal eoness prove state

As before Type (i) verbs introduce indirect statements and the less numerous Type (ii) verbs introduce indirect directives As befare too sorne exceptional verbs take a preposition other than to

She demanded ome that She agreed with me that etc

Unlike the nonprepositional verbs of [03] these prepositional verbs alow the that-c1ause to become subject of a corresponding passive clause an option which is more acceptable with extraposition

That several ministers are resigning has been admitted to our correspondent ~ It has been admitted to our correspondent that several ministers

are resigning It has been shown to us al that Miss Jones was innocent

Without the preposition ie with an ordinary indirect object such sentences are at best marginally grammatical 1It has been shown us al that Miss Jones was innocent

~~otc The constructions of lt appc-siexclappe(~iexclcfurseems ro me ha slipclfidaly appear ti) bclvuumlg to the paltero [D3prl but in faet these contain monotransitive verbs with an extraposed tnatshyelause as subject

It occurredlseemed to me that he was Iying esimilar patteros with extraposition in 1634 1659 Note

ID4) Indirect object + finite wh-c1ause object 1661 This pattern of complementatiacuteon is primarily found with the verb ask which

introduces a reported question

John asked me what time the meeting would end ~ 1 was Gsked (by John) what time the meeting would end

AIso used with this pattern are verbs which take an indirect object followed by a that-clause (Type (i) of [03]) but for these the wh-clause tends to be limited 10 nonassertive contexts (cf1635) Compare

George didnt tell them that the train was late [1] George didn t tel them whether the train was late [21

The difference of meaning between the that- and whether-constructiacuteons can be stated in terms of presupposition Sentence [1] typically implies that the train was late while [2] is noncommittal on the matter [04] verbs can also introduce other question words such as where and how

Tvpes of verb complementation 1215

Jim was reluctant to inform us (o) where he got the money Would you remind me (about) how we start the engine

A preposition may always be placed before the wh-c1ause In the aJiexclove cases the prepositiacuteon is optional but in the case of verbs like enquire o (Type [04prJ) the preposition is obligatory iexcl enquired ofthe clerk which doeuments were needed The complex preposition as to can be rather general1y used for introducing the wh-clause eg I enquired as to which documents were needed

[D5) Indirect object + wh-infinitive clause object 1662 This is yet another complementation pattern (comparable with [B5] 1637)

which may be taken by sorne verbs listed under[03] in 1659

advise ask instruct remind show teach tell wam

The instructor taught us how lo land saely - We were taught (by the instructor) how to land saely

They advised him what lO wear in the tropies Please remind me where to meet you afier lunch

The equivalent prepositional verb pattern [05pr] is iIIustrated by suggest to recommend to

Could you please suggest to the visitors which museums to visit

Here as in the [04] type a prepositional phrase introduced by as lO can be used

Helen advised us (as to) how to maintain the machine

f~ iexcl llt ~- I ~ i ~

~i ~ ~~

1663 ID61lndirect object + to-infinitive clause object We have seen that the [03] pattern may be used to introduce indirect statements and that the [04] pattern may be used to introduce indirect questions Now we tuen to the verbs of class [06] which introduce indirect directives (c1433)

1 lOldjadvisedjpersuaded Mark to see a doctor ~ Mark was toldjadvisedjpersuaded to see a doctor

[I] [2]

This complementation category looks like those of[B81 and [C5] in that the verb is followed by a noun phrase and an infinitive construction But the [06] pattern differs from these in that the noun phrase following the verb is an indirect object as will be c1arified in 1666 below As with other verbs introducing indiacuterect speech the subject refers to the speaker of sorne speech act and the indirect object refers to the addressee Like [03] verbs [06] verbs form only the first passive exemplified in [2] above we do not find To see a doctor was lOld Mark The folowing verbs belong to this c1ass

advise command entreat instruct remind teach ask counsel exhort invite request1 tell beg detai[l orbid order recommend urge beseech direct implore persuade challenge enjoin 1 incite l prayl

1216 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Those verbs marked with araised 1 do not have the equivalent construction with a that-clause containing a modal or a subjunctive verb (Types [B3(ii)J [030i)]) Contrast

They ~eg~tedd her to stay another week mm e

They ~eKgtedd (her) that she would stay another week mm e

The alternative that-clause construction however is more formal especially when the indirect object is presento

Note [a] The verb promire when it occurs wiacuteth this kind of complementation is exceptional in that the understood subject of the infinitiacuteve is identified with the subject rather than with the object of the maiacuten c1ause

Sarn prornised me to get some rood

= Sam promised me that he would get sorne roed o Sam promised me that lwould get sorne roed

The present pattern [D6] iexcls however less cornmon with promise than the [B6] pattern without the indiacuterect object Sam promised to get someiexclood lb] Only ordercan be followed by a passive infinitive He ordered Ihem lo be impriacutesonedlreleased

Multiple analysis and gradience in verb complementation 1664 Before we leave verb classification it is important to reflect on the problems

of dividing verbs into complementation types The major division of complementation patterns into copular [AJ monotransitive [BJ complex transitive [C] and ditransitive [OJ categories (introduced in 216) has been extended with little difficulty te include patterns in which the verbs ccmplementation includes finite and nonntildenitc clauses This is the basis rOiacute

the classification Qf verbs into types in 1620-63 aboye But unavoidably our aim of presenting a clear classification has obscured sorne problems of gradience and multiple analysis (e 260ff) and to illustrate these we return to three superficially iacutedentical structures aIread y discussed in 1636 These are now illustrated with three new examples each of which conforms to the pattern NI V N 2 to V N 3 (where N = noun phrase and V = verb phrase)

Table L664a

V N2 to V NJNI

[B8] S V O

We like all parents to visit the schooL

I [1]

[C4] Is V O Co

They James therace I [2]

[D6] I S Oiexcl

We I asked I the students I toattend

Ia lectu~en_~

Types of verb complementation 1217

Each ofthese sentences consists ofthe sequence Niexcl V N 2 to V N 3 and yet we have analysed them respectively as monotransitive (S V O) complex transitive (S V degCol and ditransitiacuteve (S V Oiexcl 0d) A different analysis in sorne ways more revealing would recognize an overlap between two competing descriptions of the intennediacuteate noun phrase N2 There is little doubt that in [1 J this is to be analysed as subject of the infinitive clause (e 1636) whereas in [3J there are equally strong reasons for regarding N as (indirect) object of the main clause (e 1666)

Smiddot V S V O 1shyI I

I I ISmiddot V 0 V OI I I I I iexcl I I I I I I I I I iexcl

NI V Nz 10 V NJ NI V N2 lo V N) I I I I

Fig 1664b Sentence[l] Fig 1664c Sentence [3J

Sentence [2J however partakes ofboth these descriptions From the semantic point of view it requires the analysis of Fig 1664b (ef They expeeted [that James would win the race]) But from the structural point of view the analysis in Fig 1664c is more appropriate reflecting N2s ability to become subject of the passive sentence James was expeeted to win the raee We might reasonably say that in [2J N 2 behaves like an object (0 rather than Oiacute) in relation to the first verb but like a subject in relation to the second infinitive verh Tbe term RAISED OBJECT applied in 1649ffto the intermediate noun phrase of patterns [C4 - Cn incorporates yet another way of recognizing this double analysis by envisaging a process whereby the subject of the infinitive becomes the object of the preceding finite verbo This raised object will be symbolized in what follows SO

1665 Given that the double analysis aboye provides sorne insight into clauses containing nonfinite complementation we could take such an analysis further and apply it to aH complex transitive patterns including the more straightforward SVOC and SVOA pattems of[Cl - C3]

that John is a good driver lB3J 1consider John to be a good driver [C4]

John a good driver [C2]

The paraHelism of meaning and phrasal relations demonstrated in these three sentences recommends an analysis in which the complementation of pattern [C2J John a good driver would be regarded as a clause in its own right ie as a verbless clause consisting of S = John and Cs = a good driver without an intervening V This description would not however displace the by now familiar S V Od Co analysis but would rather be seen as an alternative way of looking at the same construction

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1218 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Gradience 1666 The teehnique of multiple analysis stiU leaves some subtletiacutees unexposed

What this teehnique has suggested is that there are the folowing three eategories eorresponding to [1 in 1664

N 2 S We like all parenls to visit the school [1) N2 = SO They expeeted James to win the raee [2] Nz = O We asked Ihe sludents to attend a leeture

But more than three eategories ean be appropriately distinguished if we reeognize [1) and [3] as end-points of a gradient with [2) at some point on the seate between them This area of grammar affords a good example of gradienee

At the monotransitive end of the seale [I) ean be characterized by a number of criteria whieh suggest that N 2 to V N3 (al parents to visit the school) constitutes the direct object of an SVO pattern

(a) It ean be replaced by a pronoun referring to the cIause or noun phrase nominalizing it We like it We like al parens visits

(b) It can be an answer to a what-question A What do you like best

B We like al parents to visit the school (e) In some dialects it can be preceded by the infinitive clause introdueer

for We like (it)for all parens to visit the school (d) It ean easily (when preeeded by for) be the focus of a pseudo-cIeft

sentence What we like (best) is for al parents to visit the school (e) When the sequenee N 2 to V N 3 is turned into the passive form N 3 to be

Vedz by Nz there is no ehange ofmeaning We ike aIl parents to visit the sehcel

= We like the school te be visited biexcl al parents (f) In a reduced construetion the infinitive marker to remains We like them

does not have the same meaning as We like them to

At the other ditransitive end of the seale a eontrasting set of criteria eharaeterize [3) and support the analysis of N2 (the students) as an indireet object and to V N3 (to attend a lecture) as a cIausal direet objeet

(a) 10 V N 3 ean be replaced by a pronoun a noun phrase or a finite clause with Nz still funetioning as indireet object

SOmething We asked the students a question

what they wanted

(b) 10 V N 3 can be the answer to a wh-question while N2 funetions as indirect object

A What did you ask the students B We asked them to attend a lecture

(e) When the sequenee N2 to V N3 is turned into the passive sequence N3 to be Ved2 by N 2 the meaning is always changed

They asked the students to attend a leeture They asked a lecture to be attended by the students

this case indeed the passive transform results in an absurdity)

Types of verb complementation 1219

(d) to V N 3 can marginally become the focus of a pseudo-cleft sentence What they asked the students was to attend a lecture (Contrast the decidedly unaeeeptable What we like the parents is to visil the school)

(e) Nz which like Oi in general is usually personal can be detached from its place after the first V to beeome subjeet of a eorresponding passive sentenee The students were asked to attend a lecture

(n In a reduced eonstruction the infinitive marker to ean be omitted We asked them We persuaded them etc

Note [a] With some ditransitive verbs criterion (a) has to be interpreted as the replacement of the infinitive clause by a preposition and prepositional object (cfI656-8)

They reminded hiacutem ofhis responsibiacutelities One man challenged the other lo a duel

[b] Criterion (d) is less reliacuteable than the others since the pseudo-cleft sentence is unacceptable for many verbs But a pseudo-cleft sentence in which the indirect object is replaced by a prepositional object tends to be more grammatical Whal Ihey asked ollhe sludenls was lO attend a leclure (The alternative construction with the substitute verb do which also occurs with [1] is always more acceptable What Ihey asked Ihe students lo do was lO attend a lecture)

1667 To give a simplified illustration of the analysis of gradience in the sequence NI V N 2 to V N 3 we now take a subset ofthe eriteria listed aboye and apply them to a range of verbs on the gradient eonneeting [1] and [3] of 16_66

(1) (3) (4)(2) wantask elect intend

CRITERIA likeallow expectlel~ etc I etc etc etc~ (a) lo V N 3 can be replaeed by - - -+a finite clause

(e) ehange of meaning in passive -+ +of N 2 10 VN3

(e) N 2 can beeome subjeet of passive -+ ++

Fig 1667 A eomplementatiacuteon gradient

The matrix uses only three criteria and thereby distinguishes only four categories This is sufficient to indicate the principie however that the three categories [BS] [C4] and [D6) of our taxonomy eould be broken down iexclnto a finer spectrum of eategories between which the differences are small In effeet Fig 1667 distinguishes two subeategories of [C4] one (including elect and allow) whieh is c10ser to the ditransitive type and one (including inlend and expect) eloser to the monotransitive type Elect and allow respond to cri terion (e)

They elected Miss Coe to suceeed the present seeretary They elected the present seeretary to be sueceeded by Miss Coe

We dont allow residents to entertain visitors We dont allow visitors to be entertained by residents

1220 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

while intend and expeet do not

They intended the students to see the professor = They intended the professor to be seen by the students

They expeet the students to enjoy the classes = They expeet the classes to be enjoyed by the students

Note Por verbs in group (3) the voice oflhe infinitive clause and the voiceofthe main clausemay be independently varied with the result Ihat a SlIacutentence like They expected the students lo enjoy lile classes has tbree corresponding passiv~s with iexclhe same meaning

They expected the classes to be enjoyed by the students The students were expecled lo enjoy the classes

The classes were expected lo be enjoyed by the students

The last example has a passive verb phrase in both the superordinate clause and Ihe infinitive clame

Adjective complementation

168 Categories of complementation in adjective phrases (ef 228 721-2) are similar in variety to those ofverb complementation We distinguish [El-ES)as follows

[El] Complementation by a prepositional phrase [E2] Complementation by a that-clause [E3] Complementation by a wh-clause

i[E4) Complementation by a than-clause [ES] Complementation by a to-infinitive clause [E6] Complementation by an -ing participle clause

These complementation patterns can occur after an adjective (andmiddot its modifiers if any) in various syntactic functions For example

The violiacuten iacutes (rather) difficut to play (adjective phrase as CJ

Mary found the violiacuten (rather) diffieut to play (adjective phrase as CJ

The violiacuten is an instrument (rather) diffieult to play (adjective phrase as postmodifier)

The on1y posiacutetion in which an adjective cannot normally be followed by iacutets complementation is the premodifying position in a noun phrase a keen child on ehess But here too with certain constructions (Types [ES(iraquo) and [ES(v)D the complementation can follow discontinuously after the head noun The violiacuten is a diffieult instrument to play (ef discontinuity with comparative constructions IS75) For illustrative purposes we will confine examples in the following sections to the subject complement function The lists like the verb lists in 1620-63 will be selective

Adjective complementation 1221

Note There is a considerable parallel as the categories [El-ES] aboye demonstrate between patterns associated with adjectives and those associated with monotransitive verbs The chief difference is that adjectives cannot be followed by a noun phrase object To bring out the parallel further we could describe adjectives exemplified in 1669 below (averse to conscous oJ etc) as prepositional adjectives comparable with prepositional verbs We could moreover identify phrasal adjectives (derived from participiaI forms ofphrasal verbs) such as ron down (exhausled depressed) and phrasaI-prepositionaI adjectives such as fed up (with) These tatter variants however are rare enough lo be disregarded in the foUowing lists

[E1] Adjective complementation by a prepositional phrase 1669 Like prepositional verbs adjectives often forro a lexical unit with a following

preposition good atfond oj opposedto etc The lexical bond is strongest with adjectives for which in a given sense the complementation is obligatory Max is averse to games Max is averse Such adjectives are marked 1 in the following lists

The lists make a distinction between participial (ef 715-19) and nonparticipial adjectives The differencebetween participial adjectives and the -ed participle of the passive construction is discussed in 375-77 These lists provide on1y a small sample of the adjectives accompanying the prepositions concemed In particular it is often possible for the same adjective to go with two or more prepositions as in angry about angry at and angrywith

ABOUT He was very worried about her reaction (ef960)

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

angry knowledgeabe aggrieved frightened glad mad annoyed pleased happy reasonable delighted worried

AT She was badat mathematics (ef962)

NONP ARTICIPIAL P ARTlCIPIAL

angry good alarmed disgusted brilliant hopeless amusedmiddotmiddot pleased elever terrible delighted puzzled

FROM Thevillage is remotefromthe bustle ofcity life (ef918 947)

different distant distinct free remo te

OF She was aware ofhis difficulties

NONPARTlCIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

eonvineed ashamed empty proud1 afraid conseiousl glad

seared eapable fond 1 short1 tired certain full worthy

ONUPON Their plan was based on cooperation

NONPARTICIPIAL IPARTICIPIAL

contingent1 intent1 reliantl basedl set1

dependent keen severe hentl

Yiexcl

1222 Complementation of verbs and adjectives ~ Adjective complementation 1223

Note lal In general choice of preposilion remains the same after morphologicalIy related verbs adjectives and nouns differentftom differ from differencefrom But Ihis eorrespondence is not always lo be relied on contrastfull ofwilhfilied wllh proudofwith pride in lb] Other prepositions whieh less comrnonly enlee into adjective + prepositlon idioms iexclnelude for and lowards graleful for sorry for inclined towards le] Usedfollowed by the preposition lO a more informal synonym ofaccustomed(to) is participial in spelling but has the speeial pronuneiation nus~ Unlike accustomed however used does not oceur with a following infinitive (ef 1679) This adjeetival used to in spite of identity of spelling and pronunciation is quite distinet from used lO as a marginal modal (cf344) Contrast

Im used lO hard work I used ro work hard Id] In the past prescriptive objeetions have been made to the use of to ralher Ihan from after averse and different Howevee ro is the normal preposition to fol1lt11 averse and differenr 10 is quite widely used (esp in BrE) as an altemative lo differentfrom On iJifferent rhan cf1566 Note 1674

le] Wilh can be omitted after (fn)compalibie if the subject is plural cfmutual participation 1360

middotCarl is incompatible OUT Cad and Eva are incompatible

[E2] Adjective complementation by a that-clause 670 Like that-clauses following a verb that-clauses folIowiacuteng an adjective may

have

(A) indicative verb 1am sure (that) he is here now (B) subjunctiacuteve verb They were insistent (that) we be ready (formal) (C) putativeshould Im sorry (that) he should hove left ltformal)

The uses of the mandative subjunctive and of putative should have been discussed in 359 and 1425 respectiacutevely Putative should often occurs after expressions of emotion (sorrowjoy displeasure surprise wonder etc) and is often accompanied by intensifying expressions such as so such like thisl that ever or at all The indicative that-clause on the other hand refers to an established fact The foHowing pairs illustrate choices of construction

1 (that) 1 have to leave so early am sorry (that) you should have been (so) inconvenienced

(that) you didnt call the doctor before 1 am surprised (that) anyone ofyour intelligence should swallow a tie

likethat

With some adjectives (those in category [E2b(iiacute)] 1672) the should-clause can be paraphrased by an infinitive clause with a subject

It was natural for him to go to London after the war = It was natural that he should go to London after the war

That-clauses cannot be preceded by preposiacutetions Hence adjectives which are constructed with prepositions before noun phrases ([El]) drop the preposition before a that-clause (cfI628) Compare the folIowing

OfhiS innocence [E1 ] 1am convlnced (th ) h t [E2]at e IS mnocen

Many that-clauses folIowing an adjective are actualIy subjects postponed by extraposition (cf1833)

lt is lucky (that) you came - That you came is lucky

These are listed separately in 1672

lEla) Adjectives with experiencer (cflO23 Note) as subject 1671 (i) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATIVE VERB ONL Y (cfNote [a] below)

These adjectives express degrees of certainty or confidence aware certain corifident sure

We were corifident that Karen was stiacutell alive

(ii) THAT-CLAUSE HAS PUTATIVE SHOULD OR SUBJUNCTIVE VERB

(or marginally aloo an indicative verb) The three principal adjectives in this class are anxious eager and willing

he should be permitted to resiacutegn 1 Are you willing that he be permitted to resign 1

1he is permitted to resign 1 ~

(On the distribution of these three altematives cfI630)

(iH) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATIVE VERB OR PUTATIVE SHOULD

These adjectives express emotions

Im so thankful that nobody was hurto Were you surprised that Ray should win the prize

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

afraid hopeful alarmed depressed horrified angry proud amazed disappointed irritated glad sad amused distressed pleased grateful sorry annoyed disturbed shocked happy tha7lkful astonished frightened upset

There is a tendency to prefer the putative should construction in nonassertive contexts or where the adjective has negative or unfavourshyable associations

TO AH capital gains are subject to taxation NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

answerable close liableacute accustomedl

averse l due1 simz1ar allied1I WiTH This plan is not compatible with our princiacuteples

NONPARTICIPIAL I PARTICIPIAL

angry busy

happy impatient

annoyed bored

ClJmfortable incompatible1 concerned compatibleacute sick delighted content familiar friendly furious

uneasy depressed disappointed disgusted dismayed distressed

inclined1

opposed1

drunk enchanted obsessed occupied overcome pleased satisfied taken1

1672

1224 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Adjective complementatlon 1225

Note [a] The restriction oC Type (i) above lo indicative verbs only is meant to allow Cor the use of T

Note [a] Although tlle pro-forms so and n01 cannot be used after tllese [E2bI adjectives (ef 1671modal auxiliaries including should in a nonputative sense eg I am a~are that I should [= ought 1lo] havejoined longago iexcl Note [bJ) there iexclsa possibilityofreplacing the adjective + solnat by a related adverb + sonot

[b) Afraid is unique among adjectives in that it accepts the pro~oun so (and iexclts negative equivalent Mt) as a that-clause substitute (cfI631) rm afraid SOMI

IElbJ Adjectives with anticipatory it as subject

The that-elause in this eonstruetion is an extraposed subjeet Three types are again distinguished matehing those in 167l

(i) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATlVE VERBONLY (cfI671 Note CaD These adjectives have to do with truthor knowledge

It is true that she never cemes on time

apparent evident likely possible untrue certain implicit obvious true well-known clear indubitable plain unlikely

(ji) THAT-CLAUSE HAS PUTATIVIl SHOULD OR SUBJUNCTIVE VERB (or marginshyaIly also an indicative verb) These adjectives express eoncepts concerned with modality or volition

should be lifted tomorrow It is essential that the ban be lifted tomorrow

(1) is lifted tomorrow

appropriate essentiacuteal important necessary vital compulsory fitting impossible obligatoryshycrucial imperative improper proper

Various deverbal adjectives ending in -able also belong to this group egadvisable desrabIe preferable

(iii) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATlVE VERB OR PUTATIVE SHOULD

This group consists mainly of emotive adjectives and ineludes a large num ber ofparticipial ad jecti ves ending in -ing

Itmiddot strange th t She is so late IS upsetting a she should be so late

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTlCIPIAL

awkward logical alarming perplexing curious odd annoying pleasing disastrous peculiar depressing shocking dreadful sad disappointing surprising extraordinary silly embarrassing fortunate tragie frightening iexclrrational unfortunate irritating

Various -able-ible adjectives also be10ng tp this group admirable eommendable deplorable despieable incomprehensible inconceivable lamentable remarkable understandable unjustifiable etc

ha h l Id l h B Yes obviouslyfortunately soA 1 t IS apparentt t s e IVes oesn t Ive ere B N J I I di t o event y sa y no [b] When an adjective ofType (iii) above occurs after a modal verb construction the that-clause is commonly replaced by an if-clause If the modal verb in the main c1ause is hypothetical (eg would) the verb in the ifmiddotdause is placed in tlle hypothetical pasto Compare

It is sad that you have to leave It will be sad ifyou hove to lea ve

It would be sad ifyou had lo lea ve

[E3] Adjective complementation by a wh-clause 1673 As with that-clauses we have to distinguish those adjeetives ([E3a]) which

are predicated of an experieneer (normalIy a person) as subject and those ([E3bD which go with antieipatory it In the latter case the wh-clause is an extraposed subject Examples are

(onwhat 1should sayo [1]E3a 1was unsure[ 1 (about) whether the problem was solved [2]

[E3b] It was unclear what they would do [3]

Type [E3a1 consists of adjectives which are constructed with prepositions and whieh therefore belong also to Type [EI1 The preposition is sometimes omitted before the wh-clause (ef155 Note reD In Type [E3b] on the other hand no preposition can be inserted bull It was uneear ofabout what lhey would do AIso no infinitive wh-cIause is possible (ef i637) It is unsure where to go is unacceptable unless it refers to sorne aniacutemate being (sueh as a mouse) and is consequently not interpreted in terms of extraposition

Retuming to Type [E3a] we note that in sorne cases the adjective takes a wh-elause in assertive eontexts eg eareful (about) doubtful (as to) fussy (about) puzzled (as to) uneear (about) uncertain (o) undecided (about) unsure (0) unaware (o)

John is careul (about) what he does with his money

Most of these adjeetives are intrinsiealIy negative In meaning In other cases although elsewhere it is associated with an indicative that-clause [E2a(i)] the adjective tends to oceur with a wh-cIause in nonassertive contexts (efI635) eg aware certain eear sure

Are you sure (o) how mueh the maehine costs 1wasnt altogether cleaiexcl- (about) what we had to do

A similar division may be made among adjectives of the antieipatory-it type ([E3b]) Those whieh intrinsieally express doubt and therefore take this strueture even in assertive contexts include doubtful uneertain uneear unsure and unknown Those normally oceurring with an indieative that-elause (le Type [E2b(i)]) inelude apparent eertain obvious and plain They can take a wh-cIause in nonassertive contexts Each type is illustrated in

It was uneear whether an amendment would be accepted It was not obvious how far the westernization process would IO

~ltgt ~~~1~ 1 -~ Adjective complementation 1227

1226 Complementation of verbs and adjectives iexcl

After adjectives of Type [E3a] there may also occur an infinitive wh-clause 1 was uncertain (oi) what to do This is preferable to the finite c1ause in cases illustrated by [1-3] aboye since the subject can remain unexpressed in the reduced nonfinite version

[E4] Adjective complementation by a than-clause 1674 There is an unusual construction in which a noncomparative adjective is

foIlowed by a comparative than-clause as complementation Different is the only adjective which fits into this pattero and even then there is a tradition which regards the use of than here as impropero There is however no felicitous alternative to the different than construction in examples such as

Shes quite a different girl than she wasfilie years ago [11 The various styliacutestic variants of and alteroatives to the than-clause after different are examined in 1566 Note lb] When the c1ause is reduceacuted to a noun phrase it becomes possible to usefrom as an alternative to than

The unions are taking a very different attitude ~ the employers

When the noun phrase folIowing thanffrom cannot be derived by ellipsis from a c1ause than is decidedly less acceptable thanfrom

The main languages of southern India are totaIly different In origin

~~~ those ofthe northern partofthe country

Note [al On differenlrom and different 10 1669 Note [dI [bj It is aloo possible for a Ihan-c1ause to be used after he adverb difilrently

In the west of the country they pronounce their vowels quite aifferently han (they do) in the easl

The same prescriptive objections are made to differenlly Ihan as to different Ihan

[E5] Adjective complementation by a to-infinitive clause [675 We distinguish seven kinds of construction in which an adjective is foIlowed

by a to-infinitive c1ause They are exemplified in the following sentences which are superficially alike

Bob is splendid to wait (ii) Bob is slow to react

(iii) Bob is sorry to hear it (iv) Bob is hesitant to agree with yOU (v) Bob is hard to convince

(vi) The food is ready to eat (vii) lt is important to be accurate

In Types (i-iv) the subject of the main clause (Bob) is also the subject of the infinitive c1ause We can therefore always have a direct object in the infinitive clause if its verb is transitive Por example if we replace intransitive wait by transitive build in (i) we can have Bob is splendid to build this house

Por Types (v-vii) on the other hand the subject of the infinitive is unspecified although the contextoften makes clear which subject is intended

In these types it is possible to insert a subject preceded by for eg in Type (vi) The food is ready (jOr Ihe children) to eat

Infinitive complementation following adjectives modified by lOO and enQugh is discussed eIse Note where in 1S73

(ES(i)) Bob is Iplendid to wait Type (i) has an analogue in a construction involving extraposition (cf1833)1676 1t is splendid of Bob lo wait This type OC construction also permits a head noun between the adjective and the infinitive

Bob must be a spiendid craftsman ~ ~~bUilt this house

As this example shows the infinitive may be perfective We may also compare constructions in which an evaluative noun with its determiner

replaces the adjective

ffoolishYourelafool to spend so mucho

WOnderfUl Youre 1 to walt for me anange

Adjectives in this group are evaluative of human beha~iour They inelude

careful crazy mad silly wise careless greedy nice unwise wrong

These adjectives can also occur with anticipatory il and an of-phrase as additional complementation (cf1682)

It was foolish of you to spend so mucho

IE5(Hraquo) Bob is IOW to react In Type (ii) the sentence corresponds to one in which the adjective becomes 1677 an adverbwhile the infinitive becomes the finite verb

Bob is slow to react - Bob reacts slowlyc

In another analogue the adjective is followed by in and an -ing participle Bob is slow in reacting The infinitive verb phrase must be simple for example unlike the inftnitive phrase in [E5(i)] it cannot be perfective Bob is slow ItJ have reacted Other adjectives in this small group are quick and prompt

There is also a partial adverbial analogue (e8127ff) for Type (i) but in Type (i) unlike Type Note (ii) the perfective infinitive andeven the get-passive (e366) can be used

loan was wise to resigno ~ loan wisely resigned loan was careless to get beaten - loan carelessly got beaten

loan is careless to have got beaten

IES(iuumlraquo) Bob is 10rry lo hear it In Type (iexcliexcli) the head of the adjective phrase is an emotive adjective 1678 (commonly a participial adjective) and the infinitive clause expresses

causation

1679

1228 Complementation of verbs end adjectives

Im sorry to have kept you waiting [rm sorry because I have kept you waiting]

1 was exeited to be there [- To be there exeited me]

Adjectives in this group correspond c10sely to the adjectives followed by a that-clause in 1671 (Type [E2a(iii)D

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

afraid angry ashamed content furious glad

happy impatient indignant jubilant thankful

annoyed astonished bored coneerned delighted depressed

disgusted dissatisfied embarrassed fasemated frightened interested

overwhelmed perturbed puzzled relieved surprised worried

disappointed overjoyed

IE5(ivraquo) Boh is heaitant to agree withyou In Type (iv) the head of the adjective phrase expresses volitional meaning or a modal meaning such as ability possibility or liability Examples are

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

able keen determined anxious Iiable disposed apt Iikely [E2b] fated[E2b] eertain [E2b] loath inclined curious powerless poiseddue prone prepared eager ready [E5] (all) set eligible reluetant unqualified fit [ES] sure [E2b] free [ES] unable greedy weleome hesitant willing impotent worthy

The adjectives marked [E2b] occur with a corresponding construction with extraposition of a that-clause

JilI is likely to attend - It is likely that JiU will attend

Those marked [E5] are capable of occurring with an infinitive construction of passive meaning ie with an indefinite implied subject and a coreferential implied object

Theyare not fit to eat = They are not tit to be eaten

Some ofthe most common adjectives in this list have a tendency to coalesce with the preceding copula 10 form a semimiddotauxiliary verb (ef3A7) be able to be willing to be sure to In addition to modal and volitional adjectives some adjectives ofaspectual meaning such as aeeustomed and wont may be placed here

Adjective complementation 1229

We are aecustomedto take teaon the terrace (formal) He was wont to leave the office at 5 pm (formal archaic)

(ES(vraquo) Bob is lard to convince 1680 In Type (v) the subject of the sentence is identified with the unexpressed

object of the infinitive clause which must therefore have a transitive verb hence the unacceptable Bob Is hard to arrive There is an analogous construction in which the adjective is complement to an infinitive c1ause acting as (extraposed) subject (ef 1836)

- To convince Bob is hard Bob IS hard to convmce It is hard to convince Bob

Adjeeacutetives so used refer 10 degrees of ease or comfort and iexclnclude

awkward hard tough (informal) eonvenient impossible trieky (informal) difficult niee (informal) unpleasant easy pleasant

Unless there is ellipsis we cannot omit the infinitive c1ause and so there is no semantic implication between (say) The bread was hard to bake and The bread was hard Unlike the preceding types Type (v) permitsfor + subject to be inserted at the beginning of the infinitive clause Those darts are trieky (for a beginner) to use Where the infinitive has no overt subject its implicit subject is understood to have an indefinite meanihg

Jack is easy 10 fool =Jack is easy for anyone to foo

Note With some adjectives in this group such as nice or unpleasant the entailment relation between be + adjective ro V and be + adjective is less easy lO avoid eg Jenny is nice lo know iacutemplies that Jenny is nice

IE5(viraquo) Thefood is ready to eat 1681 Again in this type the subject of the main clause is identified with the object

of the intinitive c1ause But unlike Type (v) Typemiddot(vi) has no analogous construction with an infinitive clause subject

The food is ready to eat To eat the food is ready

Also we can generally (a) omit the infinitive clause or (b) substitute a passive infinitive clause without change ofmeaning

Are these cups available (to use) = Are these cups available (to be used)

Some adjectives of this type such as availablefitfree ready and suffieient belong additionally 10 Type (iv) so that a sentence like The lamb ia ready to eat is ambiguous in one sense (the most accessible) being equivalent to the passive The lamb is ready to be eaten Then there is a wider set of adjectives which often occur without complementation at all

The air isfrosty (to breathe) Its fur is soft (to touch)

1230 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

In both Type (v) and Type (vi) the subjectofthe main clause can be equated with the prepositional object of the infinitive clause so that the infinitive c1ause ends with a deferred preposition

She is pleasant to talk to (-It is pleasant to talk to her) This paper is terribly flimsy to write on Is the cloth sufficient to make a dress out ol

In Type (vi) as well as in Type (v)for + subjeet may be inserted before the infinitive verb Are these books free (for visitors) to borrow Are these books available to borrow]

(E5(vii)J Jt is important to he accurate 1682 We saw in 1672 that a that-clause following an adjeetive may prove to be a

subjeet postponed by extraposition (ef1833) A to-infinitive clause following an adjeetive may have the same oouree

It is essential to spray the trees every year - To spray the trees every year is essential

The infinitive clause can also be introduced by for + subjeet

It is vital (for the ehildren) to be properly cIad It will be strange (for us) to be living alone

Adjectives ofTypes (ji) and (iii) in 1672 ([E2b]) may have this construction importantJortunate lueky surprising etc Possible also belongs te this group

An addiacutetional group of adjeetives oeeurring after anticipatory it are those adjeetives (ehiefly naming evaluative attributes of persons) whieh occur in pattern [E5(i)] (ef 1676) The adjeetive in this group is often followed byan of-phrase identifying the persones) being discussed

It was wrong (of him) to teIllies iexcli

It is niee ofyou to phone

[E6] Adjective complementation by an -ing participle cfause [683 A number of sub-types ofthis pattem may be mentioned

(i) Busy is followed by an -ing participle clause without subject

Margery is busy writiacuteng Ietters

Worth and worthwhile on the other hand oceur both with and without subjeet

It is seareely worth(while) (youyour) going home

Here worth(while) follows preparatory it and the participle clause is an extraposed subjeet (ef1834) Other adjectives ofthis pattern are pointless and useless (Its pointless buying so mueh food) and adjectives of Type [E2b(iiacutei)J (efl6 72) also sometimes have this complementation absurd awkwardJortunate annoying etc

EIsewhere worth and worthwhile accompany an -ing participle elause without subjeet but with a passive meaning comparable to tbat of the infinitive elause in pattern [E5(v)] (ef1680)

Complementation of abstract nouns 1231

The cartons are worth(while) saving ( Its worth(while) saving the cartens)

(iv) There is a variant eonstruction in whieh a preposition oecurs between the adjective and the participle clause In some cases the preposition is optional (cf(i) aboye)

Im busy (with) getting the house redeeorated Werefortunate (in) having Aunt Mary as a baby-sitter

In other cases the preposition is obligatory We are used to not having a car (cf1669 Note [e]) Im hopeless at keeping the garden tidy Shes not capable oflooking after herself

Note [al The adjectival constructions in (ii) above may be compared in some cases with nominal constructionsof equivalent meaning

ts 110 goaduse telling him anything Theres 110 point (in) telling him anything

8uch constructions are introduced either by anticipatory il (el 1833) or by eltistential there (el 184$) AmE also hu Theres no use telling him anythlng (b) Worthwhlle is sometimes spelled as two words The vacillation between the spellings worthwhile and worth while reflects an unclarity about the status of this sequence which may altematively be regarded as the preposition worth (eI96) followed by a noun Compare

lts not worth your whife staying lts not worlhh whh~e (your) staying worl w 1

Complementation of abstract nouns

1684 In this coneluding section we will show as a conneeting link between this chapter and the next how the pattems of complementation described for verbs and adjectives in 1620-83 are aloo to be found with abstraet nouns which are morphologieally related to those verbs and adjectives (ef nominalization 1751ff and appositional constructions 1726 1735) For example the noun likelihood is derived from and semantically related to the adjective likely It is therefore not surprising that a construction associated with the adjeetive Is found with the corresponding noun

It is likely that Joan will get married [1]

The likelihood is that loan will get married [21 the likelihood that Joan will get married [31

But the assumption of eorrespondence eannot be automatie for it may faiacutel in both direetions

loan is likely to get married Joan s likelihood to get married

It is likely of J oans getting married the likelihood of Joans getting married

------__shyiacute1 11

COMPLEX INTRANSITIVE CONSTRUCTIONS p H MATIHEWS

1 Introduction

In sentences such as [1J

ArR C~Iltiacuteltmiddotli N ([1J Th~deitgreen ~

he construct~oEJ~QLordf JJP~ that GCE850ff describes as 9QMfLEX JRANSITIV~ Ofthe elements in questionit and made are related a~Jn tQllt ~imple transitive

j [2J They made it

YihiJe ir and green a~_~latelasinasimple_ltQI1llar_sentence ( [3] lt is green (- lt

~f the type that following Lyons (l977469ff) raquoe will call ASCRIPTIVE raquouacutet greacuteen- also standsJna direcueJordf9lsJIacuteIL ordm~_iii~de the object and adjective exemplifying a single I2atteIILof VERB COMllEMe~nrJ91 This paUCIDl can be sajd torepresenta IJJS10N (G e E 850) ofJ~ltsimpler transitiv iexcll~J~Jjpiexcly_e_tjPes - _shy

IH~~_sfiE~~Ve can be fused with th~~~tY_e_(lri~alsoP~ fused with theintransitixe1 Insentildetentildeces SUChas[4] -

MI It turned green

~construc~~~~~]y idmtifkQyaacuteth th~ of l3J in both examples the

l]

~ ~ ~ ENGLISH GRAMMAR

verb is described as copularor in the terminology of GCE820f as taking intensive complementation But neither description is quite appropriate to1 both cases In the~ptive sentence there i indeed no mor~than~pYhL~

1 2ampffiMical iP~ betwe~ the adjective and its subject~ plainly this ~ ~ is not true of [4] whose verb TURN has its own specific meaning lf turned~ iacute I is a full verb it must then be the govemor of green as made is in (1) in that

iexcl ~ sense there is cornplernentatjon But we express nothing by assigning such a complernentation to the copula A solution is to c1ass I4] as a COMPLBX

IITMNSITIVE iL~onsect_trJltiordmL being an extension of th~simpleJmransiUacutelLe _shy~ i I5] It turned

j precisely as that of (1) is extended from that of [2)iexcl

2 Fused constructions

Let us take our cue from GCEs referenee to fusionlo the simpl~L =nfu~~~_~~~~~~~)t1ecltgtnstVf1ionconsistso(asingJULeAicJ~tQI(lgde) which in a dependency ana~is has both the subject and the object as its dependents or to adapt G CEs term has both a subjeet and an oJkltt asit complementation lnJhaL~se (2) has a _K1U~~~_~ruetion (Lyons i977) w1jch cannotJiexclJLr~s~Cl9JUnQ(lt_e~mentary relationships of ptediCJJQJkSo too has the simple intransitive (5] vi1ihidepeiioenforior forming the complementation of tumed So too has the simple aseriptive [3] its predicator on the analysis ofLyons and others is the adjective green One reason for relatlng the subject to the adjective is that the elements are jointly subject to selectional restrictions A reason for not relating either to the copula is that the latter stands aside (rom these restrictions adding none ofitsown

In a fused construction the pattem ls neither strictly kernel nor straightforwardly non-kemellnJhegmplex transitive [lL1oth1tan41~Y are again direct ~cngents of made these relatio~_elQ~ the words in FigJbx direC1~ltaI~_uacutela~~I~Qordf-ordfl9blleiexcl)Uumlnamp21uacuteward frollLthe

~d

(aJiquest-Fig 1

[42]

P H Matthew$

p~ed~~ So is green arc el this too being supported by selectional restrictions We are therefore dealing with a single clause rooted in made of which each word is a distinct element But green js a1soapredicator in iexclelation to il (are d)J that wav we are dealing with two kernelp~QlS th~ fuurtermclauseinfQmQrating bothtM_~tuet~[IDJr~JlsitiYlljh~ twoshytenn a~-middot -_shy

In Fig 1 we have diagrammed what any grammarian will propose provided that his terminology or his notational apparatus allow him to say it Iut similar reasonjng applies to the construction which we have called the ~IpJex ln~~-ordfEsitive Of the relationships showninf1g --~~t~~~~_

it turned green

aAacutebJ Fig2

to ir (arcc)_isagainasintheascripJjy~ and needs no further cornment But the final element is clearly suJiexcliect to ru19jtional resr=l~ordmI~ tlTlJRI_ im~~tordm-~~it~~rAUQj~9iY_I9U~l~~ed noun (He turned pink He turned kings eVidence) iQ~~~1lined phrase is exCiuacuteded (He turned arog)

tDle~sthe p~e~~i0rl~lJ9rtn is ~~jordmntildei[qiireifitetuumlmed iexclnto a frog) ~itt G-ordm-1h exdusi(m is abgolule one cannot even say He went into a criminal

f [he adjeqtive is also Iimlted to specific collocations For example one can say It turned sour or Ir went sour but it is harder to accept Ir grew sour 1 Conversely one can say He grew od but not He went od On that evidence

j we may establish a relationship of dependency between green and tumedj (arc b) The verb too can then be related to the subject (arc a)

1 Epgth o~2am~ thefe is one terro ir lVhich is a9~de~~~~t1 theascriptile anCITlieletbalk~m~1 (Fig 1 ares b and d Fig 2 ares a and c) The fusion is then effected by a further link (Fig 1 arc e Fig 2 are b) in which ond of the two predicators een is ineo orat~a~_ ordf d~RendenlO(th~ I re atlon that uirk an4hl~ COU~_~ampI~s-1 jn the case of th complex intransitille hall app1ied the Iean intlaquo=nsve

mmplementatio~gly describe he yaleruLQ(IUN or iexcl l otIllBNinthisuseJuh~int~siYeint[ansitivx But the insight intildeaacute I

alsQ be extended to the complex transitiye In that spirit MAKE or MAKE as

used in sentences such as W might appropriatelL be described ~~_~n_ i ~ntensive transitive -J -bull_--------shy

[43)

ENGLISH GRAMMAR

3 Distinctions between tbe complex intransitive and other partly similar constructions

For a three-term construction Fig 2 shows the maximum number of interconnections with each term related to each of the others The miacutenimum isone thus for the ascriptive (3) we have adopted the structure shown i~

L with l~~E2nd te~~Il2= tlliacuten amaroe~ ordmrS1PP9~g~lexn~~ ~eLClatiacute9D~t~~~~t~first an~~~hir~ But this leaves five other possibilities which in theory might be realized ust as the second element_lt~p~ltmark(r ordfs inEig 3bullKlJQQmgordmHhetordm-iriexcl in thatJ~SiquestOillY

iacutet is green

Fig3

1he_verb vQ1lld_be a predicatorrwithonl)l1he_~ygtject related 10 it This structure does not seem to be realized at least not in away whiacuteCh is -relevant to our analysis Asecond_possibil~iuhatJmly the verb a~ ~~~iexcltiY~L iquestnjgl~~_rell~q in that ca~e bot~redicatoS_w-ordmyldIgt~ impersonal-vUh lh~su~ject a me~m~ce-filler This structure might conceivably be suggested for exampIacuteesmiddotSuumlch as [6]

[6] It got mistier

with a so-called ambient it But although it may indeed be ambient with respect to mistier it need not follow that it is ambient with respect to got

In the remaining cases no element is a marker but there are only two instead of three interconnections Ir there wem no link betw-IlJhe subject ~YMh(Ejg 2 are a) the verb1tSelf would agajn be impersmordf-~ I~ transformational terms its surface subject would be derived by raising (Postal 1974) from a subordinate adjectival clause lf th3ewere no intensiye lipk between the first and second predicators (Fg 2 arWJUlt verb would be a simple intransitive taking just t~_S)lbject as its complementation th~on of tbe adjec1iYtLL~ then be uumlMrn-~0n[7] forexample --- -_~

Eacutel He arrived saber J (~ eacute cc L f ~ 2 f

grammars do not establish an intensive or copular use of ARIUVB Finally

[44]

1 P H Marrhew$

if the ascriQive lik wer~~2ken iacuteEiKbJ~~ f)hHordmjlti~~ment woulordm-no longer bJlta predicaQ~ltiexclHQle wQuldin~teadb~ADVJllqt~iexcl as in 8)

(8) He ran fa~t

There is no doubt that the intensive construction is distinct from the adverbial and that sober in [7] is at least more circumstantial than green in It turned green But the subject-verb relation is more problematic in that a raising transformation has been proposed for one at least of the G C E s intensive verbs Let us therefore take that distinction first

31 Ofthe twenty or so most common intensive verbs (GCE821) SEEM and APPEAR particularly lend themselves to transformational analysis On the evidence of sentences such as [9]

(2) It seemed that they wereamp~e~

_U~naIlJral lo establish an underlying ~~ct~~

J~sIhey were green]~ seemed

irlYhIacutetEw~4)srelate(L1ot to they J~Q9green indhiOacute1lally but to the yiole ascri2tive kernelrom the same structure a sentence such as [10)

[10] They seemed to be green

can then be derived by further transformations of subject raising and infinitive formation Froro the structure reaJized by [Io]lIleare n3tllcalli

~m~ed to derive the comple~_~transiti~euacutell

[u) They seemed gre~

by a further transformation deleting the copuiacutea For SEEM the rules deriving [10] and [u] would both be optional But for

other verbs such as TURN or GO We could make them obligatory so It turned green could be the only realization of an underlying sUr was greenls turned the ambient Ir got misrier - [6] aboye - a realization of say s[mistier]s gorand so on If the obligatory rules were then restricted to the copula we would also ensure that any other form of embedded structure (g[he eft]s turned or g[he kissed her]s grew) was filtered out By such means a treatment which is widely accepted for SEEM and for which the evidence is at first compelling could be extended if it were thought appropriate to the entire intensive intransitive class

There are good reasons for not thinking it appropriate In a sentence such as [12]

[12] Harry got drunk

Qn~JsllQIacuteli~ply talking of a_~ate tha~ reslllttI s~o t~a~ ~~rry vs (45)

ENGLISH GRAMMAR

drunk or Harrys drunkenness happened) Nor is Harrya mere theme or tliexclfc (Aacute~-to-KarryQruniexcliquestenneacuteSs-l1ippened to him) tlamp11tbject iexclS1

potentia1lt-at-l~st--alMl~tgh-ge~~amp9run_~ wassoID1hiiL~hatJIal did The--verb mayaccordiacutentilde-gly take a subject adjunct (O CE 466]) thus I delibera tey got drunk or He foo(lshy turned traitor It may also supply the complement of a conative verb (1 did try to get drunk) may appear in the imperative (Dont get drunk ) and so on For sorne collocations this potentiacuteality is doubtless harder to realize (compare He delibera tey turned bue with He delibera tey turned nasty or He tried ro grow oder with He tried ro grow farter) but that is precisely the case for subjects and predicators generally lt is this semantic role that justifies the first link shown in Fig 2

which an impersonal structure as in (b)

(b) s[Harry was drunkls got

would relegate to the surface If (b) is wrong for Harry got drunk a transformationalist should consider

more carefully w hether a similar structure is correct for Harry seemed drunk Let us assume that it is correct for the construction with a that-clause (It seemed that Harry was dhmk) for SEEM and APPEAR a c1ausal complement does form one possibility Let us also accept that SBBM has a constant sense in all its constructions But for other current intensives (G eE 820 f) the evidence is more complexo With SOUNO a that-clause can be forced for example if a dative is inserted (lt sounds ro me that (hey arent coming) There is also an impersonal construction with as if

[131 It sounds as ifthey were green

which might be thought to derive from the same source The construction of [13] is also acceptable witb LOOK (lt ooks as ifthey arent coming) But between it and the complex intransitive we can find clear disparities in meaning In [13] the judgment is based on indirect clues what sounds or appears from audible information is indeed the whole proposition they were green But in the complex intransitive [14]

[141 They sound drunk

it is based on sounds that they are making For that reason it is harder 10 make sense of They sound green Likewise They [ook drunk means that they from their appearance are so But in It loob as ifthey are drunk the speaker does not even imply that he has seen them (Compare Prom what you say it ooks as if rhey are drunk) Ir we wanted a complex source it would be tempting 10 relate [14] not 10 the impersonal [13] with raising but rather to the personal [Is1

[IS] They sound as iexclfthey are drunk

with the second they deleted

[46]

P H Marthews

Personal and impersonal are often hard to separate as Palmer (1972) and before him Bolinger(l96la) have shown Ofthis group ofintensives TASTE

and 5MBLL are the most restricted in meaning and it is with these that the impersonal construction as in [91 and [131 is least acceptable With TASTE

neither seems likely Ir rasres to me that the soup is saty It tastes to me as if they are sweer If the second example can be interpreted it is by virtue of a blending with the personal construction (compare It tasres as ifit ) With SMELL the construction of [131 may be more acceptable (Ir smells ro me as if dinner is ready) but the blending remains With PEEL a non-tactile sense is possible (Ir fees Iikey) but is less established than the broader senses of LOOK or SOUNO (compare Ir ooks likey II sounds likey) It is in this case that my judgment is least secure would one say for example It fees (or Ir fees to me) as if they were green With SOUNO and LOOK the general sense is well established as in [131 or Ir sounds likely but there is still a sensory meaning as in [14] and [Isl which inhibits the pure impersonal with that With SEEM and APPEAR we are at the end of the continuum both having general senses only Hence the construction of[91 alongside the impersonal with as if (Ir seems as if they were green) Hence perhaps the infinitive construction of [101 with SOUNO and the others this too is awkward (They ooked ro have arrived Or Ir tastes ro me to be sweer) But it does not follow that the semantical1y general They seem drunk differs in syntax from the specifically sensory They sound drunk or They smell drunk We can even force an active interpretation of the subject thus They tried lO appear drunk or I deliberarey seemed irrftated

32 As [11] with SEEM Hes on a gradience between personal and impersonal so there are others which raise problems in distinguishing intensive from adverbial and circumstantial constructions For there is no criterion which is both sufficient and necessary

The obvious step is to tesectt for simpler transforms Thus J9r [12] Harl~ qrunk ~e can comp~jiexcleJgtimple a~ve Harry was drul~ TRANSFORM in that firstIy it is a a d secondly the predicator

-ORUNK hasnot a tq~ sense s no intraiiSIuvetrans[oacuterintilde ~stiiis~se of G BI is oot ~ble Nor has 4 r tumeirgeacute-iexcl an intransitive transform It turned since this involves a different sense oC TURN Ir there~~ an ascriptive transform but n9-Wn~itive the JhirdeiacuteeDlen t mult be a complementi so [41 and [12] must be complex intransitive Ir there is neither transform it MA y be complement but the col~of verb and adjective mjgbt rCaSantildea be classed as idiomatic Thus The roses have run wild has no transform The roses ve iiOr-aacuteoes it strictly match The rOSes are wild But WILO is at least an adiecti~ must stand in sorne relationship to the verb therefore R UN WILO is right1y

chmldw-rresultintensive (O eE) ---shy-- -_--g ~ _---_bull ~ shy

[471

ENOLISH ORAMMAR

If there is a simple intransitive but no ascriptive transr2ffil--_~~~ coacutentildeSffiiClioacutentilde-intildeuumlSt]ie iexcljdve(J2iacuteaIYlIacuteustrivialIy He ran iexcliuieacutekly has no ascriptive tiexclansfo~ He was quickly less trivially He travelled light does not match He was ight But what if we find both rlJgJQQordf~tillha$ordflJ ascriEtive _~ran~f~rrlJ~eYI1Jer~_~~ ~sectmL1aY-J~_a~~plement circumstantjallik~iilelltjnThey-sJoQdsilent ordfytlb~~j~llsothe simpler intran~1ti~ fbilystQPf so still ~ight be anadver~ like sileniTyintilde-fiieystood silenty Since there is no distinct form srilly the latter is hard to rule out For It shone white we can compare the formally adjectivallt shone brighr again there are both transforms (Ir shone Ir was white) But It shone brighr is c10se in meaning to the formaUy adverbial Ir shone brighry could white be an adverb in default of or as the commoner altemative to whirely Blending may aIso be found in idioms For example it is fruitless to ask if doggo is an adjective or an adverb in He is Iying doggo

For the circumstantial case both transforms are necessary thus [7] He arriuacuteiid sober has the triexcliexclntildeiiiacuteormsmiddotiexcliexcluacuteli-iexcliexclved andHe wasectSoacutebe Wewoacuteuumllifiliso ixpeeacutetthilUumlheveromiddotantildedmiddotildjectTe-shouId befreeOi collocationaI restrictions so He arrived sober He left sober He Jeft satisjied He arrived satisfied and so on But it is very hard to say when such a requirement iacutes meto One does not say for example They stood noisy or They sroodpeacefuJ on that evidence They stood sient might be classed as complex intransitive But neither is one likely to say They arrived noisy or They arrived kind Is that too a matter of collocational restrictions so that [7] is also intensive Or is it merely that NOISY and KIND are ill suIacuteted 10 this construction7 At this point jt is tempting to distinguish degrees of circumstantiality The extreme case would be represented by such sentences as [16]

[16] They stood there exhausted

(Iikewise They have arrived quite sober) where the adjective and verb are marked as separate Beside [16] the construction in [7] is less clearly circumstantial in They stood sient or They stoodfidgering it is perhaps even r less so But this last might stilJ be seen as less intensive than for example

iexcl They stood amazed Likewise They feJl exhausted is less clearly intensi ve than 1 They fell sick since it involves no special sense of FALL

~

f lrOacutel p1lI1riHmD ~ amires f0tr eompiex trlmSitive fu Tlieyfbuntlliim~

guilry there is a special sense OfPIND as ofMAKE in They mode it green In TIwy rrun Juacutem JOber tbat IacuteoS DO spcciiexcll SCDSII of)lEET~ by tbat cS ~ is more eircumsumlial BUl onc la unlikely lO say for eumple They me hlm meditative

4 Finally there is an obvious gradience between the coxnP-1ex intransitive ~nct the simple ascriptj~ With TURN 01 GROW there are~-selecUumlonal restrictions as we have seen With SBJlli or SIhV tney are far fewer

[48J

P H Matthews

neverthelesson~canI1Q~~yfordmr_~ordfmplelfil_sectil1Ied chairmqf1-ltcompareH~ stayelt chairman Qr1fsectJjiquest_riquest~cordfirmordfl1) or It srays obvious that (compare It seemsobvious that or It remainsobvious that ) With REMAIN it is hard to find any but at least the intransitive exists He remained) and their senses can be related Wth BECOMB that evidence too is lacking He became drunk can be distinguish-ed(rontildei1lieasgiptiYlt1g lu7ntl1k onlyJ~iiui~s from jts resultative meaning -_-

This merging has ied grammarians to treat the constructions together But we can do this only by assimi)ating BE to the mode) of verb complementation (as in GCE) not by assimilating TURN and so on to the model of a copula likethecpmplexrordfnsectitiy~nl_e compleimrap~W~i~ ayoor ca~~idatefltY-l~LIl~Jlt~IQ~-ordf_~~rnelltructllr~middot

M

~_

Page 16: in - UGR · (III). 11-70 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1171 Note [a] The ... In addition, we shall use where necessary the suffixes 'ph' (for

Types of verb complementation 11991198 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

CURRENT RESULTING

bring (a child) up health boil (an egg) 8aft 1

buy N eheapl erap (hair) shoriexcl1 return (a letter) unopened freeze N hard serve (food) hOlleold paint N redblue 1

seU N eheaplnew1 roll N flat sweep (the fioor) clean 1

calour N blueyellow 1

dye N pinklgreen 1

knock (someone) senseless polish N smooth 1

scrape N clean I swing (a door) open

For those combinations marked l the object complement could be easily omitted without a change in the basic sense of the verbo

Among resulting attributes the adjectives open loose free and clean are particularly common push N open shake N loose set N free wipe N clean

The collocations make sure and make certain are peculiar in that the object is a that-clause and always follows the adjectivaI complement

Please make sureleertain that you endose your birth certificate

There is no passive be made surecertain With other collocations the that-clause object is postponed by extraposiacutetion (ef 1835)

He found it strange that no one else had arri ved 1think it very odd that she left without saying goodbye The emperor pronounced it illegal for landlords to enfranchise their

tenants

Extraposition is optional with make N clear and therefore the preparatory it may be omitted She made (it) eear that we were regarded as trespassers

Note [al Sorne collocations require the object to be a rellexive pronoun Ilaughed myself sick They roared themselves hoarse Here the object complement cannot be omitted llaughed myself [b] The resultative pattern illustrated in thiacutes section is quite productive and occurs with rare or newly-converted verbs such as selotape and scotchtape selotape N fiat ltRrE) seotehtape N fiat (AmE) Similarly

iexclve deepfrozen the bread solido

(C21 Noun phrase as object complement 646 Most of the verbs listed in 1644 can occur also with a noun phrase

complement In addition there are a few verbs which occur with anoun phrase but not with an adjective phrase as complement eg appoint These verbs marked 1 in the list below can also occur with theobject + infinitive construction

The queen appointedWilliam Cecil (to be) her personal secretary

The list is subdivided into categories corresponding to those in 1644

(i) hold2 (iv) believe (v) appoint l2middot 3

keep2 consider2 choose 2 3

eleetl 2 3leave deem esteem l 2 3 make(ii) cal find provecanfess imagine2 voteprofess

pronounce judge2 (vi) baptize13

presume certify 23 (iii) wish 3rate2 christent bull

reckon2 erown l bull 2bull 3

suppose declare think proclaim

namemiddot23

The superscript 2 indicates that the as-construction (cf 1 647) is also possible The superscript 3 indicates that the verb is also monotransitive and that the verb retains the same meaning when the object complement is omitted Hence She appointed him secretary implies that she appointed him Examples of each sub-type follow With profess and wish which are used to illustrate subtypes (H) and (iii) respectively a reflexive pronoun as object is normal

She held her niece (a) captive for several years (i) The prince professed himself a supporter of free speech (ji) 1have often wished myself a millionaire (iii) Charles does not esteem him a trustworthy adviser (iv) The committee has elected you its chairman (v) Her parents named her Sophia after her grandmother (vi)

Some verbs in this pattem are unlikely to occur in the adive eg think beiacuteieve reckon The foilowing are exampies of the passive conslruclIacuteon

Her niece was held (a) captive for several years (i) She was named Sophia after her grandmother (vi)

As with Type (el] the object may be a clause postponed by extraposition

We have made it a condition that the new agreement be signed by all the original signatories

He has proved it a falIacy that old age brings wisdom

Note [al The zero article occurs optionally with captive and prisoner as object complements as in (i) above She held her niece (a) caplive Hold capliveprisoner and keep captivepriacutesoner are unusual in that the omitted article is indefinite rather than definite Examples of the zero article with definite meaning (eS42) are

Edgar was judged overall winner They appointed Sue captain of the athletics team

[b] The object + infinitive construction with 10 be as with Type [Gl] is not always equivalent to the pattero with a phrasal object complement For example name can be used with 10 be only if the following noun phrase designates a future role or status

Her parents named her (0 be) Gladys The selectors named her (lo be) a memberofthe touring team

As can be used with name only on the same condition as applies to lO be Her parenls named her as (adys (cf 1 647 below) [el The copular retation can obtain not only between the object and complement as in [11 bu also between subject and complement as in [21

t iexcl

1200 Complementation of verbs and adjectiacuteves

She made him iexcliexcl good husband (S V OC) [1 J She made him a good wife (S VOC) [2J

[1 Jhas the passive analogue He as gtladea good husband but in the entirelydifferentconstruetion of (2] where the copular rdation is between she and a good middotle no passive is possible Thc meuning is She Vas a good wire to himmiddot A prepositional verb 01 this Same unusuallattcrn is strike l in 101 example

He stmck me os a brilliant slralegist where a brilianl strategist is su bjcet eomplement

(Clprl and (C2prl Object complement foUowing prepositional verb 1647 The preposition as designates a copular relation particularly in specifying a

role or status associated with the direct object The ehureh eondemned the relie as a lraud Following a complex transitive verb and a direct object the prepositional complement of as functions semantiacutecally as an attribute and may be termed a prepositional object complement in the same way as the noun phrase following a transitive prepositional verb is called a prepositional object

a geniacuteus [C2] We considered him as a genius [C2pr]

tobeagenius [C4]

1 bull (as) a genius ~ He was consdered t b

o e agemus

Consider as like regard as class as etc therefore exemplifies yet another type of prepositional verb one that is followed by a prepositiacuteonal object complement rather than a prepositional object

Occasionally the prepositionlor occurs in this copular function instead of as

He took these words as evidence He took me lor a fool

In the following list for verbs in column (i) the preposition is optional where for verbs in column (H) the preposition is obligatory

(i) appoint (as) (ii) aeeept as ehoose (as) aeknowledge as eonsider (as) eharaeterize as eount (as) class as deem (as) define as esteem (as) describe as rate (as) intend as reekon (as) mistakelor report (as) regard as eleet (as) see as eertify (as) take asllor erown (as) trea as make Unto) use as proclaim (as)

Most verbs in [elpr] and[e2pr] can also introduce an adjective phrase in the function of prepositional object complement

Types of verb complementation 1201

The experts raled his paintings (as) poor bUI representalive ol their class

They classed Jane as partialty sighted The media described the situation as hopeless ~ The situation was described as hopeless

Verbs not allowing this construction are marked 1 in the aboye lists The construction iacutes exceptional in allowing an adjective phrase to occur after a prepositiacuteon A more orthodox construction is obtained by adding the word being before the adjective phrase and thereby converting the prepositional complement into a nominal -ing clause

The media descriacutebed the situation as being hopeless

Note [al Count as and rate as can also oecur in an analogous as-conslruction without lhe object as prepositional copular verbs eg This coanslraes as a tWtable success (e 1622 Note lb]) [b] Allhough as is classcd as a preposition in Ibe above pattern il in some ways resemblcs the conjunction as which introduces clauses of comparison (e15 71) Consider Ihe following curious examples in which as introduces on Ihe one hand a clause and on the other hand a noun phrase in an appositional relation lo Ihe clause

Report me as 10m - a superannuated dolt Hedescribcd her as heound her a liar

(C31 Complementation by object and adjunct 1648 Our next category Type [e3] consists of verbs which occur in the SVOA

pattern (el216) ie verbs which ha ve as their complementation an object followed by a predication adjunct The most characteristic adjuncts to occur in this pattern are prepositional phrases of space and more particularly of direction eg

1 slipped the key into the lock He stood my argument on its head [2] Take your hands out olyour poekets

The passive iacutes illustrated by

The key was slipped into the lock [1 al Sentence [2] exemplifies the abstract or metaphorical use of such verbs and adjuncts Many of the verbs which fit into this pattern are causative verbs of motiacuteon put get stand se sit lay place send bring take lead drive etc The class is open-ended since verbs normally without causative meaning can be adapted to this function eg show see elbow etc in

The attendant showed us to our seats [conducted us ] May I see you home [escort you ] He elbowed and bribed his way to fame They talked me into it [persuaded me ]

Other verbs are associated with space position adjuncts rather than direction adjuncts

They lelt the papers at my offiee Always keep your eyes on the road when driving

1

i

1202 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

The attackers eaught us ofJour guardo He wished them at the bottom ofthe sea

Again the spatial meaning ofthe adjunct rnay be understood in sorne abstract or rnetaphorical sense as in the third exarnple aboye

Adjuncts of other sernantic types are less cornrnon but instances are the adjunct of rnanner following treat

badIY Her parents treated her as ifshe were a baby

as like a small ehild

and the optional adjunct of duration following last

This rnoney will ha ve to last you laquo(for) six months)

Note [al Treot has a dilferent meaning when the adjunct is omitted Her parents treated her [= did something pleasant for her]

[b] Superficiacuteally similar to the aboye pattern iacutes that iIIustrated by remind andfurnish followed by an object and a prepositional phrase

She reminds me ofmy sister They furnished all the passengers with iexclfe jackets

These however are classed as transiti ve prepositional verbs (cfI6 7-8) and will be dealt with in 1656fbelow The difference between Ihese prepositional verbs and verbs of complemenlation Type [e3] is that in Ihe former case the lexical verb governs a particular preposition remind offurnish with (Alternative prepositional constructions are sometimes available however provide withprovide for)

Variants of complex transitive complementation 649 We now examine variants of complex transitive cornplernentation in which

thc direct object iexcls f01lowltd by ji nonfinite dau~1 acting as predication adjunct Al four kinds of nonfinite construction (ef 146-8) are possible

[C4] to-infinitive [C6] -ing participle They knew hirn to be a spy 1caught Ann reading my diary

[CS] bare infinitive [C7] -ed participle 1heard someone slam We saw him beaten by the

World Heavyweight Champion thedoor

The nonfinite clause in these patterns (in italics in the above table) has no subject itself but its implied subject is always the preceding noun phrase which is object of the superordinate c1ause This noun phrase which if a personal pronoun is in the objective case is commonly termed a RAISED

OBJECT (ef further 16640) semantically it has the role of subject of the nonfinite verb but syntactically it is raised from the nonfinite c1ause to function as object of the superordinate verbo Hence in general this noun phrase (in italics in the table below) can become subject of the corresponding passive (The passive of [C5] normaly requires substitution of a to-infinitive for abare infinitive the passive of [C7) is of marginal currency ef 1654 Note [a))

(C4] He was known to be a spy

[eS] Someone was heard to slam the door

Types of verb complementation 1203

[C6] Ann was caught reading rny diary

[e] He was seen executed by a firing squad

On the face ofit the patterns [C4] and [e6] are indistinguishable from the rnonotransitive patterns [B8] (eg She hates the train to be late) and [B9] (eg She hates the train being late) in which the nonfinite c1ause has a subject of its own The ability of the noun phrase preceding the nonfinite verb to become subject of a passive is however an important distinction between thern (see further 1651 and 1653)

These patteros [e4] and (e6] are distinguished from corresponding patterns in which the Note nonfinite c1ause is an adverbial by the raet that the iacutemplied subject of the nonfinite verb is O rather than S Note the ambiguity of

She left him to finish the jobo She lert him holding the baby

IC4J Object + to-infinitive complementation The verbs in this group are rather numerous and rnay be subdivided 1650

(vii) assist bother bribe eondemll dariquest defy encourage help induce inspire press summon

semantically into the following categories

(iacute) announee declare proclaim pronounee

(H)

reporl repute [esp P rumour (P only] say[P only] tip (esp BrEgt

assume believe eonceive (formalgt eonsider expeet feel jind imagine know presume reekon see [P only1 suppose take thiacutenk[esp P1 understand

(iiiacute) intend mean

(iv) appoint elect name vote

(v) cause drive force get[no P] lead prompt

(vi) alow authorize compel eonstrain enable entitle equip jit oblige permit requiacutere

[P = Passive]

1ZU4 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Types (i) and (ti) correspond to the factual verbs of category [B3J discussed in 1631 the nonfinite construction following these verbs can often be replaced by a lhal-clause with an indicative verbo Compare

The poli ce reported that the traffic was heavy [B3] The police reported the traffic to be heavy (formal) [C4]

JOhn believed that the stranger was a policeman [B3 = John believed the stranger to be a policeman (formal) [C4]

With factual verbs such as these the nonfinite clause normaIly contains the verb be or sorne other verb of stative meaning EspecialIy when the nonfinite main verb is other than be the finite clause (of pattern [B3]) is preferred to the infiniti ve one except that the infinitive construction provides a convenient passive form

The traffic was reported to be heavy The stranger was believed to be a poli cernan

Sorne verbs in this construction have no lhat-clause equivalent

They tipped him to be the next president (esp BrE) - He was tipped to be the next president (They tipped that he would be the next president)

Sorne verbs (marked [P only] in the list abo ve) occur only in the passive version of this construction

The field marshal was said to be planning a new strategy (Someone said the field marshal to be planning a new strategy)

Other verbs (marked [esp PJ) occur chiefly in the passive

The BroadwiY piOJutioli was inoughi to have made Maxs fortune (Newsmen lhought the Broadway production to have made Maxs fortune)

Ofthe twq classes of factual verbs Type (i) consists ofpublic verbs (cf1631) referring to a speech act and Type (ii) consists of private verbs expressing belief etc

1651 Of the remaining semantic types Type (iii) consists of verbs of intention (on intend itself ef 1641 Note lb]) Types (iv) and (v) consist of causative verls where the infinitive clause identifies the resultant state (Type (iv) verbs also belong to class [Cl]) Type (vi) cClUsists of verbs with a modal character expressing such concepts as enablement permission and compulsion and Type (vii) consists of a variety of verbs of influencing between which a common factor appears to be that the nonfinite clause has a purposive meaning Examples are

(iii) They intended Mary to sing an aria (- Mary was intended to sing an aria)

(iv) The meeting elected Mr Martiacuten to be the next treasurer (- Mr Martin was elected to be the next treasurer)

Types of verb complementation 1205

(v) This optimistic forecast led the administration to promise tax cuts ( _ The administration was led (by this optimistic forecast) to promise tax cuts)

(vi) My contract allows me to take one months lea ve (- 1arn allowed to take one months leave)

(vii) Our teachers eneouraged us to think for ourselves (- We were eneouraged to think for ourselves)

In Type (iv) the infinitive main verb is normaIly be and can be omitted They appointed her (lO be) the social secretar) This type overlaps with Type (v) 1646

Note [al There are a number of multi-word verbs in this category [C4prl counl Ofl bullbullbull lO depend Ol bullbull lo rey on lO bullbullbull [C4phl make OUI 10 bullbull [C4ph-pr] keep 01 al lo bull

(which has no passive) Examples are 1 am dependillg 011 you lO give us your fu support They malle him oul to be a monster ofdepravity Why do you keep On al me 10 work harder

[b] Sorne passives of pattem [C4] (eg be allowed be supposed) have a semi-auxiliary (cf347f) interpretation in which they lose their connection with the corresponding active construction especiay as regareis agency

(es) Object + bare infinitive complementation 1652 This pattern occurs with a relatively smaIl number of verbs

(i) have (ii) fee overhear[P] (iii) help [P] let hear [PI see [PJ know [P] rnake [PI notice [P watch

observe[P]

Typl (i) consists uf vlrbs uf iexcluiexclciacuteVI meaning Type (ii) has percepwal verbs of seeing and hearing and Type (iii) is a residual class of two verbs which are optionally followed by a to-infinitive The marker [PI indicates that the passive (normaIly with a to-infinitive) is possible [P] indicates that the passive is of doubtful or limited acceptability

(i) You shouldnt lel your family iacutenterfere with our plans We must rnake the public take notice ofuso

(- The public must be rnade to take notice ofus) (ji) Did you notiacutece anyone leaue the house

The crowd saw Gray score lwo rnagnificeni goals ( - Gray was seen lo seore two rnagnificent goas)

(iii) Sarah helped us (to) edil the seript 1 have known John (to) give better speeches than that

(- John has been known lO giue better speeches than that)

Know followed by the bare infinitive is confined mainly to BrE and to the perfective aspect have known Lel in group (i) is in other constructions cIassified as similar to an auxiliary (ef3SI) Let has an apparent passive in combination with such verbs as lel go and lel fal but these are best regarded as fixed expressions in which let has an auxiliary or particIe-like function

They let the prisoner go horneo - The prisoner was let go horneo

1206 Complementation of verbs and adjectiacuteves

Note that this apparent passive has the bare infinitive in contrast for example to make which has to have the to-infinitive in the passive

They mude him understand ~ He was made to understalld

A third verb in group (i) is have which (like have in monotransitive constructions) does not occur in the passi ve

They had me repeat the message ~ 1 was had (to) repeat the message

Note [a] The formulaic nature of let him go and similar expressions is illustrated by variants such as [1-3J which cannot be fitted into any regular complementation pattern

gothe rope [1] They lel the rope go [2]

goofthe rope (3)

[b] Of the two constructions with help tha with 10 is more common in BrE and that without 10

is more common in AmE [e] Arare verb in category (i) is the now rather archaic bid with a to-infinitive complementation in the passive

They bidbade me sil down - rwas bidden 10 sil down

[C61 Object + -ing participle complementation 1653 The verbs in category [C6] consist of verbs of perception (Type (iraquo verbs of

encounter (Type (iO) and two verbs of coercive meaniacuteng (Type

feel[C5] see[C5) (ji) eateh (iiiacute) have hear[C5) smell diseover get notiee [C5] spot find observe[C5) spy leave overhear[CS) wateh [CS) pereeive

Perception verbs marked [CS] occur also with the bare infinitive pattern [CS) Wiacuteth such verbs there iacutes an aspect difference between [C5) and [C6) as described in 461f

Tim watched Bill mendlmendingthe lampo

The bare infinitive having nonprogressive meaning implies that Bill did the wholejob while Tiacutem was watching the -ing clause with progressive meaning has no such implicatiacuteon

This complementatiacuteon pattern differs from that of [B9) not only in its progressive aspect but also in that the noun phrase following the superordinate verb cannot take the genitive (or possessive) form (ef 1642)

1 saw him lying on the beach 1 saw his lying on the beach

Another difference from pattern [B9) is that the -ing predication can normally be omitted without radically altering the meaning

1 saw him lying on the beach [entails iexcl saw him)

Contrast

1 hate my friends leaving early [does notentaiacutel 1 hate my friends)

Types of verb complementation 1207

The passive with this pattern is regular

We could hear the rain splashing on the roof ~ The rain could be heard splashing on che roof

A teacher eaughc them smoking in the playground - They were eaught smoking in the playground (by a teacher)

Prepositional verbs with this type of complementation ([C6prJ) include eome aeross eome upon listen to and look at Look at those ehildren climbing the wall But these [C6prJ prepositional verbs have no prepositiacuteonal passive

seen The guards had been spouhed searchiacuteng the building

wate e d looked at

Have in this construction (e18S1ff) also has no passive in keeping with its use in other constructions

She had us working day after day We were had working day after day

Note Feeloccurs especially with a reflexive pronoun object Shefelt herself falling in love

[C7) Object + -ed participle complementation 1654 We can distinguish three small groups of verbs complemented bv a raised

object followed by an -ed participle c1ause

(i) CAUSATIVE verbs get ha ve She gotlhad the watch repaired immediately

Oi) VOLITlONAL verbs want need like I wantlneed this watch repaired immediately

(jii) PERCEPTUAL verbs see hearJeel (oneself) wateh Someone must have seenl heard the car stolen

A fourth group is peripheral to this construction

(iv) Verbs for which the -ed participle describes a resulting statefind

diseoverleave They founddiseoveredfleft him worn out by tra vel and exertion

j In this construction as in that of (C6) have can ha ve either an agentive causative meaning or a stative meaning Hence The guard patrol had two men shot is ambiguous meaning either The patrol caused two men to be shot or

I The patrol suffered the los s oftwo men by shooting The latter meaning is that of the have-existential construction (ef 18S1ff) In general this

complementation type is semantically equivalent to one with an iacutenfinitive form of the verb be Thus in Type (ii) iexcl would like my room cleaned is synonymous with iexcl would like my room to be cleaned in Type Oiiacute) He saw the team beaten is synonymous with He saw the team be beaten

Note [al There is no passive for most verbs in pattem [e7] and at best the passive is dubious The car must have been seen stolen The acceptability of the passive with Type (iv) is exceptional

---

--

1208 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

The car wasfound abandoned This is indeed an indication that Type (iv) may not belong here so much as with the objecl complement construction [el l iexclhe participle construclion being adjectival (cf an abandoned car) lb1In addition to the two meanings of haue + objec + -ed participle above a third meaning results ifthe -ed clause is analysed as a postmodifier of Ihe object eg She had a book (which gtvas) stolenfrom the library

Ditransitive complementation

ID11 Noun phrases as both indirect and direct object 1655 Ditransiacutetive complementation in its basic fonu involves two object no un

phrases an indirect object which is nonually aniacutemate and positioned first and a direct object which is nonually concrete The two noun phrases differ from those of[C2] in not being in a copular relationship

He gave the girl a doll --v-- --r-

S V Oiacute Od

The difference between this and complex transitive complementation is seen in

svoe He found her a loyal friendo ( She was a loyal friend)

SVOO He found her an apartment ( - The apartment was for her)

The characteristics of indirect objects in contrast to direct objects are fully disclssed in 107

Sorne ditransitive verbs have two passive analogues which we shall distinguish as first and second

The girl was given a doll [FIRST PASSIVE]

A doll was given the girl [SECOND PASSIVE]

Of these two the first passive in which the indirect object becomes subject is the more common The prepositional paraphrase is more usual as an alternative than the second passive A dol was given to the girl (For a list of verbs ofType [01] ef1657 below)

[D21 Object and prepositional object 1656 In the ditransitive category prepositional verbs fonu an important group

with its own sub-divisions and may therefore be given a separate category number D2] These verbs are those we have called Type II prepositional verbs (cfI67-8) Alongside the ordinary indirect object pattern two main prepositional patterns rnaybe distinguished _

Indirect object + direct object [D1] Direct object + prepositional object D2a] lndirect object + prepositional object [D2b]

Types of verb complementation 1209

The indirect object is normally animate and is the recipient or beneficiary of the process described by the verb (ef 1019) Unlike ditransitive verbs of category [D 1] (eg give) ditransiti ve verbs with prepositional objects nonually have only one passive

We addressed our remarks to the children [D2a] - Our remarks were addressed to the children (The children were addressed our remarks (toraquo

W e reminded him of the agreement [D2bl - He was reminded of the agreement (The agreement was reminded him (of)

-1 Sorne verbs have a11 three possibilities of construction in the active many have two forothers there is only one possibility (in sorne cases the alternatives are not identical but very similar in meaning)

tel [01 + 2a + 2b]

1

offer [01 + 2a] 1

envy [01 + 2b] I

wish [01]

bamefD2a + 2b]

say [D2a]

warn [D2b]

Mary told only John the secret DI] Mary told the secret only to John [D2a] Mary told only John about the secreto [D2b]

John offered Mary sorne help [DI] John offered sorne help to Mary [D2a]

She envied John his success [DI] She envied Johnfor his success [D2b]

They wished him good luck [DI]

Helen blamed the divorce on John rD2al Helen blamed Johnfor the divorce [D2bj

Why didnt anybody say this to me [D2a] I

Mary warned John ofthe dangers [D2b) I

The different constructional possibilities of certain verbs provide a means of achieving different focus (cfI837f) Compare the fo11owing pairsofsentences as pronounced with unmarked (end) focus

Mary blamed the broken vase on IOHN Mary blamed John for the broken VAacuteSE

(ef John was blamed by MARY)

The government supplied blankets for the HOMEless The government supplied the homeless with BLANKets

(ef Blankets were supplied by the Goacutevernment)

Note [al The aboye constructions are presented in the most typical syntactic ordering but postshyponernent of the direct or iacutendirect object may take place in contexts where end-focus or endshyweight is required (cf1837) eg John offered lO Mary Ihe help thal she needed [b] Additional prepositional verb patterns should be briefly mentioned There is for example the double-prepositional-verb pattern noted in 1617(c)

1210 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1211

1657

1 am applying lo the hospitalor ajobo There is a further possibility that two prepositional objects may follow a diacuterect object

We are paying $100 lo the garage for the repairs

Verbs of complementation types ID1 and [D2 The following list gives sorne of the verbs that occur in Types [DI] [D2aJ [D2b] organized aeeording to the cross-classifications of 1656 aboye We are interested here only in synonymous or nearly synonyrnous constructions in which the same participant roles (ef lO18jJ) oceur Hence many possible prepositional verbs are ignored Pay for for example is ignored because it introduces a further participant (the commodity bought) not incuded in pay (with) and pay (to)

Table 1657

Type [DI) Type [D2a] Type[D2b]

EXAMPLE serve (Jaek scampi) serve (searnpi) serve (Jack) to (Jack) with (scampi)

[DI + 2a + 2b) pay payto pay with provide (AmE) providefor provide with serve serve to serve with tel tell to tell about

[DI + 2a) (l) bring bring to den deny to give give lo

grant gram to hand hand to leave leave tofor lend lend to offer offer to owe oweto promise promiseto read read lo send send to show show to teaeh teaeh to throw throw to

(ii) do doacutefor find findfor make makefor order order for reserve reservefor save savefor spare sparefor

(iii) ask askof

1658

[DI + 2b]

[Di]

[D2a + 2b]

[D2a]

[D2b)

envy excuse forgive

allow eharge fine refuse wish

blameon supply forto

address to announee to eommunieate to explain to sayto

envyfor exeusefor forgivefor

blamefor supply with

advise about punishfor etc

The membership of[D2b] is numerous Here are further examples arranged by prepositions

thankfor eonvineeof robof refer to preventfmm depriacutevenf ltuspee f 9f sentenee to proleet from informof warnof subject ro imerest in persuadeof congratulate on treat to aecuseof relieveof confine to charge with convictof remindof introduce to compare with

Note that reflexive verbs (cf 625) sometirnes oecur with a prepositional object eg We pride ourselves on the serviee we ofler Sorne of the verbs abo ve (such as compare with) ean have two inanimate objects

In Table 1657 we have distinguished under[Dl + 2a] verbs taking to as their preposition from those takingfor eg

(i) She sent Paul a present She sent a present to Paul (ji) She made Paul a meaL She made a mealfor Paul

Occasionally a preposition other than to and for oceurs in this function

OiO She asked Paul a favour She asked a favour ofPaul

Distinct from [D2aJ and [D2bJ aboye is a kind of prepositional verb which has already been discussed in 167-8 a verb for which the direet object forms part of an idiomatic unit with the verb and the preposition The syntactic properties of this type which we label (D2e] have already been dealt with and it is enough here to list a further sample ofsueh idioms

1212 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1213I I

eateh siacuteght of make allowanee for put a stop to give place to make fun of set jire to give way to make afuss overabout take aeeount Ofl keep pace with make roomfor take advantage ojI lose sight of make use ojI take eare of 1

lose toueh with pay attention to 1 take note ojI lose traek of put an end to take notice ojI

Those marked with a raised 1 can take not only a prepositional passive (ef 167-8) but also can easily take a passive for which the idiomatically-fixed direct object beco mes subject eg (Some) allowanee was made for loss of eamings (Little) notiee was taken of this evento Other verbs can take the passive but with greater difficulty with these examples as with prepositional verbs in general idiomatic cohesion is a matter of gradience

Variants of ditransitive complementation

ID3J Indirect object + that-cIause object 1659 Corresponding to monotransitive verbs ofType [B3] (efI630) are ditransiti ve

verbs for which the direct object is a that-clause

John eonvinced me (that) he was right ~ I was eonvineed (by John) (that) he was right

The second passive is unacceptable when the direct object is a clause That he was right was eonvineed me Thus the first passive (ef 1655) above is the only passive that can occur with this pattern With sorne verbs such as eonvinee above it is impossible to delete the noun phrase object

John conviucJ (lhat) he was riguiacute

With other verbs such as show the indirect object is optional

The professor of mathematics showed me that Pythagoras was mistaken ~ The professor of mathematics showed that Pythagoras was

mistaken

Ditransitive verbs followed by a that-clause may be divided into a subtype introducing an indirect statement and a subtype introducing an indirect directive (ef 1433) In the indirect statement the that-clause contains an indicative verb in the indirect directive the verb may be indicative or subjunctive and often contains putative should or another modal verb (ef 1632 for the distribution ofthese options)

INDIRECT STATEMENT

May 1 inform you that your order is ready for eolleetion INDIRECT DIRECTIVE

mightbeShe petitioned the king that her father ~ould be pardoned

In the following list Type (i) verbs introduce indirect statements and Type (H) verbs introduce indirect directives The indirect directive construction is

rare and formal in comparison with the similar infinitive construction (ef 1663)

WOUldI begged her that she should help ltformal) 1 begged her to help ltmore usual)

For those verbs marked O the indirect object is obligatory foc those marked (O) the indirect object is optional for those marked laquoOraquo the indirect object is not only optional but unusual

(i) advise (O) remindO (iiacute) ask3 laquoOraquo assureO satisfyO beg3 (O) bet (O) show3 (O) eharge (O) eonvineeO teaeh3 (O) eommand laquoOraquo forewarn (O) tellO iacutenstruet laquoOraquo informO wager(O) order laquoOraquo notify 3 O warn (O) petition3 (O) persuadelO write2bull 3 (O) tellO promise3 (O)

The superscripts are interpreted as follows

1 Persuade in the sense ofconvince belongs to Type (i) but it may also be used in a Type (iiacute) sense of persuade someone to do something

2 Write is found with an indirect object + that-clause especially in AmE 3 With verbs so marked the indiacuterect object can be replaced by a

prepositional object (ef 1660)

Note Superficially similar W the [D3] pallern is lhe impersonal construction Iacutef strikeslstruck me (Ihal) asin

It strikes me this work is for his own amusement But here the Ihal-c1ause (as in 1634) is the extraposed subject of the verbo Compare He strikes me as (cf1646 Note [el) and lt occursto me that (cfI634 Note [e))

ID3prl Prepositionalobject + that-cIause object 1660 The verbs marked 3 in the aboye list can be optionally followed by a

preposition thus forming a category similar to [D2a] in 1656

He promised laquoto) me) that the debt would be repaid

For most verbs of [03] which permit a prepositional object the preposition is to

He wrote to me He reported to me that etc

Exceptions are ask and beg which (in somewhat formal usage) are followed by the preposition of

I askbegofyou that you will keep this secret ltformal)

There is in addition a group of verbs which were classified in 1631-32 as monotransitive but which optionally allow the preposition to preceding a prepositional object These may be distinguished as Type [D3pr] and subdivided into sub-types (i) and (iacutei) as in the paraUel description of [B3] verbs

1214 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Joan mentioned (to me) that her father was siacuteck [Type (O] Or Oay recommended (to her) that the treatment be continued [Type (ii)]

For elample

(i) acknowledge declare remark (ji) propose admit explain repon recommend announce mention say suggest complain pointout signal eoness prove state

As before Type (i) verbs introduce indirect statements and the less numerous Type (ii) verbs introduce indirect directives As befare too sorne exceptional verbs take a preposition other than to

She demanded ome that She agreed with me that etc

Unlike the nonprepositional verbs of [03] these prepositional verbs alow the that-c1ause to become subject of a corresponding passive clause an option which is more acceptable with extraposition

That several ministers are resigning has been admitted to our correspondent ~ It has been admitted to our correspondent that several ministers

are resigning It has been shown to us al that Miss Jones was innocent

Without the preposition ie with an ordinary indirect object such sentences are at best marginally grammatical 1It has been shown us al that Miss Jones was innocent

~~otc The constructions of lt appc-siexclappe(~iexclcfurseems ro me ha slipclfidaly appear ti) bclvuumlg to the paltero [D3prl but in faet these contain monotransitive verbs with an extraposed tnatshyelause as subject

It occurredlseemed to me that he was Iying esimilar patteros with extraposition in 1634 1659 Note

ID4) Indirect object + finite wh-c1ause object 1661 This pattern of complementatiacuteon is primarily found with the verb ask which

introduces a reported question

John asked me what time the meeting would end ~ 1 was Gsked (by John) what time the meeting would end

AIso used with this pattern are verbs which take an indirect object followed by a that-clause (Type (i) of [03]) but for these the wh-clause tends to be limited 10 nonassertive contexts (cf1635) Compare

George didnt tell them that the train was late [1] George didn t tel them whether the train was late [21

The difference of meaning between the that- and whether-constructiacuteons can be stated in terms of presupposition Sentence [1] typically implies that the train was late while [2] is noncommittal on the matter [04] verbs can also introduce other question words such as where and how

Tvpes of verb complementation 1215

Jim was reluctant to inform us (o) where he got the money Would you remind me (about) how we start the engine

A preposition may always be placed before the wh-c1ause In the aJiexclove cases the prepositiacuteon is optional but in the case of verbs like enquire o (Type [04prJ) the preposition is obligatory iexcl enquired ofthe clerk which doeuments were needed The complex preposition as to can be rather general1y used for introducing the wh-clause eg I enquired as to which documents were needed

[D5) Indirect object + wh-infinitive clause object 1662 This is yet another complementation pattern (comparable with [B5] 1637)

which may be taken by sorne verbs listed under[03] in 1659

advise ask instruct remind show teach tell wam

The instructor taught us how lo land saely - We were taught (by the instructor) how to land saely

They advised him what lO wear in the tropies Please remind me where to meet you afier lunch

The equivalent prepositional verb pattern [05pr] is iIIustrated by suggest to recommend to

Could you please suggest to the visitors which museums to visit

Here as in the [04] type a prepositional phrase introduced by as lO can be used

Helen advised us (as to) how to maintain the machine

f~ iexcl llt ~- I ~ i ~

~i ~ ~~

1663 ID61lndirect object + to-infinitive clause object We have seen that the [03] pattern may be used to introduce indirect statements and that the [04] pattern may be used to introduce indirect questions Now we tuen to the verbs of class [06] which introduce indirect directives (c1433)

1 lOldjadvisedjpersuaded Mark to see a doctor ~ Mark was toldjadvisedjpersuaded to see a doctor

[I] [2]

This complementation category looks like those of[B81 and [C5] in that the verb is followed by a noun phrase and an infinitive construction But the [06] pattern differs from these in that the noun phrase following the verb is an indirect object as will be c1arified in 1666 below As with other verbs introducing indiacuterect speech the subject refers to the speaker of sorne speech act and the indirect object refers to the addressee Like [03] verbs [06] verbs form only the first passive exemplified in [2] above we do not find To see a doctor was lOld Mark The folowing verbs belong to this c1ass

advise command entreat instruct remind teach ask counsel exhort invite request1 tell beg detai[l orbid order recommend urge beseech direct implore persuade challenge enjoin 1 incite l prayl

1216 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Those verbs marked with araised 1 do not have the equivalent construction with a that-clause containing a modal or a subjunctive verb (Types [B3(ii)J [030i)]) Contrast

They ~eg~tedd her to stay another week mm e

They ~eKgtedd (her) that she would stay another week mm e

The alternative that-clause construction however is more formal especially when the indirect object is presento

Note [a] The verb promire when it occurs wiacuteth this kind of complementation is exceptional in that the understood subject of the infinitiacuteve is identified with the subject rather than with the object of the maiacuten c1ause

Sarn prornised me to get some rood

= Sam promised me that he would get sorne roed o Sam promised me that lwould get sorne roed

The present pattern [D6] iexcls however less cornmon with promise than the [B6] pattern without the indiacuterect object Sam promised to get someiexclood lb] Only ordercan be followed by a passive infinitive He ordered Ihem lo be impriacutesonedlreleased

Multiple analysis and gradience in verb complementation 1664 Before we leave verb classification it is important to reflect on the problems

of dividing verbs into complementation types The major division of complementation patterns into copular [AJ monotransitive [BJ complex transitive [C] and ditransitive [OJ categories (introduced in 216) has been extended with little difficulty te include patterns in which the verbs ccmplementation includes finite and nonntildenitc clauses This is the basis rOiacute

the classification Qf verbs into types in 1620-63 aboye But unavoidably our aim of presenting a clear classification has obscured sorne problems of gradience and multiple analysis (e 260ff) and to illustrate these we return to three superficially iacutedentical structures aIread y discussed in 1636 These are now illustrated with three new examples each of which conforms to the pattern NI V N 2 to V N 3 (where N = noun phrase and V = verb phrase)

Table L664a

V N2 to V NJNI

[B8] S V O

We like all parents to visit the schooL

I [1]

[C4] Is V O Co

They James therace I [2]

[D6] I S Oiexcl

We I asked I the students I toattend

Ia lectu~en_~

Types of verb complementation 1217

Each ofthese sentences consists ofthe sequence Niexcl V N 2 to V N 3 and yet we have analysed them respectively as monotransitive (S V O) complex transitive (S V degCol and ditransitiacuteve (S V Oiexcl 0d) A different analysis in sorne ways more revealing would recognize an overlap between two competing descriptions of the intennediacuteate noun phrase N2 There is little doubt that in [1 J this is to be analysed as subject of the infinitive clause (e 1636) whereas in [3J there are equally strong reasons for regarding N as (indirect) object of the main clause (e 1666)

Smiddot V S V O 1shyI I

I I ISmiddot V 0 V OI I I I I iexcl I I I I I I I I I iexcl

NI V Nz 10 V NJ NI V N2 lo V N) I I I I

Fig 1664b Sentence[l] Fig 1664c Sentence [3J

Sentence [2J however partakes ofboth these descriptions From the semantic point of view it requires the analysis of Fig 1664b (ef They expeeted [that James would win the race]) But from the structural point of view the analysis in Fig 1664c is more appropriate reflecting N2s ability to become subject of the passive sentence James was expeeted to win the raee We might reasonably say that in [2J N 2 behaves like an object (0 rather than Oiacute) in relation to the first verb but like a subject in relation to the second infinitive verh Tbe term RAISED OBJECT applied in 1649ffto the intermediate noun phrase of patterns [C4 - Cn incorporates yet another way of recognizing this double analysis by envisaging a process whereby the subject of the infinitive becomes the object of the preceding finite verbo This raised object will be symbolized in what follows SO

1665 Given that the double analysis aboye provides sorne insight into clauses containing nonfinite complementation we could take such an analysis further and apply it to aH complex transitive patterns including the more straightforward SVOC and SVOA pattems of[Cl - C3]

that John is a good driver lB3J 1consider John to be a good driver [C4]

John a good driver [C2]

The paraHelism of meaning and phrasal relations demonstrated in these three sentences recommends an analysis in which the complementation of pattern [C2J John a good driver would be regarded as a clause in its own right ie as a verbless clause consisting of S = John and Cs = a good driver without an intervening V This description would not however displace the by now familiar S V Od Co analysis but would rather be seen as an alternative way of looking at the same construction

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1218 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Gradience 1666 The teehnique of multiple analysis stiU leaves some subtletiacutees unexposed

What this teehnique has suggested is that there are the folowing three eategories eorresponding to [1 in 1664

N 2 S We like all parenls to visit the school [1) N2 = SO They expeeted James to win the raee [2] Nz = O We asked Ihe sludents to attend a leeture

But more than three eategories ean be appropriately distinguished if we reeognize [1) and [3] as end-points of a gradient with [2) at some point on the seate between them This area of grammar affords a good example of gradienee

At the monotransitive end of the seale [I) ean be characterized by a number of criteria whieh suggest that N 2 to V N3 (al parents to visit the school) constitutes the direct object of an SVO pattern

(a) It ean be replaced by a pronoun referring to the cIause or noun phrase nominalizing it We like it We like al parens visits

(b) It can be an answer to a what-question A What do you like best

B We like al parents to visit the school (e) In some dialects it can be preceded by the infinitive clause introdueer

for We like (it)for all parens to visit the school (d) It ean easily (when preeeded by for) be the focus of a pseudo-cIeft

sentence What we like (best) is for al parents to visit the school (e) When the sequenee N 2 to V N 3 is turned into the passive form N 3 to be

Vedz by Nz there is no ehange ofmeaning We ike aIl parents to visit the sehcel

= We like the school te be visited biexcl al parents (f) In a reduced construetion the infinitive marker to remains We like them

does not have the same meaning as We like them to

At the other ditransitive end of the seale a eontrasting set of criteria eharaeterize [3) and support the analysis of N2 (the students) as an indireet object and to V N3 (to attend a lecture) as a cIausal direet objeet

(a) 10 V N 3 ean be replaced by a pronoun a noun phrase or a finite clause with Nz still funetioning as indireet object

SOmething We asked the students a question

what they wanted

(b) 10 V N 3 can be the answer to a wh-question while N2 funetions as indirect object

A What did you ask the students B We asked them to attend a lecture

(e) When the sequenee N2 to V N3 is turned into the passive sequence N3 to be Ved2 by N 2 the meaning is always changed

They asked the students to attend a leeture They asked a lecture to be attended by the students

this case indeed the passive transform results in an absurdity)

Types of verb complementation 1219

(d) to V N 3 can marginally become the focus of a pseudo-cleft sentence What they asked the students was to attend a lecture (Contrast the decidedly unaeeeptable What we like the parents is to visil the school)

(e) Nz which like Oi in general is usually personal can be detached from its place after the first V to beeome subjeet of a eorresponding passive sentenee The students were asked to attend a lecture

(n In a reduced eonstruction the infinitive marker to ean be omitted We asked them We persuaded them etc

Note [a] With some ditransitive verbs criterion (a) has to be interpreted as the replacement of the infinitive clause by a preposition and prepositional object (cfI656-8)

They reminded hiacutem ofhis responsibiacutelities One man challenged the other lo a duel

[b] Criterion (d) is less reliacuteable than the others since the pseudo-cleft sentence is unacceptable for many verbs But a pseudo-cleft sentence in which the indirect object is replaced by a prepositional object tends to be more grammatical Whal Ihey asked ollhe sludenls was lO attend a leclure (The alternative construction with the substitute verb do which also occurs with [1] is always more acceptable What Ihey asked Ihe students lo do was lO attend a lecture)

1667 To give a simplified illustration of the analysis of gradience in the sequence NI V N 2 to V N 3 we now take a subset ofthe eriteria listed aboye and apply them to a range of verbs on the gradient eonneeting [1] and [3] of 16_66

(1) (3) (4)(2) wantask elect intend

CRITERIA likeallow expectlel~ etc I etc etc etc~ (a) lo V N 3 can be replaeed by - - -+a finite clause

(e) ehange of meaning in passive -+ +of N 2 10 VN3

(e) N 2 can beeome subjeet of passive -+ ++

Fig 1667 A eomplementatiacuteon gradient

The matrix uses only three criteria and thereby distinguishes only four categories This is sufficient to indicate the principie however that the three categories [BS] [C4] and [D6) of our taxonomy eould be broken down iexclnto a finer spectrum of eategories between which the differences are small In effeet Fig 1667 distinguishes two subeategories of [C4] one (including elect and allow) whieh is c10ser to the ditransitive type and one (including inlend and expect) eloser to the monotransitive type Elect and allow respond to cri terion (e)

They elected Miss Coe to suceeed the present seeretary They elected the present seeretary to be sueceeded by Miss Coe

We dont allow residents to entertain visitors We dont allow visitors to be entertained by residents

1220 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

while intend and expeet do not

They intended the students to see the professor = They intended the professor to be seen by the students

They expeet the students to enjoy the classes = They expeet the classes to be enjoyed by the students

Note Por verbs in group (3) the voice oflhe infinitive clause and the voiceofthe main clausemay be independently varied with the result Ihat a SlIacutentence like They expected the students lo enjoy lile classes has tbree corresponding passiv~s with iexclhe same meaning

They expected the classes to be enjoyed by the students The students were expecled lo enjoy the classes

The classes were expected lo be enjoyed by the students

The last example has a passive verb phrase in both the superordinate clause and Ihe infinitive clame

Adjective complementation

168 Categories of complementation in adjective phrases (ef 228 721-2) are similar in variety to those ofverb complementation We distinguish [El-ES)as follows

[El] Complementation by a prepositional phrase [E2] Complementation by a that-clause [E3] Complementation by a wh-clause

i[E4) Complementation by a than-clause [ES] Complementation by a to-infinitive clause [E6] Complementation by an -ing participle clause

These complementation patterns can occur after an adjective (andmiddot its modifiers if any) in various syntactic functions For example

The violiacuten iacutes (rather) difficut to play (adjective phrase as CJ

Mary found the violiacuten (rather) diffieut to play (adjective phrase as CJ

The violiacuten is an instrument (rather) diffieult to play (adjective phrase as postmodifier)

The on1y posiacutetion in which an adjective cannot normally be followed by iacutets complementation is the premodifying position in a noun phrase a keen child on ehess But here too with certain constructions (Types [ES(iraquo) and [ES(v)D the complementation can follow discontinuously after the head noun The violiacuten is a diffieult instrument to play (ef discontinuity with comparative constructions IS75) For illustrative purposes we will confine examples in the following sections to the subject complement function The lists like the verb lists in 1620-63 will be selective

Adjective complementation 1221

Note There is a considerable parallel as the categories [El-ES] aboye demonstrate between patterns associated with adjectives and those associated with monotransitive verbs The chief difference is that adjectives cannot be followed by a noun phrase object To bring out the parallel further we could describe adjectives exemplified in 1669 below (averse to conscous oJ etc) as prepositional adjectives comparable with prepositional verbs We could moreover identify phrasal adjectives (derived from participiaI forms ofphrasal verbs) such as ron down (exhausled depressed) and phrasaI-prepositionaI adjectives such as fed up (with) These tatter variants however are rare enough lo be disregarded in the foUowing lists

[E1] Adjective complementation by a prepositional phrase 1669 Like prepositional verbs adjectives often forro a lexical unit with a following

preposition good atfond oj opposedto etc The lexical bond is strongest with adjectives for which in a given sense the complementation is obligatory Max is averse to games Max is averse Such adjectives are marked 1 in the following lists

The lists make a distinction between participial (ef 715-19) and nonparticipial adjectives The differencebetween participial adjectives and the -ed participle of the passive construction is discussed in 375-77 These lists provide on1y a small sample of the adjectives accompanying the prepositions concemed In particular it is often possible for the same adjective to go with two or more prepositions as in angry about angry at and angrywith

ABOUT He was very worried about her reaction (ef960)

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

angry knowledgeabe aggrieved frightened glad mad annoyed pleased happy reasonable delighted worried

AT She was badat mathematics (ef962)

NONP ARTICIPIAL P ARTlCIPIAL

angry good alarmed disgusted brilliant hopeless amusedmiddotmiddot pleased elever terrible delighted puzzled

FROM Thevillage is remotefromthe bustle ofcity life (ef918 947)

different distant distinct free remo te

OF She was aware ofhis difficulties

NONPARTlCIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

eonvineed ashamed empty proud1 afraid conseiousl glad

seared eapable fond 1 short1 tired certain full worthy

ONUPON Their plan was based on cooperation

NONPARTICIPIAL IPARTICIPIAL

contingent1 intent1 reliantl basedl set1

dependent keen severe hentl

Yiexcl

1222 Complementation of verbs and adjectives ~ Adjective complementation 1223

Note lal In general choice of preposilion remains the same after morphologicalIy related verbs adjectives and nouns differentftom differ from differencefrom But Ihis eorrespondence is not always lo be relied on contrastfull ofwilhfilied wllh proudofwith pride in lb] Other prepositions whieh less comrnonly enlee into adjective + prepositlon idioms iexclnelude for and lowards graleful for sorry for inclined towards le] Usedfollowed by the preposition lO a more informal synonym ofaccustomed(to) is participial in spelling but has the speeial pronuneiation nus~ Unlike accustomed however used does not oceur with a following infinitive (ef 1679) This adjeetival used to in spite of identity of spelling and pronunciation is quite distinet from used lO as a marginal modal (cf344) Contrast

Im used lO hard work I used ro work hard Id] In the past prescriptive objeetions have been made to the use of to ralher Ihan from after averse and different Howevee ro is the normal preposition to fol1lt11 averse and differenr 10 is quite widely used (esp in BrE) as an altemative lo differentfrom On iJifferent rhan cf1566 Note 1674

le] Wilh can be omitted after (fn)compalibie if the subject is plural cfmutual participation 1360

middotCarl is incompatible OUT Cad and Eva are incompatible

[E2] Adjective complementation by a that-clause 670 Like that-clauses following a verb that-clauses folIowiacuteng an adjective may

have

(A) indicative verb 1am sure (that) he is here now (B) subjunctiacuteve verb They were insistent (that) we be ready (formal) (C) putativeshould Im sorry (that) he should hove left ltformal)

The uses of the mandative subjunctive and of putative should have been discussed in 359 and 1425 respectiacutevely Putative should often occurs after expressions of emotion (sorrowjoy displeasure surprise wonder etc) and is often accompanied by intensifying expressions such as so such like thisl that ever or at all The indicative that-clause on the other hand refers to an established fact The foHowing pairs illustrate choices of construction

1 (that) 1 have to leave so early am sorry (that) you should have been (so) inconvenienced

(that) you didnt call the doctor before 1 am surprised (that) anyone ofyour intelligence should swallow a tie

likethat

With some adjectives (those in category [E2b(iiacute)] 1672) the should-clause can be paraphrased by an infinitive clause with a subject

It was natural for him to go to London after the war = It was natural that he should go to London after the war

That-clauses cannot be preceded by preposiacutetions Hence adjectives which are constructed with prepositions before noun phrases ([El]) drop the preposition before a that-clause (cfI628) Compare the folIowing

OfhiS innocence [E1 ] 1am convlnced (th ) h t [E2]at e IS mnocen

Many that-clauses folIowing an adjective are actualIy subjects postponed by extraposition (cf1833)

lt is lucky (that) you came - That you came is lucky

These are listed separately in 1672

lEla) Adjectives with experiencer (cflO23 Note) as subject 1671 (i) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATIVE VERB ONL Y (cfNote [a] below)

These adjectives express degrees of certainty or confidence aware certain corifident sure

We were corifident that Karen was stiacutell alive

(ii) THAT-CLAUSE HAS PUTATIVE SHOULD OR SUBJUNCTIVE VERB

(or marginally aloo an indicative verb) The three principal adjectives in this class are anxious eager and willing

he should be permitted to resiacutegn 1 Are you willing that he be permitted to resign 1

1he is permitted to resign 1 ~

(On the distribution of these three altematives cfI630)

(iH) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATIVE VERB OR PUTATIVE SHOULD

These adjectives express emotions

Im so thankful that nobody was hurto Were you surprised that Ray should win the prize

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

afraid hopeful alarmed depressed horrified angry proud amazed disappointed irritated glad sad amused distressed pleased grateful sorry annoyed disturbed shocked happy tha7lkful astonished frightened upset

There is a tendency to prefer the putative should construction in nonassertive contexts or where the adjective has negative or unfavourshyable associations

TO AH capital gains are subject to taxation NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

answerable close liableacute accustomedl

averse l due1 simz1ar allied1I WiTH This plan is not compatible with our princiacuteples

NONPARTICIPIAL I PARTICIPIAL

angry busy

happy impatient

annoyed bored

ClJmfortable incompatible1 concerned compatibleacute sick delighted content familiar friendly furious

uneasy depressed disappointed disgusted dismayed distressed

inclined1

opposed1

drunk enchanted obsessed occupied overcome pleased satisfied taken1

1672

1224 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Adjective complementatlon 1225

Note [a] The restriction oC Type (i) above lo indicative verbs only is meant to allow Cor the use of T

Note [a] Although tlle pro-forms so and n01 cannot be used after tllese [E2bI adjectives (ef 1671modal auxiliaries including should in a nonputative sense eg I am a~are that I should [= ought 1lo] havejoined longago iexcl Note [bJ) there iexclsa possibilityofreplacing the adjective + solnat by a related adverb + sonot

[b) Afraid is unique among adjectives in that it accepts the pro~oun so (and iexclts negative equivalent Mt) as a that-clause substitute (cfI631) rm afraid SOMI

IElbJ Adjectives with anticipatory it as subject

The that-elause in this eonstruetion is an extraposed subjeet Three types are again distinguished matehing those in 167l

(i) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATlVE VERBONLY (cfI671 Note CaD These adjectives have to do with truthor knowledge

It is true that she never cemes on time

apparent evident likely possible untrue certain implicit obvious true well-known clear indubitable plain unlikely

(ji) THAT-CLAUSE HAS PUTATIVIl SHOULD OR SUBJUNCTIVE VERB (or marginshyaIly also an indicative verb) These adjectives express eoncepts concerned with modality or volition

should be lifted tomorrow It is essential that the ban be lifted tomorrow

(1) is lifted tomorrow

appropriate essentiacuteal important necessary vital compulsory fitting impossible obligatoryshycrucial imperative improper proper

Various deverbal adjectives ending in -able also belong to this group egadvisable desrabIe preferable

(iii) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATlVE VERB OR PUTATIVE SHOULD

This group consists mainly of emotive adjectives and ineludes a large num ber ofparticipial ad jecti ves ending in -ing

Itmiddot strange th t She is so late IS upsetting a she should be so late

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTlCIPIAL

awkward logical alarming perplexing curious odd annoying pleasing disastrous peculiar depressing shocking dreadful sad disappointing surprising extraordinary silly embarrassing fortunate tragie frightening iexclrrational unfortunate irritating

Various -able-ible adjectives also be10ng tp this group admirable eommendable deplorable despieable incomprehensible inconceivable lamentable remarkable understandable unjustifiable etc

ha h l Id l h B Yes obviouslyfortunately soA 1 t IS apparentt t s e IVes oesn t Ive ere B N J I I di t o event y sa y no [b] When an adjective ofType (iii) above occurs after a modal verb construction the that-clause is commonly replaced by an if-clause If the modal verb in the main c1ause is hypothetical (eg would) the verb in the ifmiddotdause is placed in tlle hypothetical pasto Compare

It is sad that you have to leave It will be sad ifyou hove to lea ve

It would be sad ifyou had lo lea ve

[E3] Adjective complementation by a wh-clause 1673 As with that-clauses we have to distinguish those adjeetives ([E3a]) which

are predicated of an experieneer (normalIy a person) as subject and those ([E3bD which go with antieipatory it In the latter case the wh-clause is an extraposed subject Examples are

(onwhat 1should sayo [1]E3a 1was unsure[ 1 (about) whether the problem was solved [2]

[E3b] It was unclear what they would do [3]

Type [E3a1 consists of adjectives which are constructed with prepositions and whieh therefore belong also to Type [EI1 The preposition is sometimes omitted before the wh-clause (ef155 Note reD In Type [E3b] on the other hand no preposition can be inserted bull It was uneear ofabout what lhey would do AIso no infinitive wh-cIause is possible (ef i637) It is unsure where to go is unacceptable unless it refers to sorne aniacutemate being (sueh as a mouse) and is consequently not interpreted in terms of extraposition

Retuming to Type [E3a] we note that in sorne cases the adjective takes a wh-elause in assertive eontexts eg eareful (about) doubtful (as to) fussy (about) puzzled (as to) uneear (about) uncertain (o) undecided (about) unsure (0) unaware (o)

John is careul (about) what he does with his money

Most of these adjeetives are intrinsiealIy negative In meaning In other cases although elsewhere it is associated with an indicative that-clause [E2a(i)] the adjective tends to oceur with a wh-cIause in nonassertive contexts (efI635) eg aware certain eear sure

Are you sure (o) how mueh the maehine costs 1wasnt altogether cleaiexcl- (about) what we had to do

A similar division may be made among adjectives of the antieipatory-it type ([E3b]) Those whieh intrinsieally express doubt and therefore take this strueture even in assertive contexts include doubtful uneertain uneear unsure and unknown Those normally oceurring with an indieative that-elause (le Type [E2b(i)]) inelude apparent eertain obvious and plain They can take a wh-cIause in nonassertive contexts Each type is illustrated in

It was uneear whether an amendment would be accepted It was not obvious how far the westernization process would IO

~ltgt ~~~1~ 1 -~ Adjective complementation 1227

1226 Complementation of verbs and adjectives iexcl

After adjectives of Type [E3a] there may also occur an infinitive wh-clause 1 was uncertain (oi) what to do This is preferable to the finite c1ause in cases illustrated by [1-3] aboye since the subject can remain unexpressed in the reduced nonfinite version

[E4] Adjective complementation by a than-clause 1674 There is an unusual construction in which a noncomparative adjective is

foIlowed by a comparative than-clause as complementation Different is the only adjective which fits into this pattero and even then there is a tradition which regards the use of than here as impropero There is however no felicitous alternative to the different than construction in examples such as

Shes quite a different girl than she wasfilie years ago [11 The various styliacutestic variants of and alteroatives to the than-clause after different are examined in 1566 Note lb] When the c1ause is reduceacuted to a noun phrase it becomes possible to usefrom as an alternative to than

The unions are taking a very different attitude ~ the employers

When the noun phrase folIowing thanffrom cannot be derived by ellipsis from a c1ause than is decidedly less acceptable thanfrom

The main languages of southern India are totaIly different In origin

~~~ those ofthe northern partofthe country

Note [al On differenlrom and different 10 1669 Note [dI [bj It is aloo possible for a Ihan-c1ause to be used after he adverb difilrently

In the west of the country they pronounce their vowels quite aifferently han (they do) in the easl

The same prescriptive objections are made to differenlly Ihan as to different Ihan

[E5] Adjective complementation by a to-infinitive clause [675 We distinguish seven kinds of construction in which an adjective is foIlowed

by a to-infinitive c1ause They are exemplified in the following sentences which are superficially alike

Bob is splendid to wait (ii) Bob is slow to react

(iii) Bob is sorry to hear it (iv) Bob is hesitant to agree with yOU (v) Bob is hard to convince

(vi) The food is ready to eat (vii) lt is important to be accurate

In Types (i-iv) the subject of the main clause (Bob) is also the subject of the infinitive c1ause We can therefore always have a direct object in the infinitive clause if its verb is transitive Por example if we replace intransitive wait by transitive build in (i) we can have Bob is splendid to build this house

Por Types (v-vii) on the other hand the subject of the infinitive is unspecified although the contextoften makes clear which subject is intended

In these types it is possible to insert a subject preceded by for eg in Type (vi) The food is ready (jOr Ihe children) to eat

Infinitive complementation following adjectives modified by lOO and enQugh is discussed eIse Note where in 1S73

(ES(i)) Bob is Iplendid to wait Type (i) has an analogue in a construction involving extraposition (cf1833)1676 1t is splendid of Bob lo wait This type OC construction also permits a head noun between the adjective and the infinitive

Bob must be a spiendid craftsman ~ ~~bUilt this house

As this example shows the infinitive may be perfective We may also compare constructions in which an evaluative noun with its determiner

replaces the adjective

ffoolishYourelafool to spend so mucho

WOnderfUl Youre 1 to walt for me anange

Adjectives in this group are evaluative of human beha~iour They inelude

careful crazy mad silly wise careless greedy nice unwise wrong

These adjectives can also occur with anticipatory il and an of-phrase as additional complementation (cf1682)

It was foolish of you to spend so mucho

IE5(Hraquo) Bob is IOW to react In Type (ii) the sentence corresponds to one in which the adjective becomes 1677 an adverbwhile the infinitive becomes the finite verb

Bob is slow to react - Bob reacts slowlyc

In another analogue the adjective is followed by in and an -ing participle Bob is slow in reacting The infinitive verb phrase must be simple for example unlike the inftnitive phrase in [E5(i)] it cannot be perfective Bob is slow ItJ have reacted Other adjectives in this small group are quick and prompt

There is also a partial adverbial analogue (e8127ff) for Type (i) but in Type (i) unlike Type Note (ii) the perfective infinitive andeven the get-passive (e366) can be used

loan was wise to resigno ~ loan wisely resigned loan was careless to get beaten - loan carelessly got beaten

loan is careless to have got beaten

IES(iuumlraquo) Bob is 10rry lo hear it In Type (iexcliexcli) the head of the adjective phrase is an emotive adjective 1678 (commonly a participial adjective) and the infinitive clause expresses

causation

1679

1228 Complementation of verbs end adjectives

Im sorry to have kept you waiting [rm sorry because I have kept you waiting]

1 was exeited to be there [- To be there exeited me]

Adjectives in this group correspond c10sely to the adjectives followed by a that-clause in 1671 (Type [E2a(iii)D

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

afraid angry ashamed content furious glad

happy impatient indignant jubilant thankful

annoyed astonished bored coneerned delighted depressed

disgusted dissatisfied embarrassed fasemated frightened interested

overwhelmed perturbed puzzled relieved surprised worried

disappointed overjoyed

IE5(ivraquo) Boh is heaitant to agree withyou In Type (iv) the head of the adjective phrase expresses volitional meaning or a modal meaning such as ability possibility or liability Examples are

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

able keen determined anxious Iiable disposed apt Iikely [E2b] fated[E2b] eertain [E2b] loath inclined curious powerless poiseddue prone prepared eager ready [E5] (all) set eligible reluetant unqualified fit [ES] sure [E2b] free [ES] unable greedy weleome hesitant willing impotent worthy

The adjectives marked [E2b] occur with a corresponding construction with extraposition of a that-clause

JilI is likely to attend - It is likely that JiU will attend

Those marked [E5] are capable of occurring with an infinitive construction of passive meaning ie with an indefinite implied subject and a coreferential implied object

Theyare not fit to eat = They are not tit to be eaten

Some ofthe most common adjectives in this list have a tendency to coalesce with the preceding copula 10 form a semimiddotauxiliary verb (ef3A7) be able to be willing to be sure to In addition to modal and volitional adjectives some adjectives ofaspectual meaning such as aeeustomed and wont may be placed here

Adjective complementation 1229

We are aecustomedto take teaon the terrace (formal) He was wont to leave the office at 5 pm (formal archaic)

(ES(vraquo) Bob is lard to convince 1680 In Type (v) the subject of the sentence is identified with the unexpressed

object of the infinitive clause which must therefore have a transitive verb hence the unacceptable Bob Is hard to arrive There is an analogous construction in which the adjective is complement to an infinitive c1ause acting as (extraposed) subject (ef 1836)

- To convince Bob is hard Bob IS hard to convmce It is hard to convince Bob

Adjeeacutetives so used refer 10 degrees of ease or comfort and iexclnclude

awkward hard tough (informal) eonvenient impossible trieky (informal) difficult niee (informal) unpleasant easy pleasant

Unless there is ellipsis we cannot omit the infinitive c1ause and so there is no semantic implication between (say) The bread was hard to bake and The bread was hard Unlike the preceding types Type (v) permitsfor + subject to be inserted at the beginning of the infinitive clause Those darts are trieky (for a beginner) to use Where the infinitive has no overt subject its implicit subject is understood to have an indefinite meanihg

Jack is easy 10 fool =Jack is easy for anyone to foo

Note With some adjectives in this group such as nice or unpleasant the entailment relation between be + adjective ro V and be + adjective is less easy lO avoid eg Jenny is nice lo know iacutemplies that Jenny is nice

IE5(viraquo) Thefood is ready to eat 1681 Again in this type the subject of the main clause is identified with the object

of the intinitive c1ause But unlike Type (v) Typemiddot(vi) has no analogous construction with an infinitive clause subject

The food is ready to eat To eat the food is ready

Also we can generally (a) omit the infinitive clause or (b) substitute a passive infinitive clause without change ofmeaning

Are these cups available (to use) = Are these cups available (to be used)

Some adjectives of this type such as availablefitfree ready and suffieient belong additionally 10 Type (iv) so that a sentence like The lamb ia ready to eat is ambiguous in one sense (the most accessible) being equivalent to the passive The lamb is ready to be eaten Then there is a wider set of adjectives which often occur without complementation at all

The air isfrosty (to breathe) Its fur is soft (to touch)

1230 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

In both Type (v) and Type (vi) the subjectofthe main clause can be equated with the prepositional object of the infinitive clause so that the infinitive c1ause ends with a deferred preposition

She is pleasant to talk to (-It is pleasant to talk to her) This paper is terribly flimsy to write on Is the cloth sufficient to make a dress out ol

In Type (vi) as well as in Type (v)for + subjeet may be inserted before the infinitive verb Are these books free (for visitors) to borrow Are these books available to borrow]

(E5(vii)J Jt is important to he accurate 1682 We saw in 1672 that a that-clause following an adjeetive may prove to be a

subjeet postponed by extraposition (ef1833) A to-infinitive clause following an adjeetive may have the same oouree

It is essential to spray the trees every year - To spray the trees every year is essential

The infinitive clause can also be introduced by for + subjeet

It is vital (for the ehildren) to be properly cIad It will be strange (for us) to be living alone

Adjectives ofTypes (ji) and (iii) in 1672 ([E2b]) may have this construction importantJortunate lueky surprising etc Possible also belongs te this group

An addiacutetional group of adjeetives oeeurring after anticipatory it are those adjeetives (ehiefly naming evaluative attributes of persons) whieh occur in pattern [E5(i)] (ef 1676) The adjeetive in this group is often followed byan of-phrase identifying the persones) being discussed

It was wrong (of him) to teIllies iexcli

It is niee ofyou to phone

[E6] Adjective complementation by an -ing participle cfause [683 A number of sub-types ofthis pattem may be mentioned

(i) Busy is followed by an -ing participle clause without subject

Margery is busy writiacuteng Ietters

Worth and worthwhile on the other hand oceur both with and without subjeet

It is seareely worth(while) (youyour) going home

Here worth(while) follows preparatory it and the participle clause is an extraposed subjeet (ef1834) Other adjectives ofthis pattern are pointless and useless (Its pointless buying so mueh food) and adjectives of Type [E2b(iiacutei)J (efl6 72) also sometimes have this complementation absurd awkwardJortunate annoying etc

EIsewhere worth and worthwhile accompany an -ing participle elause without subjeet but with a passive meaning comparable to tbat of the infinitive elause in pattern [E5(v)] (ef1680)

Complementation of abstract nouns 1231

The cartons are worth(while) saving ( Its worth(while) saving the cartens)

(iv) There is a variant eonstruction in whieh a preposition oecurs between the adjective and the participle clause In some cases the preposition is optional (cf(i) aboye)

Im busy (with) getting the house redeeorated Werefortunate (in) having Aunt Mary as a baby-sitter

In other cases the preposition is obligatory We are used to not having a car (cf1669 Note [e]) Im hopeless at keeping the garden tidy Shes not capable oflooking after herself

Note [al The adjectival constructions in (ii) above may be compared in some cases with nominal constructionsof equivalent meaning

ts 110 goaduse telling him anything Theres 110 point (in) telling him anything

8uch constructions are introduced either by anticipatory il (el 1833) or by eltistential there (el 184$) AmE also hu Theres no use telling him anythlng (b) Worthwhlle is sometimes spelled as two words The vacillation between the spellings worthwhile and worth while reflects an unclarity about the status of this sequence which may altematively be regarded as the preposition worth (eI96) followed by a noun Compare

lts not worth your whife staying lts not worlhh whh~e (your) staying worl w 1

Complementation of abstract nouns

1684 In this coneluding section we will show as a conneeting link between this chapter and the next how the pattems of complementation described for verbs and adjectives in 1620-83 are aloo to be found with abstraet nouns which are morphologieally related to those verbs and adjectives (ef nominalization 1751ff and appositional constructions 1726 1735) For example the noun likelihood is derived from and semantically related to the adjective likely It is therefore not surprising that a construction associated with the adjeetive Is found with the corresponding noun

It is likely that Joan will get married [1]

The likelihood is that loan will get married [21 the likelihood that Joan will get married [31

But the assumption of eorrespondence eannot be automatie for it may faiacutel in both direetions

loan is likely to get married Joan s likelihood to get married

It is likely of J oans getting married the likelihood of Joans getting married

------__shyiacute1 11

COMPLEX INTRANSITIVE CONSTRUCTIONS p H MATIHEWS

1 Introduction

In sentences such as [1J

ArR C~Iltiacuteltmiddotli N ([1J Th~deitgreen ~

he construct~oEJ~QLordf JJP~ that GCE850ff describes as 9QMfLEX JRANSITIV~ Ofthe elements in questionit and made are related a~Jn tQllt ~imple transitive

j [2J They made it

YihiJe ir and green a~_~latelasinasimple_ltQI1llar_sentence ( [3] lt is green (- lt

~f the type that following Lyons (l977469ff) raquoe will call ASCRIPTIVE raquouacutet greacuteen- also standsJna direcueJordf9lsJIacuteIL ordm~_iii~de the object and adjective exemplifying a single I2atteIILof VERB COMllEMe~nrJ91 This paUCIDl can be sajd torepresenta IJJS10N (G e E 850) ofJ~ltsimpler transitiv iexcll~J~Jjpiexcly_e_tjPes - _shy

IH~~_sfiE~~Ve can be fused with th~~~tY_e_(lri~alsoP~ fused with theintransitixe1 Insentildetentildeces SUChas[4] -

MI It turned green

~construc~~~~~]y idmtifkQyaacuteth th~ of l3J in both examples the

l]

~ ~ ~ ENGLISH GRAMMAR

verb is described as copularor in the terminology of GCE820f as taking intensive complementation But neither description is quite appropriate to1 both cases In the~ptive sentence there i indeed no mor~than~pYhL~

1 2ampffiMical iP~ betwe~ the adjective and its subject~ plainly this ~ ~ is not true of [4] whose verb TURN has its own specific meaning lf turned~ iacute I is a full verb it must then be the govemor of green as made is in (1) in that

iexcl ~ sense there is cornplernentatjon But we express nothing by assigning such a complernentation to the copula A solution is to c1ass I4] as a COMPLBX

IITMNSITIVE iL~onsect_trJltiordmL being an extension of th~simpleJmransiUacutelLe _shy~ i I5] It turned

j precisely as that of (1) is extended from that of [2)iexcl

2 Fused constructions

Let us take our cue from GCEs referenee to fusionlo the simpl~L =nfu~~~_~~~~~~~)t1ecltgtnstVf1ionconsistso(asingJULeAicJ~tQI(lgde) which in a dependency ana~is has both the subject and the object as its dependents or to adapt G CEs term has both a subjeet and an oJkltt asit complementation lnJhaL~se (2) has a _K1U~~~_~ruetion (Lyons i977) w1jch cannotJiexclJLr~s~Cl9JUnQ(lt_e~mentary relationships of ptediCJJQJkSo too has the simple intransitive (5] vi1ihidepeiioenforior forming the complementation of tumed So too has the simple aseriptive [3] its predicator on the analysis ofLyons and others is the adjective green One reason for relatlng the subject to the adjective is that the elements are jointly subject to selectional restrictions A reason for not relating either to the copula is that the latter stands aside (rom these restrictions adding none ofitsown

In a fused construction the pattem ls neither strictly kernel nor straightforwardly non-kemellnJhegmplex transitive [lL1oth1tan41~Y are again direct ~cngents of made these relatio~_elQ~ the words in FigJbx direC1~ltaI~_uacutela~~I~Qordf-ordfl9blleiexcl)Uumlnamp21uacuteward frollLthe

~d

(aJiquest-Fig 1

[42]

P H Matthew$

p~ed~~ So is green arc el this too being supported by selectional restrictions We are therefore dealing with a single clause rooted in made of which each word is a distinct element But green js a1soapredicator in iexclelation to il (are d)J that wav we are dealing with two kernelp~QlS th~ fuurtermclauseinfQmQrating bothtM_~tuet~[IDJr~JlsitiYlljh~ twoshytenn a~-middot -_shy

In Fig 1 we have diagrammed what any grammarian will propose provided that his terminology or his notational apparatus allow him to say it Iut similar reasonjng applies to the construction which we have called the ~IpJex ln~~-ordfEsitive Of the relationships showninf1g --~~t~~~~_

it turned green

aAacutebJ Fig2

to ir (arcc)_isagainasintheascripJjy~ and needs no further cornment But the final element is clearly suJiexcliect to ru19jtional resr=l~ordmI~ tlTlJRI_ im~~tordm-~~it~~rAUQj~9iY_I9U~l~~ed noun (He turned pink He turned kings eVidence) iQ~~~1lined phrase is exCiuacuteded (He turned arog)

tDle~sthe p~e~~i0rl~lJ9rtn is ~~jordmntildei[qiireifitetuumlmed iexclnto a frog) ~itt G-ordm-1h exdusi(m is abgolule one cannot even say He went into a criminal

f [he adjeqtive is also Iimlted to specific collocations For example one can say It turned sour or Ir went sour but it is harder to accept Ir grew sour 1 Conversely one can say He grew od but not He went od On that evidence

j we may establish a relationship of dependency between green and tumedj (arc b) The verb too can then be related to the subject (arc a)

1 Epgth o~2am~ thefe is one terro ir lVhich is a9~de~~~~t1 theascriptile anCITlieletbalk~m~1 (Fig 1 ares b and d Fig 2 ares a and c) The fusion is then effected by a further link (Fig 1 arc e Fig 2 are b) in which ond of the two predicators een is ineo orat~a~_ ordf d~RendenlO(th~ I re atlon that uirk an4hl~ COU~_~ampI~s-1 jn the case of th complex intransitille hall app1ied the Iean intlaquo=nsve

mmplementatio~gly describe he yaleruLQ(IUN or iexcl l otIllBNinthisuseJuh~int~siYeint[ansitivx But the insight intildeaacute I

alsQ be extended to the complex transitiye In that spirit MAKE or MAKE as

used in sentences such as W might appropriatelL be described ~~_~n_ i ~ntensive transitive -J -bull_--------shy

[43)

ENGLISH GRAMMAR

3 Distinctions between tbe complex intransitive and other partly similar constructions

For a three-term construction Fig 2 shows the maximum number of interconnections with each term related to each of the others The miacutenimum isone thus for the ascriptive (3) we have adopted the structure shown i~

L with l~~E2nd te~~Il2= tlliacuten amaroe~ ordmrS1PP9~g~lexn~~ ~eLClatiacute9D~t~~~~t~first an~~~hir~ But this leaves five other possibilities which in theory might be realized ust as the second element_lt~p~ltmark(r ordfs inEig 3bullKlJQQmgordmHhetordm-iriexcl in thatJ~SiquestOillY

iacutet is green

Fig3

1he_verb vQ1lld_be a predicatorrwithonl)l1he_~ygtject related 10 it This structure does not seem to be realized at least not in away whiacuteCh is -relevant to our analysis Asecond_possibil~iuhatJmly the verb a~ ~~~iexcltiY~L iquestnjgl~~_rell~q in that ca~e bot~redicatoS_w-ordmyldIgt~ impersonal-vUh lh~su~ject a me~m~ce-filler This structure might conceivably be suggested for exampIacuteesmiddotSuumlch as [6]

[6] It got mistier

with a so-called ambient it But although it may indeed be ambient with respect to mistier it need not follow that it is ambient with respect to got

In the remaining cases no element is a marker but there are only two instead of three interconnections Ir there wem no link betw-IlJhe subject ~YMh(Ejg 2 are a) the verb1tSelf would agajn be impersmordf-~ I~ transformational terms its surface subject would be derived by raising (Postal 1974) from a subordinate adjectival clause lf th3ewere no intensiye lipk between the first and second predicators (Fg 2 arWJUlt verb would be a simple intransitive taking just t~_S)lbject as its complementation th~on of tbe adjec1iYtLL~ then be uumlMrn-~0n[7] forexample --- -_~

Eacutel He arrived saber J (~ eacute cc L f ~ 2 f

grammars do not establish an intensive or copular use of ARIUVB Finally

[44]

1 P H Marrhew$

if the ascriQive lik wer~~2ken iacuteEiKbJ~~ f)hHordmjlti~~ment woulordm-no longer bJlta predicaQ~ltiexclHQle wQuldin~teadb~ADVJllqt~iexcl as in 8)

(8) He ran fa~t

There is no doubt that the intensive construction is distinct from the adverbial and that sober in [7] is at least more circumstantial than green in It turned green But the subject-verb relation is more problematic in that a raising transformation has been proposed for one at least of the G C E s intensive verbs Let us therefore take that distinction first

31 Ofthe twenty or so most common intensive verbs (GCE821) SEEM and APPEAR particularly lend themselves to transformational analysis On the evidence of sentences such as [9]

(2) It seemed that they wereamp~e~

_U~naIlJral lo establish an underlying ~~ct~~

J~sIhey were green]~ seemed

irlYhIacutetEw~4)srelate(L1ot to they J~Q9green indhiOacute1lally but to the yiole ascri2tive kernelrom the same structure a sentence such as [10)

[10] They seemed to be green

can then be derived by further transformations of subject raising and infinitive formation Froro the structure reaJized by [Io]lIleare n3tllcalli

~m~ed to derive the comple~_~transiti~euacutell

[u) They seemed gre~

by a further transformation deleting the copuiacutea For SEEM the rules deriving [10] and [u] would both be optional But for

other verbs such as TURN or GO We could make them obligatory so It turned green could be the only realization of an underlying sUr was greenls turned the ambient Ir got misrier - [6] aboye - a realization of say s[mistier]s gorand so on If the obligatory rules were then restricted to the copula we would also ensure that any other form of embedded structure (g[he eft]s turned or g[he kissed her]s grew) was filtered out By such means a treatment which is widely accepted for SEEM and for which the evidence is at first compelling could be extended if it were thought appropriate to the entire intensive intransitive class

There are good reasons for not thinking it appropriate In a sentence such as [12]

[12] Harry got drunk

Qn~JsllQIacuteli~ply talking of a_~ate tha~ reslllttI s~o t~a~ ~~rry vs (45)

ENGLISH GRAMMAR

drunk or Harrys drunkenness happened) Nor is Harrya mere theme or tliexclfc (Aacute~-to-KarryQruniexcliquestenneacuteSs-l1ippened to him) tlamp11tbject iexclS1

potentia1lt-at-l~st--alMl~tgh-ge~~amp9run_~ wassoID1hiiL~hatJIal did The--verb mayaccordiacutentilde-gly take a subject adjunct (O CE 466]) thus I delibera tey got drunk or He foo(lshy turned traitor It may also supply the complement of a conative verb (1 did try to get drunk) may appear in the imperative (Dont get drunk ) and so on For sorne collocations this potentiacuteality is doubtless harder to realize (compare He delibera tey turned bue with He delibera tey turned nasty or He tried ro grow oder with He tried ro grow farter) but that is precisely the case for subjects and predicators generally lt is this semantic role that justifies the first link shown in Fig 2

which an impersonal structure as in (b)

(b) s[Harry was drunkls got

would relegate to the surface If (b) is wrong for Harry got drunk a transformationalist should consider

more carefully w hether a similar structure is correct for Harry seemed drunk Let us assume that it is correct for the construction with a that-clause (It seemed that Harry was dhmk) for SEEM and APPEAR a c1ausal complement does form one possibility Let us also accept that SBBM has a constant sense in all its constructions But for other current intensives (G eE 820 f) the evidence is more complexo With SOUNO a that-clause can be forced for example if a dative is inserted (lt sounds ro me that (hey arent coming) There is also an impersonal construction with as if

[131 It sounds as ifthey were green

which might be thought to derive from the same source The construction of [13] is also acceptable witb LOOK (lt ooks as ifthey arent coming) But between it and the complex intransitive we can find clear disparities in meaning In [13] the judgment is based on indirect clues what sounds or appears from audible information is indeed the whole proposition they were green But in the complex intransitive [14]

[141 They sound drunk

it is based on sounds that they are making For that reason it is harder 10 make sense of They sound green Likewise They [ook drunk means that they from their appearance are so But in It loob as ifthey are drunk the speaker does not even imply that he has seen them (Compare Prom what you say it ooks as if rhey are drunk) Ir we wanted a complex source it would be tempting 10 relate [14] not 10 the impersonal [13] with raising but rather to the personal [Is1

[IS] They sound as iexclfthey are drunk

with the second they deleted

[46]

P H Marthews

Personal and impersonal are often hard to separate as Palmer (1972) and before him Bolinger(l96la) have shown Ofthis group ofintensives TASTE

and 5MBLL are the most restricted in meaning and it is with these that the impersonal construction as in [91 and [131 is least acceptable With TASTE

neither seems likely Ir rasres to me that the soup is saty It tastes to me as if they are sweer If the second example can be interpreted it is by virtue of a blending with the personal construction (compare It tasres as ifit ) With SMELL the construction of [131 may be more acceptable (Ir smells ro me as if dinner is ready) but the blending remains With PEEL a non-tactile sense is possible (Ir fees Iikey) but is less established than the broader senses of LOOK or SOUNO (compare Ir ooks likey II sounds likey) It is in this case that my judgment is least secure would one say for example It fees (or Ir fees to me) as if they were green With SOUNO and LOOK the general sense is well established as in [131 or Ir sounds likely but there is still a sensory meaning as in [14] and [Isl which inhibits the pure impersonal with that With SEEM and APPEAR we are at the end of the continuum both having general senses only Hence the construction of[91 alongside the impersonal with as if (Ir seems as if they were green) Hence perhaps the infinitive construction of [101 with SOUNO and the others this too is awkward (They ooked ro have arrived Or Ir tastes ro me to be sweer) But it does not follow that the semantical1y general They seem drunk differs in syntax from the specifically sensory They sound drunk or They smell drunk We can even force an active interpretation of the subject thus They tried lO appear drunk or I deliberarey seemed irrftated

32 As [11] with SEEM Hes on a gradience between personal and impersonal so there are others which raise problems in distinguishing intensive from adverbial and circumstantial constructions For there is no criterion which is both sufficient and necessary

The obvious step is to tesectt for simpler transforms Thus J9r [12] Harl~ qrunk ~e can comp~jiexcleJgtimple a~ve Harry was drul~ TRANSFORM in that firstIy it is a a d secondly the predicator

-ORUNK hasnot a tq~ sense s no intraiiSIuvetrans[oacuterintilde ~stiiis~se of G BI is oot ~ble Nor has 4 r tumeirgeacute-iexcl an intransitive transform It turned since this involves a different sense oC TURN Ir there~~ an ascriptive transform but n9-Wn~itive the JhirdeiacuteeDlen t mult be a complementi so [41 and [12] must be complex intransitive Ir there is neither transform it MA y be complement but the col~of verb and adjective mjgbt rCaSantildea be classed as idiomatic Thus The roses have run wild has no transform The roses ve iiOr-aacuteoes it strictly match The rOSes are wild But WILO is at least an adiecti~ must stand in sorne relationship to the verb therefore R UN WILO is right1y

chmldw-rresultintensive (O eE) ---shy-- -_--g ~ _---_bull ~ shy

[471

ENOLISH ORAMMAR

If there is a simple intransitive but no ascriptive transr2ffil--_~~~ coacutentildeSffiiClioacutentilde-intildeuumlSt]ie iexcljdve(J2iacuteaIYlIacuteustrivialIy He ran iexcliuieacutekly has no ascriptive tiexclansfo~ He was quickly less trivially He travelled light does not match He was ight But what if we find both rlJgJQQordf~tillha$ordflJ ascriEtive _~ran~f~rrlJ~eYI1Jer~_~~ ~sectmL1aY-J~_a~~plement circumstantjallik~iilelltjnThey-sJoQdsilent ordfytlb~~j~llsothe simpler intran~1ti~ fbilystQPf so still ~ight be anadver~ like sileniTyintilde-fiieystood silenty Since there is no distinct form srilly the latter is hard to rule out For It shone white we can compare the formally adjectivallt shone brighr again there are both transforms (Ir shone Ir was white) But It shone brighr is c10se in meaning to the formaUy adverbial Ir shone brighry could white be an adverb in default of or as the commoner altemative to whirely Blending may aIso be found in idioms For example it is fruitless to ask if doggo is an adjective or an adverb in He is Iying doggo

For the circumstantial case both transforms are necessary thus [7] He arriuacuteiid sober has the triexcliexclntildeiiiacuteormsmiddotiexcliexcluacuteli-iexcliexclved andHe wasectSoacutebe Wewoacuteuumllifiliso ixpeeacutetthilUumlheveromiddotantildedmiddotildjectTe-shouId befreeOi collocationaI restrictions so He arrived sober He left sober He Jeft satisjied He arrived satisfied and so on But it is very hard to say when such a requirement iacutes meto One does not say for example They stood noisy or They sroodpeacefuJ on that evidence They stood sient might be classed as complex intransitive But neither is one likely to say They arrived noisy or They arrived kind Is that too a matter of collocational restrictions so that [7] is also intensive Or is it merely that NOISY and KIND are ill suIacuteted 10 this construction7 At this point jt is tempting to distinguish degrees of circumstantiality The extreme case would be represented by such sentences as [16]

[16] They stood there exhausted

(Iikewise They have arrived quite sober) where the adjective and verb are marked as separate Beside [16] the construction in [7] is less clearly circumstantial in They stood sient or They stoodfidgering it is perhaps even r less so But this last might stilJ be seen as less intensive than for example

iexcl They stood amazed Likewise They feJl exhausted is less clearly intensi ve than 1 They fell sick since it involves no special sense of FALL

~

f lrOacutel p1lI1riHmD ~ amires f0tr eompiex trlmSitive fu Tlieyfbuntlliim~

guilry there is a special sense OfPIND as ofMAKE in They mode it green In TIwy rrun Juacutem JOber tbat IacuteoS DO spcciiexcll SCDSII of)lEET~ by tbat cS ~ is more eircumsumlial BUl onc la unlikely lO say for eumple They me hlm meditative

4 Finally there is an obvious gradience between the coxnP-1ex intransitive ~nct the simple ascriptj~ With TURN 01 GROW there are~-selecUumlonal restrictions as we have seen With SBJlli or SIhV tney are far fewer

[48J

P H Matthews

neverthelesson~canI1Q~~yfordmr_~ordfmplelfil_sectil1Ied chairmqf1-ltcompareH~ stayelt chairman Qr1fsectJjiquest_riquest~cordfirmordfl1) or It srays obvious that (compare It seemsobvious that or It remainsobvious that ) With REMAIN it is hard to find any but at least the intransitive exists He remained) and their senses can be related Wth BECOMB that evidence too is lacking He became drunk can be distinguish-ed(rontildei1lieasgiptiYlt1g lu7ntl1k onlyJ~iiui~s from jts resultative meaning -_-

This merging has ied grammarians to treat the constructions together But we can do this only by assimi)ating BE to the mode) of verb complementation (as in GCE) not by assimilating TURN and so on to the model of a copula likethecpmplexrordfnsectitiy~nl_e compleimrap~W~i~ ayoor ca~~idatefltY-l~LIl~Jlt~IQ~-ordf_~~rnelltructllr~middot

M

~_

Page 17: in - UGR · (III). 11-70 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1171 Note [a] The ... In addition, we shall use where necessary the suffixes 'ph' (for

1200 Complementation of verbs and adjectiacuteves

She made him iexcliexcl good husband (S V OC) [1 J She made him a good wife (S VOC) [2J

[1 Jhas the passive analogue He as gtladea good husband but in the entirelydifferentconstruetion of (2] where the copular rdation is between she and a good middotle no passive is possible Thc meuning is She Vas a good wire to himmiddot A prepositional verb 01 this Same unusuallattcrn is strike l in 101 example

He stmck me os a brilliant slralegist where a brilianl strategist is su bjcet eomplement

(Clprl and (C2prl Object complement foUowing prepositional verb 1647 The preposition as designates a copular relation particularly in specifying a

role or status associated with the direct object The ehureh eondemned the relie as a lraud Following a complex transitive verb and a direct object the prepositional complement of as functions semantiacutecally as an attribute and may be termed a prepositional object complement in the same way as the noun phrase following a transitive prepositional verb is called a prepositional object

a geniacuteus [C2] We considered him as a genius [C2pr]

tobeagenius [C4]

1 bull (as) a genius ~ He was consdered t b

o e agemus

Consider as like regard as class as etc therefore exemplifies yet another type of prepositional verb one that is followed by a prepositiacuteonal object complement rather than a prepositional object

Occasionally the prepositionlor occurs in this copular function instead of as

He took these words as evidence He took me lor a fool

In the following list for verbs in column (i) the preposition is optional where for verbs in column (H) the preposition is obligatory

(i) appoint (as) (ii) aeeept as ehoose (as) aeknowledge as eonsider (as) eharaeterize as eount (as) class as deem (as) define as esteem (as) describe as rate (as) intend as reekon (as) mistakelor report (as) regard as eleet (as) see as eertify (as) take asllor erown (as) trea as make Unto) use as proclaim (as)

Most verbs in [elpr] and[e2pr] can also introduce an adjective phrase in the function of prepositional object complement

Types of verb complementation 1201

The experts raled his paintings (as) poor bUI representalive ol their class

They classed Jane as partialty sighted The media described the situation as hopeless ~ The situation was described as hopeless

Verbs not allowing this construction are marked 1 in the aboye lists The construction iacutes exceptional in allowing an adjective phrase to occur after a prepositiacuteon A more orthodox construction is obtained by adding the word being before the adjective phrase and thereby converting the prepositional complement into a nominal -ing clause

The media descriacutebed the situation as being hopeless

Note [al Count as and rate as can also oecur in an analogous as-conslruction without lhe object as prepositional copular verbs eg This coanslraes as a tWtable success (e 1622 Note lb]) [b] Allhough as is classcd as a preposition in Ibe above pattern il in some ways resemblcs the conjunction as which introduces clauses of comparison (e15 71) Consider Ihe following curious examples in which as introduces on Ihe one hand a clause and on the other hand a noun phrase in an appositional relation lo Ihe clause

Report me as 10m - a superannuated dolt Hedescribcd her as heound her a liar

(C31 Complementation by object and adjunct 1648 Our next category Type [e3] consists of verbs which occur in the SVOA

pattern (el216) ie verbs which ha ve as their complementation an object followed by a predication adjunct The most characteristic adjuncts to occur in this pattern are prepositional phrases of space and more particularly of direction eg

1 slipped the key into the lock He stood my argument on its head [2] Take your hands out olyour poekets

The passive iacutes illustrated by

The key was slipped into the lock [1 al Sentence [2] exemplifies the abstract or metaphorical use of such verbs and adjuncts Many of the verbs which fit into this pattern are causative verbs of motiacuteon put get stand se sit lay place send bring take lead drive etc The class is open-ended since verbs normally without causative meaning can be adapted to this function eg show see elbow etc in

The attendant showed us to our seats [conducted us ] May I see you home [escort you ] He elbowed and bribed his way to fame They talked me into it [persuaded me ]

Other verbs are associated with space position adjuncts rather than direction adjuncts

They lelt the papers at my offiee Always keep your eyes on the road when driving

1

i

1202 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

The attackers eaught us ofJour guardo He wished them at the bottom ofthe sea

Again the spatial meaning ofthe adjunct rnay be understood in sorne abstract or rnetaphorical sense as in the third exarnple aboye

Adjuncts of other sernantic types are less cornrnon but instances are the adjunct of rnanner following treat

badIY Her parents treated her as ifshe were a baby

as like a small ehild

and the optional adjunct of duration following last

This rnoney will ha ve to last you laquo(for) six months)

Note [al Treot has a dilferent meaning when the adjunct is omitted Her parents treated her [= did something pleasant for her]

[b] Superficiacuteally similar to the aboye pattern iacutes that iIIustrated by remind andfurnish followed by an object and a prepositional phrase

She reminds me ofmy sister They furnished all the passengers with iexclfe jackets

These however are classed as transiti ve prepositional verbs (cfI6 7-8) and will be dealt with in 1656fbelow The difference between Ihese prepositional verbs and verbs of complemenlation Type [e3] is that in Ihe former case the lexical verb governs a particular preposition remind offurnish with (Alternative prepositional constructions are sometimes available however provide withprovide for)

Variants of complex transitive complementation 649 We now examine variants of complex transitive cornplernentation in which

thc direct object iexcls f01lowltd by ji nonfinite dau~1 acting as predication adjunct Al four kinds of nonfinite construction (ef 146-8) are possible

[C4] to-infinitive [C6] -ing participle They knew hirn to be a spy 1caught Ann reading my diary

[CS] bare infinitive [C7] -ed participle 1heard someone slam We saw him beaten by the

World Heavyweight Champion thedoor

The nonfinite clause in these patterns (in italics in the above table) has no subject itself but its implied subject is always the preceding noun phrase which is object of the superordinate c1ause This noun phrase which if a personal pronoun is in the objective case is commonly termed a RAISED

OBJECT (ef further 16640) semantically it has the role of subject of the nonfinite verb but syntactically it is raised from the nonfinite c1ause to function as object of the superordinate verbo Hence in general this noun phrase (in italics in the table below) can become subject of the corresponding passive (The passive of [C5] normaly requires substitution of a to-infinitive for abare infinitive the passive of [C7) is of marginal currency ef 1654 Note [a))

(C4] He was known to be a spy

[eS] Someone was heard to slam the door

Types of verb complementation 1203

[C6] Ann was caught reading rny diary

[e] He was seen executed by a firing squad

On the face ofit the patterns [C4] and [e6] are indistinguishable from the rnonotransitive patterns [B8] (eg She hates the train to be late) and [B9] (eg She hates the train being late) in which the nonfinite c1ause has a subject of its own The ability of the noun phrase preceding the nonfinite verb to become subject of a passive is however an important distinction between thern (see further 1651 and 1653)

These patteros [e4] and (e6] are distinguished from corresponding patterns in which the Note nonfinite c1ause is an adverbial by the raet that the iacutemplied subject of the nonfinite verb is O rather than S Note the ambiguity of

She left him to finish the jobo She lert him holding the baby

IC4J Object + to-infinitive complementation The verbs in this group are rather numerous and rnay be subdivided 1650

(vii) assist bother bribe eondemll dariquest defy encourage help induce inspire press summon

semantically into the following categories

(iacute) announee declare proclaim pronounee

(H)

reporl repute [esp P rumour (P only] say[P only] tip (esp BrEgt

assume believe eonceive (formalgt eonsider expeet feel jind imagine know presume reekon see [P only1 suppose take thiacutenk[esp P1 understand

(iiiacute) intend mean

(iv) appoint elect name vote

(v) cause drive force get[no P] lead prompt

(vi) alow authorize compel eonstrain enable entitle equip jit oblige permit requiacutere

[P = Passive]

1ZU4 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Types (i) and (ti) correspond to the factual verbs of category [B3J discussed in 1631 the nonfinite construction following these verbs can often be replaced by a lhal-clause with an indicative verbo Compare

The poli ce reported that the traffic was heavy [B3] The police reported the traffic to be heavy (formal) [C4]

JOhn believed that the stranger was a policeman [B3 = John believed the stranger to be a policeman (formal) [C4]

With factual verbs such as these the nonfinite clause normaIly contains the verb be or sorne other verb of stative meaning EspecialIy when the nonfinite main verb is other than be the finite clause (of pattern [B3]) is preferred to the infiniti ve one except that the infinitive construction provides a convenient passive form

The traffic was reported to be heavy The stranger was believed to be a poli cernan

Sorne verbs in this construction have no lhat-clause equivalent

They tipped him to be the next president (esp BrE) - He was tipped to be the next president (They tipped that he would be the next president)

Sorne verbs (marked [P only] in the list abo ve) occur only in the passive version of this construction

The field marshal was said to be planning a new strategy (Someone said the field marshal to be planning a new strategy)

Other verbs (marked [esp PJ) occur chiefly in the passive

The BroadwiY piOJutioli was inoughi to have made Maxs fortune (Newsmen lhought the Broadway production to have made Maxs fortune)

Ofthe twq classes of factual verbs Type (i) consists ofpublic verbs (cf1631) referring to a speech act and Type (ii) consists of private verbs expressing belief etc

1651 Of the remaining semantic types Type (iii) consists of verbs of intention (on intend itself ef 1641 Note lb]) Types (iv) and (v) consist of causative verls where the infinitive clause identifies the resultant state (Type (iv) verbs also belong to class [Cl]) Type (vi) cClUsists of verbs with a modal character expressing such concepts as enablement permission and compulsion and Type (vii) consists of a variety of verbs of influencing between which a common factor appears to be that the nonfinite clause has a purposive meaning Examples are

(iii) They intended Mary to sing an aria (- Mary was intended to sing an aria)

(iv) The meeting elected Mr Martiacuten to be the next treasurer (- Mr Martin was elected to be the next treasurer)

Types of verb complementation 1205

(v) This optimistic forecast led the administration to promise tax cuts ( _ The administration was led (by this optimistic forecast) to promise tax cuts)

(vi) My contract allows me to take one months lea ve (- 1arn allowed to take one months leave)

(vii) Our teachers eneouraged us to think for ourselves (- We were eneouraged to think for ourselves)

In Type (iv) the infinitive main verb is normaIly be and can be omitted They appointed her (lO be) the social secretar) This type overlaps with Type (v) 1646

Note [al There are a number of multi-word verbs in this category [C4prl counl Ofl bullbullbull lO depend Ol bullbull lo rey on lO bullbullbull [C4phl make OUI 10 bullbull [C4ph-pr] keep 01 al lo bull

(which has no passive) Examples are 1 am dependillg 011 you lO give us your fu support They malle him oul to be a monster ofdepravity Why do you keep On al me 10 work harder

[b] Sorne passives of pattem [C4] (eg be allowed be supposed) have a semi-auxiliary (cf347f) interpretation in which they lose their connection with the corresponding active construction especiay as regareis agency

(es) Object + bare infinitive complementation 1652 This pattern occurs with a relatively smaIl number of verbs

(i) have (ii) fee overhear[P] (iii) help [P] let hear [PI see [PJ know [P] rnake [PI notice [P watch

observe[P]

Typl (i) consists uf vlrbs uf iexcluiexclciacuteVI meaning Type (ii) has percepwal verbs of seeing and hearing and Type (iii) is a residual class of two verbs which are optionally followed by a to-infinitive The marker [PI indicates that the passive (normaIly with a to-infinitive) is possible [P] indicates that the passive is of doubtful or limited acceptability

(i) You shouldnt lel your family iacutenterfere with our plans We must rnake the public take notice ofuso

(- The public must be rnade to take notice ofus) (ji) Did you notiacutece anyone leaue the house

The crowd saw Gray score lwo rnagnificeni goals ( - Gray was seen lo seore two rnagnificent goas)

(iii) Sarah helped us (to) edil the seript 1 have known John (to) give better speeches than that

(- John has been known lO giue better speeches than that)

Know followed by the bare infinitive is confined mainly to BrE and to the perfective aspect have known Lel in group (i) is in other constructions cIassified as similar to an auxiliary (ef3SI) Let has an apparent passive in combination with such verbs as lel go and lel fal but these are best regarded as fixed expressions in which let has an auxiliary or particIe-like function

They let the prisoner go horneo - The prisoner was let go horneo

1206 Complementation of verbs and adjectiacuteves

Note that this apparent passive has the bare infinitive in contrast for example to make which has to have the to-infinitive in the passive

They mude him understand ~ He was made to understalld

A third verb in group (i) is have which (like have in monotransitive constructions) does not occur in the passi ve

They had me repeat the message ~ 1 was had (to) repeat the message

Note [a] The formulaic nature of let him go and similar expressions is illustrated by variants such as [1-3J which cannot be fitted into any regular complementation pattern

gothe rope [1] They lel the rope go [2]

goofthe rope (3)

[b] Of the two constructions with help tha with 10 is more common in BrE and that without 10

is more common in AmE [e] Arare verb in category (i) is the now rather archaic bid with a to-infinitive complementation in the passive

They bidbade me sil down - rwas bidden 10 sil down

[C61 Object + -ing participle complementation 1653 The verbs in category [C6] consist of verbs of perception (Type (iraquo verbs of

encounter (Type (iO) and two verbs of coercive meaniacuteng (Type

feel[C5] see[C5) (ji) eateh (iiiacute) have hear[C5) smell diseover get notiee [C5] spot find observe[C5) spy leave overhear[CS) wateh [CS) pereeive

Perception verbs marked [CS] occur also with the bare infinitive pattern [CS) Wiacuteth such verbs there iacutes an aspect difference between [C5) and [C6) as described in 461f

Tim watched Bill mendlmendingthe lampo

The bare infinitive having nonprogressive meaning implies that Bill did the wholejob while Tiacutem was watching the -ing clause with progressive meaning has no such implicatiacuteon

This complementatiacuteon pattern differs from that of [B9) not only in its progressive aspect but also in that the noun phrase following the superordinate verb cannot take the genitive (or possessive) form (ef 1642)

1 saw him lying on the beach 1 saw his lying on the beach

Another difference from pattern [B9) is that the -ing predication can normally be omitted without radically altering the meaning

1 saw him lying on the beach [entails iexcl saw him)

Contrast

1 hate my friends leaving early [does notentaiacutel 1 hate my friends)

Types of verb complementation 1207

The passive with this pattern is regular

We could hear the rain splashing on the roof ~ The rain could be heard splashing on che roof

A teacher eaughc them smoking in the playground - They were eaught smoking in the playground (by a teacher)

Prepositional verbs with this type of complementation ([C6prJ) include eome aeross eome upon listen to and look at Look at those ehildren climbing the wall But these [C6prJ prepositional verbs have no prepositiacuteonal passive

seen The guards had been spouhed searchiacuteng the building

wate e d looked at

Have in this construction (e18S1ff) also has no passive in keeping with its use in other constructions

She had us working day after day We were had working day after day

Note Feeloccurs especially with a reflexive pronoun object Shefelt herself falling in love

[C7) Object + -ed participle complementation 1654 We can distinguish three small groups of verbs complemented bv a raised

object followed by an -ed participle c1ause

(i) CAUSATIVE verbs get ha ve She gotlhad the watch repaired immediately

Oi) VOLITlONAL verbs want need like I wantlneed this watch repaired immediately

(jii) PERCEPTUAL verbs see hearJeel (oneself) wateh Someone must have seenl heard the car stolen

A fourth group is peripheral to this construction

(iv) Verbs for which the -ed participle describes a resulting statefind

diseoverleave They founddiseoveredfleft him worn out by tra vel and exertion

j In this construction as in that of (C6) have can ha ve either an agentive causative meaning or a stative meaning Hence The guard patrol had two men shot is ambiguous meaning either The patrol caused two men to be shot or

I The patrol suffered the los s oftwo men by shooting The latter meaning is that of the have-existential construction (ef 18S1ff) In general this

complementation type is semantically equivalent to one with an iacutenfinitive form of the verb be Thus in Type (ii) iexcl would like my room cleaned is synonymous with iexcl would like my room to be cleaned in Type Oiiacute) He saw the team beaten is synonymous with He saw the team be beaten

Note [al There is no passive for most verbs in pattem [e7] and at best the passive is dubious The car must have been seen stolen The acceptability of the passive with Type (iv) is exceptional

---

--

1208 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

The car wasfound abandoned This is indeed an indication that Type (iv) may not belong here so much as with the objecl complement construction [el l iexclhe participle construclion being adjectival (cf an abandoned car) lb1In addition to the two meanings of haue + objec + -ed participle above a third meaning results ifthe -ed clause is analysed as a postmodifier of Ihe object eg She had a book (which gtvas) stolenfrom the library

Ditransitive complementation

ID11 Noun phrases as both indirect and direct object 1655 Ditransiacutetive complementation in its basic fonu involves two object no un

phrases an indirect object which is nonually aniacutemate and positioned first and a direct object which is nonually concrete The two noun phrases differ from those of[C2] in not being in a copular relationship

He gave the girl a doll --v-- --r-

S V Oiacute Od

The difference between this and complex transitive complementation is seen in

svoe He found her a loyal friendo ( She was a loyal friend)

SVOO He found her an apartment ( - The apartment was for her)

The characteristics of indirect objects in contrast to direct objects are fully disclssed in 107

Sorne ditransitive verbs have two passive analogues which we shall distinguish as first and second

The girl was given a doll [FIRST PASSIVE]

A doll was given the girl [SECOND PASSIVE]

Of these two the first passive in which the indirect object becomes subject is the more common The prepositional paraphrase is more usual as an alternative than the second passive A dol was given to the girl (For a list of verbs ofType [01] ef1657 below)

[D21 Object and prepositional object 1656 In the ditransitive category prepositional verbs fonu an important group

with its own sub-divisions and may therefore be given a separate category number D2] These verbs are those we have called Type II prepositional verbs (cfI67-8) Alongside the ordinary indirect object pattern two main prepositional patterns rnaybe distinguished _

Indirect object + direct object [D1] Direct object + prepositional object D2a] lndirect object + prepositional object [D2b]

Types of verb complementation 1209

The indirect object is normally animate and is the recipient or beneficiary of the process described by the verb (ef 1019) Unlike ditransitive verbs of category [D 1] (eg give) ditransiti ve verbs with prepositional objects nonually have only one passive

We addressed our remarks to the children [D2a] - Our remarks were addressed to the children (The children were addressed our remarks (toraquo

W e reminded him of the agreement [D2bl - He was reminded of the agreement (The agreement was reminded him (of)

-1 Sorne verbs have a11 three possibilities of construction in the active many have two forothers there is only one possibility (in sorne cases the alternatives are not identical but very similar in meaning)

tel [01 + 2a + 2b]

1

offer [01 + 2a] 1

envy [01 + 2b] I

wish [01]

bamefD2a + 2b]

say [D2a]

warn [D2b]

Mary told only John the secret DI] Mary told the secret only to John [D2a] Mary told only John about the secreto [D2b]

John offered Mary sorne help [DI] John offered sorne help to Mary [D2a]

She envied John his success [DI] She envied Johnfor his success [D2b]

They wished him good luck [DI]

Helen blamed the divorce on John rD2al Helen blamed Johnfor the divorce [D2bj

Why didnt anybody say this to me [D2a] I

Mary warned John ofthe dangers [D2b) I

The different constructional possibilities of certain verbs provide a means of achieving different focus (cfI837f) Compare the fo11owing pairsofsentences as pronounced with unmarked (end) focus

Mary blamed the broken vase on IOHN Mary blamed John for the broken VAacuteSE

(ef John was blamed by MARY)

The government supplied blankets for the HOMEless The government supplied the homeless with BLANKets

(ef Blankets were supplied by the Goacutevernment)

Note [al The aboye constructions are presented in the most typical syntactic ordering but postshyponernent of the direct or iacutendirect object may take place in contexts where end-focus or endshyweight is required (cf1837) eg John offered lO Mary Ihe help thal she needed [b] Additional prepositional verb patterns should be briefly mentioned There is for example the double-prepositional-verb pattern noted in 1617(c)

1210 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1211

1657

1 am applying lo the hospitalor ajobo There is a further possibility that two prepositional objects may follow a diacuterect object

We are paying $100 lo the garage for the repairs

Verbs of complementation types ID1 and [D2 The following list gives sorne of the verbs that occur in Types [DI] [D2aJ [D2b] organized aeeording to the cross-classifications of 1656 aboye We are interested here only in synonymous or nearly synonyrnous constructions in which the same participant roles (ef lO18jJ) oceur Hence many possible prepositional verbs are ignored Pay for for example is ignored because it introduces a further participant (the commodity bought) not incuded in pay (with) and pay (to)

Table 1657

Type [DI) Type [D2a] Type[D2b]

EXAMPLE serve (Jaek scampi) serve (searnpi) serve (Jack) to (Jack) with (scampi)

[DI + 2a + 2b) pay payto pay with provide (AmE) providefor provide with serve serve to serve with tel tell to tell about

[DI + 2a) (l) bring bring to den deny to give give lo

grant gram to hand hand to leave leave tofor lend lend to offer offer to owe oweto promise promiseto read read lo send send to show show to teaeh teaeh to throw throw to

(ii) do doacutefor find findfor make makefor order order for reserve reservefor save savefor spare sparefor

(iii) ask askof

1658

[DI + 2b]

[Di]

[D2a + 2b]

[D2a]

[D2b)

envy excuse forgive

allow eharge fine refuse wish

blameon supply forto

address to announee to eommunieate to explain to sayto

envyfor exeusefor forgivefor

blamefor supply with

advise about punishfor etc

The membership of[D2b] is numerous Here are further examples arranged by prepositions

thankfor eonvineeof robof refer to preventfmm depriacutevenf ltuspee f 9f sentenee to proleet from informof warnof subject ro imerest in persuadeof congratulate on treat to aecuseof relieveof confine to charge with convictof remindof introduce to compare with

Note that reflexive verbs (cf 625) sometirnes oecur with a prepositional object eg We pride ourselves on the serviee we ofler Sorne of the verbs abo ve (such as compare with) ean have two inanimate objects

In Table 1657 we have distinguished under[Dl + 2a] verbs taking to as their preposition from those takingfor eg

(i) She sent Paul a present She sent a present to Paul (ji) She made Paul a meaL She made a mealfor Paul

Occasionally a preposition other than to and for oceurs in this function

OiO She asked Paul a favour She asked a favour ofPaul

Distinct from [D2aJ and [D2bJ aboye is a kind of prepositional verb which has already been discussed in 167-8 a verb for which the direet object forms part of an idiomatic unit with the verb and the preposition The syntactic properties of this type which we label (D2e] have already been dealt with and it is enough here to list a further sample ofsueh idioms

1212 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1213I I

eateh siacuteght of make allowanee for put a stop to give place to make fun of set jire to give way to make afuss overabout take aeeount Ofl keep pace with make roomfor take advantage ojI lose sight of make use ojI take eare of 1

lose toueh with pay attention to 1 take note ojI lose traek of put an end to take notice ojI

Those marked with a raised 1 can take not only a prepositional passive (ef 167-8) but also can easily take a passive for which the idiomatically-fixed direct object beco mes subject eg (Some) allowanee was made for loss of eamings (Little) notiee was taken of this evento Other verbs can take the passive but with greater difficulty with these examples as with prepositional verbs in general idiomatic cohesion is a matter of gradience

Variants of ditransitive complementation

ID3J Indirect object + that-cIause object 1659 Corresponding to monotransitive verbs ofType [B3] (efI630) are ditransiti ve

verbs for which the direct object is a that-clause

John eonvinced me (that) he was right ~ I was eonvineed (by John) (that) he was right

The second passive is unacceptable when the direct object is a clause That he was right was eonvineed me Thus the first passive (ef 1655) above is the only passive that can occur with this pattern With sorne verbs such as eonvinee above it is impossible to delete the noun phrase object

John conviucJ (lhat) he was riguiacute

With other verbs such as show the indirect object is optional

The professor of mathematics showed me that Pythagoras was mistaken ~ The professor of mathematics showed that Pythagoras was

mistaken

Ditransitive verbs followed by a that-clause may be divided into a subtype introducing an indirect statement and a subtype introducing an indirect directive (ef 1433) In the indirect statement the that-clause contains an indicative verb in the indirect directive the verb may be indicative or subjunctive and often contains putative should or another modal verb (ef 1632 for the distribution ofthese options)

INDIRECT STATEMENT

May 1 inform you that your order is ready for eolleetion INDIRECT DIRECTIVE

mightbeShe petitioned the king that her father ~ould be pardoned

In the following list Type (i) verbs introduce indirect statements and Type (H) verbs introduce indirect directives The indirect directive construction is

rare and formal in comparison with the similar infinitive construction (ef 1663)

WOUldI begged her that she should help ltformal) 1 begged her to help ltmore usual)

For those verbs marked O the indirect object is obligatory foc those marked (O) the indirect object is optional for those marked laquoOraquo the indirect object is not only optional but unusual

(i) advise (O) remindO (iiacute) ask3 laquoOraquo assureO satisfyO beg3 (O) bet (O) show3 (O) eharge (O) eonvineeO teaeh3 (O) eommand laquoOraquo forewarn (O) tellO iacutenstruet laquoOraquo informO wager(O) order laquoOraquo notify 3 O warn (O) petition3 (O) persuadelO write2bull 3 (O) tellO promise3 (O)

The superscripts are interpreted as follows

1 Persuade in the sense ofconvince belongs to Type (i) but it may also be used in a Type (iiacute) sense of persuade someone to do something

2 Write is found with an indirect object + that-clause especially in AmE 3 With verbs so marked the indiacuterect object can be replaced by a

prepositional object (ef 1660)

Note Superficially similar W the [D3] pallern is lhe impersonal construction Iacutef strikeslstruck me (Ihal) asin

It strikes me this work is for his own amusement But here the Ihal-c1ause (as in 1634) is the extraposed subject of the verbo Compare He strikes me as (cf1646 Note [el) and lt occursto me that (cfI634 Note [e))

ID3prl Prepositionalobject + that-cIause object 1660 The verbs marked 3 in the aboye list can be optionally followed by a

preposition thus forming a category similar to [D2a] in 1656

He promised laquoto) me) that the debt would be repaid

For most verbs of [03] which permit a prepositional object the preposition is to

He wrote to me He reported to me that etc

Exceptions are ask and beg which (in somewhat formal usage) are followed by the preposition of

I askbegofyou that you will keep this secret ltformal)

There is in addition a group of verbs which were classified in 1631-32 as monotransitive but which optionally allow the preposition to preceding a prepositional object These may be distinguished as Type [D3pr] and subdivided into sub-types (i) and (iacutei) as in the paraUel description of [B3] verbs

1214 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Joan mentioned (to me) that her father was siacuteck [Type (O] Or Oay recommended (to her) that the treatment be continued [Type (ii)]

For elample

(i) acknowledge declare remark (ji) propose admit explain repon recommend announce mention say suggest complain pointout signal eoness prove state

As before Type (i) verbs introduce indirect statements and the less numerous Type (ii) verbs introduce indirect directives As befare too sorne exceptional verbs take a preposition other than to

She demanded ome that She agreed with me that etc

Unlike the nonprepositional verbs of [03] these prepositional verbs alow the that-c1ause to become subject of a corresponding passive clause an option which is more acceptable with extraposition

That several ministers are resigning has been admitted to our correspondent ~ It has been admitted to our correspondent that several ministers

are resigning It has been shown to us al that Miss Jones was innocent

Without the preposition ie with an ordinary indirect object such sentences are at best marginally grammatical 1It has been shown us al that Miss Jones was innocent

~~otc The constructions of lt appc-siexclappe(~iexclcfurseems ro me ha slipclfidaly appear ti) bclvuumlg to the paltero [D3prl but in faet these contain monotransitive verbs with an extraposed tnatshyelause as subject

It occurredlseemed to me that he was Iying esimilar patteros with extraposition in 1634 1659 Note

ID4) Indirect object + finite wh-c1ause object 1661 This pattern of complementatiacuteon is primarily found with the verb ask which

introduces a reported question

John asked me what time the meeting would end ~ 1 was Gsked (by John) what time the meeting would end

AIso used with this pattern are verbs which take an indirect object followed by a that-clause (Type (i) of [03]) but for these the wh-clause tends to be limited 10 nonassertive contexts (cf1635) Compare

George didnt tell them that the train was late [1] George didn t tel them whether the train was late [21

The difference of meaning between the that- and whether-constructiacuteons can be stated in terms of presupposition Sentence [1] typically implies that the train was late while [2] is noncommittal on the matter [04] verbs can also introduce other question words such as where and how

Tvpes of verb complementation 1215

Jim was reluctant to inform us (o) where he got the money Would you remind me (about) how we start the engine

A preposition may always be placed before the wh-c1ause In the aJiexclove cases the prepositiacuteon is optional but in the case of verbs like enquire o (Type [04prJ) the preposition is obligatory iexcl enquired ofthe clerk which doeuments were needed The complex preposition as to can be rather general1y used for introducing the wh-clause eg I enquired as to which documents were needed

[D5) Indirect object + wh-infinitive clause object 1662 This is yet another complementation pattern (comparable with [B5] 1637)

which may be taken by sorne verbs listed under[03] in 1659

advise ask instruct remind show teach tell wam

The instructor taught us how lo land saely - We were taught (by the instructor) how to land saely

They advised him what lO wear in the tropies Please remind me where to meet you afier lunch

The equivalent prepositional verb pattern [05pr] is iIIustrated by suggest to recommend to

Could you please suggest to the visitors which museums to visit

Here as in the [04] type a prepositional phrase introduced by as lO can be used

Helen advised us (as to) how to maintain the machine

f~ iexcl llt ~- I ~ i ~

~i ~ ~~

1663 ID61lndirect object + to-infinitive clause object We have seen that the [03] pattern may be used to introduce indirect statements and that the [04] pattern may be used to introduce indirect questions Now we tuen to the verbs of class [06] which introduce indirect directives (c1433)

1 lOldjadvisedjpersuaded Mark to see a doctor ~ Mark was toldjadvisedjpersuaded to see a doctor

[I] [2]

This complementation category looks like those of[B81 and [C5] in that the verb is followed by a noun phrase and an infinitive construction But the [06] pattern differs from these in that the noun phrase following the verb is an indirect object as will be c1arified in 1666 below As with other verbs introducing indiacuterect speech the subject refers to the speaker of sorne speech act and the indirect object refers to the addressee Like [03] verbs [06] verbs form only the first passive exemplified in [2] above we do not find To see a doctor was lOld Mark The folowing verbs belong to this c1ass

advise command entreat instruct remind teach ask counsel exhort invite request1 tell beg detai[l orbid order recommend urge beseech direct implore persuade challenge enjoin 1 incite l prayl

1216 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Those verbs marked with araised 1 do not have the equivalent construction with a that-clause containing a modal or a subjunctive verb (Types [B3(ii)J [030i)]) Contrast

They ~eg~tedd her to stay another week mm e

They ~eKgtedd (her) that she would stay another week mm e

The alternative that-clause construction however is more formal especially when the indirect object is presento

Note [a] The verb promire when it occurs wiacuteth this kind of complementation is exceptional in that the understood subject of the infinitiacuteve is identified with the subject rather than with the object of the maiacuten c1ause

Sarn prornised me to get some rood

= Sam promised me that he would get sorne roed o Sam promised me that lwould get sorne roed

The present pattern [D6] iexcls however less cornmon with promise than the [B6] pattern without the indiacuterect object Sam promised to get someiexclood lb] Only ordercan be followed by a passive infinitive He ordered Ihem lo be impriacutesonedlreleased

Multiple analysis and gradience in verb complementation 1664 Before we leave verb classification it is important to reflect on the problems

of dividing verbs into complementation types The major division of complementation patterns into copular [AJ monotransitive [BJ complex transitive [C] and ditransitive [OJ categories (introduced in 216) has been extended with little difficulty te include patterns in which the verbs ccmplementation includes finite and nonntildenitc clauses This is the basis rOiacute

the classification Qf verbs into types in 1620-63 aboye But unavoidably our aim of presenting a clear classification has obscured sorne problems of gradience and multiple analysis (e 260ff) and to illustrate these we return to three superficially iacutedentical structures aIread y discussed in 1636 These are now illustrated with three new examples each of which conforms to the pattern NI V N 2 to V N 3 (where N = noun phrase and V = verb phrase)

Table L664a

V N2 to V NJNI

[B8] S V O

We like all parents to visit the schooL

I [1]

[C4] Is V O Co

They James therace I [2]

[D6] I S Oiexcl

We I asked I the students I toattend

Ia lectu~en_~

Types of verb complementation 1217

Each ofthese sentences consists ofthe sequence Niexcl V N 2 to V N 3 and yet we have analysed them respectively as monotransitive (S V O) complex transitive (S V degCol and ditransitiacuteve (S V Oiexcl 0d) A different analysis in sorne ways more revealing would recognize an overlap between two competing descriptions of the intennediacuteate noun phrase N2 There is little doubt that in [1 J this is to be analysed as subject of the infinitive clause (e 1636) whereas in [3J there are equally strong reasons for regarding N as (indirect) object of the main clause (e 1666)

Smiddot V S V O 1shyI I

I I ISmiddot V 0 V OI I I I I iexcl I I I I I I I I I iexcl

NI V Nz 10 V NJ NI V N2 lo V N) I I I I

Fig 1664b Sentence[l] Fig 1664c Sentence [3J

Sentence [2J however partakes ofboth these descriptions From the semantic point of view it requires the analysis of Fig 1664b (ef They expeeted [that James would win the race]) But from the structural point of view the analysis in Fig 1664c is more appropriate reflecting N2s ability to become subject of the passive sentence James was expeeted to win the raee We might reasonably say that in [2J N 2 behaves like an object (0 rather than Oiacute) in relation to the first verb but like a subject in relation to the second infinitive verh Tbe term RAISED OBJECT applied in 1649ffto the intermediate noun phrase of patterns [C4 - Cn incorporates yet another way of recognizing this double analysis by envisaging a process whereby the subject of the infinitive becomes the object of the preceding finite verbo This raised object will be symbolized in what follows SO

1665 Given that the double analysis aboye provides sorne insight into clauses containing nonfinite complementation we could take such an analysis further and apply it to aH complex transitive patterns including the more straightforward SVOC and SVOA pattems of[Cl - C3]

that John is a good driver lB3J 1consider John to be a good driver [C4]

John a good driver [C2]

The paraHelism of meaning and phrasal relations demonstrated in these three sentences recommends an analysis in which the complementation of pattern [C2J John a good driver would be regarded as a clause in its own right ie as a verbless clause consisting of S = John and Cs = a good driver without an intervening V This description would not however displace the by now familiar S V Od Co analysis but would rather be seen as an alternative way of looking at the same construction

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1218 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Gradience 1666 The teehnique of multiple analysis stiU leaves some subtletiacutees unexposed

What this teehnique has suggested is that there are the folowing three eategories eorresponding to [1 in 1664

N 2 S We like all parenls to visit the school [1) N2 = SO They expeeted James to win the raee [2] Nz = O We asked Ihe sludents to attend a leeture

But more than three eategories ean be appropriately distinguished if we reeognize [1) and [3] as end-points of a gradient with [2) at some point on the seate between them This area of grammar affords a good example of gradienee

At the monotransitive end of the seale [I) ean be characterized by a number of criteria whieh suggest that N 2 to V N3 (al parents to visit the school) constitutes the direct object of an SVO pattern

(a) It ean be replaced by a pronoun referring to the cIause or noun phrase nominalizing it We like it We like al parens visits

(b) It can be an answer to a what-question A What do you like best

B We like al parents to visit the school (e) In some dialects it can be preceded by the infinitive clause introdueer

for We like (it)for all parens to visit the school (d) It ean easily (when preeeded by for) be the focus of a pseudo-cIeft

sentence What we like (best) is for al parents to visit the school (e) When the sequenee N 2 to V N 3 is turned into the passive form N 3 to be

Vedz by Nz there is no ehange ofmeaning We ike aIl parents to visit the sehcel

= We like the school te be visited biexcl al parents (f) In a reduced construetion the infinitive marker to remains We like them

does not have the same meaning as We like them to

At the other ditransitive end of the seale a eontrasting set of criteria eharaeterize [3) and support the analysis of N2 (the students) as an indireet object and to V N3 (to attend a lecture) as a cIausal direet objeet

(a) 10 V N 3 ean be replaced by a pronoun a noun phrase or a finite clause with Nz still funetioning as indireet object

SOmething We asked the students a question

what they wanted

(b) 10 V N 3 can be the answer to a wh-question while N2 funetions as indirect object

A What did you ask the students B We asked them to attend a lecture

(e) When the sequenee N2 to V N3 is turned into the passive sequence N3 to be Ved2 by N 2 the meaning is always changed

They asked the students to attend a leeture They asked a lecture to be attended by the students

this case indeed the passive transform results in an absurdity)

Types of verb complementation 1219

(d) to V N 3 can marginally become the focus of a pseudo-cleft sentence What they asked the students was to attend a lecture (Contrast the decidedly unaeeeptable What we like the parents is to visil the school)

(e) Nz which like Oi in general is usually personal can be detached from its place after the first V to beeome subjeet of a eorresponding passive sentenee The students were asked to attend a lecture

(n In a reduced eonstruction the infinitive marker to ean be omitted We asked them We persuaded them etc

Note [a] With some ditransitive verbs criterion (a) has to be interpreted as the replacement of the infinitive clause by a preposition and prepositional object (cfI656-8)

They reminded hiacutem ofhis responsibiacutelities One man challenged the other lo a duel

[b] Criterion (d) is less reliacuteable than the others since the pseudo-cleft sentence is unacceptable for many verbs But a pseudo-cleft sentence in which the indirect object is replaced by a prepositional object tends to be more grammatical Whal Ihey asked ollhe sludenls was lO attend a leclure (The alternative construction with the substitute verb do which also occurs with [1] is always more acceptable What Ihey asked Ihe students lo do was lO attend a lecture)

1667 To give a simplified illustration of the analysis of gradience in the sequence NI V N 2 to V N 3 we now take a subset ofthe eriteria listed aboye and apply them to a range of verbs on the gradient eonneeting [1] and [3] of 16_66

(1) (3) (4)(2) wantask elect intend

CRITERIA likeallow expectlel~ etc I etc etc etc~ (a) lo V N 3 can be replaeed by - - -+a finite clause

(e) ehange of meaning in passive -+ +of N 2 10 VN3

(e) N 2 can beeome subjeet of passive -+ ++

Fig 1667 A eomplementatiacuteon gradient

The matrix uses only three criteria and thereby distinguishes only four categories This is sufficient to indicate the principie however that the three categories [BS] [C4] and [D6) of our taxonomy eould be broken down iexclnto a finer spectrum of eategories between which the differences are small In effeet Fig 1667 distinguishes two subeategories of [C4] one (including elect and allow) whieh is c10ser to the ditransitive type and one (including inlend and expect) eloser to the monotransitive type Elect and allow respond to cri terion (e)

They elected Miss Coe to suceeed the present seeretary They elected the present seeretary to be sueceeded by Miss Coe

We dont allow residents to entertain visitors We dont allow visitors to be entertained by residents

1220 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

while intend and expeet do not

They intended the students to see the professor = They intended the professor to be seen by the students

They expeet the students to enjoy the classes = They expeet the classes to be enjoyed by the students

Note Por verbs in group (3) the voice oflhe infinitive clause and the voiceofthe main clausemay be independently varied with the result Ihat a SlIacutentence like They expected the students lo enjoy lile classes has tbree corresponding passiv~s with iexclhe same meaning

They expected the classes to be enjoyed by the students The students were expecled lo enjoy the classes

The classes were expected lo be enjoyed by the students

The last example has a passive verb phrase in both the superordinate clause and Ihe infinitive clame

Adjective complementation

168 Categories of complementation in adjective phrases (ef 228 721-2) are similar in variety to those ofverb complementation We distinguish [El-ES)as follows

[El] Complementation by a prepositional phrase [E2] Complementation by a that-clause [E3] Complementation by a wh-clause

i[E4) Complementation by a than-clause [ES] Complementation by a to-infinitive clause [E6] Complementation by an -ing participle clause

These complementation patterns can occur after an adjective (andmiddot its modifiers if any) in various syntactic functions For example

The violiacuten iacutes (rather) difficut to play (adjective phrase as CJ

Mary found the violiacuten (rather) diffieut to play (adjective phrase as CJ

The violiacuten is an instrument (rather) diffieult to play (adjective phrase as postmodifier)

The on1y posiacutetion in which an adjective cannot normally be followed by iacutets complementation is the premodifying position in a noun phrase a keen child on ehess But here too with certain constructions (Types [ES(iraquo) and [ES(v)D the complementation can follow discontinuously after the head noun The violiacuten is a diffieult instrument to play (ef discontinuity with comparative constructions IS75) For illustrative purposes we will confine examples in the following sections to the subject complement function The lists like the verb lists in 1620-63 will be selective

Adjective complementation 1221

Note There is a considerable parallel as the categories [El-ES] aboye demonstrate between patterns associated with adjectives and those associated with monotransitive verbs The chief difference is that adjectives cannot be followed by a noun phrase object To bring out the parallel further we could describe adjectives exemplified in 1669 below (averse to conscous oJ etc) as prepositional adjectives comparable with prepositional verbs We could moreover identify phrasal adjectives (derived from participiaI forms ofphrasal verbs) such as ron down (exhausled depressed) and phrasaI-prepositionaI adjectives such as fed up (with) These tatter variants however are rare enough lo be disregarded in the foUowing lists

[E1] Adjective complementation by a prepositional phrase 1669 Like prepositional verbs adjectives often forro a lexical unit with a following

preposition good atfond oj opposedto etc The lexical bond is strongest with adjectives for which in a given sense the complementation is obligatory Max is averse to games Max is averse Such adjectives are marked 1 in the following lists

The lists make a distinction between participial (ef 715-19) and nonparticipial adjectives The differencebetween participial adjectives and the -ed participle of the passive construction is discussed in 375-77 These lists provide on1y a small sample of the adjectives accompanying the prepositions concemed In particular it is often possible for the same adjective to go with two or more prepositions as in angry about angry at and angrywith

ABOUT He was very worried about her reaction (ef960)

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

angry knowledgeabe aggrieved frightened glad mad annoyed pleased happy reasonable delighted worried

AT She was badat mathematics (ef962)

NONP ARTICIPIAL P ARTlCIPIAL

angry good alarmed disgusted brilliant hopeless amusedmiddotmiddot pleased elever terrible delighted puzzled

FROM Thevillage is remotefromthe bustle ofcity life (ef918 947)

different distant distinct free remo te

OF She was aware ofhis difficulties

NONPARTlCIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

eonvineed ashamed empty proud1 afraid conseiousl glad

seared eapable fond 1 short1 tired certain full worthy

ONUPON Their plan was based on cooperation

NONPARTICIPIAL IPARTICIPIAL

contingent1 intent1 reliantl basedl set1

dependent keen severe hentl

Yiexcl

1222 Complementation of verbs and adjectives ~ Adjective complementation 1223

Note lal In general choice of preposilion remains the same after morphologicalIy related verbs adjectives and nouns differentftom differ from differencefrom But Ihis eorrespondence is not always lo be relied on contrastfull ofwilhfilied wllh proudofwith pride in lb] Other prepositions whieh less comrnonly enlee into adjective + prepositlon idioms iexclnelude for and lowards graleful for sorry for inclined towards le] Usedfollowed by the preposition lO a more informal synonym ofaccustomed(to) is participial in spelling but has the speeial pronuneiation nus~ Unlike accustomed however used does not oceur with a following infinitive (ef 1679) This adjeetival used to in spite of identity of spelling and pronunciation is quite distinet from used lO as a marginal modal (cf344) Contrast

Im used lO hard work I used ro work hard Id] In the past prescriptive objeetions have been made to the use of to ralher Ihan from after averse and different Howevee ro is the normal preposition to fol1lt11 averse and differenr 10 is quite widely used (esp in BrE) as an altemative lo differentfrom On iJifferent rhan cf1566 Note 1674

le] Wilh can be omitted after (fn)compalibie if the subject is plural cfmutual participation 1360

middotCarl is incompatible OUT Cad and Eva are incompatible

[E2] Adjective complementation by a that-clause 670 Like that-clauses following a verb that-clauses folIowiacuteng an adjective may

have

(A) indicative verb 1am sure (that) he is here now (B) subjunctiacuteve verb They were insistent (that) we be ready (formal) (C) putativeshould Im sorry (that) he should hove left ltformal)

The uses of the mandative subjunctive and of putative should have been discussed in 359 and 1425 respectiacutevely Putative should often occurs after expressions of emotion (sorrowjoy displeasure surprise wonder etc) and is often accompanied by intensifying expressions such as so such like thisl that ever or at all The indicative that-clause on the other hand refers to an established fact The foHowing pairs illustrate choices of construction

1 (that) 1 have to leave so early am sorry (that) you should have been (so) inconvenienced

(that) you didnt call the doctor before 1 am surprised (that) anyone ofyour intelligence should swallow a tie

likethat

With some adjectives (those in category [E2b(iiacute)] 1672) the should-clause can be paraphrased by an infinitive clause with a subject

It was natural for him to go to London after the war = It was natural that he should go to London after the war

That-clauses cannot be preceded by preposiacutetions Hence adjectives which are constructed with prepositions before noun phrases ([El]) drop the preposition before a that-clause (cfI628) Compare the folIowing

OfhiS innocence [E1 ] 1am convlnced (th ) h t [E2]at e IS mnocen

Many that-clauses folIowing an adjective are actualIy subjects postponed by extraposition (cf1833)

lt is lucky (that) you came - That you came is lucky

These are listed separately in 1672

lEla) Adjectives with experiencer (cflO23 Note) as subject 1671 (i) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATIVE VERB ONL Y (cfNote [a] below)

These adjectives express degrees of certainty or confidence aware certain corifident sure

We were corifident that Karen was stiacutell alive

(ii) THAT-CLAUSE HAS PUTATIVE SHOULD OR SUBJUNCTIVE VERB

(or marginally aloo an indicative verb) The three principal adjectives in this class are anxious eager and willing

he should be permitted to resiacutegn 1 Are you willing that he be permitted to resign 1

1he is permitted to resign 1 ~

(On the distribution of these three altematives cfI630)

(iH) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATIVE VERB OR PUTATIVE SHOULD

These adjectives express emotions

Im so thankful that nobody was hurto Were you surprised that Ray should win the prize

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

afraid hopeful alarmed depressed horrified angry proud amazed disappointed irritated glad sad amused distressed pleased grateful sorry annoyed disturbed shocked happy tha7lkful astonished frightened upset

There is a tendency to prefer the putative should construction in nonassertive contexts or where the adjective has negative or unfavourshyable associations

TO AH capital gains are subject to taxation NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

answerable close liableacute accustomedl

averse l due1 simz1ar allied1I WiTH This plan is not compatible with our princiacuteples

NONPARTICIPIAL I PARTICIPIAL

angry busy

happy impatient

annoyed bored

ClJmfortable incompatible1 concerned compatibleacute sick delighted content familiar friendly furious

uneasy depressed disappointed disgusted dismayed distressed

inclined1

opposed1

drunk enchanted obsessed occupied overcome pleased satisfied taken1

1672

1224 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Adjective complementatlon 1225

Note [a] The restriction oC Type (i) above lo indicative verbs only is meant to allow Cor the use of T

Note [a] Although tlle pro-forms so and n01 cannot be used after tllese [E2bI adjectives (ef 1671modal auxiliaries including should in a nonputative sense eg I am a~are that I should [= ought 1lo] havejoined longago iexcl Note [bJ) there iexclsa possibilityofreplacing the adjective + solnat by a related adverb + sonot

[b) Afraid is unique among adjectives in that it accepts the pro~oun so (and iexclts negative equivalent Mt) as a that-clause substitute (cfI631) rm afraid SOMI

IElbJ Adjectives with anticipatory it as subject

The that-elause in this eonstruetion is an extraposed subjeet Three types are again distinguished matehing those in 167l

(i) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATlVE VERBONLY (cfI671 Note CaD These adjectives have to do with truthor knowledge

It is true that she never cemes on time

apparent evident likely possible untrue certain implicit obvious true well-known clear indubitable plain unlikely

(ji) THAT-CLAUSE HAS PUTATIVIl SHOULD OR SUBJUNCTIVE VERB (or marginshyaIly also an indicative verb) These adjectives express eoncepts concerned with modality or volition

should be lifted tomorrow It is essential that the ban be lifted tomorrow

(1) is lifted tomorrow

appropriate essentiacuteal important necessary vital compulsory fitting impossible obligatoryshycrucial imperative improper proper

Various deverbal adjectives ending in -able also belong to this group egadvisable desrabIe preferable

(iii) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATlVE VERB OR PUTATIVE SHOULD

This group consists mainly of emotive adjectives and ineludes a large num ber ofparticipial ad jecti ves ending in -ing

Itmiddot strange th t She is so late IS upsetting a she should be so late

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTlCIPIAL

awkward logical alarming perplexing curious odd annoying pleasing disastrous peculiar depressing shocking dreadful sad disappointing surprising extraordinary silly embarrassing fortunate tragie frightening iexclrrational unfortunate irritating

Various -able-ible adjectives also be10ng tp this group admirable eommendable deplorable despieable incomprehensible inconceivable lamentable remarkable understandable unjustifiable etc

ha h l Id l h B Yes obviouslyfortunately soA 1 t IS apparentt t s e IVes oesn t Ive ere B N J I I di t o event y sa y no [b] When an adjective ofType (iii) above occurs after a modal verb construction the that-clause is commonly replaced by an if-clause If the modal verb in the main c1ause is hypothetical (eg would) the verb in the ifmiddotdause is placed in tlle hypothetical pasto Compare

It is sad that you have to leave It will be sad ifyou hove to lea ve

It would be sad ifyou had lo lea ve

[E3] Adjective complementation by a wh-clause 1673 As with that-clauses we have to distinguish those adjeetives ([E3a]) which

are predicated of an experieneer (normalIy a person) as subject and those ([E3bD which go with antieipatory it In the latter case the wh-clause is an extraposed subject Examples are

(onwhat 1should sayo [1]E3a 1was unsure[ 1 (about) whether the problem was solved [2]

[E3b] It was unclear what they would do [3]

Type [E3a1 consists of adjectives which are constructed with prepositions and whieh therefore belong also to Type [EI1 The preposition is sometimes omitted before the wh-clause (ef155 Note reD In Type [E3b] on the other hand no preposition can be inserted bull It was uneear ofabout what lhey would do AIso no infinitive wh-cIause is possible (ef i637) It is unsure where to go is unacceptable unless it refers to sorne aniacutemate being (sueh as a mouse) and is consequently not interpreted in terms of extraposition

Retuming to Type [E3a] we note that in sorne cases the adjective takes a wh-elause in assertive eontexts eg eareful (about) doubtful (as to) fussy (about) puzzled (as to) uneear (about) uncertain (o) undecided (about) unsure (0) unaware (o)

John is careul (about) what he does with his money

Most of these adjeetives are intrinsiealIy negative In meaning In other cases although elsewhere it is associated with an indicative that-clause [E2a(i)] the adjective tends to oceur with a wh-cIause in nonassertive contexts (efI635) eg aware certain eear sure

Are you sure (o) how mueh the maehine costs 1wasnt altogether cleaiexcl- (about) what we had to do

A similar division may be made among adjectives of the antieipatory-it type ([E3b]) Those whieh intrinsieally express doubt and therefore take this strueture even in assertive contexts include doubtful uneertain uneear unsure and unknown Those normally oceurring with an indieative that-elause (le Type [E2b(i)]) inelude apparent eertain obvious and plain They can take a wh-cIause in nonassertive contexts Each type is illustrated in

It was uneear whether an amendment would be accepted It was not obvious how far the westernization process would IO

~ltgt ~~~1~ 1 -~ Adjective complementation 1227

1226 Complementation of verbs and adjectives iexcl

After adjectives of Type [E3a] there may also occur an infinitive wh-clause 1 was uncertain (oi) what to do This is preferable to the finite c1ause in cases illustrated by [1-3] aboye since the subject can remain unexpressed in the reduced nonfinite version

[E4] Adjective complementation by a than-clause 1674 There is an unusual construction in which a noncomparative adjective is

foIlowed by a comparative than-clause as complementation Different is the only adjective which fits into this pattero and even then there is a tradition which regards the use of than here as impropero There is however no felicitous alternative to the different than construction in examples such as

Shes quite a different girl than she wasfilie years ago [11 The various styliacutestic variants of and alteroatives to the than-clause after different are examined in 1566 Note lb] When the c1ause is reduceacuted to a noun phrase it becomes possible to usefrom as an alternative to than

The unions are taking a very different attitude ~ the employers

When the noun phrase folIowing thanffrom cannot be derived by ellipsis from a c1ause than is decidedly less acceptable thanfrom

The main languages of southern India are totaIly different In origin

~~~ those ofthe northern partofthe country

Note [al On differenlrom and different 10 1669 Note [dI [bj It is aloo possible for a Ihan-c1ause to be used after he adverb difilrently

In the west of the country they pronounce their vowels quite aifferently han (they do) in the easl

The same prescriptive objections are made to differenlly Ihan as to different Ihan

[E5] Adjective complementation by a to-infinitive clause [675 We distinguish seven kinds of construction in which an adjective is foIlowed

by a to-infinitive c1ause They are exemplified in the following sentences which are superficially alike

Bob is splendid to wait (ii) Bob is slow to react

(iii) Bob is sorry to hear it (iv) Bob is hesitant to agree with yOU (v) Bob is hard to convince

(vi) The food is ready to eat (vii) lt is important to be accurate

In Types (i-iv) the subject of the main clause (Bob) is also the subject of the infinitive c1ause We can therefore always have a direct object in the infinitive clause if its verb is transitive Por example if we replace intransitive wait by transitive build in (i) we can have Bob is splendid to build this house

Por Types (v-vii) on the other hand the subject of the infinitive is unspecified although the contextoften makes clear which subject is intended

In these types it is possible to insert a subject preceded by for eg in Type (vi) The food is ready (jOr Ihe children) to eat

Infinitive complementation following adjectives modified by lOO and enQugh is discussed eIse Note where in 1S73

(ES(i)) Bob is Iplendid to wait Type (i) has an analogue in a construction involving extraposition (cf1833)1676 1t is splendid of Bob lo wait This type OC construction also permits a head noun between the adjective and the infinitive

Bob must be a spiendid craftsman ~ ~~bUilt this house

As this example shows the infinitive may be perfective We may also compare constructions in which an evaluative noun with its determiner

replaces the adjective

ffoolishYourelafool to spend so mucho

WOnderfUl Youre 1 to walt for me anange

Adjectives in this group are evaluative of human beha~iour They inelude

careful crazy mad silly wise careless greedy nice unwise wrong

These adjectives can also occur with anticipatory il and an of-phrase as additional complementation (cf1682)

It was foolish of you to spend so mucho

IE5(Hraquo) Bob is IOW to react In Type (ii) the sentence corresponds to one in which the adjective becomes 1677 an adverbwhile the infinitive becomes the finite verb

Bob is slow to react - Bob reacts slowlyc

In another analogue the adjective is followed by in and an -ing participle Bob is slow in reacting The infinitive verb phrase must be simple for example unlike the inftnitive phrase in [E5(i)] it cannot be perfective Bob is slow ItJ have reacted Other adjectives in this small group are quick and prompt

There is also a partial adverbial analogue (e8127ff) for Type (i) but in Type (i) unlike Type Note (ii) the perfective infinitive andeven the get-passive (e366) can be used

loan was wise to resigno ~ loan wisely resigned loan was careless to get beaten - loan carelessly got beaten

loan is careless to have got beaten

IES(iuumlraquo) Bob is 10rry lo hear it In Type (iexcliexcli) the head of the adjective phrase is an emotive adjective 1678 (commonly a participial adjective) and the infinitive clause expresses

causation

1679

1228 Complementation of verbs end adjectives

Im sorry to have kept you waiting [rm sorry because I have kept you waiting]

1 was exeited to be there [- To be there exeited me]

Adjectives in this group correspond c10sely to the adjectives followed by a that-clause in 1671 (Type [E2a(iii)D

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

afraid angry ashamed content furious glad

happy impatient indignant jubilant thankful

annoyed astonished bored coneerned delighted depressed

disgusted dissatisfied embarrassed fasemated frightened interested

overwhelmed perturbed puzzled relieved surprised worried

disappointed overjoyed

IE5(ivraquo) Boh is heaitant to agree withyou In Type (iv) the head of the adjective phrase expresses volitional meaning or a modal meaning such as ability possibility or liability Examples are

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

able keen determined anxious Iiable disposed apt Iikely [E2b] fated[E2b] eertain [E2b] loath inclined curious powerless poiseddue prone prepared eager ready [E5] (all) set eligible reluetant unqualified fit [ES] sure [E2b] free [ES] unable greedy weleome hesitant willing impotent worthy

The adjectives marked [E2b] occur with a corresponding construction with extraposition of a that-clause

JilI is likely to attend - It is likely that JiU will attend

Those marked [E5] are capable of occurring with an infinitive construction of passive meaning ie with an indefinite implied subject and a coreferential implied object

Theyare not fit to eat = They are not tit to be eaten

Some ofthe most common adjectives in this list have a tendency to coalesce with the preceding copula 10 form a semimiddotauxiliary verb (ef3A7) be able to be willing to be sure to In addition to modal and volitional adjectives some adjectives ofaspectual meaning such as aeeustomed and wont may be placed here

Adjective complementation 1229

We are aecustomedto take teaon the terrace (formal) He was wont to leave the office at 5 pm (formal archaic)

(ES(vraquo) Bob is lard to convince 1680 In Type (v) the subject of the sentence is identified with the unexpressed

object of the infinitive clause which must therefore have a transitive verb hence the unacceptable Bob Is hard to arrive There is an analogous construction in which the adjective is complement to an infinitive c1ause acting as (extraposed) subject (ef 1836)

- To convince Bob is hard Bob IS hard to convmce It is hard to convince Bob

Adjeeacutetives so used refer 10 degrees of ease or comfort and iexclnclude

awkward hard tough (informal) eonvenient impossible trieky (informal) difficult niee (informal) unpleasant easy pleasant

Unless there is ellipsis we cannot omit the infinitive c1ause and so there is no semantic implication between (say) The bread was hard to bake and The bread was hard Unlike the preceding types Type (v) permitsfor + subject to be inserted at the beginning of the infinitive clause Those darts are trieky (for a beginner) to use Where the infinitive has no overt subject its implicit subject is understood to have an indefinite meanihg

Jack is easy 10 fool =Jack is easy for anyone to foo

Note With some adjectives in this group such as nice or unpleasant the entailment relation between be + adjective ro V and be + adjective is less easy lO avoid eg Jenny is nice lo know iacutemplies that Jenny is nice

IE5(viraquo) Thefood is ready to eat 1681 Again in this type the subject of the main clause is identified with the object

of the intinitive c1ause But unlike Type (v) Typemiddot(vi) has no analogous construction with an infinitive clause subject

The food is ready to eat To eat the food is ready

Also we can generally (a) omit the infinitive clause or (b) substitute a passive infinitive clause without change ofmeaning

Are these cups available (to use) = Are these cups available (to be used)

Some adjectives of this type such as availablefitfree ready and suffieient belong additionally 10 Type (iv) so that a sentence like The lamb ia ready to eat is ambiguous in one sense (the most accessible) being equivalent to the passive The lamb is ready to be eaten Then there is a wider set of adjectives which often occur without complementation at all

The air isfrosty (to breathe) Its fur is soft (to touch)

1230 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

In both Type (v) and Type (vi) the subjectofthe main clause can be equated with the prepositional object of the infinitive clause so that the infinitive c1ause ends with a deferred preposition

She is pleasant to talk to (-It is pleasant to talk to her) This paper is terribly flimsy to write on Is the cloth sufficient to make a dress out ol

In Type (vi) as well as in Type (v)for + subjeet may be inserted before the infinitive verb Are these books free (for visitors) to borrow Are these books available to borrow]

(E5(vii)J Jt is important to he accurate 1682 We saw in 1672 that a that-clause following an adjeetive may prove to be a

subjeet postponed by extraposition (ef1833) A to-infinitive clause following an adjeetive may have the same oouree

It is essential to spray the trees every year - To spray the trees every year is essential

The infinitive clause can also be introduced by for + subjeet

It is vital (for the ehildren) to be properly cIad It will be strange (for us) to be living alone

Adjectives ofTypes (ji) and (iii) in 1672 ([E2b]) may have this construction importantJortunate lueky surprising etc Possible also belongs te this group

An addiacutetional group of adjeetives oeeurring after anticipatory it are those adjeetives (ehiefly naming evaluative attributes of persons) whieh occur in pattern [E5(i)] (ef 1676) The adjeetive in this group is often followed byan of-phrase identifying the persones) being discussed

It was wrong (of him) to teIllies iexcli

It is niee ofyou to phone

[E6] Adjective complementation by an -ing participle cfause [683 A number of sub-types ofthis pattem may be mentioned

(i) Busy is followed by an -ing participle clause without subject

Margery is busy writiacuteng Ietters

Worth and worthwhile on the other hand oceur both with and without subjeet

It is seareely worth(while) (youyour) going home

Here worth(while) follows preparatory it and the participle clause is an extraposed subjeet (ef1834) Other adjectives ofthis pattern are pointless and useless (Its pointless buying so mueh food) and adjectives of Type [E2b(iiacutei)J (efl6 72) also sometimes have this complementation absurd awkwardJortunate annoying etc

EIsewhere worth and worthwhile accompany an -ing participle elause without subjeet but with a passive meaning comparable to tbat of the infinitive elause in pattern [E5(v)] (ef1680)

Complementation of abstract nouns 1231

The cartons are worth(while) saving ( Its worth(while) saving the cartens)

(iv) There is a variant eonstruction in whieh a preposition oecurs between the adjective and the participle clause In some cases the preposition is optional (cf(i) aboye)

Im busy (with) getting the house redeeorated Werefortunate (in) having Aunt Mary as a baby-sitter

In other cases the preposition is obligatory We are used to not having a car (cf1669 Note [e]) Im hopeless at keeping the garden tidy Shes not capable oflooking after herself

Note [al The adjectival constructions in (ii) above may be compared in some cases with nominal constructionsof equivalent meaning

ts 110 goaduse telling him anything Theres 110 point (in) telling him anything

8uch constructions are introduced either by anticipatory il (el 1833) or by eltistential there (el 184$) AmE also hu Theres no use telling him anythlng (b) Worthwhlle is sometimes spelled as two words The vacillation between the spellings worthwhile and worth while reflects an unclarity about the status of this sequence which may altematively be regarded as the preposition worth (eI96) followed by a noun Compare

lts not worth your whife staying lts not worlhh whh~e (your) staying worl w 1

Complementation of abstract nouns

1684 In this coneluding section we will show as a conneeting link between this chapter and the next how the pattems of complementation described for verbs and adjectives in 1620-83 are aloo to be found with abstraet nouns which are morphologieally related to those verbs and adjectives (ef nominalization 1751ff and appositional constructions 1726 1735) For example the noun likelihood is derived from and semantically related to the adjective likely It is therefore not surprising that a construction associated with the adjeetive Is found with the corresponding noun

It is likely that Joan will get married [1]

The likelihood is that loan will get married [21 the likelihood that Joan will get married [31

But the assumption of eorrespondence eannot be automatie for it may faiacutel in both direetions

loan is likely to get married Joan s likelihood to get married

It is likely of J oans getting married the likelihood of Joans getting married

------__shyiacute1 11

COMPLEX INTRANSITIVE CONSTRUCTIONS p H MATIHEWS

1 Introduction

In sentences such as [1J

ArR C~Iltiacuteltmiddotli N ([1J Th~deitgreen ~

he construct~oEJ~QLordf JJP~ that GCE850ff describes as 9QMfLEX JRANSITIV~ Ofthe elements in questionit and made are related a~Jn tQllt ~imple transitive

j [2J They made it

YihiJe ir and green a~_~latelasinasimple_ltQI1llar_sentence ( [3] lt is green (- lt

~f the type that following Lyons (l977469ff) raquoe will call ASCRIPTIVE raquouacutet greacuteen- also standsJna direcueJordf9lsJIacuteIL ordm~_iii~de the object and adjective exemplifying a single I2atteIILof VERB COMllEMe~nrJ91 This paUCIDl can be sajd torepresenta IJJS10N (G e E 850) ofJ~ltsimpler transitiv iexcll~J~Jjpiexcly_e_tjPes - _shy

IH~~_sfiE~~Ve can be fused with th~~~tY_e_(lri~alsoP~ fused with theintransitixe1 Insentildetentildeces SUChas[4] -

MI It turned green

~construc~~~~~]y idmtifkQyaacuteth th~ of l3J in both examples the

l]

~ ~ ~ ENGLISH GRAMMAR

verb is described as copularor in the terminology of GCE820f as taking intensive complementation But neither description is quite appropriate to1 both cases In the~ptive sentence there i indeed no mor~than~pYhL~

1 2ampffiMical iP~ betwe~ the adjective and its subject~ plainly this ~ ~ is not true of [4] whose verb TURN has its own specific meaning lf turned~ iacute I is a full verb it must then be the govemor of green as made is in (1) in that

iexcl ~ sense there is cornplernentatjon But we express nothing by assigning such a complernentation to the copula A solution is to c1ass I4] as a COMPLBX

IITMNSITIVE iL~onsect_trJltiordmL being an extension of th~simpleJmransiUacutelLe _shy~ i I5] It turned

j precisely as that of (1) is extended from that of [2)iexcl

2 Fused constructions

Let us take our cue from GCEs referenee to fusionlo the simpl~L =nfu~~~_~~~~~~~)t1ecltgtnstVf1ionconsistso(asingJULeAicJ~tQI(lgde) which in a dependency ana~is has both the subject and the object as its dependents or to adapt G CEs term has both a subjeet and an oJkltt asit complementation lnJhaL~se (2) has a _K1U~~~_~ruetion (Lyons i977) w1jch cannotJiexclJLr~s~Cl9JUnQ(lt_e~mentary relationships of ptediCJJQJkSo too has the simple intransitive (5] vi1ihidepeiioenforior forming the complementation of tumed So too has the simple aseriptive [3] its predicator on the analysis ofLyons and others is the adjective green One reason for relatlng the subject to the adjective is that the elements are jointly subject to selectional restrictions A reason for not relating either to the copula is that the latter stands aside (rom these restrictions adding none ofitsown

In a fused construction the pattem ls neither strictly kernel nor straightforwardly non-kemellnJhegmplex transitive [lL1oth1tan41~Y are again direct ~cngents of made these relatio~_elQ~ the words in FigJbx direC1~ltaI~_uacutela~~I~Qordf-ordfl9blleiexcl)Uumlnamp21uacuteward frollLthe

~d

(aJiquest-Fig 1

[42]

P H Matthew$

p~ed~~ So is green arc el this too being supported by selectional restrictions We are therefore dealing with a single clause rooted in made of which each word is a distinct element But green js a1soapredicator in iexclelation to il (are d)J that wav we are dealing with two kernelp~QlS th~ fuurtermclauseinfQmQrating bothtM_~tuet~[IDJr~JlsitiYlljh~ twoshytenn a~-middot -_shy

In Fig 1 we have diagrammed what any grammarian will propose provided that his terminology or his notational apparatus allow him to say it Iut similar reasonjng applies to the construction which we have called the ~IpJex ln~~-ordfEsitive Of the relationships showninf1g --~~t~~~~_

it turned green

aAacutebJ Fig2

to ir (arcc)_isagainasintheascripJjy~ and needs no further cornment But the final element is clearly suJiexcliect to ru19jtional resr=l~ordmI~ tlTlJRI_ im~~tordm-~~it~~rAUQj~9iY_I9U~l~~ed noun (He turned pink He turned kings eVidence) iQ~~~1lined phrase is exCiuacuteded (He turned arog)

tDle~sthe p~e~~i0rl~lJ9rtn is ~~jordmntildei[qiireifitetuumlmed iexclnto a frog) ~itt G-ordm-1h exdusi(m is abgolule one cannot even say He went into a criminal

f [he adjeqtive is also Iimlted to specific collocations For example one can say It turned sour or Ir went sour but it is harder to accept Ir grew sour 1 Conversely one can say He grew od but not He went od On that evidence

j we may establish a relationship of dependency between green and tumedj (arc b) The verb too can then be related to the subject (arc a)

1 Epgth o~2am~ thefe is one terro ir lVhich is a9~de~~~~t1 theascriptile anCITlieletbalk~m~1 (Fig 1 ares b and d Fig 2 ares a and c) The fusion is then effected by a further link (Fig 1 arc e Fig 2 are b) in which ond of the two predicators een is ineo orat~a~_ ordf d~RendenlO(th~ I re atlon that uirk an4hl~ COU~_~ampI~s-1 jn the case of th complex intransitille hall app1ied the Iean intlaquo=nsve

mmplementatio~gly describe he yaleruLQ(IUN or iexcl l otIllBNinthisuseJuh~int~siYeint[ansitivx But the insight intildeaacute I

alsQ be extended to the complex transitiye In that spirit MAKE or MAKE as

used in sentences such as W might appropriatelL be described ~~_~n_ i ~ntensive transitive -J -bull_--------shy

[43)

ENGLISH GRAMMAR

3 Distinctions between tbe complex intransitive and other partly similar constructions

For a three-term construction Fig 2 shows the maximum number of interconnections with each term related to each of the others The miacutenimum isone thus for the ascriptive (3) we have adopted the structure shown i~

L with l~~E2nd te~~Il2= tlliacuten amaroe~ ordmrS1PP9~g~lexn~~ ~eLClatiacute9D~t~~~~t~first an~~~hir~ But this leaves five other possibilities which in theory might be realized ust as the second element_lt~p~ltmark(r ordfs inEig 3bullKlJQQmgordmHhetordm-iriexcl in thatJ~SiquestOillY

iacutet is green

Fig3

1he_verb vQ1lld_be a predicatorrwithonl)l1he_~ygtject related 10 it This structure does not seem to be realized at least not in away whiacuteCh is -relevant to our analysis Asecond_possibil~iuhatJmly the verb a~ ~~~iexcltiY~L iquestnjgl~~_rell~q in that ca~e bot~redicatoS_w-ordmyldIgt~ impersonal-vUh lh~su~ject a me~m~ce-filler This structure might conceivably be suggested for exampIacuteesmiddotSuumlch as [6]

[6] It got mistier

with a so-called ambient it But although it may indeed be ambient with respect to mistier it need not follow that it is ambient with respect to got

In the remaining cases no element is a marker but there are only two instead of three interconnections Ir there wem no link betw-IlJhe subject ~YMh(Ejg 2 are a) the verb1tSelf would agajn be impersmordf-~ I~ transformational terms its surface subject would be derived by raising (Postal 1974) from a subordinate adjectival clause lf th3ewere no intensiye lipk between the first and second predicators (Fg 2 arWJUlt verb would be a simple intransitive taking just t~_S)lbject as its complementation th~on of tbe adjec1iYtLL~ then be uumlMrn-~0n[7] forexample --- -_~

Eacutel He arrived saber J (~ eacute cc L f ~ 2 f

grammars do not establish an intensive or copular use of ARIUVB Finally

[44]

1 P H Marrhew$

if the ascriQive lik wer~~2ken iacuteEiKbJ~~ f)hHordmjlti~~ment woulordm-no longer bJlta predicaQ~ltiexclHQle wQuldin~teadb~ADVJllqt~iexcl as in 8)

(8) He ran fa~t

There is no doubt that the intensive construction is distinct from the adverbial and that sober in [7] is at least more circumstantial than green in It turned green But the subject-verb relation is more problematic in that a raising transformation has been proposed for one at least of the G C E s intensive verbs Let us therefore take that distinction first

31 Ofthe twenty or so most common intensive verbs (GCE821) SEEM and APPEAR particularly lend themselves to transformational analysis On the evidence of sentences such as [9]

(2) It seemed that they wereamp~e~

_U~naIlJral lo establish an underlying ~~ct~~

J~sIhey were green]~ seemed

irlYhIacutetEw~4)srelate(L1ot to they J~Q9green indhiOacute1lally but to the yiole ascri2tive kernelrom the same structure a sentence such as [10)

[10] They seemed to be green

can then be derived by further transformations of subject raising and infinitive formation Froro the structure reaJized by [Io]lIleare n3tllcalli

~m~ed to derive the comple~_~transiti~euacutell

[u) They seemed gre~

by a further transformation deleting the copuiacutea For SEEM the rules deriving [10] and [u] would both be optional But for

other verbs such as TURN or GO We could make them obligatory so It turned green could be the only realization of an underlying sUr was greenls turned the ambient Ir got misrier - [6] aboye - a realization of say s[mistier]s gorand so on If the obligatory rules were then restricted to the copula we would also ensure that any other form of embedded structure (g[he eft]s turned or g[he kissed her]s grew) was filtered out By such means a treatment which is widely accepted for SEEM and for which the evidence is at first compelling could be extended if it were thought appropriate to the entire intensive intransitive class

There are good reasons for not thinking it appropriate In a sentence such as [12]

[12] Harry got drunk

Qn~JsllQIacuteli~ply talking of a_~ate tha~ reslllttI s~o t~a~ ~~rry vs (45)

ENGLISH GRAMMAR

drunk or Harrys drunkenness happened) Nor is Harrya mere theme or tliexclfc (Aacute~-to-KarryQruniexcliquestenneacuteSs-l1ippened to him) tlamp11tbject iexclS1

potentia1lt-at-l~st--alMl~tgh-ge~~amp9run_~ wassoID1hiiL~hatJIal did The--verb mayaccordiacutentilde-gly take a subject adjunct (O CE 466]) thus I delibera tey got drunk or He foo(lshy turned traitor It may also supply the complement of a conative verb (1 did try to get drunk) may appear in the imperative (Dont get drunk ) and so on For sorne collocations this potentiacuteality is doubtless harder to realize (compare He delibera tey turned bue with He delibera tey turned nasty or He tried ro grow oder with He tried ro grow farter) but that is precisely the case for subjects and predicators generally lt is this semantic role that justifies the first link shown in Fig 2

which an impersonal structure as in (b)

(b) s[Harry was drunkls got

would relegate to the surface If (b) is wrong for Harry got drunk a transformationalist should consider

more carefully w hether a similar structure is correct for Harry seemed drunk Let us assume that it is correct for the construction with a that-clause (It seemed that Harry was dhmk) for SEEM and APPEAR a c1ausal complement does form one possibility Let us also accept that SBBM has a constant sense in all its constructions But for other current intensives (G eE 820 f) the evidence is more complexo With SOUNO a that-clause can be forced for example if a dative is inserted (lt sounds ro me that (hey arent coming) There is also an impersonal construction with as if

[131 It sounds as ifthey were green

which might be thought to derive from the same source The construction of [13] is also acceptable witb LOOK (lt ooks as ifthey arent coming) But between it and the complex intransitive we can find clear disparities in meaning In [13] the judgment is based on indirect clues what sounds or appears from audible information is indeed the whole proposition they were green But in the complex intransitive [14]

[141 They sound drunk

it is based on sounds that they are making For that reason it is harder 10 make sense of They sound green Likewise They [ook drunk means that they from their appearance are so But in It loob as ifthey are drunk the speaker does not even imply that he has seen them (Compare Prom what you say it ooks as if rhey are drunk) Ir we wanted a complex source it would be tempting 10 relate [14] not 10 the impersonal [13] with raising but rather to the personal [Is1

[IS] They sound as iexclfthey are drunk

with the second they deleted

[46]

P H Marthews

Personal and impersonal are often hard to separate as Palmer (1972) and before him Bolinger(l96la) have shown Ofthis group ofintensives TASTE

and 5MBLL are the most restricted in meaning and it is with these that the impersonal construction as in [91 and [131 is least acceptable With TASTE

neither seems likely Ir rasres to me that the soup is saty It tastes to me as if they are sweer If the second example can be interpreted it is by virtue of a blending with the personal construction (compare It tasres as ifit ) With SMELL the construction of [131 may be more acceptable (Ir smells ro me as if dinner is ready) but the blending remains With PEEL a non-tactile sense is possible (Ir fees Iikey) but is less established than the broader senses of LOOK or SOUNO (compare Ir ooks likey II sounds likey) It is in this case that my judgment is least secure would one say for example It fees (or Ir fees to me) as if they were green With SOUNO and LOOK the general sense is well established as in [131 or Ir sounds likely but there is still a sensory meaning as in [14] and [Isl which inhibits the pure impersonal with that With SEEM and APPEAR we are at the end of the continuum both having general senses only Hence the construction of[91 alongside the impersonal with as if (Ir seems as if they were green) Hence perhaps the infinitive construction of [101 with SOUNO and the others this too is awkward (They ooked ro have arrived Or Ir tastes ro me to be sweer) But it does not follow that the semantical1y general They seem drunk differs in syntax from the specifically sensory They sound drunk or They smell drunk We can even force an active interpretation of the subject thus They tried lO appear drunk or I deliberarey seemed irrftated

32 As [11] with SEEM Hes on a gradience between personal and impersonal so there are others which raise problems in distinguishing intensive from adverbial and circumstantial constructions For there is no criterion which is both sufficient and necessary

The obvious step is to tesectt for simpler transforms Thus J9r [12] Harl~ qrunk ~e can comp~jiexcleJgtimple a~ve Harry was drul~ TRANSFORM in that firstIy it is a a d secondly the predicator

-ORUNK hasnot a tq~ sense s no intraiiSIuvetrans[oacuterintilde ~stiiis~se of G BI is oot ~ble Nor has 4 r tumeirgeacute-iexcl an intransitive transform It turned since this involves a different sense oC TURN Ir there~~ an ascriptive transform but n9-Wn~itive the JhirdeiacuteeDlen t mult be a complementi so [41 and [12] must be complex intransitive Ir there is neither transform it MA y be complement but the col~of verb and adjective mjgbt rCaSantildea be classed as idiomatic Thus The roses have run wild has no transform The roses ve iiOr-aacuteoes it strictly match The rOSes are wild But WILO is at least an adiecti~ must stand in sorne relationship to the verb therefore R UN WILO is right1y

chmldw-rresultintensive (O eE) ---shy-- -_--g ~ _---_bull ~ shy

[471

ENOLISH ORAMMAR

If there is a simple intransitive but no ascriptive transr2ffil--_~~~ coacutentildeSffiiClioacutentilde-intildeuumlSt]ie iexcljdve(J2iacuteaIYlIacuteustrivialIy He ran iexcliuieacutekly has no ascriptive tiexclansfo~ He was quickly less trivially He travelled light does not match He was ight But what if we find both rlJgJQQordf~tillha$ordflJ ascriEtive _~ran~f~rrlJ~eYI1Jer~_~~ ~sectmL1aY-J~_a~~plement circumstantjallik~iilelltjnThey-sJoQdsilent ordfytlb~~j~llsothe simpler intran~1ti~ fbilystQPf so still ~ight be anadver~ like sileniTyintilde-fiieystood silenty Since there is no distinct form srilly the latter is hard to rule out For It shone white we can compare the formally adjectivallt shone brighr again there are both transforms (Ir shone Ir was white) But It shone brighr is c10se in meaning to the formaUy adverbial Ir shone brighry could white be an adverb in default of or as the commoner altemative to whirely Blending may aIso be found in idioms For example it is fruitless to ask if doggo is an adjective or an adverb in He is Iying doggo

For the circumstantial case both transforms are necessary thus [7] He arriuacuteiid sober has the triexcliexclntildeiiiacuteormsmiddotiexcliexcluacuteli-iexcliexclved andHe wasectSoacutebe Wewoacuteuumllifiliso ixpeeacutetthilUumlheveromiddotantildedmiddotildjectTe-shouId befreeOi collocationaI restrictions so He arrived sober He left sober He Jeft satisjied He arrived satisfied and so on But it is very hard to say when such a requirement iacutes meto One does not say for example They stood noisy or They sroodpeacefuJ on that evidence They stood sient might be classed as complex intransitive But neither is one likely to say They arrived noisy or They arrived kind Is that too a matter of collocational restrictions so that [7] is also intensive Or is it merely that NOISY and KIND are ill suIacuteted 10 this construction7 At this point jt is tempting to distinguish degrees of circumstantiality The extreme case would be represented by such sentences as [16]

[16] They stood there exhausted

(Iikewise They have arrived quite sober) where the adjective and verb are marked as separate Beside [16] the construction in [7] is less clearly circumstantial in They stood sient or They stoodfidgering it is perhaps even r less so But this last might stilJ be seen as less intensive than for example

iexcl They stood amazed Likewise They feJl exhausted is less clearly intensi ve than 1 They fell sick since it involves no special sense of FALL

~

f lrOacutel p1lI1riHmD ~ amires f0tr eompiex trlmSitive fu Tlieyfbuntlliim~

guilry there is a special sense OfPIND as ofMAKE in They mode it green In TIwy rrun Juacutem JOber tbat IacuteoS DO spcciiexcll SCDSII of)lEET~ by tbat cS ~ is more eircumsumlial BUl onc la unlikely lO say for eumple They me hlm meditative

4 Finally there is an obvious gradience between the coxnP-1ex intransitive ~nct the simple ascriptj~ With TURN 01 GROW there are~-selecUumlonal restrictions as we have seen With SBJlli or SIhV tney are far fewer

[48J

P H Matthews

neverthelesson~canI1Q~~yfordmr_~ordfmplelfil_sectil1Ied chairmqf1-ltcompareH~ stayelt chairman Qr1fsectJjiquest_riquest~cordfirmordfl1) or It srays obvious that (compare It seemsobvious that or It remainsobvious that ) With REMAIN it is hard to find any but at least the intransitive exists He remained) and their senses can be related Wth BECOMB that evidence too is lacking He became drunk can be distinguish-ed(rontildei1lieasgiptiYlt1g lu7ntl1k onlyJ~iiui~s from jts resultative meaning -_-

This merging has ied grammarians to treat the constructions together But we can do this only by assimi)ating BE to the mode) of verb complementation (as in GCE) not by assimilating TURN and so on to the model of a copula likethecpmplexrordfnsectitiy~nl_e compleimrap~W~i~ ayoor ca~~idatefltY-l~LIl~Jlt~IQ~-ordf_~~rnelltructllr~middot

M

~_

Page 18: in - UGR · (III). 11-70 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1171 Note [a] The ... In addition, we shall use where necessary the suffixes 'ph' (for

i

1202 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

The attackers eaught us ofJour guardo He wished them at the bottom ofthe sea

Again the spatial meaning ofthe adjunct rnay be understood in sorne abstract or rnetaphorical sense as in the third exarnple aboye

Adjuncts of other sernantic types are less cornrnon but instances are the adjunct of rnanner following treat

badIY Her parents treated her as ifshe were a baby

as like a small ehild

and the optional adjunct of duration following last

This rnoney will ha ve to last you laquo(for) six months)

Note [al Treot has a dilferent meaning when the adjunct is omitted Her parents treated her [= did something pleasant for her]

[b] Superficiacuteally similar to the aboye pattern iacutes that iIIustrated by remind andfurnish followed by an object and a prepositional phrase

She reminds me ofmy sister They furnished all the passengers with iexclfe jackets

These however are classed as transiti ve prepositional verbs (cfI6 7-8) and will be dealt with in 1656fbelow The difference between Ihese prepositional verbs and verbs of complemenlation Type [e3] is that in Ihe former case the lexical verb governs a particular preposition remind offurnish with (Alternative prepositional constructions are sometimes available however provide withprovide for)

Variants of complex transitive complementation 649 We now examine variants of complex transitive cornplernentation in which

thc direct object iexcls f01lowltd by ji nonfinite dau~1 acting as predication adjunct Al four kinds of nonfinite construction (ef 146-8) are possible

[C4] to-infinitive [C6] -ing participle They knew hirn to be a spy 1caught Ann reading my diary

[CS] bare infinitive [C7] -ed participle 1heard someone slam We saw him beaten by the

World Heavyweight Champion thedoor

The nonfinite clause in these patterns (in italics in the above table) has no subject itself but its implied subject is always the preceding noun phrase which is object of the superordinate c1ause This noun phrase which if a personal pronoun is in the objective case is commonly termed a RAISED

OBJECT (ef further 16640) semantically it has the role of subject of the nonfinite verb but syntactically it is raised from the nonfinite c1ause to function as object of the superordinate verbo Hence in general this noun phrase (in italics in the table below) can become subject of the corresponding passive (The passive of [C5] normaly requires substitution of a to-infinitive for abare infinitive the passive of [C7) is of marginal currency ef 1654 Note [a))

(C4] He was known to be a spy

[eS] Someone was heard to slam the door

Types of verb complementation 1203

[C6] Ann was caught reading rny diary

[e] He was seen executed by a firing squad

On the face ofit the patterns [C4] and [e6] are indistinguishable from the rnonotransitive patterns [B8] (eg She hates the train to be late) and [B9] (eg She hates the train being late) in which the nonfinite c1ause has a subject of its own The ability of the noun phrase preceding the nonfinite verb to become subject of a passive is however an important distinction between thern (see further 1651 and 1653)

These patteros [e4] and (e6] are distinguished from corresponding patterns in which the Note nonfinite c1ause is an adverbial by the raet that the iacutemplied subject of the nonfinite verb is O rather than S Note the ambiguity of

She left him to finish the jobo She lert him holding the baby

IC4J Object + to-infinitive complementation The verbs in this group are rather numerous and rnay be subdivided 1650

(vii) assist bother bribe eondemll dariquest defy encourage help induce inspire press summon

semantically into the following categories

(iacute) announee declare proclaim pronounee

(H)

reporl repute [esp P rumour (P only] say[P only] tip (esp BrEgt

assume believe eonceive (formalgt eonsider expeet feel jind imagine know presume reekon see [P only1 suppose take thiacutenk[esp P1 understand

(iiiacute) intend mean

(iv) appoint elect name vote

(v) cause drive force get[no P] lead prompt

(vi) alow authorize compel eonstrain enable entitle equip jit oblige permit requiacutere

[P = Passive]

1ZU4 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Types (i) and (ti) correspond to the factual verbs of category [B3J discussed in 1631 the nonfinite construction following these verbs can often be replaced by a lhal-clause with an indicative verbo Compare

The poli ce reported that the traffic was heavy [B3] The police reported the traffic to be heavy (formal) [C4]

JOhn believed that the stranger was a policeman [B3 = John believed the stranger to be a policeman (formal) [C4]

With factual verbs such as these the nonfinite clause normaIly contains the verb be or sorne other verb of stative meaning EspecialIy when the nonfinite main verb is other than be the finite clause (of pattern [B3]) is preferred to the infiniti ve one except that the infinitive construction provides a convenient passive form

The traffic was reported to be heavy The stranger was believed to be a poli cernan

Sorne verbs in this construction have no lhat-clause equivalent

They tipped him to be the next president (esp BrE) - He was tipped to be the next president (They tipped that he would be the next president)

Sorne verbs (marked [P only] in the list abo ve) occur only in the passive version of this construction

The field marshal was said to be planning a new strategy (Someone said the field marshal to be planning a new strategy)

Other verbs (marked [esp PJ) occur chiefly in the passive

The BroadwiY piOJutioli was inoughi to have made Maxs fortune (Newsmen lhought the Broadway production to have made Maxs fortune)

Ofthe twq classes of factual verbs Type (i) consists ofpublic verbs (cf1631) referring to a speech act and Type (ii) consists of private verbs expressing belief etc

1651 Of the remaining semantic types Type (iii) consists of verbs of intention (on intend itself ef 1641 Note lb]) Types (iv) and (v) consist of causative verls where the infinitive clause identifies the resultant state (Type (iv) verbs also belong to class [Cl]) Type (vi) cClUsists of verbs with a modal character expressing such concepts as enablement permission and compulsion and Type (vii) consists of a variety of verbs of influencing between which a common factor appears to be that the nonfinite clause has a purposive meaning Examples are

(iii) They intended Mary to sing an aria (- Mary was intended to sing an aria)

(iv) The meeting elected Mr Martiacuten to be the next treasurer (- Mr Martin was elected to be the next treasurer)

Types of verb complementation 1205

(v) This optimistic forecast led the administration to promise tax cuts ( _ The administration was led (by this optimistic forecast) to promise tax cuts)

(vi) My contract allows me to take one months lea ve (- 1arn allowed to take one months leave)

(vii) Our teachers eneouraged us to think for ourselves (- We were eneouraged to think for ourselves)

In Type (iv) the infinitive main verb is normaIly be and can be omitted They appointed her (lO be) the social secretar) This type overlaps with Type (v) 1646

Note [al There are a number of multi-word verbs in this category [C4prl counl Ofl bullbullbull lO depend Ol bullbull lo rey on lO bullbullbull [C4phl make OUI 10 bullbull [C4ph-pr] keep 01 al lo bull

(which has no passive) Examples are 1 am dependillg 011 you lO give us your fu support They malle him oul to be a monster ofdepravity Why do you keep On al me 10 work harder

[b] Sorne passives of pattem [C4] (eg be allowed be supposed) have a semi-auxiliary (cf347f) interpretation in which they lose their connection with the corresponding active construction especiay as regareis agency

(es) Object + bare infinitive complementation 1652 This pattern occurs with a relatively smaIl number of verbs

(i) have (ii) fee overhear[P] (iii) help [P] let hear [PI see [PJ know [P] rnake [PI notice [P watch

observe[P]

Typl (i) consists uf vlrbs uf iexcluiexclciacuteVI meaning Type (ii) has percepwal verbs of seeing and hearing and Type (iii) is a residual class of two verbs which are optionally followed by a to-infinitive The marker [PI indicates that the passive (normaIly with a to-infinitive) is possible [P] indicates that the passive is of doubtful or limited acceptability

(i) You shouldnt lel your family iacutenterfere with our plans We must rnake the public take notice ofuso

(- The public must be rnade to take notice ofus) (ji) Did you notiacutece anyone leaue the house

The crowd saw Gray score lwo rnagnificeni goals ( - Gray was seen lo seore two rnagnificent goas)

(iii) Sarah helped us (to) edil the seript 1 have known John (to) give better speeches than that

(- John has been known lO giue better speeches than that)

Know followed by the bare infinitive is confined mainly to BrE and to the perfective aspect have known Lel in group (i) is in other constructions cIassified as similar to an auxiliary (ef3SI) Let has an apparent passive in combination with such verbs as lel go and lel fal but these are best regarded as fixed expressions in which let has an auxiliary or particIe-like function

They let the prisoner go horneo - The prisoner was let go horneo

1206 Complementation of verbs and adjectiacuteves

Note that this apparent passive has the bare infinitive in contrast for example to make which has to have the to-infinitive in the passive

They mude him understand ~ He was made to understalld

A third verb in group (i) is have which (like have in monotransitive constructions) does not occur in the passi ve

They had me repeat the message ~ 1 was had (to) repeat the message

Note [a] The formulaic nature of let him go and similar expressions is illustrated by variants such as [1-3J which cannot be fitted into any regular complementation pattern

gothe rope [1] They lel the rope go [2]

goofthe rope (3)

[b] Of the two constructions with help tha with 10 is more common in BrE and that without 10

is more common in AmE [e] Arare verb in category (i) is the now rather archaic bid with a to-infinitive complementation in the passive

They bidbade me sil down - rwas bidden 10 sil down

[C61 Object + -ing participle complementation 1653 The verbs in category [C6] consist of verbs of perception (Type (iraquo verbs of

encounter (Type (iO) and two verbs of coercive meaniacuteng (Type

feel[C5] see[C5) (ji) eateh (iiiacute) have hear[C5) smell diseover get notiee [C5] spot find observe[C5) spy leave overhear[CS) wateh [CS) pereeive

Perception verbs marked [CS] occur also with the bare infinitive pattern [CS) Wiacuteth such verbs there iacutes an aspect difference between [C5) and [C6) as described in 461f

Tim watched Bill mendlmendingthe lampo

The bare infinitive having nonprogressive meaning implies that Bill did the wholejob while Tiacutem was watching the -ing clause with progressive meaning has no such implicatiacuteon

This complementatiacuteon pattern differs from that of [B9) not only in its progressive aspect but also in that the noun phrase following the superordinate verb cannot take the genitive (or possessive) form (ef 1642)

1 saw him lying on the beach 1 saw his lying on the beach

Another difference from pattern [B9) is that the -ing predication can normally be omitted without radically altering the meaning

1 saw him lying on the beach [entails iexcl saw him)

Contrast

1 hate my friends leaving early [does notentaiacutel 1 hate my friends)

Types of verb complementation 1207

The passive with this pattern is regular

We could hear the rain splashing on the roof ~ The rain could be heard splashing on che roof

A teacher eaughc them smoking in the playground - They were eaught smoking in the playground (by a teacher)

Prepositional verbs with this type of complementation ([C6prJ) include eome aeross eome upon listen to and look at Look at those ehildren climbing the wall But these [C6prJ prepositional verbs have no prepositiacuteonal passive

seen The guards had been spouhed searchiacuteng the building

wate e d looked at

Have in this construction (e18S1ff) also has no passive in keeping with its use in other constructions

She had us working day after day We were had working day after day

Note Feeloccurs especially with a reflexive pronoun object Shefelt herself falling in love

[C7) Object + -ed participle complementation 1654 We can distinguish three small groups of verbs complemented bv a raised

object followed by an -ed participle c1ause

(i) CAUSATIVE verbs get ha ve She gotlhad the watch repaired immediately

Oi) VOLITlONAL verbs want need like I wantlneed this watch repaired immediately

(jii) PERCEPTUAL verbs see hearJeel (oneself) wateh Someone must have seenl heard the car stolen

A fourth group is peripheral to this construction

(iv) Verbs for which the -ed participle describes a resulting statefind

diseoverleave They founddiseoveredfleft him worn out by tra vel and exertion

j In this construction as in that of (C6) have can ha ve either an agentive causative meaning or a stative meaning Hence The guard patrol had two men shot is ambiguous meaning either The patrol caused two men to be shot or

I The patrol suffered the los s oftwo men by shooting The latter meaning is that of the have-existential construction (ef 18S1ff) In general this

complementation type is semantically equivalent to one with an iacutenfinitive form of the verb be Thus in Type (ii) iexcl would like my room cleaned is synonymous with iexcl would like my room to be cleaned in Type Oiiacute) He saw the team beaten is synonymous with He saw the team be beaten

Note [al There is no passive for most verbs in pattem [e7] and at best the passive is dubious The car must have been seen stolen The acceptability of the passive with Type (iv) is exceptional

---

--

1208 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

The car wasfound abandoned This is indeed an indication that Type (iv) may not belong here so much as with the objecl complement construction [el l iexclhe participle construclion being adjectival (cf an abandoned car) lb1In addition to the two meanings of haue + objec + -ed participle above a third meaning results ifthe -ed clause is analysed as a postmodifier of Ihe object eg She had a book (which gtvas) stolenfrom the library

Ditransitive complementation

ID11 Noun phrases as both indirect and direct object 1655 Ditransiacutetive complementation in its basic fonu involves two object no un

phrases an indirect object which is nonually aniacutemate and positioned first and a direct object which is nonually concrete The two noun phrases differ from those of[C2] in not being in a copular relationship

He gave the girl a doll --v-- --r-

S V Oiacute Od

The difference between this and complex transitive complementation is seen in

svoe He found her a loyal friendo ( She was a loyal friend)

SVOO He found her an apartment ( - The apartment was for her)

The characteristics of indirect objects in contrast to direct objects are fully disclssed in 107

Sorne ditransitive verbs have two passive analogues which we shall distinguish as first and second

The girl was given a doll [FIRST PASSIVE]

A doll was given the girl [SECOND PASSIVE]

Of these two the first passive in which the indirect object becomes subject is the more common The prepositional paraphrase is more usual as an alternative than the second passive A dol was given to the girl (For a list of verbs ofType [01] ef1657 below)

[D21 Object and prepositional object 1656 In the ditransitive category prepositional verbs fonu an important group

with its own sub-divisions and may therefore be given a separate category number D2] These verbs are those we have called Type II prepositional verbs (cfI67-8) Alongside the ordinary indirect object pattern two main prepositional patterns rnaybe distinguished _

Indirect object + direct object [D1] Direct object + prepositional object D2a] lndirect object + prepositional object [D2b]

Types of verb complementation 1209

The indirect object is normally animate and is the recipient or beneficiary of the process described by the verb (ef 1019) Unlike ditransitive verbs of category [D 1] (eg give) ditransiti ve verbs with prepositional objects nonually have only one passive

We addressed our remarks to the children [D2a] - Our remarks were addressed to the children (The children were addressed our remarks (toraquo

W e reminded him of the agreement [D2bl - He was reminded of the agreement (The agreement was reminded him (of)

-1 Sorne verbs have a11 three possibilities of construction in the active many have two forothers there is only one possibility (in sorne cases the alternatives are not identical but very similar in meaning)

tel [01 + 2a + 2b]

1

offer [01 + 2a] 1

envy [01 + 2b] I

wish [01]

bamefD2a + 2b]

say [D2a]

warn [D2b]

Mary told only John the secret DI] Mary told the secret only to John [D2a] Mary told only John about the secreto [D2b]

John offered Mary sorne help [DI] John offered sorne help to Mary [D2a]

She envied John his success [DI] She envied Johnfor his success [D2b]

They wished him good luck [DI]

Helen blamed the divorce on John rD2al Helen blamed Johnfor the divorce [D2bj

Why didnt anybody say this to me [D2a] I

Mary warned John ofthe dangers [D2b) I

The different constructional possibilities of certain verbs provide a means of achieving different focus (cfI837f) Compare the fo11owing pairsofsentences as pronounced with unmarked (end) focus

Mary blamed the broken vase on IOHN Mary blamed John for the broken VAacuteSE

(ef John was blamed by MARY)

The government supplied blankets for the HOMEless The government supplied the homeless with BLANKets

(ef Blankets were supplied by the Goacutevernment)

Note [al The aboye constructions are presented in the most typical syntactic ordering but postshyponernent of the direct or iacutendirect object may take place in contexts where end-focus or endshyweight is required (cf1837) eg John offered lO Mary Ihe help thal she needed [b] Additional prepositional verb patterns should be briefly mentioned There is for example the double-prepositional-verb pattern noted in 1617(c)

1210 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1211

1657

1 am applying lo the hospitalor ajobo There is a further possibility that two prepositional objects may follow a diacuterect object

We are paying $100 lo the garage for the repairs

Verbs of complementation types ID1 and [D2 The following list gives sorne of the verbs that occur in Types [DI] [D2aJ [D2b] organized aeeording to the cross-classifications of 1656 aboye We are interested here only in synonymous or nearly synonyrnous constructions in which the same participant roles (ef lO18jJ) oceur Hence many possible prepositional verbs are ignored Pay for for example is ignored because it introduces a further participant (the commodity bought) not incuded in pay (with) and pay (to)

Table 1657

Type [DI) Type [D2a] Type[D2b]

EXAMPLE serve (Jaek scampi) serve (searnpi) serve (Jack) to (Jack) with (scampi)

[DI + 2a + 2b) pay payto pay with provide (AmE) providefor provide with serve serve to serve with tel tell to tell about

[DI + 2a) (l) bring bring to den deny to give give lo

grant gram to hand hand to leave leave tofor lend lend to offer offer to owe oweto promise promiseto read read lo send send to show show to teaeh teaeh to throw throw to

(ii) do doacutefor find findfor make makefor order order for reserve reservefor save savefor spare sparefor

(iii) ask askof

1658

[DI + 2b]

[Di]

[D2a + 2b]

[D2a]

[D2b)

envy excuse forgive

allow eharge fine refuse wish

blameon supply forto

address to announee to eommunieate to explain to sayto

envyfor exeusefor forgivefor

blamefor supply with

advise about punishfor etc

The membership of[D2b] is numerous Here are further examples arranged by prepositions

thankfor eonvineeof robof refer to preventfmm depriacutevenf ltuspee f 9f sentenee to proleet from informof warnof subject ro imerest in persuadeof congratulate on treat to aecuseof relieveof confine to charge with convictof remindof introduce to compare with

Note that reflexive verbs (cf 625) sometirnes oecur with a prepositional object eg We pride ourselves on the serviee we ofler Sorne of the verbs abo ve (such as compare with) ean have two inanimate objects

In Table 1657 we have distinguished under[Dl + 2a] verbs taking to as their preposition from those takingfor eg

(i) She sent Paul a present She sent a present to Paul (ji) She made Paul a meaL She made a mealfor Paul

Occasionally a preposition other than to and for oceurs in this function

OiO She asked Paul a favour She asked a favour ofPaul

Distinct from [D2aJ and [D2bJ aboye is a kind of prepositional verb which has already been discussed in 167-8 a verb for which the direet object forms part of an idiomatic unit with the verb and the preposition The syntactic properties of this type which we label (D2e] have already been dealt with and it is enough here to list a further sample ofsueh idioms

1212 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1213I I

eateh siacuteght of make allowanee for put a stop to give place to make fun of set jire to give way to make afuss overabout take aeeount Ofl keep pace with make roomfor take advantage ojI lose sight of make use ojI take eare of 1

lose toueh with pay attention to 1 take note ojI lose traek of put an end to take notice ojI

Those marked with a raised 1 can take not only a prepositional passive (ef 167-8) but also can easily take a passive for which the idiomatically-fixed direct object beco mes subject eg (Some) allowanee was made for loss of eamings (Little) notiee was taken of this evento Other verbs can take the passive but with greater difficulty with these examples as with prepositional verbs in general idiomatic cohesion is a matter of gradience

Variants of ditransitive complementation

ID3J Indirect object + that-cIause object 1659 Corresponding to monotransitive verbs ofType [B3] (efI630) are ditransiti ve

verbs for which the direct object is a that-clause

John eonvinced me (that) he was right ~ I was eonvineed (by John) (that) he was right

The second passive is unacceptable when the direct object is a clause That he was right was eonvineed me Thus the first passive (ef 1655) above is the only passive that can occur with this pattern With sorne verbs such as eonvinee above it is impossible to delete the noun phrase object

John conviucJ (lhat) he was riguiacute

With other verbs such as show the indirect object is optional

The professor of mathematics showed me that Pythagoras was mistaken ~ The professor of mathematics showed that Pythagoras was

mistaken

Ditransitive verbs followed by a that-clause may be divided into a subtype introducing an indirect statement and a subtype introducing an indirect directive (ef 1433) In the indirect statement the that-clause contains an indicative verb in the indirect directive the verb may be indicative or subjunctive and often contains putative should or another modal verb (ef 1632 for the distribution ofthese options)

INDIRECT STATEMENT

May 1 inform you that your order is ready for eolleetion INDIRECT DIRECTIVE

mightbeShe petitioned the king that her father ~ould be pardoned

In the following list Type (i) verbs introduce indirect statements and Type (H) verbs introduce indirect directives The indirect directive construction is

rare and formal in comparison with the similar infinitive construction (ef 1663)

WOUldI begged her that she should help ltformal) 1 begged her to help ltmore usual)

For those verbs marked O the indirect object is obligatory foc those marked (O) the indirect object is optional for those marked laquoOraquo the indirect object is not only optional but unusual

(i) advise (O) remindO (iiacute) ask3 laquoOraquo assureO satisfyO beg3 (O) bet (O) show3 (O) eharge (O) eonvineeO teaeh3 (O) eommand laquoOraquo forewarn (O) tellO iacutenstruet laquoOraquo informO wager(O) order laquoOraquo notify 3 O warn (O) petition3 (O) persuadelO write2bull 3 (O) tellO promise3 (O)

The superscripts are interpreted as follows

1 Persuade in the sense ofconvince belongs to Type (i) but it may also be used in a Type (iiacute) sense of persuade someone to do something

2 Write is found with an indirect object + that-clause especially in AmE 3 With verbs so marked the indiacuterect object can be replaced by a

prepositional object (ef 1660)

Note Superficially similar W the [D3] pallern is lhe impersonal construction Iacutef strikeslstruck me (Ihal) asin

It strikes me this work is for his own amusement But here the Ihal-c1ause (as in 1634) is the extraposed subject of the verbo Compare He strikes me as (cf1646 Note [el) and lt occursto me that (cfI634 Note [e))

ID3prl Prepositionalobject + that-cIause object 1660 The verbs marked 3 in the aboye list can be optionally followed by a

preposition thus forming a category similar to [D2a] in 1656

He promised laquoto) me) that the debt would be repaid

For most verbs of [03] which permit a prepositional object the preposition is to

He wrote to me He reported to me that etc

Exceptions are ask and beg which (in somewhat formal usage) are followed by the preposition of

I askbegofyou that you will keep this secret ltformal)

There is in addition a group of verbs which were classified in 1631-32 as monotransitive but which optionally allow the preposition to preceding a prepositional object These may be distinguished as Type [D3pr] and subdivided into sub-types (i) and (iacutei) as in the paraUel description of [B3] verbs

1214 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Joan mentioned (to me) that her father was siacuteck [Type (O] Or Oay recommended (to her) that the treatment be continued [Type (ii)]

For elample

(i) acknowledge declare remark (ji) propose admit explain repon recommend announce mention say suggest complain pointout signal eoness prove state

As before Type (i) verbs introduce indirect statements and the less numerous Type (ii) verbs introduce indirect directives As befare too sorne exceptional verbs take a preposition other than to

She demanded ome that She agreed with me that etc

Unlike the nonprepositional verbs of [03] these prepositional verbs alow the that-c1ause to become subject of a corresponding passive clause an option which is more acceptable with extraposition

That several ministers are resigning has been admitted to our correspondent ~ It has been admitted to our correspondent that several ministers

are resigning It has been shown to us al that Miss Jones was innocent

Without the preposition ie with an ordinary indirect object such sentences are at best marginally grammatical 1It has been shown us al that Miss Jones was innocent

~~otc The constructions of lt appc-siexclappe(~iexclcfurseems ro me ha slipclfidaly appear ti) bclvuumlg to the paltero [D3prl but in faet these contain monotransitive verbs with an extraposed tnatshyelause as subject

It occurredlseemed to me that he was Iying esimilar patteros with extraposition in 1634 1659 Note

ID4) Indirect object + finite wh-c1ause object 1661 This pattern of complementatiacuteon is primarily found with the verb ask which

introduces a reported question

John asked me what time the meeting would end ~ 1 was Gsked (by John) what time the meeting would end

AIso used with this pattern are verbs which take an indirect object followed by a that-clause (Type (i) of [03]) but for these the wh-clause tends to be limited 10 nonassertive contexts (cf1635) Compare

George didnt tell them that the train was late [1] George didn t tel them whether the train was late [21

The difference of meaning between the that- and whether-constructiacuteons can be stated in terms of presupposition Sentence [1] typically implies that the train was late while [2] is noncommittal on the matter [04] verbs can also introduce other question words such as where and how

Tvpes of verb complementation 1215

Jim was reluctant to inform us (o) where he got the money Would you remind me (about) how we start the engine

A preposition may always be placed before the wh-c1ause In the aJiexclove cases the prepositiacuteon is optional but in the case of verbs like enquire o (Type [04prJ) the preposition is obligatory iexcl enquired ofthe clerk which doeuments were needed The complex preposition as to can be rather general1y used for introducing the wh-clause eg I enquired as to which documents were needed

[D5) Indirect object + wh-infinitive clause object 1662 This is yet another complementation pattern (comparable with [B5] 1637)

which may be taken by sorne verbs listed under[03] in 1659

advise ask instruct remind show teach tell wam

The instructor taught us how lo land saely - We were taught (by the instructor) how to land saely

They advised him what lO wear in the tropies Please remind me where to meet you afier lunch

The equivalent prepositional verb pattern [05pr] is iIIustrated by suggest to recommend to

Could you please suggest to the visitors which museums to visit

Here as in the [04] type a prepositional phrase introduced by as lO can be used

Helen advised us (as to) how to maintain the machine

f~ iexcl llt ~- I ~ i ~

~i ~ ~~

1663 ID61lndirect object + to-infinitive clause object We have seen that the [03] pattern may be used to introduce indirect statements and that the [04] pattern may be used to introduce indirect questions Now we tuen to the verbs of class [06] which introduce indirect directives (c1433)

1 lOldjadvisedjpersuaded Mark to see a doctor ~ Mark was toldjadvisedjpersuaded to see a doctor

[I] [2]

This complementation category looks like those of[B81 and [C5] in that the verb is followed by a noun phrase and an infinitive construction But the [06] pattern differs from these in that the noun phrase following the verb is an indirect object as will be c1arified in 1666 below As with other verbs introducing indiacuterect speech the subject refers to the speaker of sorne speech act and the indirect object refers to the addressee Like [03] verbs [06] verbs form only the first passive exemplified in [2] above we do not find To see a doctor was lOld Mark The folowing verbs belong to this c1ass

advise command entreat instruct remind teach ask counsel exhort invite request1 tell beg detai[l orbid order recommend urge beseech direct implore persuade challenge enjoin 1 incite l prayl

1216 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Those verbs marked with araised 1 do not have the equivalent construction with a that-clause containing a modal or a subjunctive verb (Types [B3(ii)J [030i)]) Contrast

They ~eg~tedd her to stay another week mm e

They ~eKgtedd (her) that she would stay another week mm e

The alternative that-clause construction however is more formal especially when the indirect object is presento

Note [a] The verb promire when it occurs wiacuteth this kind of complementation is exceptional in that the understood subject of the infinitiacuteve is identified with the subject rather than with the object of the maiacuten c1ause

Sarn prornised me to get some rood

= Sam promised me that he would get sorne roed o Sam promised me that lwould get sorne roed

The present pattern [D6] iexcls however less cornmon with promise than the [B6] pattern without the indiacuterect object Sam promised to get someiexclood lb] Only ordercan be followed by a passive infinitive He ordered Ihem lo be impriacutesonedlreleased

Multiple analysis and gradience in verb complementation 1664 Before we leave verb classification it is important to reflect on the problems

of dividing verbs into complementation types The major division of complementation patterns into copular [AJ monotransitive [BJ complex transitive [C] and ditransitive [OJ categories (introduced in 216) has been extended with little difficulty te include patterns in which the verbs ccmplementation includes finite and nonntildenitc clauses This is the basis rOiacute

the classification Qf verbs into types in 1620-63 aboye But unavoidably our aim of presenting a clear classification has obscured sorne problems of gradience and multiple analysis (e 260ff) and to illustrate these we return to three superficially iacutedentical structures aIread y discussed in 1636 These are now illustrated with three new examples each of which conforms to the pattern NI V N 2 to V N 3 (where N = noun phrase and V = verb phrase)

Table L664a

V N2 to V NJNI

[B8] S V O

We like all parents to visit the schooL

I [1]

[C4] Is V O Co

They James therace I [2]

[D6] I S Oiexcl

We I asked I the students I toattend

Ia lectu~en_~

Types of verb complementation 1217

Each ofthese sentences consists ofthe sequence Niexcl V N 2 to V N 3 and yet we have analysed them respectively as monotransitive (S V O) complex transitive (S V degCol and ditransitiacuteve (S V Oiexcl 0d) A different analysis in sorne ways more revealing would recognize an overlap between two competing descriptions of the intennediacuteate noun phrase N2 There is little doubt that in [1 J this is to be analysed as subject of the infinitive clause (e 1636) whereas in [3J there are equally strong reasons for regarding N as (indirect) object of the main clause (e 1666)

Smiddot V S V O 1shyI I

I I ISmiddot V 0 V OI I I I I iexcl I I I I I I I I I iexcl

NI V Nz 10 V NJ NI V N2 lo V N) I I I I

Fig 1664b Sentence[l] Fig 1664c Sentence [3J

Sentence [2J however partakes ofboth these descriptions From the semantic point of view it requires the analysis of Fig 1664b (ef They expeeted [that James would win the race]) But from the structural point of view the analysis in Fig 1664c is more appropriate reflecting N2s ability to become subject of the passive sentence James was expeeted to win the raee We might reasonably say that in [2J N 2 behaves like an object (0 rather than Oiacute) in relation to the first verb but like a subject in relation to the second infinitive verh Tbe term RAISED OBJECT applied in 1649ffto the intermediate noun phrase of patterns [C4 - Cn incorporates yet another way of recognizing this double analysis by envisaging a process whereby the subject of the infinitive becomes the object of the preceding finite verbo This raised object will be symbolized in what follows SO

1665 Given that the double analysis aboye provides sorne insight into clauses containing nonfinite complementation we could take such an analysis further and apply it to aH complex transitive patterns including the more straightforward SVOC and SVOA pattems of[Cl - C3]

that John is a good driver lB3J 1consider John to be a good driver [C4]

John a good driver [C2]

The paraHelism of meaning and phrasal relations demonstrated in these three sentences recommends an analysis in which the complementation of pattern [C2J John a good driver would be regarded as a clause in its own right ie as a verbless clause consisting of S = John and Cs = a good driver without an intervening V This description would not however displace the by now familiar S V Od Co analysis but would rather be seen as an alternative way of looking at the same construction

---

---

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1218 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Gradience 1666 The teehnique of multiple analysis stiU leaves some subtletiacutees unexposed

What this teehnique has suggested is that there are the folowing three eategories eorresponding to [1 in 1664

N 2 S We like all parenls to visit the school [1) N2 = SO They expeeted James to win the raee [2] Nz = O We asked Ihe sludents to attend a leeture

But more than three eategories ean be appropriately distinguished if we reeognize [1) and [3] as end-points of a gradient with [2) at some point on the seate between them This area of grammar affords a good example of gradienee

At the monotransitive end of the seale [I) ean be characterized by a number of criteria whieh suggest that N 2 to V N3 (al parents to visit the school) constitutes the direct object of an SVO pattern

(a) It ean be replaced by a pronoun referring to the cIause or noun phrase nominalizing it We like it We like al parens visits

(b) It can be an answer to a what-question A What do you like best

B We like al parents to visit the school (e) In some dialects it can be preceded by the infinitive clause introdueer

for We like (it)for all parens to visit the school (d) It ean easily (when preeeded by for) be the focus of a pseudo-cIeft

sentence What we like (best) is for al parents to visit the school (e) When the sequenee N 2 to V N 3 is turned into the passive form N 3 to be

Vedz by Nz there is no ehange ofmeaning We ike aIl parents to visit the sehcel

= We like the school te be visited biexcl al parents (f) In a reduced construetion the infinitive marker to remains We like them

does not have the same meaning as We like them to

At the other ditransitive end of the seale a eontrasting set of criteria eharaeterize [3) and support the analysis of N2 (the students) as an indireet object and to V N3 (to attend a lecture) as a cIausal direet objeet

(a) 10 V N 3 ean be replaced by a pronoun a noun phrase or a finite clause with Nz still funetioning as indireet object

SOmething We asked the students a question

what they wanted

(b) 10 V N 3 can be the answer to a wh-question while N2 funetions as indirect object

A What did you ask the students B We asked them to attend a lecture

(e) When the sequenee N2 to V N3 is turned into the passive sequence N3 to be Ved2 by N 2 the meaning is always changed

They asked the students to attend a leeture They asked a lecture to be attended by the students

this case indeed the passive transform results in an absurdity)

Types of verb complementation 1219

(d) to V N 3 can marginally become the focus of a pseudo-cleft sentence What they asked the students was to attend a lecture (Contrast the decidedly unaeeeptable What we like the parents is to visil the school)

(e) Nz which like Oi in general is usually personal can be detached from its place after the first V to beeome subjeet of a eorresponding passive sentenee The students were asked to attend a lecture

(n In a reduced eonstruction the infinitive marker to ean be omitted We asked them We persuaded them etc

Note [a] With some ditransitive verbs criterion (a) has to be interpreted as the replacement of the infinitive clause by a preposition and prepositional object (cfI656-8)

They reminded hiacutem ofhis responsibiacutelities One man challenged the other lo a duel

[b] Criterion (d) is less reliacuteable than the others since the pseudo-cleft sentence is unacceptable for many verbs But a pseudo-cleft sentence in which the indirect object is replaced by a prepositional object tends to be more grammatical Whal Ihey asked ollhe sludenls was lO attend a leclure (The alternative construction with the substitute verb do which also occurs with [1] is always more acceptable What Ihey asked Ihe students lo do was lO attend a lecture)

1667 To give a simplified illustration of the analysis of gradience in the sequence NI V N 2 to V N 3 we now take a subset ofthe eriteria listed aboye and apply them to a range of verbs on the gradient eonneeting [1] and [3] of 16_66

(1) (3) (4)(2) wantask elect intend

CRITERIA likeallow expectlel~ etc I etc etc etc~ (a) lo V N 3 can be replaeed by - - -+a finite clause

(e) ehange of meaning in passive -+ +of N 2 10 VN3

(e) N 2 can beeome subjeet of passive -+ ++

Fig 1667 A eomplementatiacuteon gradient

The matrix uses only three criteria and thereby distinguishes only four categories This is sufficient to indicate the principie however that the three categories [BS] [C4] and [D6) of our taxonomy eould be broken down iexclnto a finer spectrum of eategories between which the differences are small In effeet Fig 1667 distinguishes two subeategories of [C4] one (including elect and allow) whieh is c10ser to the ditransitive type and one (including inlend and expect) eloser to the monotransitive type Elect and allow respond to cri terion (e)

They elected Miss Coe to suceeed the present seeretary They elected the present seeretary to be sueceeded by Miss Coe

We dont allow residents to entertain visitors We dont allow visitors to be entertained by residents

1220 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

while intend and expeet do not

They intended the students to see the professor = They intended the professor to be seen by the students

They expeet the students to enjoy the classes = They expeet the classes to be enjoyed by the students

Note Por verbs in group (3) the voice oflhe infinitive clause and the voiceofthe main clausemay be independently varied with the result Ihat a SlIacutentence like They expected the students lo enjoy lile classes has tbree corresponding passiv~s with iexclhe same meaning

They expected the classes to be enjoyed by the students The students were expecled lo enjoy the classes

The classes were expected lo be enjoyed by the students

The last example has a passive verb phrase in both the superordinate clause and Ihe infinitive clame

Adjective complementation

168 Categories of complementation in adjective phrases (ef 228 721-2) are similar in variety to those ofverb complementation We distinguish [El-ES)as follows

[El] Complementation by a prepositional phrase [E2] Complementation by a that-clause [E3] Complementation by a wh-clause

i[E4) Complementation by a than-clause [ES] Complementation by a to-infinitive clause [E6] Complementation by an -ing participle clause

These complementation patterns can occur after an adjective (andmiddot its modifiers if any) in various syntactic functions For example

The violiacuten iacutes (rather) difficut to play (adjective phrase as CJ

Mary found the violiacuten (rather) diffieut to play (adjective phrase as CJ

The violiacuten is an instrument (rather) diffieult to play (adjective phrase as postmodifier)

The on1y posiacutetion in which an adjective cannot normally be followed by iacutets complementation is the premodifying position in a noun phrase a keen child on ehess But here too with certain constructions (Types [ES(iraquo) and [ES(v)D the complementation can follow discontinuously after the head noun The violiacuten is a diffieult instrument to play (ef discontinuity with comparative constructions IS75) For illustrative purposes we will confine examples in the following sections to the subject complement function The lists like the verb lists in 1620-63 will be selective

Adjective complementation 1221

Note There is a considerable parallel as the categories [El-ES] aboye demonstrate between patterns associated with adjectives and those associated with monotransitive verbs The chief difference is that adjectives cannot be followed by a noun phrase object To bring out the parallel further we could describe adjectives exemplified in 1669 below (averse to conscous oJ etc) as prepositional adjectives comparable with prepositional verbs We could moreover identify phrasal adjectives (derived from participiaI forms ofphrasal verbs) such as ron down (exhausled depressed) and phrasaI-prepositionaI adjectives such as fed up (with) These tatter variants however are rare enough lo be disregarded in the foUowing lists

[E1] Adjective complementation by a prepositional phrase 1669 Like prepositional verbs adjectives often forro a lexical unit with a following

preposition good atfond oj opposedto etc The lexical bond is strongest with adjectives for which in a given sense the complementation is obligatory Max is averse to games Max is averse Such adjectives are marked 1 in the following lists

The lists make a distinction between participial (ef 715-19) and nonparticipial adjectives The differencebetween participial adjectives and the -ed participle of the passive construction is discussed in 375-77 These lists provide on1y a small sample of the adjectives accompanying the prepositions concemed In particular it is often possible for the same adjective to go with two or more prepositions as in angry about angry at and angrywith

ABOUT He was very worried about her reaction (ef960)

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

angry knowledgeabe aggrieved frightened glad mad annoyed pleased happy reasonable delighted worried

AT She was badat mathematics (ef962)

NONP ARTICIPIAL P ARTlCIPIAL

angry good alarmed disgusted brilliant hopeless amusedmiddotmiddot pleased elever terrible delighted puzzled

FROM Thevillage is remotefromthe bustle ofcity life (ef918 947)

different distant distinct free remo te

OF She was aware ofhis difficulties

NONPARTlCIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

eonvineed ashamed empty proud1 afraid conseiousl glad

seared eapable fond 1 short1 tired certain full worthy

ONUPON Their plan was based on cooperation

NONPARTICIPIAL IPARTICIPIAL

contingent1 intent1 reliantl basedl set1

dependent keen severe hentl

Yiexcl

1222 Complementation of verbs and adjectives ~ Adjective complementation 1223

Note lal In general choice of preposilion remains the same after morphologicalIy related verbs adjectives and nouns differentftom differ from differencefrom But Ihis eorrespondence is not always lo be relied on contrastfull ofwilhfilied wllh proudofwith pride in lb] Other prepositions whieh less comrnonly enlee into adjective + prepositlon idioms iexclnelude for and lowards graleful for sorry for inclined towards le] Usedfollowed by the preposition lO a more informal synonym ofaccustomed(to) is participial in spelling but has the speeial pronuneiation nus~ Unlike accustomed however used does not oceur with a following infinitive (ef 1679) This adjeetival used to in spite of identity of spelling and pronunciation is quite distinet from used lO as a marginal modal (cf344) Contrast

Im used lO hard work I used ro work hard Id] In the past prescriptive objeetions have been made to the use of to ralher Ihan from after averse and different Howevee ro is the normal preposition to fol1lt11 averse and differenr 10 is quite widely used (esp in BrE) as an altemative lo differentfrom On iJifferent rhan cf1566 Note 1674

le] Wilh can be omitted after (fn)compalibie if the subject is plural cfmutual participation 1360

middotCarl is incompatible OUT Cad and Eva are incompatible

[E2] Adjective complementation by a that-clause 670 Like that-clauses following a verb that-clauses folIowiacuteng an adjective may

have

(A) indicative verb 1am sure (that) he is here now (B) subjunctiacuteve verb They were insistent (that) we be ready (formal) (C) putativeshould Im sorry (that) he should hove left ltformal)

The uses of the mandative subjunctive and of putative should have been discussed in 359 and 1425 respectiacutevely Putative should often occurs after expressions of emotion (sorrowjoy displeasure surprise wonder etc) and is often accompanied by intensifying expressions such as so such like thisl that ever or at all The indicative that-clause on the other hand refers to an established fact The foHowing pairs illustrate choices of construction

1 (that) 1 have to leave so early am sorry (that) you should have been (so) inconvenienced

(that) you didnt call the doctor before 1 am surprised (that) anyone ofyour intelligence should swallow a tie

likethat

With some adjectives (those in category [E2b(iiacute)] 1672) the should-clause can be paraphrased by an infinitive clause with a subject

It was natural for him to go to London after the war = It was natural that he should go to London after the war

That-clauses cannot be preceded by preposiacutetions Hence adjectives which are constructed with prepositions before noun phrases ([El]) drop the preposition before a that-clause (cfI628) Compare the folIowing

OfhiS innocence [E1 ] 1am convlnced (th ) h t [E2]at e IS mnocen

Many that-clauses folIowing an adjective are actualIy subjects postponed by extraposition (cf1833)

lt is lucky (that) you came - That you came is lucky

These are listed separately in 1672

lEla) Adjectives with experiencer (cflO23 Note) as subject 1671 (i) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATIVE VERB ONL Y (cfNote [a] below)

These adjectives express degrees of certainty or confidence aware certain corifident sure

We were corifident that Karen was stiacutell alive

(ii) THAT-CLAUSE HAS PUTATIVE SHOULD OR SUBJUNCTIVE VERB

(or marginally aloo an indicative verb) The three principal adjectives in this class are anxious eager and willing

he should be permitted to resiacutegn 1 Are you willing that he be permitted to resign 1

1he is permitted to resign 1 ~

(On the distribution of these three altematives cfI630)

(iH) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATIVE VERB OR PUTATIVE SHOULD

These adjectives express emotions

Im so thankful that nobody was hurto Were you surprised that Ray should win the prize

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

afraid hopeful alarmed depressed horrified angry proud amazed disappointed irritated glad sad amused distressed pleased grateful sorry annoyed disturbed shocked happy tha7lkful astonished frightened upset

There is a tendency to prefer the putative should construction in nonassertive contexts or where the adjective has negative or unfavourshyable associations

TO AH capital gains are subject to taxation NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

answerable close liableacute accustomedl

averse l due1 simz1ar allied1I WiTH This plan is not compatible with our princiacuteples

NONPARTICIPIAL I PARTICIPIAL

angry busy

happy impatient

annoyed bored

ClJmfortable incompatible1 concerned compatibleacute sick delighted content familiar friendly furious

uneasy depressed disappointed disgusted dismayed distressed

inclined1

opposed1

drunk enchanted obsessed occupied overcome pleased satisfied taken1

1672

1224 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Adjective complementatlon 1225

Note [a] The restriction oC Type (i) above lo indicative verbs only is meant to allow Cor the use of T

Note [a] Although tlle pro-forms so and n01 cannot be used after tllese [E2bI adjectives (ef 1671modal auxiliaries including should in a nonputative sense eg I am a~are that I should [= ought 1lo] havejoined longago iexcl Note [bJ) there iexclsa possibilityofreplacing the adjective + solnat by a related adverb + sonot

[b) Afraid is unique among adjectives in that it accepts the pro~oun so (and iexclts negative equivalent Mt) as a that-clause substitute (cfI631) rm afraid SOMI

IElbJ Adjectives with anticipatory it as subject

The that-elause in this eonstruetion is an extraposed subjeet Three types are again distinguished matehing those in 167l

(i) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATlVE VERBONLY (cfI671 Note CaD These adjectives have to do with truthor knowledge

It is true that she never cemes on time

apparent evident likely possible untrue certain implicit obvious true well-known clear indubitable plain unlikely

(ji) THAT-CLAUSE HAS PUTATIVIl SHOULD OR SUBJUNCTIVE VERB (or marginshyaIly also an indicative verb) These adjectives express eoncepts concerned with modality or volition

should be lifted tomorrow It is essential that the ban be lifted tomorrow

(1) is lifted tomorrow

appropriate essentiacuteal important necessary vital compulsory fitting impossible obligatoryshycrucial imperative improper proper

Various deverbal adjectives ending in -able also belong to this group egadvisable desrabIe preferable

(iii) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATlVE VERB OR PUTATIVE SHOULD

This group consists mainly of emotive adjectives and ineludes a large num ber ofparticipial ad jecti ves ending in -ing

Itmiddot strange th t She is so late IS upsetting a she should be so late

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTlCIPIAL

awkward logical alarming perplexing curious odd annoying pleasing disastrous peculiar depressing shocking dreadful sad disappointing surprising extraordinary silly embarrassing fortunate tragie frightening iexclrrational unfortunate irritating

Various -able-ible adjectives also be10ng tp this group admirable eommendable deplorable despieable incomprehensible inconceivable lamentable remarkable understandable unjustifiable etc

ha h l Id l h B Yes obviouslyfortunately soA 1 t IS apparentt t s e IVes oesn t Ive ere B N J I I di t o event y sa y no [b] When an adjective ofType (iii) above occurs after a modal verb construction the that-clause is commonly replaced by an if-clause If the modal verb in the main c1ause is hypothetical (eg would) the verb in the ifmiddotdause is placed in tlle hypothetical pasto Compare

It is sad that you have to leave It will be sad ifyou hove to lea ve

It would be sad ifyou had lo lea ve

[E3] Adjective complementation by a wh-clause 1673 As with that-clauses we have to distinguish those adjeetives ([E3a]) which

are predicated of an experieneer (normalIy a person) as subject and those ([E3bD which go with antieipatory it In the latter case the wh-clause is an extraposed subject Examples are

(onwhat 1should sayo [1]E3a 1was unsure[ 1 (about) whether the problem was solved [2]

[E3b] It was unclear what they would do [3]

Type [E3a1 consists of adjectives which are constructed with prepositions and whieh therefore belong also to Type [EI1 The preposition is sometimes omitted before the wh-clause (ef155 Note reD In Type [E3b] on the other hand no preposition can be inserted bull It was uneear ofabout what lhey would do AIso no infinitive wh-cIause is possible (ef i637) It is unsure where to go is unacceptable unless it refers to sorne aniacutemate being (sueh as a mouse) and is consequently not interpreted in terms of extraposition

Retuming to Type [E3a] we note that in sorne cases the adjective takes a wh-elause in assertive eontexts eg eareful (about) doubtful (as to) fussy (about) puzzled (as to) uneear (about) uncertain (o) undecided (about) unsure (0) unaware (o)

John is careul (about) what he does with his money

Most of these adjeetives are intrinsiealIy negative In meaning In other cases although elsewhere it is associated with an indicative that-clause [E2a(i)] the adjective tends to oceur with a wh-cIause in nonassertive contexts (efI635) eg aware certain eear sure

Are you sure (o) how mueh the maehine costs 1wasnt altogether cleaiexcl- (about) what we had to do

A similar division may be made among adjectives of the antieipatory-it type ([E3b]) Those whieh intrinsieally express doubt and therefore take this strueture even in assertive contexts include doubtful uneertain uneear unsure and unknown Those normally oceurring with an indieative that-elause (le Type [E2b(i)]) inelude apparent eertain obvious and plain They can take a wh-cIause in nonassertive contexts Each type is illustrated in

It was uneear whether an amendment would be accepted It was not obvious how far the westernization process would IO

~ltgt ~~~1~ 1 -~ Adjective complementation 1227

1226 Complementation of verbs and adjectives iexcl

After adjectives of Type [E3a] there may also occur an infinitive wh-clause 1 was uncertain (oi) what to do This is preferable to the finite c1ause in cases illustrated by [1-3] aboye since the subject can remain unexpressed in the reduced nonfinite version

[E4] Adjective complementation by a than-clause 1674 There is an unusual construction in which a noncomparative adjective is

foIlowed by a comparative than-clause as complementation Different is the only adjective which fits into this pattero and even then there is a tradition which regards the use of than here as impropero There is however no felicitous alternative to the different than construction in examples such as

Shes quite a different girl than she wasfilie years ago [11 The various styliacutestic variants of and alteroatives to the than-clause after different are examined in 1566 Note lb] When the c1ause is reduceacuted to a noun phrase it becomes possible to usefrom as an alternative to than

The unions are taking a very different attitude ~ the employers

When the noun phrase folIowing thanffrom cannot be derived by ellipsis from a c1ause than is decidedly less acceptable thanfrom

The main languages of southern India are totaIly different In origin

~~~ those ofthe northern partofthe country

Note [al On differenlrom and different 10 1669 Note [dI [bj It is aloo possible for a Ihan-c1ause to be used after he adverb difilrently

In the west of the country they pronounce their vowels quite aifferently han (they do) in the easl

The same prescriptive objections are made to differenlly Ihan as to different Ihan

[E5] Adjective complementation by a to-infinitive clause [675 We distinguish seven kinds of construction in which an adjective is foIlowed

by a to-infinitive c1ause They are exemplified in the following sentences which are superficially alike

Bob is splendid to wait (ii) Bob is slow to react

(iii) Bob is sorry to hear it (iv) Bob is hesitant to agree with yOU (v) Bob is hard to convince

(vi) The food is ready to eat (vii) lt is important to be accurate

In Types (i-iv) the subject of the main clause (Bob) is also the subject of the infinitive c1ause We can therefore always have a direct object in the infinitive clause if its verb is transitive Por example if we replace intransitive wait by transitive build in (i) we can have Bob is splendid to build this house

Por Types (v-vii) on the other hand the subject of the infinitive is unspecified although the contextoften makes clear which subject is intended

In these types it is possible to insert a subject preceded by for eg in Type (vi) The food is ready (jOr Ihe children) to eat

Infinitive complementation following adjectives modified by lOO and enQugh is discussed eIse Note where in 1S73

(ES(i)) Bob is Iplendid to wait Type (i) has an analogue in a construction involving extraposition (cf1833)1676 1t is splendid of Bob lo wait This type OC construction also permits a head noun between the adjective and the infinitive

Bob must be a spiendid craftsman ~ ~~bUilt this house

As this example shows the infinitive may be perfective We may also compare constructions in which an evaluative noun with its determiner

replaces the adjective

ffoolishYourelafool to spend so mucho

WOnderfUl Youre 1 to walt for me anange

Adjectives in this group are evaluative of human beha~iour They inelude

careful crazy mad silly wise careless greedy nice unwise wrong

These adjectives can also occur with anticipatory il and an of-phrase as additional complementation (cf1682)

It was foolish of you to spend so mucho

IE5(Hraquo) Bob is IOW to react In Type (ii) the sentence corresponds to one in which the adjective becomes 1677 an adverbwhile the infinitive becomes the finite verb

Bob is slow to react - Bob reacts slowlyc

In another analogue the adjective is followed by in and an -ing participle Bob is slow in reacting The infinitive verb phrase must be simple for example unlike the inftnitive phrase in [E5(i)] it cannot be perfective Bob is slow ItJ have reacted Other adjectives in this small group are quick and prompt

There is also a partial adverbial analogue (e8127ff) for Type (i) but in Type (i) unlike Type Note (ii) the perfective infinitive andeven the get-passive (e366) can be used

loan was wise to resigno ~ loan wisely resigned loan was careless to get beaten - loan carelessly got beaten

loan is careless to have got beaten

IES(iuumlraquo) Bob is 10rry lo hear it In Type (iexcliexcli) the head of the adjective phrase is an emotive adjective 1678 (commonly a participial adjective) and the infinitive clause expresses

causation

1679

1228 Complementation of verbs end adjectives

Im sorry to have kept you waiting [rm sorry because I have kept you waiting]

1 was exeited to be there [- To be there exeited me]

Adjectives in this group correspond c10sely to the adjectives followed by a that-clause in 1671 (Type [E2a(iii)D

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

afraid angry ashamed content furious glad

happy impatient indignant jubilant thankful

annoyed astonished bored coneerned delighted depressed

disgusted dissatisfied embarrassed fasemated frightened interested

overwhelmed perturbed puzzled relieved surprised worried

disappointed overjoyed

IE5(ivraquo) Boh is heaitant to agree withyou In Type (iv) the head of the adjective phrase expresses volitional meaning or a modal meaning such as ability possibility or liability Examples are

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

able keen determined anxious Iiable disposed apt Iikely [E2b] fated[E2b] eertain [E2b] loath inclined curious powerless poiseddue prone prepared eager ready [E5] (all) set eligible reluetant unqualified fit [ES] sure [E2b] free [ES] unable greedy weleome hesitant willing impotent worthy

The adjectives marked [E2b] occur with a corresponding construction with extraposition of a that-clause

JilI is likely to attend - It is likely that JiU will attend

Those marked [E5] are capable of occurring with an infinitive construction of passive meaning ie with an indefinite implied subject and a coreferential implied object

Theyare not fit to eat = They are not tit to be eaten

Some ofthe most common adjectives in this list have a tendency to coalesce with the preceding copula 10 form a semimiddotauxiliary verb (ef3A7) be able to be willing to be sure to In addition to modal and volitional adjectives some adjectives ofaspectual meaning such as aeeustomed and wont may be placed here

Adjective complementation 1229

We are aecustomedto take teaon the terrace (formal) He was wont to leave the office at 5 pm (formal archaic)

(ES(vraquo) Bob is lard to convince 1680 In Type (v) the subject of the sentence is identified with the unexpressed

object of the infinitive clause which must therefore have a transitive verb hence the unacceptable Bob Is hard to arrive There is an analogous construction in which the adjective is complement to an infinitive c1ause acting as (extraposed) subject (ef 1836)

- To convince Bob is hard Bob IS hard to convmce It is hard to convince Bob

Adjeeacutetives so used refer 10 degrees of ease or comfort and iexclnclude

awkward hard tough (informal) eonvenient impossible trieky (informal) difficult niee (informal) unpleasant easy pleasant

Unless there is ellipsis we cannot omit the infinitive c1ause and so there is no semantic implication between (say) The bread was hard to bake and The bread was hard Unlike the preceding types Type (v) permitsfor + subject to be inserted at the beginning of the infinitive clause Those darts are trieky (for a beginner) to use Where the infinitive has no overt subject its implicit subject is understood to have an indefinite meanihg

Jack is easy 10 fool =Jack is easy for anyone to foo

Note With some adjectives in this group such as nice or unpleasant the entailment relation between be + adjective ro V and be + adjective is less easy lO avoid eg Jenny is nice lo know iacutemplies that Jenny is nice

IE5(viraquo) Thefood is ready to eat 1681 Again in this type the subject of the main clause is identified with the object

of the intinitive c1ause But unlike Type (v) Typemiddot(vi) has no analogous construction with an infinitive clause subject

The food is ready to eat To eat the food is ready

Also we can generally (a) omit the infinitive clause or (b) substitute a passive infinitive clause without change ofmeaning

Are these cups available (to use) = Are these cups available (to be used)

Some adjectives of this type such as availablefitfree ready and suffieient belong additionally 10 Type (iv) so that a sentence like The lamb ia ready to eat is ambiguous in one sense (the most accessible) being equivalent to the passive The lamb is ready to be eaten Then there is a wider set of adjectives which often occur without complementation at all

The air isfrosty (to breathe) Its fur is soft (to touch)

1230 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

In both Type (v) and Type (vi) the subjectofthe main clause can be equated with the prepositional object of the infinitive clause so that the infinitive c1ause ends with a deferred preposition

She is pleasant to talk to (-It is pleasant to talk to her) This paper is terribly flimsy to write on Is the cloth sufficient to make a dress out ol

In Type (vi) as well as in Type (v)for + subjeet may be inserted before the infinitive verb Are these books free (for visitors) to borrow Are these books available to borrow]

(E5(vii)J Jt is important to he accurate 1682 We saw in 1672 that a that-clause following an adjeetive may prove to be a

subjeet postponed by extraposition (ef1833) A to-infinitive clause following an adjeetive may have the same oouree

It is essential to spray the trees every year - To spray the trees every year is essential

The infinitive clause can also be introduced by for + subjeet

It is vital (for the ehildren) to be properly cIad It will be strange (for us) to be living alone

Adjectives ofTypes (ji) and (iii) in 1672 ([E2b]) may have this construction importantJortunate lueky surprising etc Possible also belongs te this group

An addiacutetional group of adjeetives oeeurring after anticipatory it are those adjeetives (ehiefly naming evaluative attributes of persons) whieh occur in pattern [E5(i)] (ef 1676) The adjeetive in this group is often followed byan of-phrase identifying the persones) being discussed

It was wrong (of him) to teIllies iexcli

It is niee ofyou to phone

[E6] Adjective complementation by an -ing participle cfause [683 A number of sub-types ofthis pattem may be mentioned

(i) Busy is followed by an -ing participle clause without subject

Margery is busy writiacuteng Ietters

Worth and worthwhile on the other hand oceur both with and without subjeet

It is seareely worth(while) (youyour) going home

Here worth(while) follows preparatory it and the participle clause is an extraposed subjeet (ef1834) Other adjectives ofthis pattern are pointless and useless (Its pointless buying so mueh food) and adjectives of Type [E2b(iiacutei)J (efl6 72) also sometimes have this complementation absurd awkwardJortunate annoying etc

EIsewhere worth and worthwhile accompany an -ing participle elause without subjeet but with a passive meaning comparable to tbat of the infinitive elause in pattern [E5(v)] (ef1680)

Complementation of abstract nouns 1231

The cartons are worth(while) saving ( Its worth(while) saving the cartens)

(iv) There is a variant eonstruction in whieh a preposition oecurs between the adjective and the participle clause In some cases the preposition is optional (cf(i) aboye)

Im busy (with) getting the house redeeorated Werefortunate (in) having Aunt Mary as a baby-sitter

In other cases the preposition is obligatory We are used to not having a car (cf1669 Note [e]) Im hopeless at keeping the garden tidy Shes not capable oflooking after herself

Note [al The adjectival constructions in (ii) above may be compared in some cases with nominal constructionsof equivalent meaning

ts 110 goaduse telling him anything Theres 110 point (in) telling him anything

8uch constructions are introduced either by anticipatory il (el 1833) or by eltistential there (el 184$) AmE also hu Theres no use telling him anythlng (b) Worthwhlle is sometimes spelled as two words The vacillation between the spellings worthwhile and worth while reflects an unclarity about the status of this sequence which may altematively be regarded as the preposition worth (eI96) followed by a noun Compare

lts not worth your whife staying lts not worlhh whh~e (your) staying worl w 1

Complementation of abstract nouns

1684 In this coneluding section we will show as a conneeting link between this chapter and the next how the pattems of complementation described for verbs and adjectives in 1620-83 are aloo to be found with abstraet nouns which are morphologieally related to those verbs and adjectives (ef nominalization 1751ff and appositional constructions 1726 1735) For example the noun likelihood is derived from and semantically related to the adjective likely It is therefore not surprising that a construction associated with the adjeetive Is found with the corresponding noun

It is likely that Joan will get married [1]

The likelihood is that loan will get married [21 the likelihood that Joan will get married [31

But the assumption of eorrespondence eannot be automatie for it may faiacutel in both direetions

loan is likely to get married Joan s likelihood to get married

It is likely of J oans getting married the likelihood of Joans getting married

------__shyiacute1 11

COMPLEX INTRANSITIVE CONSTRUCTIONS p H MATIHEWS

1 Introduction

In sentences such as [1J

ArR C~Iltiacuteltmiddotli N ([1J Th~deitgreen ~

he construct~oEJ~QLordf JJP~ that GCE850ff describes as 9QMfLEX JRANSITIV~ Ofthe elements in questionit and made are related a~Jn tQllt ~imple transitive

j [2J They made it

YihiJe ir and green a~_~latelasinasimple_ltQI1llar_sentence ( [3] lt is green (- lt

~f the type that following Lyons (l977469ff) raquoe will call ASCRIPTIVE raquouacutet greacuteen- also standsJna direcueJordf9lsJIacuteIL ordm~_iii~de the object and adjective exemplifying a single I2atteIILof VERB COMllEMe~nrJ91 This paUCIDl can be sajd torepresenta IJJS10N (G e E 850) ofJ~ltsimpler transitiv iexcll~J~Jjpiexcly_e_tjPes - _shy

IH~~_sfiE~~Ve can be fused with th~~~tY_e_(lri~alsoP~ fused with theintransitixe1 Insentildetentildeces SUChas[4] -

MI It turned green

~construc~~~~~]y idmtifkQyaacuteth th~ of l3J in both examples the

l]

~ ~ ~ ENGLISH GRAMMAR

verb is described as copularor in the terminology of GCE820f as taking intensive complementation But neither description is quite appropriate to1 both cases In the~ptive sentence there i indeed no mor~than~pYhL~

1 2ampffiMical iP~ betwe~ the adjective and its subject~ plainly this ~ ~ is not true of [4] whose verb TURN has its own specific meaning lf turned~ iacute I is a full verb it must then be the govemor of green as made is in (1) in that

iexcl ~ sense there is cornplernentatjon But we express nothing by assigning such a complernentation to the copula A solution is to c1ass I4] as a COMPLBX

IITMNSITIVE iL~onsect_trJltiordmL being an extension of th~simpleJmransiUacutelLe _shy~ i I5] It turned

j precisely as that of (1) is extended from that of [2)iexcl

2 Fused constructions

Let us take our cue from GCEs referenee to fusionlo the simpl~L =nfu~~~_~~~~~~~)t1ecltgtnstVf1ionconsistso(asingJULeAicJ~tQI(lgde) which in a dependency ana~is has both the subject and the object as its dependents or to adapt G CEs term has both a subjeet and an oJkltt asit complementation lnJhaL~se (2) has a _K1U~~~_~ruetion (Lyons i977) w1jch cannotJiexclJLr~s~Cl9JUnQ(lt_e~mentary relationships of ptediCJJQJkSo too has the simple intransitive (5] vi1ihidepeiioenforior forming the complementation of tumed So too has the simple aseriptive [3] its predicator on the analysis ofLyons and others is the adjective green One reason for relatlng the subject to the adjective is that the elements are jointly subject to selectional restrictions A reason for not relating either to the copula is that the latter stands aside (rom these restrictions adding none ofitsown

In a fused construction the pattem ls neither strictly kernel nor straightforwardly non-kemellnJhegmplex transitive [lL1oth1tan41~Y are again direct ~cngents of made these relatio~_elQ~ the words in FigJbx direC1~ltaI~_uacutela~~I~Qordf-ordfl9blleiexcl)Uumlnamp21uacuteward frollLthe

~d

(aJiquest-Fig 1

[42]

P H Matthew$

p~ed~~ So is green arc el this too being supported by selectional restrictions We are therefore dealing with a single clause rooted in made of which each word is a distinct element But green js a1soapredicator in iexclelation to il (are d)J that wav we are dealing with two kernelp~QlS th~ fuurtermclauseinfQmQrating bothtM_~tuet~[IDJr~JlsitiYlljh~ twoshytenn a~-middot -_shy

In Fig 1 we have diagrammed what any grammarian will propose provided that his terminology or his notational apparatus allow him to say it Iut similar reasonjng applies to the construction which we have called the ~IpJex ln~~-ordfEsitive Of the relationships showninf1g --~~t~~~~_

it turned green

aAacutebJ Fig2

to ir (arcc)_isagainasintheascripJjy~ and needs no further cornment But the final element is clearly suJiexcliect to ru19jtional resr=l~ordmI~ tlTlJRI_ im~~tordm-~~it~~rAUQj~9iY_I9U~l~~ed noun (He turned pink He turned kings eVidence) iQ~~~1lined phrase is exCiuacuteded (He turned arog)

tDle~sthe p~e~~i0rl~lJ9rtn is ~~jordmntildei[qiireifitetuumlmed iexclnto a frog) ~itt G-ordm-1h exdusi(m is abgolule one cannot even say He went into a criminal

f [he adjeqtive is also Iimlted to specific collocations For example one can say It turned sour or Ir went sour but it is harder to accept Ir grew sour 1 Conversely one can say He grew od but not He went od On that evidence

j we may establish a relationship of dependency between green and tumedj (arc b) The verb too can then be related to the subject (arc a)

1 Epgth o~2am~ thefe is one terro ir lVhich is a9~de~~~~t1 theascriptile anCITlieletbalk~m~1 (Fig 1 ares b and d Fig 2 ares a and c) The fusion is then effected by a further link (Fig 1 arc e Fig 2 are b) in which ond of the two predicators een is ineo orat~a~_ ordf d~RendenlO(th~ I re atlon that uirk an4hl~ COU~_~ampI~s-1 jn the case of th complex intransitille hall app1ied the Iean intlaquo=nsve

mmplementatio~gly describe he yaleruLQ(IUN or iexcl l otIllBNinthisuseJuh~int~siYeint[ansitivx But the insight intildeaacute I

alsQ be extended to the complex transitiye In that spirit MAKE or MAKE as

used in sentences such as W might appropriatelL be described ~~_~n_ i ~ntensive transitive -J -bull_--------shy

[43)

ENGLISH GRAMMAR

3 Distinctions between tbe complex intransitive and other partly similar constructions

For a three-term construction Fig 2 shows the maximum number of interconnections with each term related to each of the others The miacutenimum isone thus for the ascriptive (3) we have adopted the structure shown i~

L with l~~E2nd te~~Il2= tlliacuten amaroe~ ordmrS1PP9~g~lexn~~ ~eLClatiacute9D~t~~~~t~first an~~~hir~ But this leaves five other possibilities which in theory might be realized ust as the second element_lt~p~ltmark(r ordfs inEig 3bullKlJQQmgordmHhetordm-iriexcl in thatJ~SiquestOillY

iacutet is green

Fig3

1he_verb vQ1lld_be a predicatorrwithonl)l1he_~ygtject related 10 it This structure does not seem to be realized at least not in away whiacuteCh is -relevant to our analysis Asecond_possibil~iuhatJmly the verb a~ ~~~iexcltiY~L iquestnjgl~~_rell~q in that ca~e bot~redicatoS_w-ordmyldIgt~ impersonal-vUh lh~su~ject a me~m~ce-filler This structure might conceivably be suggested for exampIacuteesmiddotSuumlch as [6]

[6] It got mistier

with a so-called ambient it But although it may indeed be ambient with respect to mistier it need not follow that it is ambient with respect to got

In the remaining cases no element is a marker but there are only two instead of three interconnections Ir there wem no link betw-IlJhe subject ~YMh(Ejg 2 are a) the verb1tSelf would agajn be impersmordf-~ I~ transformational terms its surface subject would be derived by raising (Postal 1974) from a subordinate adjectival clause lf th3ewere no intensiye lipk between the first and second predicators (Fg 2 arWJUlt verb would be a simple intransitive taking just t~_S)lbject as its complementation th~on of tbe adjec1iYtLL~ then be uumlMrn-~0n[7] forexample --- -_~

Eacutel He arrived saber J (~ eacute cc L f ~ 2 f

grammars do not establish an intensive or copular use of ARIUVB Finally

[44]

1 P H Marrhew$

if the ascriQive lik wer~~2ken iacuteEiKbJ~~ f)hHordmjlti~~ment woulordm-no longer bJlta predicaQ~ltiexclHQle wQuldin~teadb~ADVJllqt~iexcl as in 8)

(8) He ran fa~t

There is no doubt that the intensive construction is distinct from the adverbial and that sober in [7] is at least more circumstantial than green in It turned green But the subject-verb relation is more problematic in that a raising transformation has been proposed for one at least of the G C E s intensive verbs Let us therefore take that distinction first

31 Ofthe twenty or so most common intensive verbs (GCE821) SEEM and APPEAR particularly lend themselves to transformational analysis On the evidence of sentences such as [9]

(2) It seemed that they wereamp~e~

_U~naIlJral lo establish an underlying ~~ct~~

J~sIhey were green]~ seemed

irlYhIacutetEw~4)srelate(L1ot to they J~Q9green indhiOacute1lally but to the yiole ascri2tive kernelrom the same structure a sentence such as [10)

[10] They seemed to be green

can then be derived by further transformations of subject raising and infinitive formation Froro the structure reaJized by [Io]lIleare n3tllcalli

~m~ed to derive the comple~_~transiti~euacutell

[u) They seemed gre~

by a further transformation deleting the copuiacutea For SEEM the rules deriving [10] and [u] would both be optional But for

other verbs such as TURN or GO We could make them obligatory so It turned green could be the only realization of an underlying sUr was greenls turned the ambient Ir got misrier - [6] aboye - a realization of say s[mistier]s gorand so on If the obligatory rules were then restricted to the copula we would also ensure that any other form of embedded structure (g[he eft]s turned or g[he kissed her]s grew) was filtered out By such means a treatment which is widely accepted for SEEM and for which the evidence is at first compelling could be extended if it were thought appropriate to the entire intensive intransitive class

There are good reasons for not thinking it appropriate In a sentence such as [12]

[12] Harry got drunk

Qn~JsllQIacuteli~ply talking of a_~ate tha~ reslllttI s~o t~a~ ~~rry vs (45)

ENGLISH GRAMMAR

drunk or Harrys drunkenness happened) Nor is Harrya mere theme or tliexclfc (Aacute~-to-KarryQruniexcliquestenneacuteSs-l1ippened to him) tlamp11tbject iexclS1

potentia1lt-at-l~st--alMl~tgh-ge~~amp9run_~ wassoID1hiiL~hatJIal did The--verb mayaccordiacutentilde-gly take a subject adjunct (O CE 466]) thus I delibera tey got drunk or He foo(lshy turned traitor It may also supply the complement of a conative verb (1 did try to get drunk) may appear in the imperative (Dont get drunk ) and so on For sorne collocations this potentiacuteality is doubtless harder to realize (compare He delibera tey turned bue with He delibera tey turned nasty or He tried ro grow oder with He tried ro grow farter) but that is precisely the case for subjects and predicators generally lt is this semantic role that justifies the first link shown in Fig 2

which an impersonal structure as in (b)

(b) s[Harry was drunkls got

would relegate to the surface If (b) is wrong for Harry got drunk a transformationalist should consider

more carefully w hether a similar structure is correct for Harry seemed drunk Let us assume that it is correct for the construction with a that-clause (It seemed that Harry was dhmk) for SEEM and APPEAR a c1ausal complement does form one possibility Let us also accept that SBBM has a constant sense in all its constructions But for other current intensives (G eE 820 f) the evidence is more complexo With SOUNO a that-clause can be forced for example if a dative is inserted (lt sounds ro me that (hey arent coming) There is also an impersonal construction with as if

[131 It sounds as ifthey were green

which might be thought to derive from the same source The construction of [13] is also acceptable witb LOOK (lt ooks as ifthey arent coming) But between it and the complex intransitive we can find clear disparities in meaning In [13] the judgment is based on indirect clues what sounds or appears from audible information is indeed the whole proposition they were green But in the complex intransitive [14]

[141 They sound drunk

it is based on sounds that they are making For that reason it is harder 10 make sense of They sound green Likewise They [ook drunk means that they from their appearance are so But in It loob as ifthey are drunk the speaker does not even imply that he has seen them (Compare Prom what you say it ooks as if rhey are drunk) Ir we wanted a complex source it would be tempting 10 relate [14] not 10 the impersonal [13] with raising but rather to the personal [Is1

[IS] They sound as iexclfthey are drunk

with the second they deleted

[46]

P H Marthews

Personal and impersonal are often hard to separate as Palmer (1972) and before him Bolinger(l96la) have shown Ofthis group ofintensives TASTE

and 5MBLL are the most restricted in meaning and it is with these that the impersonal construction as in [91 and [131 is least acceptable With TASTE

neither seems likely Ir rasres to me that the soup is saty It tastes to me as if they are sweer If the second example can be interpreted it is by virtue of a blending with the personal construction (compare It tasres as ifit ) With SMELL the construction of [131 may be more acceptable (Ir smells ro me as if dinner is ready) but the blending remains With PEEL a non-tactile sense is possible (Ir fees Iikey) but is less established than the broader senses of LOOK or SOUNO (compare Ir ooks likey II sounds likey) It is in this case that my judgment is least secure would one say for example It fees (or Ir fees to me) as if they were green With SOUNO and LOOK the general sense is well established as in [131 or Ir sounds likely but there is still a sensory meaning as in [14] and [Isl which inhibits the pure impersonal with that With SEEM and APPEAR we are at the end of the continuum both having general senses only Hence the construction of[91 alongside the impersonal with as if (Ir seems as if they were green) Hence perhaps the infinitive construction of [101 with SOUNO and the others this too is awkward (They ooked ro have arrived Or Ir tastes ro me to be sweer) But it does not follow that the semantical1y general They seem drunk differs in syntax from the specifically sensory They sound drunk or They smell drunk We can even force an active interpretation of the subject thus They tried lO appear drunk or I deliberarey seemed irrftated

32 As [11] with SEEM Hes on a gradience between personal and impersonal so there are others which raise problems in distinguishing intensive from adverbial and circumstantial constructions For there is no criterion which is both sufficient and necessary

The obvious step is to tesectt for simpler transforms Thus J9r [12] Harl~ qrunk ~e can comp~jiexcleJgtimple a~ve Harry was drul~ TRANSFORM in that firstIy it is a a d secondly the predicator

-ORUNK hasnot a tq~ sense s no intraiiSIuvetrans[oacuterintilde ~stiiis~se of G BI is oot ~ble Nor has 4 r tumeirgeacute-iexcl an intransitive transform It turned since this involves a different sense oC TURN Ir there~~ an ascriptive transform but n9-Wn~itive the JhirdeiacuteeDlen t mult be a complementi so [41 and [12] must be complex intransitive Ir there is neither transform it MA y be complement but the col~of verb and adjective mjgbt rCaSantildea be classed as idiomatic Thus The roses have run wild has no transform The roses ve iiOr-aacuteoes it strictly match The rOSes are wild But WILO is at least an adiecti~ must stand in sorne relationship to the verb therefore R UN WILO is right1y

chmldw-rresultintensive (O eE) ---shy-- -_--g ~ _---_bull ~ shy

[471

ENOLISH ORAMMAR

If there is a simple intransitive but no ascriptive transr2ffil--_~~~ coacutentildeSffiiClioacutentilde-intildeuumlSt]ie iexcljdve(J2iacuteaIYlIacuteustrivialIy He ran iexcliuieacutekly has no ascriptive tiexclansfo~ He was quickly less trivially He travelled light does not match He was ight But what if we find both rlJgJQQordf~tillha$ordflJ ascriEtive _~ran~f~rrlJ~eYI1Jer~_~~ ~sectmL1aY-J~_a~~plement circumstantjallik~iilelltjnThey-sJoQdsilent ordfytlb~~j~llsothe simpler intran~1ti~ fbilystQPf so still ~ight be anadver~ like sileniTyintilde-fiieystood silenty Since there is no distinct form srilly the latter is hard to rule out For It shone white we can compare the formally adjectivallt shone brighr again there are both transforms (Ir shone Ir was white) But It shone brighr is c10se in meaning to the formaUy adverbial Ir shone brighry could white be an adverb in default of or as the commoner altemative to whirely Blending may aIso be found in idioms For example it is fruitless to ask if doggo is an adjective or an adverb in He is Iying doggo

For the circumstantial case both transforms are necessary thus [7] He arriuacuteiid sober has the triexcliexclntildeiiiacuteormsmiddotiexcliexcluacuteli-iexcliexclved andHe wasectSoacutebe Wewoacuteuumllifiliso ixpeeacutetthilUumlheveromiddotantildedmiddotildjectTe-shouId befreeOi collocationaI restrictions so He arrived sober He left sober He Jeft satisjied He arrived satisfied and so on But it is very hard to say when such a requirement iacutes meto One does not say for example They stood noisy or They sroodpeacefuJ on that evidence They stood sient might be classed as complex intransitive But neither is one likely to say They arrived noisy or They arrived kind Is that too a matter of collocational restrictions so that [7] is also intensive Or is it merely that NOISY and KIND are ill suIacuteted 10 this construction7 At this point jt is tempting to distinguish degrees of circumstantiality The extreme case would be represented by such sentences as [16]

[16] They stood there exhausted

(Iikewise They have arrived quite sober) where the adjective and verb are marked as separate Beside [16] the construction in [7] is less clearly circumstantial in They stood sient or They stoodfidgering it is perhaps even r less so But this last might stilJ be seen as less intensive than for example

iexcl They stood amazed Likewise They feJl exhausted is less clearly intensi ve than 1 They fell sick since it involves no special sense of FALL

~

f lrOacutel p1lI1riHmD ~ amires f0tr eompiex trlmSitive fu Tlieyfbuntlliim~

guilry there is a special sense OfPIND as ofMAKE in They mode it green In TIwy rrun Juacutem JOber tbat IacuteoS DO spcciiexcll SCDSII of)lEET~ by tbat cS ~ is more eircumsumlial BUl onc la unlikely lO say for eumple They me hlm meditative

4 Finally there is an obvious gradience between the coxnP-1ex intransitive ~nct the simple ascriptj~ With TURN 01 GROW there are~-selecUumlonal restrictions as we have seen With SBJlli or SIhV tney are far fewer

[48J

P H Matthews

neverthelesson~canI1Q~~yfordmr_~ordfmplelfil_sectil1Ied chairmqf1-ltcompareH~ stayelt chairman Qr1fsectJjiquest_riquest~cordfirmordfl1) or It srays obvious that (compare It seemsobvious that or It remainsobvious that ) With REMAIN it is hard to find any but at least the intransitive exists He remained) and their senses can be related Wth BECOMB that evidence too is lacking He became drunk can be distinguish-ed(rontildei1lieasgiptiYlt1g lu7ntl1k onlyJ~iiui~s from jts resultative meaning -_-

This merging has ied grammarians to treat the constructions together But we can do this only by assimi)ating BE to the mode) of verb complementation (as in GCE) not by assimilating TURN and so on to the model of a copula likethecpmplexrordfnsectitiy~nl_e compleimrap~W~i~ ayoor ca~~idatefltY-l~LIl~Jlt~IQ~-ordf_~~rnelltructllr~middot

M

~_

Page 19: in - UGR · (III). 11-70 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1171 Note [a] The ... In addition, we shall use where necessary the suffixes 'ph' (for

1ZU4 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Types (i) and (ti) correspond to the factual verbs of category [B3J discussed in 1631 the nonfinite construction following these verbs can often be replaced by a lhal-clause with an indicative verbo Compare

The poli ce reported that the traffic was heavy [B3] The police reported the traffic to be heavy (formal) [C4]

JOhn believed that the stranger was a policeman [B3 = John believed the stranger to be a policeman (formal) [C4]

With factual verbs such as these the nonfinite clause normaIly contains the verb be or sorne other verb of stative meaning EspecialIy when the nonfinite main verb is other than be the finite clause (of pattern [B3]) is preferred to the infiniti ve one except that the infinitive construction provides a convenient passive form

The traffic was reported to be heavy The stranger was believed to be a poli cernan

Sorne verbs in this construction have no lhat-clause equivalent

They tipped him to be the next president (esp BrE) - He was tipped to be the next president (They tipped that he would be the next president)

Sorne verbs (marked [P only] in the list abo ve) occur only in the passive version of this construction

The field marshal was said to be planning a new strategy (Someone said the field marshal to be planning a new strategy)

Other verbs (marked [esp PJ) occur chiefly in the passive

The BroadwiY piOJutioli was inoughi to have made Maxs fortune (Newsmen lhought the Broadway production to have made Maxs fortune)

Ofthe twq classes of factual verbs Type (i) consists ofpublic verbs (cf1631) referring to a speech act and Type (ii) consists of private verbs expressing belief etc

1651 Of the remaining semantic types Type (iii) consists of verbs of intention (on intend itself ef 1641 Note lb]) Types (iv) and (v) consist of causative verls where the infinitive clause identifies the resultant state (Type (iv) verbs also belong to class [Cl]) Type (vi) cClUsists of verbs with a modal character expressing such concepts as enablement permission and compulsion and Type (vii) consists of a variety of verbs of influencing between which a common factor appears to be that the nonfinite clause has a purposive meaning Examples are

(iii) They intended Mary to sing an aria (- Mary was intended to sing an aria)

(iv) The meeting elected Mr Martiacuten to be the next treasurer (- Mr Martin was elected to be the next treasurer)

Types of verb complementation 1205

(v) This optimistic forecast led the administration to promise tax cuts ( _ The administration was led (by this optimistic forecast) to promise tax cuts)

(vi) My contract allows me to take one months lea ve (- 1arn allowed to take one months leave)

(vii) Our teachers eneouraged us to think for ourselves (- We were eneouraged to think for ourselves)

In Type (iv) the infinitive main verb is normaIly be and can be omitted They appointed her (lO be) the social secretar) This type overlaps with Type (v) 1646

Note [al There are a number of multi-word verbs in this category [C4prl counl Ofl bullbullbull lO depend Ol bullbull lo rey on lO bullbullbull [C4phl make OUI 10 bullbull [C4ph-pr] keep 01 al lo bull

(which has no passive) Examples are 1 am dependillg 011 you lO give us your fu support They malle him oul to be a monster ofdepravity Why do you keep On al me 10 work harder

[b] Sorne passives of pattem [C4] (eg be allowed be supposed) have a semi-auxiliary (cf347f) interpretation in which they lose their connection with the corresponding active construction especiay as regareis agency

(es) Object + bare infinitive complementation 1652 This pattern occurs with a relatively smaIl number of verbs

(i) have (ii) fee overhear[P] (iii) help [P] let hear [PI see [PJ know [P] rnake [PI notice [P watch

observe[P]

Typl (i) consists uf vlrbs uf iexcluiexclciacuteVI meaning Type (ii) has percepwal verbs of seeing and hearing and Type (iii) is a residual class of two verbs which are optionally followed by a to-infinitive The marker [PI indicates that the passive (normaIly with a to-infinitive) is possible [P] indicates that the passive is of doubtful or limited acceptability

(i) You shouldnt lel your family iacutenterfere with our plans We must rnake the public take notice ofuso

(- The public must be rnade to take notice ofus) (ji) Did you notiacutece anyone leaue the house

The crowd saw Gray score lwo rnagnificeni goals ( - Gray was seen lo seore two rnagnificent goas)

(iii) Sarah helped us (to) edil the seript 1 have known John (to) give better speeches than that

(- John has been known lO giue better speeches than that)

Know followed by the bare infinitive is confined mainly to BrE and to the perfective aspect have known Lel in group (i) is in other constructions cIassified as similar to an auxiliary (ef3SI) Let has an apparent passive in combination with such verbs as lel go and lel fal but these are best regarded as fixed expressions in which let has an auxiliary or particIe-like function

They let the prisoner go horneo - The prisoner was let go horneo

1206 Complementation of verbs and adjectiacuteves

Note that this apparent passive has the bare infinitive in contrast for example to make which has to have the to-infinitive in the passive

They mude him understand ~ He was made to understalld

A third verb in group (i) is have which (like have in monotransitive constructions) does not occur in the passi ve

They had me repeat the message ~ 1 was had (to) repeat the message

Note [a] The formulaic nature of let him go and similar expressions is illustrated by variants such as [1-3J which cannot be fitted into any regular complementation pattern

gothe rope [1] They lel the rope go [2]

goofthe rope (3)

[b] Of the two constructions with help tha with 10 is more common in BrE and that without 10

is more common in AmE [e] Arare verb in category (i) is the now rather archaic bid with a to-infinitive complementation in the passive

They bidbade me sil down - rwas bidden 10 sil down

[C61 Object + -ing participle complementation 1653 The verbs in category [C6] consist of verbs of perception (Type (iraquo verbs of

encounter (Type (iO) and two verbs of coercive meaniacuteng (Type

feel[C5] see[C5) (ji) eateh (iiiacute) have hear[C5) smell diseover get notiee [C5] spot find observe[C5) spy leave overhear[CS) wateh [CS) pereeive

Perception verbs marked [CS] occur also with the bare infinitive pattern [CS) Wiacuteth such verbs there iacutes an aspect difference between [C5) and [C6) as described in 461f

Tim watched Bill mendlmendingthe lampo

The bare infinitive having nonprogressive meaning implies that Bill did the wholejob while Tiacutem was watching the -ing clause with progressive meaning has no such implicatiacuteon

This complementatiacuteon pattern differs from that of [B9) not only in its progressive aspect but also in that the noun phrase following the superordinate verb cannot take the genitive (or possessive) form (ef 1642)

1 saw him lying on the beach 1 saw his lying on the beach

Another difference from pattern [B9) is that the -ing predication can normally be omitted without radically altering the meaning

1 saw him lying on the beach [entails iexcl saw him)

Contrast

1 hate my friends leaving early [does notentaiacutel 1 hate my friends)

Types of verb complementation 1207

The passive with this pattern is regular

We could hear the rain splashing on the roof ~ The rain could be heard splashing on che roof

A teacher eaughc them smoking in the playground - They were eaught smoking in the playground (by a teacher)

Prepositional verbs with this type of complementation ([C6prJ) include eome aeross eome upon listen to and look at Look at those ehildren climbing the wall But these [C6prJ prepositional verbs have no prepositiacuteonal passive

seen The guards had been spouhed searchiacuteng the building

wate e d looked at

Have in this construction (e18S1ff) also has no passive in keeping with its use in other constructions

She had us working day after day We were had working day after day

Note Feeloccurs especially with a reflexive pronoun object Shefelt herself falling in love

[C7) Object + -ed participle complementation 1654 We can distinguish three small groups of verbs complemented bv a raised

object followed by an -ed participle c1ause

(i) CAUSATIVE verbs get ha ve She gotlhad the watch repaired immediately

Oi) VOLITlONAL verbs want need like I wantlneed this watch repaired immediately

(jii) PERCEPTUAL verbs see hearJeel (oneself) wateh Someone must have seenl heard the car stolen

A fourth group is peripheral to this construction

(iv) Verbs for which the -ed participle describes a resulting statefind

diseoverleave They founddiseoveredfleft him worn out by tra vel and exertion

j In this construction as in that of (C6) have can ha ve either an agentive causative meaning or a stative meaning Hence The guard patrol had two men shot is ambiguous meaning either The patrol caused two men to be shot or

I The patrol suffered the los s oftwo men by shooting The latter meaning is that of the have-existential construction (ef 18S1ff) In general this

complementation type is semantically equivalent to one with an iacutenfinitive form of the verb be Thus in Type (ii) iexcl would like my room cleaned is synonymous with iexcl would like my room to be cleaned in Type Oiiacute) He saw the team beaten is synonymous with He saw the team be beaten

Note [al There is no passive for most verbs in pattem [e7] and at best the passive is dubious The car must have been seen stolen The acceptability of the passive with Type (iv) is exceptional

---

--

1208 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

The car wasfound abandoned This is indeed an indication that Type (iv) may not belong here so much as with the objecl complement construction [el l iexclhe participle construclion being adjectival (cf an abandoned car) lb1In addition to the two meanings of haue + objec + -ed participle above a third meaning results ifthe -ed clause is analysed as a postmodifier of Ihe object eg She had a book (which gtvas) stolenfrom the library

Ditransitive complementation

ID11 Noun phrases as both indirect and direct object 1655 Ditransiacutetive complementation in its basic fonu involves two object no un

phrases an indirect object which is nonually aniacutemate and positioned first and a direct object which is nonually concrete The two noun phrases differ from those of[C2] in not being in a copular relationship

He gave the girl a doll --v-- --r-

S V Oiacute Od

The difference between this and complex transitive complementation is seen in

svoe He found her a loyal friendo ( She was a loyal friend)

SVOO He found her an apartment ( - The apartment was for her)

The characteristics of indirect objects in contrast to direct objects are fully disclssed in 107

Sorne ditransitive verbs have two passive analogues which we shall distinguish as first and second

The girl was given a doll [FIRST PASSIVE]

A doll was given the girl [SECOND PASSIVE]

Of these two the first passive in which the indirect object becomes subject is the more common The prepositional paraphrase is more usual as an alternative than the second passive A dol was given to the girl (For a list of verbs ofType [01] ef1657 below)

[D21 Object and prepositional object 1656 In the ditransitive category prepositional verbs fonu an important group

with its own sub-divisions and may therefore be given a separate category number D2] These verbs are those we have called Type II prepositional verbs (cfI67-8) Alongside the ordinary indirect object pattern two main prepositional patterns rnaybe distinguished _

Indirect object + direct object [D1] Direct object + prepositional object D2a] lndirect object + prepositional object [D2b]

Types of verb complementation 1209

The indirect object is normally animate and is the recipient or beneficiary of the process described by the verb (ef 1019) Unlike ditransitive verbs of category [D 1] (eg give) ditransiti ve verbs with prepositional objects nonually have only one passive

We addressed our remarks to the children [D2a] - Our remarks were addressed to the children (The children were addressed our remarks (toraquo

W e reminded him of the agreement [D2bl - He was reminded of the agreement (The agreement was reminded him (of)

-1 Sorne verbs have a11 three possibilities of construction in the active many have two forothers there is only one possibility (in sorne cases the alternatives are not identical but very similar in meaning)

tel [01 + 2a + 2b]

1

offer [01 + 2a] 1

envy [01 + 2b] I

wish [01]

bamefD2a + 2b]

say [D2a]

warn [D2b]

Mary told only John the secret DI] Mary told the secret only to John [D2a] Mary told only John about the secreto [D2b]

John offered Mary sorne help [DI] John offered sorne help to Mary [D2a]

She envied John his success [DI] She envied Johnfor his success [D2b]

They wished him good luck [DI]

Helen blamed the divorce on John rD2al Helen blamed Johnfor the divorce [D2bj

Why didnt anybody say this to me [D2a] I

Mary warned John ofthe dangers [D2b) I

The different constructional possibilities of certain verbs provide a means of achieving different focus (cfI837f) Compare the fo11owing pairsofsentences as pronounced with unmarked (end) focus

Mary blamed the broken vase on IOHN Mary blamed John for the broken VAacuteSE

(ef John was blamed by MARY)

The government supplied blankets for the HOMEless The government supplied the homeless with BLANKets

(ef Blankets were supplied by the Goacutevernment)

Note [al The aboye constructions are presented in the most typical syntactic ordering but postshyponernent of the direct or iacutendirect object may take place in contexts where end-focus or endshyweight is required (cf1837) eg John offered lO Mary Ihe help thal she needed [b] Additional prepositional verb patterns should be briefly mentioned There is for example the double-prepositional-verb pattern noted in 1617(c)

1210 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1211

1657

1 am applying lo the hospitalor ajobo There is a further possibility that two prepositional objects may follow a diacuterect object

We are paying $100 lo the garage for the repairs

Verbs of complementation types ID1 and [D2 The following list gives sorne of the verbs that occur in Types [DI] [D2aJ [D2b] organized aeeording to the cross-classifications of 1656 aboye We are interested here only in synonymous or nearly synonyrnous constructions in which the same participant roles (ef lO18jJ) oceur Hence many possible prepositional verbs are ignored Pay for for example is ignored because it introduces a further participant (the commodity bought) not incuded in pay (with) and pay (to)

Table 1657

Type [DI) Type [D2a] Type[D2b]

EXAMPLE serve (Jaek scampi) serve (searnpi) serve (Jack) to (Jack) with (scampi)

[DI + 2a + 2b) pay payto pay with provide (AmE) providefor provide with serve serve to serve with tel tell to tell about

[DI + 2a) (l) bring bring to den deny to give give lo

grant gram to hand hand to leave leave tofor lend lend to offer offer to owe oweto promise promiseto read read lo send send to show show to teaeh teaeh to throw throw to

(ii) do doacutefor find findfor make makefor order order for reserve reservefor save savefor spare sparefor

(iii) ask askof

1658

[DI + 2b]

[Di]

[D2a + 2b]

[D2a]

[D2b)

envy excuse forgive

allow eharge fine refuse wish

blameon supply forto

address to announee to eommunieate to explain to sayto

envyfor exeusefor forgivefor

blamefor supply with

advise about punishfor etc

The membership of[D2b] is numerous Here are further examples arranged by prepositions

thankfor eonvineeof robof refer to preventfmm depriacutevenf ltuspee f 9f sentenee to proleet from informof warnof subject ro imerest in persuadeof congratulate on treat to aecuseof relieveof confine to charge with convictof remindof introduce to compare with

Note that reflexive verbs (cf 625) sometirnes oecur with a prepositional object eg We pride ourselves on the serviee we ofler Sorne of the verbs abo ve (such as compare with) ean have two inanimate objects

In Table 1657 we have distinguished under[Dl + 2a] verbs taking to as their preposition from those takingfor eg

(i) She sent Paul a present She sent a present to Paul (ji) She made Paul a meaL She made a mealfor Paul

Occasionally a preposition other than to and for oceurs in this function

OiO She asked Paul a favour She asked a favour ofPaul

Distinct from [D2aJ and [D2bJ aboye is a kind of prepositional verb which has already been discussed in 167-8 a verb for which the direet object forms part of an idiomatic unit with the verb and the preposition The syntactic properties of this type which we label (D2e] have already been dealt with and it is enough here to list a further sample ofsueh idioms

1212 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1213I I

eateh siacuteght of make allowanee for put a stop to give place to make fun of set jire to give way to make afuss overabout take aeeount Ofl keep pace with make roomfor take advantage ojI lose sight of make use ojI take eare of 1

lose toueh with pay attention to 1 take note ojI lose traek of put an end to take notice ojI

Those marked with a raised 1 can take not only a prepositional passive (ef 167-8) but also can easily take a passive for which the idiomatically-fixed direct object beco mes subject eg (Some) allowanee was made for loss of eamings (Little) notiee was taken of this evento Other verbs can take the passive but with greater difficulty with these examples as with prepositional verbs in general idiomatic cohesion is a matter of gradience

Variants of ditransitive complementation

ID3J Indirect object + that-cIause object 1659 Corresponding to monotransitive verbs ofType [B3] (efI630) are ditransiti ve

verbs for which the direct object is a that-clause

John eonvinced me (that) he was right ~ I was eonvineed (by John) (that) he was right

The second passive is unacceptable when the direct object is a clause That he was right was eonvineed me Thus the first passive (ef 1655) above is the only passive that can occur with this pattern With sorne verbs such as eonvinee above it is impossible to delete the noun phrase object

John conviucJ (lhat) he was riguiacute

With other verbs such as show the indirect object is optional

The professor of mathematics showed me that Pythagoras was mistaken ~ The professor of mathematics showed that Pythagoras was

mistaken

Ditransitive verbs followed by a that-clause may be divided into a subtype introducing an indirect statement and a subtype introducing an indirect directive (ef 1433) In the indirect statement the that-clause contains an indicative verb in the indirect directive the verb may be indicative or subjunctive and often contains putative should or another modal verb (ef 1632 for the distribution ofthese options)

INDIRECT STATEMENT

May 1 inform you that your order is ready for eolleetion INDIRECT DIRECTIVE

mightbeShe petitioned the king that her father ~ould be pardoned

In the following list Type (i) verbs introduce indirect statements and Type (H) verbs introduce indirect directives The indirect directive construction is

rare and formal in comparison with the similar infinitive construction (ef 1663)

WOUldI begged her that she should help ltformal) 1 begged her to help ltmore usual)

For those verbs marked O the indirect object is obligatory foc those marked (O) the indirect object is optional for those marked laquoOraquo the indirect object is not only optional but unusual

(i) advise (O) remindO (iiacute) ask3 laquoOraquo assureO satisfyO beg3 (O) bet (O) show3 (O) eharge (O) eonvineeO teaeh3 (O) eommand laquoOraquo forewarn (O) tellO iacutenstruet laquoOraquo informO wager(O) order laquoOraquo notify 3 O warn (O) petition3 (O) persuadelO write2bull 3 (O) tellO promise3 (O)

The superscripts are interpreted as follows

1 Persuade in the sense ofconvince belongs to Type (i) but it may also be used in a Type (iiacute) sense of persuade someone to do something

2 Write is found with an indirect object + that-clause especially in AmE 3 With verbs so marked the indiacuterect object can be replaced by a

prepositional object (ef 1660)

Note Superficially similar W the [D3] pallern is lhe impersonal construction Iacutef strikeslstruck me (Ihal) asin

It strikes me this work is for his own amusement But here the Ihal-c1ause (as in 1634) is the extraposed subject of the verbo Compare He strikes me as (cf1646 Note [el) and lt occursto me that (cfI634 Note [e))

ID3prl Prepositionalobject + that-cIause object 1660 The verbs marked 3 in the aboye list can be optionally followed by a

preposition thus forming a category similar to [D2a] in 1656

He promised laquoto) me) that the debt would be repaid

For most verbs of [03] which permit a prepositional object the preposition is to

He wrote to me He reported to me that etc

Exceptions are ask and beg which (in somewhat formal usage) are followed by the preposition of

I askbegofyou that you will keep this secret ltformal)

There is in addition a group of verbs which were classified in 1631-32 as monotransitive but which optionally allow the preposition to preceding a prepositional object These may be distinguished as Type [D3pr] and subdivided into sub-types (i) and (iacutei) as in the paraUel description of [B3] verbs

1214 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Joan mentioned (to me) that her father was siacuteck [Type (O] Or Oay recommended (to her) that the treatment be continued [Type (ii)]

For elample

(i) acknowledge declare remark (ji) propose admit explain repon recommend announce mention say suggest complain pointout signal eoness prove state

As before Type (i) verbs introduce indirect statements and the less numerous Type (ii) verbs introduce indirect directives As befare too sorne exceptional verbs take a preposition other than to

She demanded ome that She agreed with me that etc

Unlike the nonprepositional verbs of [03] these prepositional verbs alow the that-c1ause to become subject of a corresponding passive clause an option which is more acceptable with extraposition

That several ministers are resigning has been admitted to our correspondent ~ It has been admitted to our correspondent that several ministers

are resigning It has been shown to us al that Miss Jones was innocent

Without the preposition ie with an ordinary indirect object such sentences are at best marginally grammatical 1It has been shown us al that Miss Jones was innocent

~~otc The constructions of lt appc-siexclappe(~iexclcfurseems ro me ha slipclfidaly appear ti) bclvuumlg to the paltero [D3prl but in faet these contain monotransitive verbs with an extraposed tnatshyelause as subject

It occurredlseemed to me that he was Iying esimilar patteros with extraposition in 1634 1659 Note

ID4) Indirect object + finite wh-c1ause object 1661 This pattern of complementatiacuteon is primarily found with the verb ask which

introduces a reported question

John asked me what time the meeting would end ~ 1 was Gsked (by John) what time the meeting would end

AIso used with this pattern are verbs which take an indirect object followed by a that-clause (Type (i) of [03]) but for these the wh-clause tends to be limited 10 nonassertive contexts (cf1635) Compare

George didnt tell them that the train was late [1] George didn t tel them whether the train was late [21

The difference of meaning between the that- and whether-constructiacuteons can be stated in terms of presupposition Sentence [1] typically implies that the train was late while [2] is noncommittal on the matter [04] verbs can also introduce other question words such as where and how

Tvpes of verb complementation 1215

Jim was reluctant to inform us (o) where he got the money Would you remind me (about) how we start the engine

A preposition may always be placed before the wh-c1ause In the aJiexclove cases the prepositiacuteon is optional but in the case of verbs like enquire o (Type [04prJ) the preposition is obligatory iexcl enquired ofthe clerk which doeuments were needed The complex preposition as to can be rather general1y used for introducing the wh-clause eg I enquired as to which documents were needed

[D5) Indirect object + wh-infinitive clause object 1662 This is yet another complementation pattern (comparable with [B5] 1637)

which may be taken by sorne verbs listed under[03] in 1659

advise ask instruct remind show teach tell wam

The instructor taught us how lo land saely - We were taught (by the instructor) how to land saely

They advised him what lO wear in the tropies Please remind me where to meet you afier lunch

The equivalent prepositional verb pattern [05pr] is iIIustrated by suggest to recommend to

Could you please suggest to the visitors which museums to visit

Here as in the [04] type a prepositional phrase introduced by as lO can be used

Helen advised us (as to) how to maintain the machine

f~ iexcl llt ~- I ~ i ~

~i ~ ~~

1663 ID61lndirect object + to-infinitive clause object We have seen that the [03] pattern may be used to introduce indirect statements and that the [04] pattern may be used to introduce indirect questions Now we tuen to the verbs of class [06] which introduce indirect directives (c1433)

1 lOldjadvisedjpersuaded Mark to see a doctor ~ Mark was toldjadvisedjpersuaded to see a doctor

[I] [2]

This complementation category looks like those of[B81 and [C5] in that the verb is followed by a noun phrase and an infinitive construction But the [06] pattern differs from these in that the noun phrase following the verb is an indirect object as will be c1arified in 1666 below As with other verbs introducing indiacuterect speech the subject refers to the speaker of sorne speech act and the indirect object refers to the addressee Like [03] verbs [06] verbs form only the first passive exemplified in [2] above we do not find To see a doctor was lOld Mark The folowing verbs belong to this c1ass

advise command entreat instruct remind teach ask counsel exhort invite request1 tell beg detai[l orbid order recommend urge beseech direct implore persuade challenge enjoin 1 incite l prayl

1216 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Those verbs marked with araised 1 do not have the equivalent construction with a that-clause containing a modal or a subjunctive verb (Types [B3(ii)J [030i)]) Contrast

They ~eg~tedd her to stay another week mm e

They ~eKgtedd (her) that she would stay another week mm e

The alternative that-clause construction however is more formal especially when the indirect object is presento

Note [a] The verb promire when it occurs wiacuteth this kind of complementation is exceptional in that the understood subject of the infinitiacuteve is identified with the subject rather than with the object of the maiacuten c1ause

Sarn prornised me to get some rood

= Sam promised me that he would get sorne roed o Sam promised me that lwould get sorne roed

The present pattern [D6] iexcls however less cornmon with promise than the [B6] pattern without the indiacuterect object Sam promised to get someiexclood lb] Only ordercan be followed by a passive infinitive He ordered Ihem lo be impriacutesonedlreleased

Multiple analysis and gradience in verb complementation 1664 Before we leave verb classification it is important to reflect on the problems

of dividing verbs into complementation types The major division of complementation patterns into copular [AJ monotransitive [BJ complex transitive [C] and ditransitive [OJ categories (introduced in 216) has been extended with little difficulty te include patterns in which the verbs ccmplementation includes finite and nonntildenitc clauses This is the basis rOiacute

the classification Qf verbs into types in 1620-63 aboye But unavoidably our aim of presenting a clear classification has obscured sorne problems of gradience and multiple analysis (e 260ff) and to illustrate these we return to three superficially iacutedentical structures aIread y discussed in 1636 These are now illustrated with three new examples each of which conforms to the pattern NI V N 2 to V N 3 (where N = noun phrase and V = verb phrase)

Table L664a

V N2 to V NJNI

[B8] S V O

We like all parents to visit the schooL

I [1]

[C4] Is V O Co

They James therace I [2]

[D6] I S Oiexcl

We I asked I the students I toattend

Ia lectu~en_~

Types of verb complementation 1217

Each ofthese sentences consists ofthe sequence Niexcl V N 2 to V N 3 and yet we have analysed them respectively as monotransitive (S V O) complex transitive (S V degCol and ditransitiacuteve (S V Oiexcl 0d) A different analysis in sorne ways more revealing would recognize an overlap between two competing descriptions of the intennediacuteate noun phrase N2 There is little doubt that in [1 J this is to be analysed as subject of the infinitive clause (e 1636) whereas in [3J there are equally strong reasons for regarding N as (indirect) object of the main clause (e 1666)

Smiddot V S V O 1shyI I

I I ISmiddot V 0 V OI I I I I iexcl I I I I I I I I I iexcl

NI V Nz 10 V NJ NI V N2 lo V N) I I I I

Fig 1664b Sentence[l] Fig 1664c Sentence [3J

Sentence [2J however partakes ofboth these descriptions From the semantic point of view it requires the analysis of Fig 1664b (ef They expeeted [that James would win the race]) But from the structural point of view the analysis in Fig 1664c is more appropriate reflecting N2s ability to become subject of the passive sentence James was expeeted to win the raee We might reasonably say that in [2J N 2 behaves like an object (0 rather than Oiacute) in relation to the first verb but like a subject in relation to the second infinitive verh Tbe term RAISED OBJECT applied in 1649ffto the intermediate noun phrase of patterns [C4 - Cn incorporates yet another way of recognizing this double analysis by envisaging a process whereby the subject of the infinitive becomes the object of the preceding finite verbo This raised object will be symbolized in what follows SO

1665 Given that the double analysis aboye provides sorne insight into clauses containing nonfinite complementation we could take such an analysis further and apply it to aH complex transitive patterns including the more straightforward SVOC and SVOA pattems of[Cl - C3]

that John is a good driver lB3J 1consider John to be a good driver [C4]

John a good driver [C2]

The paraHelism of meaning and phrasal relations demonstrated in these three sentences recommends an analysis in which the complementation of pattern [C2J John a good driver would be regarded as a clause in its own right ie as a verbless clause consisting of S = John and Cs = a good driver without an intervening V This description would not however displace the by now familiar S V Od Co analysis but would rather be seen as an alternative way of looking at the same construction

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1218 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Gradience 1666 The teehnique of multiple analysis stiU leaves some subtletiacutees unexposed

What this teehnique has suggested is that there are the folowing three eategories eorresponding to [1 in 1664

N 2 S We like all parenls to visit the school [1) N2 = SO They expeeted James to win the raee [2] Nz = O We asked Ihe sludents to attend a leeture

But more than three eategories ean be appropriately distinguished if we reeognize [1) and [3] as end-points of a gradient with [2) at some point on the seate between them This area of grammar affords a good example of gradienee

At the monotransitive end of the seale [I) ean be characterized by a number of criteria whieh suggest that N 2 to V N3 (al parents to visit the school) constitutes the direct object of an SVO pattern

(a) It ean be replaced by a pronoun referring to the cIause or noun phrase nominalizing it We like it We like al parens visits

(b) It can be an answer to a what-question A What do you like best

B We like al parents to visit the school (e) In some dialects it can be preceded by the infinitive clause introdueer

for We like (it)for all parens to visit the school (d) It ean easily (when preeeded by for) be the focus of a pseudo-cIeft

sentence What we like (best) is for al parents to visit the school (e) When the sequenee N 2 to V N 3 is turned into the passive form N 3 to be

Vedz by Nz there is no ehange ofmeaning We ike aIl parents to visit the sehcel

= We like the school te be visited biexcl al parents (f) In a reduced construetion the infinitive marker to remains We like them

does not have the same meaning as We like them to

At the other ditransitive end of the seale a eontrasting set of criteria eharaeterize [3) and support the analysis of N2 (the students) as an indireet object and to V N3 (to attend a lecture) as a cIausal direet objeet

(a) 10 V N 3 ean be replaced by a pronoun a noun phrase or a finite clause with Nz still funetioning as indireet object

SOmething We asked the students a question

what they wanted

(b) 10 V N 3 can be the answer to a wh-question while N2 funetions as indirect object

A What did you ask the students B We asked them to attend a lecture

(e) When the sequenee N2 to V N3 is turned into the passive sequence N3 to be Ved2 by N 2 the meaning is always changed

They asked the students to attend a leeture They asked a lecture to be attended by the students

this case indeed the passive transform results in an absurdity)

Types of verb complementation 1219

(d) to V N 3 can marginally become the focus of a pseudo-cleft sentence What they asked the students was to attend a lecture (Contrast the decidedly unaeeeptable What we like the parents is to visil the school)

(e) Nz which like Oi in general is usually personal can be detached from its place after the first V to beeome subjeet of a eorresponding passive sentenee The students were asked to attend a lecture

(n In a reduced eonstruction the infinitive marker to ean be omitted We asked them We persuaded them etc

Note [a] With some ditransitive verbs criterion (a) has to be interpreted as the replacement of the infinitive clause by a preposition and prepositional object (cfI656-8)

They reminded hiacutem ofhis responsibiacutelities One man challenged the other lo a duel

[b] Criterion (d) is less reliacuteable than the others since the pseudo-cleft sentence is unacceptable for many verbs But a pseudo-cleft sentence in which the indirect object is replaced by a prepositional object tends to be more grammatical Whal Ihey asked ollhe sludenls was lO attend a leclure (The alternative construction with the substitute verb do which also occurs with [1] is always more acceptable What Ihey asked Ihe students lo do was lO attend a lecture)

1667 To give a simplified illustration of the analysis of gradience in the sequence NI V N 2 to V N 3 we now take a subset ofthe eriteria listed aboye and apply them to a range of verbs on the gradient eonneeting [1] and [3] of 16_66

(1) (3) (4)(2) wantask elect intend

CRITERIA likeallow expectlel~ etc I etc etc etc~ (a) lo V N 3 can be replaeed by - - -+a finite clause

(e) ehange of meaning in passive -+ +of N 2 10 VN3

(e) N 2 can beeome subjeet of passive -+ ++

Fig 1667 A eomplementatiacuteon gradient

The matrix uses only three criteria and thereby distinguishes only four categories This is sufficient to indicate the principie however that the three categories [BS] [C4] and [D6) of our taxonomy eould be broken down iexclnto a finer spectrum of eategories between which the differences are small In effeet Fig 1667 distinguishes two subeategories of [C4] one (including elect and allow) whieh is c10ser to the ditransitive type and one (including inlend and expect) eloser to the monotransitive type Elect and allow respond to cri terion (e)

They elected Miss Coe to suceeed the present seeretary They elected the present seeretary to be sueceeded by Miss Coe

We dont allow residents to entertain visitors We dont allow visitors to be entertained by residents

1220 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

while intend and expeet do not

They intended the students to see the professor = They intended the professor to be seen by the students

They expeet the students to enjoy the classes = They expeet the classes to be enjoyed by the students

Note Por verbs in group (3) the voice oflhe infinitive clause and the voiceofthe main clausemay be independently varied with the result Ihat a SlIacutentence like They expected the students lo enjoy lile classes has tbree corresponding passiv~s with iexclhe same meaning

They expected the classes to be enjoyed by the students The students were expecled lo enjoy the classes

The classes were expected lo be enjoyed by the students

The last example has a passive verb phrase in both the superordinate clause and Ihe infinitive clame

Adjective complementation

168 Categories of complementation in adjective phrases (ef 228 721-2) are similar in variety to those ofverb complementation We distinguish [El-ES)as follows

[El] Complementation by a prepositional phrase [E2] Complementation by a that-clause [E3] Complementation by a wh-clause

i[E4) Complementation by a than-clause [ES] Complementation by a to-infinitive clause [E6] Complementation by an -ing participle clause

These complementation patterns can occur after an adjective (andmiddot its modifiers if any) in various syntactic functions For example

The violiacuten iacutes (rather) difficut to play (adjective phrase as CJ

Mary found the violiacuten (rather) diffieut to play (adjective phrase as CJ

The violiacuten is an instrument (rather) diffieult to play (adjective phrase as postmodifier)

The on1y posiacutetion in which an adjective cannot normally be followed by iacutets complementation is the premodifying position in a noun phrase a keen child on ehess But here too with certain constructions (Types [ES(iraquo) and [ES(v)D the complementation can follow discontinuously after the head noun The violiacuten is a diffieult instrument to play (ef discontinuity with comparative constructions IS75) For illustrative purposes we will confine examples in the following sections to the subject complement function The lists like the verb lists in 1620-63 will be selective

Adjective complementation 1221

Note There is a considerable parallel as the categories [El-ES] aboye demonstrate between patterns associated with adjectives and those associated with monotransitive verbs The chief difference is that adjectives cannot be followed by a noun phrase object To bring out the parallel further we could describe adjectives exemplified in 1669 below (averse to conscous oJ etc) as prepositional adjectives comparable with prepositional verbs We could moreover identify phrasal adjectives (derived from participiaI forms ofphrasal verbs) such as ron down (exhausled depressed) and phrasaI-prepositionaI adjectives such as fed up (with) These tatter variants however are rare enough lo be disregarded in the foUowing lists

[E1] Adjective complementation by a prepositional phrase 1669 Like prepositional verbs adjectives often forro a lexical unit with a following

preposition good atfond oj opposedto etc The lexical bond is strongest with adjectives for which in a given sense the complementation is obligatory Max is averse to games Max is averse Such adjectives are marked 1 in the following lists

The lists make a distinction between participial (ef 715-19) and nonparticipial adjectives The differencebetween participial adjectives and the -ed participle of the passive construction is discussed in 375-77 These lists provide on1y a small sample of the adjectives accompanying the prepositions concemed In particular it is often possible for the same adjective to go with two or more prepositions as in angry about angry at and angrywith

ABOUT He was very worried about her reaction (ef960)

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

angry knowledgeabe aggrieved frightened glad mad annoyed pleased happy reasonable delighted worried

AT She was badat mathematics (ef962)

NONP ARTICIPIAL P ARTlCIPIAL

angry good alarmed disgusted brilliant hopeless amusedmiddotmiddot pleased elever terrible delighted puzzled

FROM Thevillage is remotefromthe bustle ofcity life (ef918 947)

different distant distinct free remo te

OF She was aware ofhis difficulties

NONPARTlCIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

eonvineed ashamed empty proud1 afraid conseiousl glad

seared eapable fond 1 short1 tired certain full worthy

ONUPON Their plan was based on cooperation

NONPARTICIPIAL IPARTICIPIAL

contingent1 intent1 reliantl basedl set1

dependent keen severe hentl

Yiexcl

1222 Complementation of verbs and adjectives ~ Adjective complementation 1223

Note lal In general choice of preposilion remains the same after morphologicalIy related verbs adjectives and nouns differentftom differ from differencefrom But Ihis eorrespondence is not always lo be relied on contrastfull ofwilhfilied wllh proudofwith pride in lb] Other prepositions whieh less comrnonly enlee into adjective + prepositlon idioms iexclnelude for and lowards graleful for sorry for inclined towards le] Usedfollowed by the preposition lO a more informal synonym ofaccustomed(to) is participial in spelling but has the speeial pronuneiation nus~ Unlike accustomed however used does not oceur with a following infinitive (ef 1679) This adjeetival used to in spite of identity of spelling and pronunciation is quite distinet from used lO as a marginal modal (cf344) Contrast

Im used lO hard work I used ro work hard Id] In the past prescriptive objeetions have been made to the use of to ralher Ihan from after averse and different Howevee ro is the normal preposition to fol1lt11 averse and differenr 10 is quite widely used (esp in BrE) as an altemative lo differentfrom On iJifferent rhan cf1566 Note 1674

le] Wilh can be omitted after (fn)compalibie if the subject is plural cfmutual participation 1360

middotCarl is incompatible OUT Cad and Eva are incompatible

[E2] Adjective complementation by a that-clause 670 Like that-clauses following a verb that-clauses folIowiacuteng an adjective may

have

(A) indicative verb 1am sure (that) he is here now (B) subjunctiacuteve verb They were insistent (that) we be ready (formal) (C) putativeshould Im sorry (that) he should hove left ltformal)

The uses of the mandative subjunctive and of putative should have been discussed in 359 and 1425 respectiacutevely Putative should often occurs after expressions of emotion (sorrowjoy displeasure surprise wonder etc) and is often accompanied by intensifying expressions such as so such like thisl that ever or at all The indicative that-clause on the other hand refers to an established fact The foHowing pairs illustrate choices of construction

1 (that) 1 have to leave so early am sorry (that) you should have been (so) inconvenienced

(that) you didnt call the doctor before 1 am surprised (that) anyone ofyour intelligence should swallow a tie

likethat

With some adjectives (those in category [E2b(iiacute)] 1672) the should-clause can be paraphrased by an infinitive clause with a subject

It was natural for him to go to London after the war = It was natural that he should go to London after the war

That-clauses cannot be preceded by preposiacutetions Hence adjectives which are constructed with prepositions before noun phrases ([El]) drop the preposition before a that-clause (cfI628) Compare the folIowing

OfhiS innocence [E1 ] 1am convlnced (th ) h t [E2]at e IS mnocen

Many that-clauses folIowing an adjective are actualIy subjects postponed by extraposition (cf1833)

lt is lucky (that) you came - That you came is lucky

These are listed separately in 1672

lEla) Adjectives with experiencer (cflO23 Note) as subject 1671 (i) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATIVE VERB ONL Y (cfNote [a] below)

These adjectives express degrees of certainty or confidence aware certain corifident sure

We were corifident that Karen was stiacutell alive

(ii) THAT-CLAUSE HAS PUTATIVE SHOULD OR SUBJUNCTIVE VERB

(or marginally aloo an indicative verb) The three principal adjectives in this class are anxious eager and willing

he should be permitted to resiacutegn 1 Are you willing that he be permitted to resign 1

1he is permitted to resign 1 ~

(On the distribution of these three altematives cfI630)

(iH) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATIVE VERB OR PUTATIVE SHOULD

These adjectives express emotions

Im so thankful that nobody was hurto Were you surprised that Ray should win the prize

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

afraid hopeful alarmed depressed horrified angry proud amazed disappointed irritated glad sad amused distressed pleased grateful sorry annoyed disturbed shocked happy tha7lkful astonished frightened upset

There is a tendency to prefer the putative should construction in nonassertive contexts or where the adjective has negative or unfavourshyable associations

TO AH capital gains are subject to taxation NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

answerable close liableacute accustomedl

averse l due1 simz1ar allied1I WiTH This plan is not compatible with our princiacuteples

NONPARTICIPIAL I PARTICIPIAL

angry busy

happy impatient

annoyed bored

ClJmfortable incompatible1 concerned compatibleacute sick delighted content familiar friendly furious

uneasy depressed disappointed disgusted dismayed distressed

inclined1

opposed1

drunk enchanted obsessed occupied overcome pleased satisfied taken1

1672

1224 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Adjective complementatlon 1225

Note [a] The restriction oC Type (i) above lo indicative verbs only is meant to allow Cor the use of T

Note [a] Although tlle pro-forms so and n01 cannot be used after tllese [E2bI adjectives (ef 1671modal auxiliaries including should in a nonputative sense eg I am a~are that I should [= ought 1lo] havejoined longago iexcl Note [bJ) there iexclsa possibilityofreplacing the adjective + solnat by a related adverb + sonot

[b) Afraid is unique among adjectives in that it accepts the pro~oun so (and iexclts negative equivalent Mt) as a that-clause substitute (cfI631) rm afraid SOMI

IElbJ Adjectives with anticipatory it as subject

The that-elause in this eonstruetion is an extraposed subjeet Three types are again distinguished matehing those in 167l

(i) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATlVE VERBONLY (cfI671 Note CaD These adjectives have to do with truthor knowledge

It is true that she never cemes on time

apparent evident likely possible untrue certain implicit obvious true well-known clear indubitable plain unlikely

(ji) THAT-CLAUSE HAS PUTATIVIl SHOULD OR SUBJUNCTIVE VERB (or marginshyaIly also an indicative verb) These adjectives express eoncepts concerned with modality or volition

should be lifted tomorrow It is essential that the ban be lifted tomorrow

(1) is lifted tomorrow

appropriate essentiacuteal important necessary vital compulsory fitting impossible obligatoryshycrucial imperative improper proper

Various deverbal adjectives ending in -able also belong to this group egadvisable desrabIe preferable

(iii) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATlVE VERB OR PUTATIVE SHOULD

This group consists mainly of emotive adjectives and ineludes a large num ber ofparticipial ad jecti ves ending in -ing

Itmiddot strange th t She is so late IS upsetting a she should be so late

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTlCIPIAL

awkward logical alarming perplexing curious odd annoying pleasing disastrous peculiar depressing shocking dreadful sad disappointing surprising extraordinary silly embarrassing fortunate tragie frightening iexclrrational unfortunate irritating

Various -able-ible adjectives also be10ng tp this group admirable eommendable deplorable despieable incomprehensible inconceivable lamentable remarkable understandable unjustifiable etc

ha h l Id l h B Yes obviouslyfortunately soA 1 t IS apparentt t s e IVes oesn t Ive ere B N J I I di t o event y sa y no [b] When an adjective ofType (iii) above occurs after a modal verb construction the that-clause is commonly replaced by an if-clause If the modal verb in the main c1ause is hypothetical (eg would) the verb in the ifmiddotdause is placed in tlle hypothetical pasto Compare

It is sad that you have to leave It will be sad ifyou hove to lea ve

It would be sad ifyou had lo lea ve

[E3] Adjective complementation by a wh-clause 1673 As with that-clauses we have to distinguish those adjeetives ([E3a]) which

are predicated of an experieneer (normalIy a person) as subject and those ([E3bD which go with antieipatory it In the latter case the wh-clause is an extraposed subject Examples are

(onwhat 1should sayo [1]E3a 1was unsure[ 1 (about) whether the problem was solved [2]

[E3b] It was unclear what they would do [3]

Type [E3a1 consists of adjectives which are constructed with prepositions and whieh therefore belong also to Type [EI1 The preposition is sometimes omitted before the wh-clause (ef155 Note reD In Type [E3b] on the other hand no preposition can be inserted bull It was uneear ofabout what lhey would do AIso no infinitive wh-cIause is possible (ef i637) It is unsure where to go is unacceptable unless it refers to sorne aniacutemate being (sueh as a mouse) and is consequently not interpreted in terms of extraposition

Retuming to Type [E3a] we note that in sorne cases the adjective takes a wh-elause in assertive eontexts eg eareful (about) doubtful (as to) fussy (about) puzzled (as to) uneear (about) uncertain (o) undecided (about) unsure (0) unaware (o)

John is careul (about) what he does with his money

Most of these adjeetives are intrinsiealIy negative In meaning In other cases although elsewhere it is associated with an indicative that-clause [E2a(i)] the adjective tends to oceur with a wh-cIause in nonassertive contexts (efI635) eg aware certain eear sure

Are you sure (o) how mueh the maehine costs 1wasnt altogether cleaiexcl- (about) what we had to do

A similar division may be made among adjectives of the antieipatory-it type ([E3b]) Those whieh intrinsieally express doubt and therefore take this strueture even in assertive contexts include doubtful uneertain uneear unsure and unknown Those normally oceurring with an indieative that-elause (le Type [E2b(i)]) inelude apparent eertain obvious and plain They can take a wh-cIause in nonassertive contexts Each type is illustrated in

It was uneear whether an amendment would be accepted It was not obvious how far the westernization process would IO

~ltgt ~~~1~ 1 -~ Adjective complementation 1227

1226 Complementation of verbs and adjectives iexcl

After adjectives of Type [E3a] there may also occur an infinitive wh-clause 1 was uncertain (oi) what to do This is preferable to the finite c1ause in cases illustrated by [1-3] aboye since the subject can remain unexpressed in the reduced nonfinite version

[E4] Adjective complementation by a than-clause 1674 There is an unusual construction in which a noncomparative adjective is

foIlowed by a comparative than-clause as complementation Different is the only adjective which fits into this pattero and even then there is a tradition which regards the use of than here as impropero There is however no felicitous alternative to the different than construction in examples such as

Shes quite a different girl than she wasfilie years ago [11 The various styliacutestic variants of and alteroatives to the than-clause after different are examined in 1566 Note lb] When the c1ause is reduceacuted to a noun phrase it becomes possible to usefrom as an alternative to than

The unions are taking a very different attitude ~ the employers

When the noun phrase folIowing thanffrom cannot be derived by ellipsis from a c1ause than is decidedly less acceptable thanfrom

The main languages of southern India are totaIly different In origin

~~~ those ofthe northern partofthe country

Note [al On differenlrom and different 10 1669 Note [dI [bj It is aloo possible for a Ihan-c1ause to be used after he adverb difilrently

In the west of the country they pronounce their vowels quite aifferently han (they do) in the easl

The same prescriptive objections are made to differenlly Ihan as to different Ihan

[E5] Adjective complementation by a to-infinitive clause [675 We distinguish seven kinds of construction in which an adjective is foIlowed

by a to-infinitive c1ause They are exemplified in the following sentences which are superficially alike

Bob is splendid to wait (ii) Bob is slow to react

(iii) Bob is sorry to hear it (iv) Bob is hesitant to agree with yOU (v) Bob is hard to convince

(vi) The food is ready to eat (vii) lt is important to be accurate

In Types (i-iv) the subject of the main clause (Bob) is also the subject of the infinitive c1ause We can therefore always have a direct object in the infinitive clause if its verb is transitive Por example if we replace intransitive wait by transitive build in (i) we can have Bob is splendid to build this house

Por Types (v-vii) on the other hand the subject of the infinitive is unspecified although the contextoften makes clear which subject is intended

In these types it is possible to insert a subject preceded by for eg in Type (vi) The food is ready (jOr Ihe children) to eat

Infinitive complementation following adjectives modified by lOO and enQugh is discussed eIse Note where in 1S73

(ES(i)) Bob is Iplendid to wait Type (i) has an analogue in a construction involving extraposition (cf1833)1676 1t is splendid of Bob lo wait This type OC construction also permits a head noun between the adjective and the infinitive

Bob must be a spiendid craftsman ~ ~~bUilt this house

As this example shows the infinitive may be perfective We may also compare constructions in which an evaluative noun with its determiner

replaces the adjective

ffoolishYourelafool to spend so mucho

WOnderfUl Youre 1 to walt for me anange

Adjectives in this group are evaluative of human beha~iour They inelude

careful crazy mad silly wise careless greedy nice unwise wrong

These adjectives can also occur with anticipatory il and an of-phrase as additional complementation (cf1682)

It was foolish of you to spend so mucho

IE5(Hraquo) Bob is IOW to react In Type (ii) the sentence corresponds to one in which the adjective becomes 1677 an adverbwhile the infinitive becomes the finite verb

Bob is slow to react - Bob reacts slowlyc

In another analogue the adjective is followed by in and an -ing participle Bob is slow in reacting The infinitive verb phrase must be simple for example unlike the inftnitive phrase in [E5(i)] it cannot be perfective Bob is slow ItJ have reacted Other adjectives in this small group are quick and prompt

There is also a partial adverbial analogue (e8127ff) for Type (i) but in Type (i) unlike Type Note (ii) the perfective infinitive andeven the get-passive (e366) can be used

loan was wise to resigno ~ loan wisely resigned loan was careless to get beaten - loan carelessly got beaten

loan is careless to have got beaten

IES(iuumlraquo) Bob is 10rry lo hear it In Type (iexcliexcli) the head of the adjective phrase is an emotive adjective 1678 (commonly a participial adjective) and the infinitive clause expresses

causation

1679

1228 Complementation of verbs end adjectives

Im sorry to have kept you waiting [rm sorry because I have kept you waiting]

1 was exeited to be there [- To be there exeited me]

Adjectives in this group correspond c10sely to the adjectives followed by a that-clause in 1671 (Type [E2a(iii)D

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

afraid angry ashamed content furious glad

happy impatient indignant jubilant thankful

annoyed astonished bored coneerned delighted depressed

disgusted dissatisfied embarrassed fasemated frightened interested

overwhelmed perturbed puzzled relieved surprised worried

disappointed overjoyed

IE5(ivraquo) Boh is heaitant to agree withyou In Type (iv) the head of the adjective phrase expresses volitional meaning or a modal meaning such as ability possibility or liability Examples are

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

able keen determined anxious Iiable disposed apt Iikely [E2b] fated[E2b] eertain [E2b] loath inclined curious powerless poiseddue prone prepared eager ready [E5] (all) set eligible reluetant unqualified fit [ES] sure [E2b] free [ES] unable greedy weleome hesitant willing impotent worthy

The adjectives marked [E2b] occur with a corresponding construction with extraposition of a that-clause

JilI is likely to attend - It is likely that JiU will attend

Those marked [E5] are capable of occurring with an infinitive construction of passive meaning ie with an indefinite implied subject and a coreferential implied object

Theyare not fit to eat = They are not tit to be eaten

Some ofthe most common adjectives in this list have a tendency to coalesce with the preceding copula 10 form a semimiddotauxiliary verb (ef3A7) be able to be willing to be sure to In addition to modal and volitional adjectives some adjectives ofaspectual meaning such as aeeustomed and wont may be placed here

Adjective complementation 1229

We are aecustomedto take teaon the terrace (formal) He was wont to leave the office at 5 pm (formal archaic)

(ES(vraquo) Bob is lard to convince 1680 In Type (v) the subject of the sentence is identified with the unexpressed

object of the infinitive clause which must therefore have a transitive verb hence the unacceptable Bob Is hard to arrive There is an analogous construction in which the adjective is complement to an infinitive c1ause acting as (extraposed) subject (ef 1836)

- To convince Bob is hard Bob IS hard to convmce It is hard to convince Bob

Adjeeacutetives so used refer 10 degrees of ease or comfort and iexclnclude

awkward hard tough (informal) eonvenient impossible trieky (informal) difficult niee (informal) unpleasant easy pleasant

Unless there is ellipsis we cannot omit the infinitive c1ause and so there is no semantic implication between (say) The bread was hard to bake and The bread was hard Unlike the preceding types Type (v) permitsfor + subject to be inserted at the beginning of the infinitive clause Those darts are trieky (for a beginner) to use Where the infinitive has no overt subject its implicit subject is understood to have an indefinite meanihg

Jack is easy 10 fool =Jack is easy for anyone to foo

Note With some adjectives in this group such as nice or unpleasant the entailment relation between be + adjective ro V and be + adjective is less easy lO avoid eg Jenny is nice lo know iacutemplies that Jenny is nice

IE5(viraquo) Thefood is ready to eat 1681 Again in this type the subject of the main clause is identified with the object

of the intinitive c1ause But unlike Type (v) Typemiddot(vi) has no analogous construction with an infinitive clause subject

The food is ready to eat To eat the food is ready

Also we can generally (a) omit the infinitive clause or (b) substitute a passive infinitive clause without change ofmeaning

Are these cups available (to use) = Are these cups available (to be used)

Some adjectives of this type such as availablefitfree ready and suffieient belong additionally 10 Type (iv) so that a sentence like The lamb ia ready to eat is ambiguous in one sense (the most accessible) being equivalent to the passive The lamb is ready to be eaten Then there is a wider set of adjectives which often occur without complementation at all

The air isfrosty (to breathe) Its fur is soft (to touch)

1230 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

In both Type (v) and Type (vi) the subjectofthe main clause can be equated with the prepositional object of the infinitive clause so that the infinitive c1ause ends with a deferred preposition

She is pleasant to talk to (-It is pleasant to talk to her) This paper is terribly flimsy to write on Is the cloth sufficient to make a dress out ol

In Type (vi) as well as in Type (v)for + subjeet may be inserted before the infinitive verb Are these books free (for visitors) to borrow Are these books available to borrow]

(E5(vii)J Jt is important to he accurate 1682 We saw in 1672 that a that-clause following an adjeetive may prove to be a

subjeet postponed by extraposition (ef1833) A to-infinitive clause following an adjeetive may have the same oouree

It is essential to spray the trees every year - To spray the trees every year is essential

The infinitive clause can also be introduced by for + subjeet

It is vital (for the ehildren) to be properly cIad It will be strange (for us) to be living alone

Adjectives ofTypes (ji) and (iii) in 1672 ([E2b]) may have this construction importantJortunate lueky surprising etc Possible also belongs te this group

An addiacutetional group of adjeetives oeeurring after anticipatory it are those adjeetives (ehiefly naming evaluative attributes of persons) whieh occur in pattern [E5(i)] (ef 1676) The adjeetive in this group is often followed byan of-phrase identifying the persones) being discussed

It was wrong (of him) to teIllies iexcli

It is niee ofyou to phone

[E6] Adjective complementation by an -ing participle cfause [683 A number of sub-types ofthis pattem may be mentioned

(i) Busy is followed by an -ing participle clause without subject

Margery is busy writiacuteng Ietters

Worth and worthwhile on the other hand oceur both with and without subjeet

It is seareely worth(while) (youyour) going home

Here worth(while) follows preparatory it and the participle clause is an extraposed subjeet (ef1834) Other adjectives ofthis pattern are pointless and useless (Its pointless buying so mueh food) and adjectives of Type [E2b(iiacutei)J (efl6 72) also sometimes have this complementation absurd awkwardJortunate annoying etc

EIsewhere worth and worthwhile accompany an -ing participle elause without subjeet but with a passive meaning comparable to tbat of the infinitive elause in pattern [E5(v)] (ef1680)

Complementation of abstract nouns 1231

The cartons are worth(while) saving ( Its worth(while) saving the cartens)

(iv) There is a variant eonstruction in whieh a preposition oecurs between the adjective and the participle clause In some cases the preposition is optional (cf(i) aboye)

Im busy (with) getting the house redeeorated Werefortunate (in) having Aunt Mary as a baby-sitter

In other cases the preposition is obligatory We are used to not having a car (cf1669 Note [e]) Im hopeless at keeping the garden tidy Shes not capable oflooking after herself

Note [al The adjectival constructions in (ii) above may be compared in some cases with nominal constructionsof equivalent meaning

ts 110 goaduse telling him anything Theres 110 point (in) telling him anything

8uch constructions are introduced either by anticipatory il (el 1833) or by eltistential there (el 184$) AmE also hu Theres no use telling him anythlng (b) Worthwhlle is sometimes spelled as two words The vacillation between the spellings worthwhile and worth while reflects an unclarity about the status of this sequence which may altematively be regarded as the preposition worth (eI96) followed by a noun Compare

lts not worth your whife staying lts not worlhh whh~e (your) staying worl w 1

Complementation of abstract nouns

1684 In this coneluding section we will show as a conneeting link between this chapter and the next how the pattems of complementation described for verbs and adjectives in 1620-83 are aloo to be found with abstraet nouns which are morphologieally related to those verbs and adjectives (ef nominalization 1751ff and appositional constructions 1726 1735) For example the noun likelihood is derived from and semantically related to the adjective likely It is therefore not surprising that a construction associated with the adjeetive Is found with the corresponding noun

It is likely that Joan will get married [1]

The likelihood is that loan will get married [21 the likelihood that Joan will get married [31

But the assumption of eorrespondence eannot be automatie for it may faiacutel in both direetions

loan is likely to get married Joan s likelihood to get married

It is likely of J oans getting married the likelihood of Joans getting married

------__shyiacute1 11

COMPLEX INTRANSITIVE CONSTRUCTIONS p H MATIHEWS

1 Introduction

In sentences such as [1J

ArR C~Iltiacuteltmiddotli N ([1J Th~deitgreen ~

he construct~oEJ~QLordf JJP~ that GCE850ff describes as 9QMfLEX JRANSITIV~ Ofthe elements in questionit and made are related a~Jn tQllt ~imple transitive

j [2J They made it

YihiJe ir and green a~_~latelasinasimple_ltQI1llar_sentence ( [3] lt is green (- lt

~f the type that following Lyons (l977469ff) raquoe will call ASCRIPTIVE raquouacutet greacuteen- also standsJna direcueJordf9lsJIacuteIL ordm~_iii~de the object and adjective exemplifying a single I2atteIILof VERB COMllEMe~nrJ91 This paUCIDl can be sajd torepresenta IJJS10N (G e E 850) ofJ~ltsimpler transitiv iexcll~J~Jjpiexcly_e_tjPes - _shy

IH~~_sfiE~~Ve can be fused with th~~~tY_e_(lri~alsoP~ fused with theintransitixe1 Insentildetentildeces SUChas[4] -

MI It turned green

~construc~~~~~]y idmtifkQyaacuteth th~ of l3J in both examples the

l]

~ ~ ~ ENGLISH GRAMMAR

verb is described as copularor in the terminology of GCE820f as taking intensive complementation But neither description is quite appropriate to1 both cases In the~ptive sentence there i indeed no mor~than~pYhL~

1 2ampffiMical iP~ betwe~ the adjective and its subject~ plainly this ~ ~ is not true of [4] whose verb TURN has its own specific meaning lf turned~ iacute I is a full verb it must then be the govemor of green as made is in (1) in that

iexcl ~ sense there is cornplernentatjon But we express nothing by assigning such a complernentation to the copula A solution is to c1ass I4] as a COMPLBX

IITMNSITIVE iL~onsect_trJltiordmL being an extension of th~simpleJmransiUacutelLe _shy~ i I5] It turned

j precisely as that of (1) is extended from that of [2)iexcl

2 Fused constructions

Let us take our cue from GCEs referenee to fusionlo the simpl~L =nfu~~~_~~~~~~~)t1ecltgtnstVf1ionconsistso(asingJULeAicJ~tQI(lgde) which in a dependency ana~is has both the subject and the object as its dependents or to adapt G CEs term has both a subjeet and an oJkltt asit complementation lnJhaL~se (2) has a _K1U~~~_~ruetion (Lyons i977) w1jch cannotJiexclJLr~s~Cl9JUnQ(lt_e~mentary relationships of ptediCJJQJkSo too has the simple intransitive (5] vi1ihidepeiioenforior forming the complementation of tumed So too has the simple aseriptive [3] its predicator on the analysis ofLyons and others is the adjective green One reason for relatlng the subject to the adjective is that the elements are jointly subject to selectional restrictions A reason for not relating either to the copula is that the latter stands aside (rom these restrictions adding none ofitsown

In a fused construction the pattem ls neither strictly kernel nor straightforwardly non-kemellnJhegmplex transitive [lL1oth1tan41~Y are again direct ~cngents of made these relatio~_elQ~ the words in FigJbx direC1~ltaI~_uacutela~~I~Qordf-ordfl9blleiexcl)Uumlnamp21uacuteward frollLthe

~d

(aJiquest-Fig 1

[42]

P H Matthew$

p~ed~~ So is green arc el this too being supported by selectional restrictions We are therefore dealing with a single clause rooted in made of which each word is a distinct element But green js a1soapredicator in iexclelation to il (are d)J that wav we are dealing with two kernelp~QlS th~ fuurtermclauseinfQmQrating bothtM_~tuet~[IDJr~JlsitiYlljh~ twoshytenn a~-middot -_shy

In Fig 1 we have diagrammed what any grammarian will propose provided that his terminology or his notational apparatus allow him to say it Iut similar reasonjng applies to the construction which we have called the ~IpJex ln~~-ordfEsitive Of the relationships showninf1g --~~t~~~~_

it turned green

aAacutebJ Fig2

to ir (arcc)_isagainasintheascripJjy~ and needs no further cornment But the final element is clearly suJiexcliect to ru19jtional resr=l~ordmI~ tlTlJRI_ im~~tordm-~~it~~rAUQj~9iY_I9U~l~~ed noun (He turned pink He turned kings eVidence) iQ~~~1lined phrase is exCiuacuteded (He turned arog)

tDle~sthe p~e~~i0rl~lJ9rtn is ~~jordmntildei[qiireifitetuumlmed iexclnto a frog) ~itt G-ordm-1h exdusi(m is abgolule one cannot even say He went into a criminal

f [he adjeqtive is also Iimlted to specific collocations For example one can say It turned sour or Ir went sour but it is harder to accept Ir grew sour 1 Conversely one can say He grew od but not He went od On that evidence

j we may establish a relationship of dependency between green and tumedj (arc b) The verb too can then be related to the subject (arc a)

1 Epgth o~2am~ thefe is one terro ir lVhich is a9~de~~~~t1 theascriptile anCITlieletbalk~m~1 (Fig 1 ares b and d Fig 2 ares a and c) The fusion is then effected by a further link (Fig 1 arc e Fig 2 are b) in which ond of the two predicators een is ineo orat~a~_ ordf d~RendenlO(th~ I re atlon that uirk an4hl~ COU~_~ampI~s-1 jn the case of th complex intransitille hall app1ied the Iean intlaquo=nsve

mmplementatio~gly describe he yaleruLQ(IUN or iexcl l otIllBNinthisuseJuh~int~siYeint[ansitivx But the insight intildeaacute I

alsQ be extended to the complex transitiye In that spirit MAKE or MAKE as

used in sentences such as W might appropriatelL be described ~~_~n_ i ~ntensive transitive -J -bull_--------shy

[43)

ENGLISH GRAMMAR

3 Distinctions between tbe complex intransitive and other partly similar constructions

For a three-term construction Fig 2 shows the maximum number of interconnections with each term related to each of the others The miacutenimum isone thus for the ascriptive (3) we have adopted the structure shown i~

L with l~~E2nd te~~Il2= tlliacuten amaroe~ ordmrS1PP9~g~lexn~~ ~eLClatiacute9D~t~~~~t~first an~~~hir~ But this leaves five other possibilities which in theory might be realized ust as the second element_lt~p~ltmark(r ordfs inEig 3bullKlJQQmgordmHhetordm-iriexcl in thatJ~SiquestOillY

iacutet is green

Fig3

1he_verb vQ1lld_be a predicatorrwithonl)l1he_~ygtject related 10 it This structure does not seem to be realized at least not in away whiacuteCh is -relevant to our analysis Asecond_possibil~iuhatJmly the verb a~ ~~~iexcltiY~L iquestnjgl~~_rell~q in that ca~e bot~redicatoS_w-ordmyldIgt~ impersonal-vUh lh~su~ject a me~m~ce-filler This structure might conceivably be suggested for exampIacuteesmiddotSuumlch as [6]

[6] It got mistier

with a so-called ambient it But although it may indeed be ambient with respect to mistier it need not follow that it is ambient with respect to got

In the remaining cases no element is a marker but there are only two instead of three interconnections Ir there wem no link betw-IlJhe subject ~YMh(Ejg 2 are a) the verb1tSelf would agajn be impersmordf-~ I~ transformational terms its surface subject would be derived by raising (Postal 1974) from a subordinate adjectival clause lf th3ewere no intensiye lipk between the first and second predicators (Fg 2 arWJUlt verb would be a simple intransitive taking just t~_S)lbject as its complementation th~on of tbe adjec1iYtLL~ then be uumlMrn-~0n[7] forexample --- -_~

Eacutel He arrived saber J (~ eacute cc L f ~ 2 f

grammars do not establish an intensive or copular use of ARIUVB Finally

[44]

1 P H Marrhew$

if the ascriQive lik wer~~2ken iacuteEiKbJ~~ f)hHordmjlti~~ment woulordm-no longer bJlta predicaQ~ltiexclHQle wQuldin~teadb~ADVJllqt~iexcl as in 8)

(8) He ran fa~t

There is no doubt that the intensive construction is distinct from the adverbial and that sober in [7] is at least more circumstantial than green in It turned green But the subject-verb relation is more problematic in that a raising transformation has been proposed for one at least of the G C E s intensive verbs Let us therefore take that distinction first

31 Ofthe twenty or so most common intensive verbs (GCE821) SEEM and APPEAR particularly lend themselves to transformational analysis On the evidence of sentences such as [9]

(2) It seemed that they wereamp~e~

_U~naIlJral lo establish an underlying ~~ct~~

J~sIhey were green]~ seemed

irlYhIacutetEw~4)srelate(L1ot to they J~Q9green indhiOacute1lally but to the yiole ascri2tive kernelrom the same structure a sentence such as [10)

[10] They seemed to be green

can then be derived by further transformations of subject raising and infinitive formation Froro the structure reaJized by [Io]lIleare n3tllcalli

~m~ed to derive the comple~_~transiti~euacutell

[u) They seemed gre~

by a further transformation deleting the copuiacutea For SEEM the rules deriving [10] and [u] would both be optional But for

other verbs such as TURN or GO We could make them obligatory so It turned green could be the only realization of an underlying sUr was greenls turned the ambient Ir got misrier - [6] aboye - a realization of say s[mistier]s gorand so on If the obligatory rules were then restricted to the copula we would also ensure that any other form of embedded structure (g[he eft]s turned or g[he kissed her]s grew) was filtered out By such means a treatment which is widely accepted for SEEM and for which the evidence is at first compelling could be extended if it were thought appropriate to the entire intensive intransitive class

There are good reasons for not thinking it appropriate In a sentence such as [12]

[12] Harry got drunk

Qn~JsllQIacuteli~ply talking of a_~ate tha~ reslllttI s~o t~a~ ~~rry vs (45)

ENGLISH GRAMMAR

drunk or Harrys drunkenness happened) Nor is Harrya mere theme or tliexclfc (Aacute~-to-KarryQruniexcliquestenneacuteSs-l1ippened to him) tlamp11tbject iexclS1

potentia1lt-at-l~st--alMl~tgh-ge~~amp9run_~ wassoID1hiiL~hatJIal did The--verb mayaccordiacutentilde-gly take a subject adjunct (O CE 466]) thus I delibera tey got drunk or He foo(lshy turned traitor It may also supply the complement of a conative verb (1 did try to get drunk) may appear in the imperative (Dont get drunk ) and so on For sorne collocations this potentiacuteality is doubtless harder to realize (compare He delibera tey turned bue with He delibera tey turned nasty or He tried ro grow oder with He tried ro grow farter) but that is precisely the case for subjects and predicators generally lt is this semantic role that justifies the first link shown in Fig 2

which an impersonal structure as in (b)

(b) s[Harry was drunkls got

would relegate to the surface If (b) is wrong for Harry got drunk a transformationalist should consider

more carefully w hether a similar structure is correct for Harry seemed drunk Let us assume that it is correct for the construction with a that-clause (It seemed that Harry was dhmk) for SEEM and APPEAR a c1ausal complement does form one possibility Let us also accept that SBBM has a constant sense in all its constructions But for other current intensives (G eE 820 f) the evidence is more complexo With SOUNO a that-clause can be forced for example if a dative is inserted (lt sounds ro me that (hey arent coming) There is also an impersonal construction with as if

[131 It sounds as ifthey were green

which might be thought to derive from the same source The construction of [13] is also acceptable witb LOOK (lt ooks as ifthey arent coming) But between it and the complex intransitive we can find clear disparities in meaning In [13] the judgment is based on indirect clues what sounds or appears from audible information is indeed the whole proposition they were green But in the complex intransitive [14]

[141 They sound drunk

it is based on sounds that they are making For that reason it is harder 10 make sense of They sound green Likewise They [ook drunk means that they from their appearance are so But in It loob as ifthey are drunk the speaker does not even imply that he has seen them (Compare Prom what you say it ooks as if rhey are drunk) Ir we wanted a complex source it would be tempting 10 relate [14] not 10 the impersonal [13] with raising but rather to the personal [Is1

[IS] They sound as iexclfthey are drunk

with the second they deleted

[46]

P H Marthews

Personal and impersonal are often hard to separate as Palmer (1972) and before him Bolinger(l96la) have shown Ofthis group ofintensives TASTE

and 5MBLL are the most restricted in meaning and it is with these that the impersonal construction as in [91 and [131 is least acceptable With TASTE

neither seems likely Ir rasres to me that the soup is saty It tastes to me as if they are sweer If the second example can be interpreted it is by virtue of a blending with the personal construction (compare It tasres as ifit ) With SMELL the construction of [131 may be more acceptable (Ir smells ro me as if dinner is ready) but the blending remains With PEEL a non-tactile sense is possible (Ir fees Iikey) but is less established than the broader senses of LOOK or SOUNO (compare Ir ooks likey II sounds likey) It is in this case that my judgment is least secure would one say for example It fees (or Ir fees to me) as if they were green With SOUNO and LOOK the general sense is well established as in [131 or Ir sounds likely but there is still a sensory meaning as in [14] and [Isl which inhibits the pure impersonal with that With SEEM and APPEAR we are at the end of the continuum both having general senses only Hence the construction of[91 alongside the impersonal with as if (Ir seems as if they were green) Hence perhaps the infinitive construction of [101 with SOUNO and the others this too is awkward (They ooked ro have arrived Or Ir tastes ro me to be sweer) But it does not follow that the semantical1y general They seem drunk differs in syntax from the specifically sensory They sound drunk or They smell drunk We can even force an active interpretation of the subject thus They tried lO appear drunk or I deliberarey seemed irrftated

32 As [11] with SEEM Hes on a gradience between personal and impersonal so there are others which raise problems in distinguishing intensive from adverbial and circumstantial constructions For there is no criterion which is both sufficient and necessary

The obvious step is to tesectt for simpler transforms Thus J9r [12] Harl~ qrunk ~e can comp~jiexcleJgtimple a~ve Harry was drul~ TRANSFORM in that firstIy it is a a d secondly the predicator

-ORUNK hasnot a tq~ sense s no intraiiSIuvetrans[oacuterintilde ~stiiis~se of G BI is oot ~ble Nor has 4 r tumeirgeacute-iexcl an intransitive transform It turned since this involves a different sense oC TURN Ir there~~ an ascriptive transform but n9-Wn~itive the JhirdeiacuteeDlen t mult be a complementi so [41 and [12] must be complex intransitive Ir there is neither transform it MA y be complement but the col~of verb and adjective mjgbt rCaSantildea be classed as idiomatic Thus The roses have run wild has no transform The roses ve iiOr-aacuteoes it strictly match The rOSes are wild But WILO is at least an adiecti~ must stand in sorne relationship to the verb therefore R UN WILO is right1y

chmldw-rresultintensive (O eE) ---shy-- -_--g ~ _---_bull ~ shy

[471

ENOLISH ORAMMAR

If there is a simple intransitive but no ascriptive transr2ffil--_~~~ coacutentildeSffiiClioacutentilde-intildeuumlSt]ie iexcljdve(J2iacuteaIYlIacuteustrivialIy He ran iexcliuieacutekly has no ascriptive tiexclansfo~ He was quickly less trivially He travelled light does not match He was ight But what if we find both rlJgJQQordf~tillha$ordflJ ascriEtive _~ran~f~rrlJ~eYI1Jer~_~~ ~sectmL1aY-J~_a~~plement circumstantjallik~iilelltjnThey-sJoQdsilent ordfytlb~~j~llsothe simpler intran~1ti~ fbilystQPf so still ~ight be anadver~ like sileniTyintilde-fiieystood silenty Since there is no distinct form srilly the latter is hard to rule out For It shone white we can compare the formally adjectivallt shone brighr again there are both transforms (Ir shone Ir was white) But It shone brighr is c10se in meaning to the formaUy adverbial Ir shone brighry could white be an adverb in default of or as the commoner altemative to whirely Blending may aIso be found in idioms For example it is fruitless to ask if doggo is an adjective or an adverb in He is Iying doggo

For the circumstantial case both transforms are necessary thus [7] He arriuacuteiid sober has the triexcliexclntildeiiiacuteormsmiddotiexcliexcluacuteli-iexcliexclved andHe wasectSoacutebe Wewoacuteuumllifiliso ixpeeacutetthilUumlheveromiddotantildedmiddotildjectTe-shouId befreeOi collocationaI restrictions so He arrived sober He left sober He Jeft satisjied He arrived satisfied and so on But it is very hard to say when such a requirement iacutes meto One does not say for example They stood noisy or They sroodpeacefuJ on that evidence They stood sient might be classed as complex intransitive But neither is one likely to say They arrived noisy or They arrived kind Is that too a matter of collocational restrictions so that [7] is also intensive Or is it merely that NOISY and KIND are ill suIacuteted 10 this construction7 At this point jt is tempting to distinguish degrees of circumstantiality The extreme case would be represented by such sentences as [16]

[16] They stood there exhausted

(Iikewise They have arrived quite sober) where the adjective and verb are marked as separate Beside [16] the construction in [7] is less clearly circumstantial in They stood sient or They stoodfidgering it is perhaps even r less so But this last might stilJ be seen as less intensive than for example

iexcl They stood amazed Likewise They feJl exhausted is less clearly intensi ve than 1 They fell sick since it involves no special sense of FALL

~

f lrOacutel p1lI1riHmD ~ amires f0tr eompiex trlmSitive fu Tlieyfbuntlliim~

guilry there is a special sense OfPIND as ofMAKE in They mode it green In TIwy rrun Juacutem JOber tbat IacuteoS DO spcciiexcll SCDSII of)lEET~ by tbat cS ~ is more eircumsumlial BUl onc la unlikely lO say for eumple They me hlm meditative

4 Finally there is an obvious gradience between the coxnP-1ex intransitive ~nct the simple ascriptj~ With TURN 01 GROW there are~-selecUumlonal restrictions as we have seen With SBJlli or SIhV tney are far fewer

[48J

P H Matthews

neverthelesson~canI1Q~~yfordmr_~ordfmplelfil_sectil1Ied chairmqf1-ltcompareH~ stayelt chairman Qr1fsectJjiquest_riquest~cordfirmordfl1) or It srays obvious that (compare It seemsobvious that or It remainsobvious that ) With REMAIN it is hard to find any but at least the intransitive exists He remained) and their senses can be related Wth BECOMB that evidence too is lacking He became drunk can be distinguish-ed(rontildei1lieasgiptiYlt1g lu7ntl1k onlyJ~iiui~s from jts resultative meaning -_-

This merging has ied grammarians to treat the constructions together But we can do this only by assimi)ating BE to the mode) of verb complementation (as in GCE) not by assimilating TURN and so on to the model of a copula likethecpmplexrordfnsectitiy~nl_e compleimrap~W~i~ ayoor ca~~idatefltY-l~LIl~Jlt~IQ~-ordf_~~rnelltructllr~middot

M

~_

Page 20: in - UGR · (III). 11-70 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1171 Note [a] The ... In addition, we shall use where necessary the suffixes 'ph' (for

1206 Complementation of verbs and adjectiacuteves

Note that this apparent passive has the bare infinitive in contrast for example to make which has to have the to-infinitive in the passive

They mude him understand ~ He was made to understalld

A third verb in group (i) is have which (like have in monotransitive constructions) does not occur in the passi ve

They had me repeat the message ~ 1 was had (to) repeat the message

Note [a] The formulaic nature of let him go and similar expressions is illustrated by variants such as [1-3J which cannot be fitted into any regular complementation pattern

gothe rope [1] They lel the rope go [2]

goofthe rope (3)

[b] Of the two constructions with help tha with 10 is more common in BrE and that without 10

is more common in AmE [e] Arare verb in category (i) is the now rather archaic bid with a to-infinitive complementation in the passive

They bidbade me sil down - rwas bidden 10 sil down

[C61 Object + -ing participle complementation 1653 The verbs in category [C6] consist of verbs of perception (Type (iraquo verbs of

encounter (Type (iO) and two verbs of coercive meaniacuteng (Type

feel[C5] see[C5) (ji) eateh (iiiacute) have hear[C5) smell diseover get notiee [C5] spot find observe[C5) spy leave overhear[CS) wateh [CS) pereeive

Perception verbs marked [CS] occur also with the bare infinitive pattern [CS) Wiacuteth such verbs there iacutes an aspect difference between [C5) and [C6) as described in 461f

Tim watched Bill mendlmendingthe lampo

The bare infinitive having nonprogressive meaning implies that Bill did the wholejob while Tiacutem was watching the -ing clause with progressive meaning has no such implicatiacuteon

This complementatiacuteon pattern differs from that of [B9) not only in its progressive aspect but also in that the noun phrase following the superordinate verb cannot take the genitive (or possessive) form (ef 1642)

1 saw him lying on the beach 1 saw his lying on the beach

Another difference from pattern [B9) is that the -ing predication can normally be omitted without radically altering the meaning

1 saw him lying on the beach [entails iexcl saw him)

Contrast

1 hate my friends leaving early [does notentaiacutel 1 hate my friends)

Types of verb complementation 1207

The passive with this pattern is regular

We could hear the rain splashing on the roof ~ The rain could be heard splashing on che roof

A teacher eaughc them smoking in the playground - They were eaught smoking in the playground (by a teacher)

Prepositional verbs with this type of complementation ([C6prJ) include eome aeross eome upon listen to and look at Look at those ehildren climbing the wall But these [C6prJ prepositional verbs have no prepositiacuteonal passive

seen The guards had been spouhed searchiacuteng the building

wate e d looked at

Have in this construction (e18S1ff) also has no passive in keeping with its use in other constructions

She had us working day after day We were had working day after day

Note Feeloccurs especially with a reflexive pronoun object Shefelt herself falling in love

[C7) Object + -ed participle complementation 1654 We can distinguish three small groups of verbs complemented bv a raised

object followed by an -ed participle c1ause

(i) CAUSATIVE verbs get ha ve She gotlhad the watch repaired immediately

Oi) VOLITlONAL verbs want need like I wantlneed this watch repaired immediately

(jii) PERCEPTUAL verbs see hearJeel (oneself) wateh Someone must have seenl heard the car stolen

A fourth group is peripheral to this construction

(iv) Verbs for which the -ed participle describes a resulting statefind

diseoverleave They founddiseoveredfleft him worn out by tra vel and exertion

j In this construction as in that of (C6) have can ha ve either an agentive causative meaning or a stative meaning Hence The guard patrol had two men shot is ambiguous meaning either The patrol caused two men to be shot or

I The patrol suffered the los s oftwo men by shooting The latter meaning is that of the have-existential construction (ef 18S1ff) In general this

complementation type is semantically equivalent to one with an iacutenfinitive form of the verb be Thus in Type (ii) iexcl would like my room cleaned is synonymous with iexcl would like my room to be cleaned in Type Oiiacute) He saw the team beaten is synonymous with He saw the team be beaten

Note [al There is no passive for most verbs in pattem [e7] and at best the passive is dubious The car must have been seen stolen The acceptability of the passive with Type (iv) is exceptional

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1208 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

The car wasfound abandoned This is indeed an indication that Type (iv) may not belong here so much as with the objecl complement construction [el l iexclhe participle construclion being adjectival (cf an abandoned car) lb1In addition to the two meanings of haue + objec + -ed participle above a third meaning results ifthe -ed clause is analysed as a postmodifier of Ihe object eg She had a book (which gtvas) stolenfrom the library

Ditransitive complementation

ID11 Noun phrases as both indirect and direct object 1655 Ditransiacutetive complementation in its basic fonu involves two object no un

phrases an indirect object which is nonually aniacutemate and positioned first and a direct object which is nonually concrete The two noun phrases differ from those of[C2] in not being in a copular relationship

He gave the girl a doll --v-- --r-

S V Oiacute Od

The difference between this and complex transitive complementation is seen in

svoe He found her a loyal friendo ( She was a loyal friend)

SVOO He found her an apartment ( - The apartment was for her)

The characteristics of indirect objects in contrast to direct objects are fully disclssed in 107

Sorne ditransitive verbs have two passive analogues which we shall distinguish as first and second

The girl was given a doll [FIRST PASSIVE]

A doll was given the girl [SECOND PASSIVE]

Of these two the first passive in which the indirect object becomes subject is the more common The prepositional paraphrase is more usual as an alternative than the second passive A dol was given to the girl (For a list of verbs ofType [01] ef1657 below)

[D21 Object and prepositional object 1656 In the ditransitive category prepositional verbs fonu an important group

with its own sub-divisions and may therefore be given a separate category number D2] These verbs are those we have called Type II prepositional verbs (cfI67-8) Alongside the ordinary indirect object pattern two main prepositional patterns rnaybe distinguished _

Indirect object + direct object [D1] Direct object + prepositional object D2a] lndirect object + prepositional object [D2b]

Types of verb complementation 1209

The indirect object is normally animate and is the recipient or beneficiary of the process described by the verb (ef 1019) Unlike ditransitive verbs of category [D 1] (eg give) ditransiti ve verbs with prepositional objects nonually have only one passive

We addressed our remarks to the children [D2a] - Our remarks were addressed to the children (The children were addressed our remarks (toraquo

W e reminded him of the agreement [D2bl - He was reminded of the agreement (The agreement was reminded him (of)

-1 Sorne verbs have a11 three possibilities of construction in the active many have two forothers there is only one possibility (in sorne cases the alternatives are not identical but very similar in meaning)

tel [01 + 2a + 2b]

1

offer [01 + 2a] 1

envy [01 + 2b] I

wish [01]

bamefD2a + 2b]

say [D2a]

warn [D2b]

Mary told only John the secret DI] Mary told the secret only to John [D2a] Mary told only John about the secreto [D2b]

John offered Mary sorne help [DI] John offered sorne help to Mary [D2a]

She envied John his success [DI] She envied Johnfor his success [D2b]

They wished him good luck [DI]

Helen blamed the divorce on John rD2al Helen blamed Johnfor the divorce [D2bj

Why didnt anybody say this to me [D2a] I

Mary warned John ofthe dangers [D2b) I

The different constructional possibilities of certain verbs provide a means of achieving different focus (cfI837f) Compare the fo11owing pairsofsentences as pronounced with unmarked (end) focus

Mary blamed the broken vase on IOHN Mary blamed John for the broken VAacuteSE

(ef John was blamed by MARY)

The government supplied blankets for the HOMEless The government supplied the homeless with BLANKets

(ef Blankets were supplied by the Goacutevernment)

Note [al The aboye constructions are presented in the most typical syntactic ordering but postshyponernent of the direct or iacutendirect object may take place in contexts where end-focus or endshyweight is required (cf1837) eg John offered lO Mary Ihe help thal she needed [b] Additional prepositional verb patterns should be briefly mentioned There is for example the double-prepositional-verb pattern noted in 1617(c)

1210 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1211

1657

1 am applying lo the hospitalor ajobo There is a further possibility that two prepositional objects may follow a diacuterect object

We are paying $100 lo the garage for the repairs

Verbs of complementation types ID1 and [D2 The following list gives sorne of the verbs that occur in Types [DI] [D2aJ [D2b] organized aeeording to the cross-classifications of 1656 aboye We are interested here only in synonymous or nearly synonyrnous constructions in which the same participant roles (ef lO18jJ) oceur Hence many possible prepositional verbs are ignored Pay for for example is ignored because it introduces a further participant (the commodity bought) not incuded in pay (with) and pay (to)

Table 1657

Type [DI) Type [D2a] Type[D2b]

EXAMPLE serve (Jaek scampi) serve (searnpi) serve (Jack) to (Jack) with (scampi)

[DI + 2a + 2b) pay payto pay with provide (AmE) providefor provide with serve serve to serve with tel tell to tell about

[DI + 2a) (l) bring bring to den deny to give give lo

grant gram to hand hand to leave leave tofor lend lend to offer offer to owe oweto promise promiseto read read lo send send to show show to teaeh teaeh to throw throw to

(ii) do doacutefor find findfor make makefor order order for reserve reservefor save savefor spare sparefor

(iii) ask askof

1658

[DI + 2b]

[Di]

[D2a + 2b]

[D2a]

[D2b)

envy excuse forgive

allow eharge fine refuse wish

blameon supply forto

address to announee to eommunieate to explain to sayto

envyfor exeusefor forgivefor

blamefor supply with

advise about punishfor etc

The membership of[D2b] is numerous Here are further examples arranged by prepositions

thankfor eonvineeof robof refer to preventfmm depriacutevenf ltuspee f 9f sentenee to proleet from informof warnof subject ro imerest in persuadeof congratulate on treat to aecuseof relieveof confine to charge with convictof remindof introduce to compare with

Note that reflexive verbs (cf 625) sometirnes oecur with a prepositional object eg We pride ourselves on the serviee we ofler Sorne of the verbs abo ve (such as compare with) ean have two inanimate objects

In Table 1657 we have distinguished under[Dl + 2a] verbs taking to as their preposition from those takingfor eg

(i) She sent Paul a present She sent a present to Paul (ji) She made Paul a meaL She made a mealfor Paul

Occasionally a preposition other than to and for oceurs in this function

OiO She asked Paul a favour She asked a favour ofPaul

Distinct from [D2aJ and [D2bJ aboye is a kind of prepositional verb which has already been discussed in 167-8 a verb for which the direet object forms part of an idiomatic unit with the verb and the preposition The syntactic properties of this type which we label (D2e] have already been dealt with and it is enough here to list a further sample ofsueh idioms

1212 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1213I I

eateh siacuteght of make allowanee for put a stop to give place to make fun of set jire to give way to make afuss overabout take aeeount Ofl keep pace with make roomfor take advantage ojI lose sight of make use ojI take eare of 1

lose toueh with pay attention to 1 take note ojI lose traek of put an end to take notice ojI

Those marked with a raised 1 can take not only a prepositional passive (ef 167-8) but also can easily take a passive for which the idiomatically-fixed direct object beco mes subject eg (Some) allowanee was made for loss of eamings (Little) notiee was taken of this evento Other verbs can take the passive but with greater difficulty with these examples as with prepositional verbs in general idiomatic cohesion is a matter of gradience

Variants of ditransitive complementation

ID3J Indirect object + that-cIause object 1659 Corresponding to monotransitive verbs ofType [B3] (efI630) are ditransiti ve

verbs for which the direct object is a that-clause

John eonvinced me (that) he was right ~ I was eonvineed (by John) (that) he was right

The second passive is unacceptable when the direct object is a clause That he was right was eonvineed me Thus the first passive (ef 1655) above is the only passive that can occur with this pattern With sorne verbs such as eonvinee above it is impossible to delete the noun phrase object

John conviucJ (lhat) he was riguiacute

With other verbs such as show the indirect object is optional

The professor of mathematics showed me that Pythagoras was mistaken ~ The professor of mathematics showed that Pythagoras was

mistaken

Ditransitive verbs followed by a that-clause may be divided into a subtype introducing an indirect statement and a subtype introducing an indirect directive (ef 1433) In the indirect statement the that-clause contains an indicative verb in the indirect directive the verb may be indicative or subjunctive and often contains putative should or another modal verb (ef 1632 for the distribution ofthese options)

INDIRECT STATEMENT

May 1 inform you that your order is ready for eolleetion INDIRECT DIRECTIVE

mightbeShe petitioned the king that her father ~ould be pardoned

In the following list Type (i) verbs introduce indirect statements and Type (H) verbs introduce indirect directives The indirect directive construction is

rare and formal in comparison with the similar infinitive construction (ef 1663)

WOUldI begged her that she should help ltformal) 1 begged her to help ltmore usual)

For those verbs marked O the indirect object is obligatory foc those marked (O) the indirect object is optional for those marked laquoOraquo the indirect object is not only optional but unusual

(i) advise (O) remindO (iiacute) ask3 laquoOraquo assureO satisfyO beg3 (O) bet (O) show3 (O) eharge (O) eonvineeO teaeh3 (O) eommand laquoOraquo forewarn (O) tellO iacutenstruet laquoOraquo informO wager(O) order laquoOraquo notify 3 O warn (O) petition3 (O) persuadelO write2bull 3 (O) tellO promise3 (O)

The superscripts are interpreted as follows

1 Persuade in the sense ofconvince belongs to Type (i) but it may also be used in a Type (iiacute) sense of persuade someone to do something

2 Write is found with an indirect object + that-clause especially in AmE 3 With verbs so marked the indiacuterect object can be replaced by a

prepositional object (ef 1660)

Note Superficially similar W the [D3] pallern is lhe impersonal construction Iacutef strikeslstruck me (Ihal) asin

It strikes me this work is for his own amusement But here the Ihal-c1ause (as in 1634) is the extraposed subject of the verbo Compare He strikes me as (cf1646 Note [el) and lt occursto me that (cfI634 Note [e))

ID3prl Prepositionalobject + that-cIause object 1660 The verbs marked 3 in the aboye list can be optionally followed by a

preposition thus forming a category similar to [D2a] in 1656

He promised laquoto) me) that the debt would be repaid

For most verbs of [03] which permit a prepositional object the preposition is to

He wrote to me He reported to me that etc

Exceptions are ask and beg which (in somewhat formal usage) are followed by the preposition of

I askbegofyou that you will keep this secret ltformal)

There is in addition a group of verbs which were classified in 1631-32 as monotransitive but which optionally allow the preposition to preceding a prepositional object These may be distinguished as Type [D3pr] and subdivided into sub-types (i) and (iacutei) as in the paraUel description of [B3] verbs

1214 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Joan mentioned (to me) that her father was siacuteck [Type (O] Or Oay recommended (to her) that the treatment be continued [Type (ii)]

For elample

(i) acknowledge declare remark (ji) propose admit explain repon recommend announce mention say suggest complain pointout signal eoness prove state

As before Type (i) verbs introduce indirect statements and the less numerous Type (ii) verbs introduce indirect directives As befare too sorne exceptional verbs take a preposition other than to

She demanded ome that She agreed with me that etc

Unlike the nonprepositional verbs of [03] these prepositional verbs alow the that-c1ause to become subject of a corresponding passive clause an option which is more acceptable with extraposition

That several ministers are resigning has been admitted to our correspondent ~ It has been admitted to our correspondent that several ministers

are resigning It has been shown to us al that Miss Jones was innocent

Without the preposition ie with an ordinary indirect object such sentences are at best marginally grammatical 1It has been shown us al that Miss Jones was innocent

~~otc The constructions of lt appc-siexclappe(~iexclcfurseems ro me ha slipclfidaly appear ti) bclvuumlg to the paltero [D3prl but in faet these contain monotransitive verbs with an extraposed tnatshyelause as subject

It occurredlseemed to me that he was Iying esimilar patteros with extraposition in 1634 1659 Note

ID4) Indirect object + finite wh-c1ause object 1661 This pattern of complementatiacuteon is primarily found with the verb ask which

introduces a reported question

John asked me what time the meeting would end ~ 1 was Gsked (by John) what time the meeting would end

AIso used with this pattern are verbs which take an indirect object followed by a that-clause (Type (i) of [03]) but for these the wh-clause tends to be limited 10 nonassertive contexts (cf1635) Compare

George didnt tell them that the train was late [1] George didn t tel them whether the train was late [21

The difference of meaning between the that- and whether-constructiacuteons can be stated in terms of presupposition Sentence [1] typically implies that the train was late while [2] is noncommittal on the matter [04] verbs can also introduce other question words such as where and how

Tvpes of verb complementation 1215

Jim was reluctant to inform us (o) where he got the money Would you remind me (about) how we start the engine

A preposition may always be placed before the wh-c1ause In the aJiexclove cases the prepositiacuteon is optional but in the case of verbs like enquire o (Type [04prJ) the preposition is obligatory iexcl enquired ofthe clerk which doeuments were needed The complex preposition as to can be rather general1y used for introducing the wh-clause eg I enquired as to which documents were needed

[D5) Indirect object + wh-infinitive clause object 1662 This is yet another complementation pattern (comparable with [B5] 1637)

which may be taken by sorne verbs listed under[03] in 1659

advise ask instruct remind show teach tell wam

The instructor taught us how lo land saely - We were taught (by the instructor) how to land saely

They advised him what lO wear in the tropies Please remind me where to meet you afier lunch

The equivalent prepositional verb pattern [05pr] is iIIustrated by suggest to recommend to

Could you please suggest to the visitors which museums to visit

Here as in the [04] type a prepositional phrase introduced by as lO can be used

Helen advised us (as to) how to maintain the machine

f~ iexcl llt ~- I ~ i ~

~i ~ ~~

1663 ID61lndirect object + to-infinitive clause object We have seen that the [03] pattern may be used to introduce indirect statements and that the [04] pattern may be used to introduce indirect questions Now we tuen to the verbs of class [06] which introduce indirect directives (c1433)

1 lOldjadvisedjpersuaded Mark to see a doctor ~ Mark was toldjadvisedjpersuaded to see a doctor

[I] [2]

This complementation category looks like those of[B81 and [C5] in that the verb is followed by a noun phrase and an infinitive construction But the [06] pattern differs from these in that the noun phrase following the verb is an indirect object as will be c1arified in 1666 below As with other verbs introducing indiacuterect speech the subject refers to the speaker of sorne speech act and the indirect object refers to the addressee Like [03] verbs [06] verbs form only the first passive exemplified in [2] above we do not find To see a doctor was lOld Mark The folowing verbs belong to this c1ass

advise command entreat instruct remind teach ask counsel exhort invite request1 tell beg detai[l orbid order recommend urge beseech direct implore persuade challenge enjoin 1 incite l prayl

1216 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Those verbs marked with araised 1 do not have the equivalent construction with a that-clause containing a modal or a subjunctive verb (Types [B3(ii)J [030i)]) Contrast

They ~eg~tedd her to stay another week mm e

They ~eKgtedd (her) that she would stay another week mm e

The alternative that-clause construction however is more formal especially when the indirect object is presento

Note [a] The verb promire when it occurs wiacuteth this kind of complementation is exceptional in that the understood subject of the infinitiacuteve is identified with the subject rather than with the object of the maiacuten c1ause

Sarn prornised me to get some rood

= Sam promised me that he would get sorne roed o Sam promised me that lwould get sorne roed

The present pattern [D6] iexcls however less cornmon with promise than the [B6] pattern without the indiacuterect object Sam promised to get someiexclood lb] Only ordercan be followed by a passive infinitive He ordered Ihem lo be impriacutesonedlreleased

Multiple analysis and gradience in verb complementation 1664 Before we leave verb classification it is important to reflect on the problems

of dividing verbs into complementation types The major division of complementation patterns into copular [AJ monotransitive [BJ complex transitive [C] and ditransitive [OJ categories (introduced in 216) has been extended with little difficulty te include patterns in which the verbs ccmplementation includes finite and nonntildenitc clauses This is the basis rOiacute

the classification Qf verbs into types in 1620-63 aboye But unavoidably our aim of presenting a clear classification has obscured sorne problems of gradience and multiple analysis (e 260ff) and to illustrate these we return to three superficially iacutedentical structures aIread y discussed in 1636 These are now illustrated with three new examples each of which conforms to the pattern NI V N 2 to V N 3 (where N = noun phrase and V = verb phrase)

Table L664a

V N2 to V NJNI

[B8] S V O

We like all parents to visit the schooL

I [1]

[C4] Is V O Co

They James therace I [2]

[D6] I S Oiexcl

We I asked I the students I toattend

Ia lectu~en_~

Types of verb complementation 1217

Each ofthese sentences consists ofthe sequence Niexcl V N 2 to V N 3 and yet we have analysed them respectively as monotransitive (S V O) complex transitive (S V degCol and ditransitiacuteve (S V Oiexcl 0d) A different analysis in sorne ways more revealing would recognize an overlap between two competing descriptions of the intennediacuteate noun phrase N2 There is little doubt that in [1 J this is to be analysed as subject of the infinitive clause (e 1636) whereas in [3J there are equally strong reasons for regarding N as (indirect) object of the main clause (e 1666)

Smiddot V S V O 1shyI I

I I ISmiddot V 0 V OI I I I I iexcl I I I I I I I I I iexcl

NI V Nz 10 V NJ NI V N2 lo V N) I I I I

Fig 1664b Sentence[l] Fig 1664c Sentence [3J

Sentence [2J however partakes ofboth these descriptions From the semantic point of view it requires the analysis of Fig 1664b (ef They expeeted [that James would win the race]) But from the structural point of view the analysis in Fig 1664c is more appropriate reflecting N2s ability to become subject of the passive sentence James was expeeted to win the raee We might reasonably say that in [2J N 2 behaves like an object (0 rather than Oiacute) in relation to the first verb but like a subject in relation to the second infinitive verh Tbe term RAISED OBJECT applied in 1649ffto the intermediate noun phrase of patterns [C4 - Cn incorporates yet another way of recognizing this double analysis by envisaging a process whereby the subject of the infinitive becomes the object of the preceding finite verbo This raised object will be symbolized in what follows SO

1665 Given that the double analysis aboye provides sorne insight into clauses containing nonfinite complementation we could take such an analysis further and apply it to aH complex transitive patterns including the more straightforward SVOC and SVOA pattems of[Cl - C3]

that John is a good driver lB3J 1consider John to be a good driver [C4]

John a good driver [C2]

The paraHelism of meaning and phrasal relations demonstrated in these three sentences recommends an analysis in which the complementation of pattern [C2J John a good driver would be regarded as a clause in its own right ie as a verbless clause consisting of S = John and Cs = a good driver without an intervening V This description would not however displace the by now familiar S V Od Co analysis but would rather be seen as an alternative way of looking at the same construction

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1218 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Gradience 1666 The teehnique of multiple analysis stiU leaves some subtletiacutees unexposed

What this teehnique has suggested is that there are the folowing three eategories eorresponding to [1 in 1664

N 2 S We like all parenls to visit the school [1) N2 = SO They expeeted James to win the raee [2] Nz = O We asked Ihe sludents to attend a leeture

But more than three eategories ean be appropriately distinguished if we reeognize [1) and [3] as end-points of a gradient with [2) at some point on the seate between them This area of grammar affords a good example of gradienee

At the monotransitive end of the seale [I) ean be characterized by a number of criteria whieh suggest that N 2 to V N3 (al parents to visit the school) constitutes the direct object of an SVO pattern

(a) It ean be replaced by a pronoun referring to the cIause or noun phrase nominalizing it We like it We like al parens visits

(b) It can be an answer to a what-question A What do you like best

B We like al parents to visit the school (e) In some dialects it can be preceded by the infinitive clause introdueer

for We like (it)for all parens to visit the school (d) It ean easily (when preeeded by for) be the focus of a pseudo-cIeft

sentence What we like (best) is for al parents to visit the school (e) When the sequenee N 2 to V N 3 is turned into the passive form N 3 to be

Vedz by Nz there is no ehange ofmeaning We ike aIl parents to visit the sehcel

= We like the school te be visited biexcl al parents (f) In a reduced construetion the infinitive marker to remains We like them

does not have the same meaning as We like them to

At the other ditransitive end of the seale a eontrasting set of criteria eharaeterize [3) and support the analysis of N2 (the students) as an indireet object and to V N3 (to attend a lecture) as a cIausal direet objeet

(a) 10 V N 3 ean be replaced by a pronoun a noun phrase or a finite clause with Nz still funetioning as indireet object

SOmething We asked the students a question

what they wanted

(b) 10 V N 3 can be the answer to a wh-question while N2 funetions as indirect object

A What did you ask the students B We asked them to attend a lecture

(e) When the sequenee N2 to V N3 is turned into the passive sequence N3 to be Ved2 by N 2 the meaning is always changed

They asked the students to attend a leeture They asked a lecture to be attended by the students

this case indeed the passive transform results in an absurdity)

Types of verb complementation 1219

(d) to V N 3 can marginally become the focus of a pseudo-cleft sentence What they asked the students was to attend a lecture (Contrast the decidedly unaeeeptable What we like the parents is to visil the school)

(e) Nz which like Oi in general is usually personal can be detached from its place after the first V to beeome subjeet of a eorresponding passive sentenee The students were asked to attend a lecture

(n In a reduced eonstruction the infinitive marker to ean be omitted We asked them We persuaded them etc

Note [a] With some ditransitive verbs criterion (a) has to be interpreted as the replacement of the infinitive clause by a preposition and prepositional object (cfI656-8)

They reminded hiacutem ofhis responsibiacutelities One man challenged the other lo a duel

[b] Criterion (d) is less reliacuteable than the others since the pseudo-cleft sentence is unacceptable for many verbs But a pseudo-cleft sentence in which the indirect object is replaced by a prepositional object tends to be more grammatical Whal Ihey asked ollhe sludenls was lO attend a leclure (The alternative construction with the substitute verb do which also occurs with [1] is always more acceptable What Ihey asked Ihe students lo do was lO attend a lecture)

1667 To give a simplified illustration of the analysis of gradience in the sequence NI V N 2 to V N 3 we now take a subset ofthe eriteria listed aboye and apply them to a range of verbs on the gradient eonneeting [1] and [3] of 16_66

(1) (3) (4)(2) wantask elect intend

CRITERIA likeallow expectlel~ etc I etc etc etc~ (a) lo V N 3 can be replaeed by - - -+a finite clause

(e) ehange of meaning in passive -+ +of N 2 10 VN3

(e) N 2 can beeome subjeet of passive -+ ++

Fig 1667 A eomplementatiacuteon gradient

The matrix uses only three criteria and thereby distinguishes only four categories This is sufficient to indicate the principie however that the three categories [BS] [C4] and [D6) of our taxonomy eould be broken down iexclnto a finer spectrum of eategories between which the differences are small In effeet Fig 1667 distinguishes two subeategories of [C4] one (including elect and allow) whieh is c10ser to the ditransitive type and one (including inlend and expect) eloser to the monotransitive type Elect and allow respond to cri terion (e)

They elected Miss Coe to suceeed the present seeretary They elected the present seeretary to be sueceeded by Miss Coe

We dont allow residents to entertain visitors We dont allow visitors to be entertained by residents

1220 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

while intend and expeet do not

They intended the students to see the professor = They intended the professor to be seen by the students

They expeet the students to enjoy the classes = They expeet the classes to be enjoyed by the students

Note Por verbs in group (3) the voice oflhe infinitive clause and the voiceofthe main clausemay be independently varied with the result Ihat a SlIacutentence like They expected the students lo enjoy lile classes has tbree corresponding passiv~s with iexclhe same meaning

They expected the classes to be enjoyed by the students The students were expecled lo enjoy the classes

The classes were expected lo be enjoyed by the students

The last example has a passive verb phrase in both the superordinate clause and Ihe infinitive clame

Adjective complementation

168 Categories of complementation in adjective phrases (ef 228 721-2) are similar in variety to those ofverb complementation We distinguish [El-ES)as follows

[El] Complementation by a prepositional phrase [E2] Complementation by a that-clause [E3] Complementation by a wh-clause

i[E4) Complementation by a than-clause [ES] Complementation by a to-infinitive clause [E6] Complementation by an -ing participle clause

These complementation patterns can occur after an adjective (andmiddot its modifiers if any) in various syntactic functions For example

The violiacuten iacutes (rather) difficut to play (adjective phrase as CJ

Mary found the violiacuten (rather) diffieut to play (adjective phrase as CJ

The violiacuten is an instrument (rather) diffieult to play (adjective phrase as postmodifier)

The on1y posiacutetion in which an adjective cannot normally be followed by iacutets complementation is the premodifying position in a noun phrase a keen child on ehess But here too with certain constructions (Types [ES(iraquo) and [ES(v)D the complementation can follow discontinuously after the head noun The violiacuten is a diffieult instrument to play (ef discontinuity with comparative constructions IS75) For illustrative purposes we will confine examples in the following sections to the subject complement function The lists like the verb lists in 1620-63 will be selective

Adjective complementation 1221

Note There is a considerable parallel as the categories [El-ES] aboye demonstrate between patterns associated with adjectives and those associated with monotransitive verbs The chief difference is that adjectives cannot be followed by a noun phrase object To bring out the parallel further we could describe adjectives exemplified in 1669 below (averse to conscous oJ etc) as prepositional adjectives comparable with prepositional verbs We could moreover identify phrasal adjectives (derived from participiaI forms ofphrasal verbs) such as ron down (exhausled depressed) and phrasaI-prepositionaI adjectives such as fed up (with) These tatter variants however are rare enough lo be disregarded in the foUowing lists

[E1] Adjective complementation by a prepositional phrase 1669 Like prepositional verbs adjectives often forro a lexical unit with a following

preposition good atfond oj opposedto etc The lexical bond is strongest with adjectives for which in a given sense the complementation is obligatory Max is averse to games Max is averse Such adjectives are marked 1 in the following lists

The lists make a distinction between participial (ef 715-19) and nonparticipial adjectives The differencebetween participial adjectives and the -ed participle of the passive construction is discussed in 375-77 These lists provide on1y a small sample of the adjectives accompanying the prepositions concemed In particular it is often possible for the same adjective to go with two or more prepositions as in angry about angry at and angrywith

ABOUT He was very worried about her reaction (ef960)

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

angry knowledgeabe aggrieved frightened glad mad annoyed pleased happy reasonable delighted worried

AT She was badat mathematics (ef962)

NONP ARTICIPIAL P ARTlCIPIAL

angry good alarmed disgusted brilliant hopeless amusedmiddotmiddot pleased elever terrible delighted puzzled

FROM Thevillage is remotefromthe bustle ofcity life (ef918 947)

different distant distinct free remo te

OF She was aware ofhis difficulties

NONPARTlCIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

eonvineed ashamed empty proud1 afraid conseiousl glad

seared eapable fond 1 short1 tired certain full worthy

ONUPON Their plan was based on cooperation

NONPARTICIPIAL IPARTICIPIAL

contingent1 intent1 reliantl basedl set1

dependent keen severe hentl

Yiexcl

1222 Complementation of verbs and adjectives ~ Adjective complementation 1223

Note lal In general choice of preposilion remains the same after morphologicalIy related verbs adjectives and nouns differentftom differ from differencefrom But Ihis eorrespondence is not always lo be relied on contrastfull ofwilhfilied wllh proudofwith pride in lb] Other prepositions whieh less comrnonly enlee into adjective + prepositlon idioms iexclnelude for and lowards graleful for sorry for inclined towards le] Usedfollowed by the preposition lO a more informal synonym ofaccustomed(to) is participial in spelling but has the speeial pronuneiation nus~ Unlike accustomed however used does not oceur with a following infinitive (ef 1679) This adjeetival used to in spite of identity of spelling and pronunciation is quite distinet from used lO as a marginal modal (cf344) Contrast

Im used lO hard work I used ro work hard Id] In the past prescriptive objeetions have been made to the use of to ralher Ihan from after averse and different Howevee ro is the normal preposition to fol1lt11 averse and differenr 10 is quite widely used (esp in BrE) as an altemative lo differentfrom On iJifferent rhan cf1566 Note 1674

le] Wilh can be omitted after (fn)compalibie if the subject is plural cfmutual participation 1360

middotCarl is incompatible OUT Cad and Eva are incompatible

[E2] Adjective complementation by a that-clause 670 Like that-clauses following a verb that-clauses folIowiacuteng an adjective may

have

(A) indicative verb 1am sure (that) he is here now (B) subjunctiacuteve verb They were insistent (that) we be ready (formal) (C) putativeshould Im sorry (that) he should hove left ltformal)

The uses of the mandative subjunctive and of putative should have been discussed in 359 and 1425 respectiacutevely Putative should often occurs after expressions of emotion (sorrowjoy displeasure surprise wonder etc) and is often accompanied by intensifying expressions such as so such like thisl that ever or at all The indicative that-clause on the other hand refers to an established fact The foHowing pairs illustrate choices of construction

1 (that) 1 have to leave so early am sorry (that) you should have been (so) inconvenienced

(that) you didnt call the doctor before 1 am surprised (that) anyone ofyour intelligence should swallow a tie

likethat

With some adjectives (those in category [E2b(iiacute)] 1672) the should-clause can be paraphrased by an infinitive clause with a subject

It was natural for him to go to London after the war = It was natural that he should go to London after the war

That-clauses cannot be preceded by preposiacutetions Hence adjectives which are constructed with prepositions before noun phrases ([El]) drop the preposition before a that-clause (cfI628) Compare the folIowing

OfhiS innocence [E1 ] 1am convlnced (th ) h t [E2]at e IS mnocen

Many that-clauses folIowing an adjective are actualIy subjects postponed by extraposition (cf1833)

lt is lucky (that) you came - That you came is lucky

These are listed separately in 1672

lEla) Adjectives with experiencer (cflO23 Note) as subject 1671 (i) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATIVE VERB ONL Y (cfNote [a] below)

These adjectives express degrees of certainty or confidence aware certain corifident sure

We were corifident that Karen was stiacutell alive

(ii) THAT-CLAUSE HAS PUTATIVE SHOULD OR SUBJUNCTIVE VERB

(or marginally aloo an indicative verb) The three principal adjectives in this class are anxious eager and willing

he should be permitted to resiacutegn 1 Are you willing that he be permitted to resign 1

1he is permitted to resign 1 ~

(On the distribution of these three altematives cfI630)

(iH) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATIVE VERB OR PUTATIVE SHOULD

These adjectives express emotions

Im so thankful that nobody was hurto Were you surprised that Ray should win the prize

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

afraid hopeful alarmed depressed horrified angry proud amazed disappointed irritated glad sad amused distressed pleased grateful sorry annoyed disturbed shocked happy tha7lkful astonished frightened upset

There is a tendency to prefer the putative should construction in nonassertive contexts or where the adjective has negative or unfavourshyable associations

TO AH capital gains are subject to taxation NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

answerable close liableacute accustomedl

averse l due1 simz1ar allied1I WiTH This plan is not compatible with our princiacuteples

NONPARTICIPIAL I PARTICIPIAL

angry busy

happy impatient

annoyed bored

ClJmfortable incompatible1 concerned compatibleacute sick delighted content familiar friendly furious

uneasy depressed disappointed disgusted dismayed distressed

inclined1

opposed1

drunk enchanted obsessed occupied overcome pleased satisfied taken1

1672

1224 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Adjective complementatlon 1225

Note [a] The restriction oC Type (i) above lo indicative verbs only is meant to allow Cor the use of T

Note [a] Although tlle pro-forms so and n01 cannot be used after tllese [E2bI adjectives (ef 1671modal auxiliaries including should in a nonputative sense eg I am a~are that I should [= ought 1lo] havejoined longago iexcl Note [bJ) there iexclsa possibilityofreplacing the adjective + solnat by a related adverb + sonot

[b) Afraid is unique among adjectives in that it accepts the pro~oun so (and iexclts negative equivalent Mt) as a that-clause substitute (cfI631) rm afraid SOMI

IElbJ Adjectives with anticipatory it as subject

The that-elause in this eonstruetion is an extraposed subjeet Three types are again distinguished matehing those in 167l

(i) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATlVE VERBONLY (cfI671 Note CaD These adjectives have to do with truthor knowledge

It is true that she never cemes on time

apparent evident likely possible untrue certain implicit obvious true well-known clear indubitable plain unlikely

(ji) THAT-CLAUSE HAS PUTATIVIl SHOULD OR SUBJUNCTIVE VERB (or marginshyaIly also an indicative verb) These adjectives express eoncepts concerned with modality or volition

should be lifted tomorrow It is essential that the ban be lifted tomorrow

(1) is lifted tomorrow

appropriate essentiacuteal important necessary vital compulsory fitting impossible obligatoryshycrucial imperative improper proper

Various deverbal adjectives ending in -able also belong to this group egadvisable desrabIe preferable

(iii) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATlVE VERB OR PUTATIVE SHOULD

This group consists mainly of emotive adjectives and ineludes a large num ber ofparticipial ad jecti ves ending in -ing

Itmiddot strange th t She is so late IS upsetting a she should be so late

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTlCIPIAL

awkward logical alarming perplexing curious odd annoying pleasing disastrous peculiar depressing shocking dreadful sad disappointing surprising extraordinary silly embarrassing fortunate tragie frightening iexclrrational unfortunate irritating

Various -able-ible adjectives also be10ng tp this group admirable eommendable deplorable despieable incomprehensible inconceivable lamentable remarkable understandable unjustifiable etc

ha h l Id l h B Yes obviouslyfortunately soA 1 t IS apparentt t s e IVes oesn t Ive ere B N J I I di t o event y sa y no [b] When an adjective ofType (iii) above occurs after a modal verb construction the that-clause is commonly replaced by an if-clause If the modal verb in the main c1ause is hypothetical (eg would) the verb in the ifmiddotdause is placed in tlle hypothetical pasto Compare

It is sad that you have to leave It will be sad ifyou hove to lea ve

It would be sad ifyou had lo lea ve

[E3] Adjective complementation by a wh-clause 1673 As with that-clauses we have to distinguish those adjeetives ([E3a]) which

are predicated of an experieneer (normalIy a person) as subject and those ([E3bD which go with antieipatory it In the latter case the wh-clause is an extraposed subject Examples are

(onwhat 1should sayo [1]E3a 1was unsure[ 1 (about) whether the problem was solved [2]

[E3b] It was unclear what they would do [3]

Type [E3a1 consists of adjectives which are constructed with prepositions and whieh therefore belong also to Type [EI1 The preposition is sometimes omitted before the wh-clause (ef155 Note reD In Type [E3b] on the other hand no preposition can be inserted bull It was uneear ofabout what lhey would do AIso no infinitive wh-cIause is possible (ef i637) It is unsure where to go is unacceptable unless it refers to sorne aniacutemate being (sueh as a mouse) and is consequently not interpreted in terms of extraposition

Retuming to Type [E3a] we note that in sorne cases the adjective takes a wh-elause in assertive eontexts eg eareful (about) doubtful (as to) fussy (about) puzzled (as to) uneear (about) uncertain (o) undecided (about) unsure (0) unaware (o)

John is careul (about) what he does with his money

Most of these adjeetives are intrinsiealIy negative In meaning In other cases although elsewhere it is associated with an indicative that-clause [E2a(i)] the adjective tends to oceur with a wh-cIause in nonassertive contexts (efI635) eg aware certain eear sure

Are you sure (o) how mueh the maehine costs 1wasnt altogether cleaiexcl- (about) what we had to do

A similar division may be made among adjectives of the antieipatory-it type ([E3b]) Those whieh intrinsieally express doubt and therefore take this strueture even in assertive contexts include doubtful uneertain uneear unsure and unknown Those normally oceurring with an indieative that-elause (le Type [E2b(i)]) inelude apparent eertain obvious and plain They can take a wh-cIause in nonassertive contexts Each type is illustrated in

It was uneear whether an amendment would be accepted It was not obvious how far the westernization process would IO

~ltgt ~~~1~ 1 -~ Adjective complementation 1227

1226 Complementation of verbs and adjectives iexcl

After adjectives of Type [E3a] there may also occur an infinitive wh-clause 1 was uncertain (oi) what to do This is preferable to the finite c1ause in cases illustrated by [1-3] aboye since the subject can remain unexpressed in the reduced nonfinite version

[E4] Adjective complementation by a than-clause 1674 There is an unusual construction in which a noncomparative adjective is

foIlowed by a comparative than-clause as complementation Different is the only adjective which fits into this pattero and even then there is a tradition which regards the use of than here as impropero There is however no felicitous alternative to the different than construction in examples such as

Shes quite a different girl than she wasfilie years ago [11 The various styliacutestic variants of and alteroatives to the than-clause after different are examined in 1566 Note lb] When the c1ause is reduceacuted to a noun phrase it becomes possible to usefrom as an alternative to than

The unions are taking a very different attitude ~ the employers

When the noun phrase folIowing thanffrom cannot be derived by ellipsis from a c1ause than is decidedly less acceptable thanfrom

The main languages of southern India are totaIly different In origin

~~~ those ofthe northern partofthe country

Note [al On differenlrom and different 10 1669 Note [dI [bj It is aloo possible for a Ihan-c1ause to be used after he adverb difilrently

In the west of the country they pronounce their vowels quite aifferently han (they do) in the easl

The same prescriptive objections are made to differenlly Ihan as to different Ihan

[E5] Adjective complementation by a to-infinitive clause [675 We distinguish seven kinds of construction in which an adjective is foIlowed

by a to-infinitive c1ause They are exemplified in the following sentences which are superficially alike

Bob is splendid to wait (ii) Bob is slow to react

(iii) Bob is sorry to hear it (iv) Bob is hesitant to agree with yOU (v) Bob is hard to convince

(vi) The food is ready to eat (vii) lt is important to be accurate

In Types (i-iv) the subject of the main clause (Bob) is also the subject of the infinitive c1ause We can therefore always have a direct object in the infinitive clause if its verb is transitive Por example if we replace intransitive wait by transitive build in (i) we can have Bob is splendid to build this house

Por Types (v-vii) on the other hand the subject of the infinitive is unspecified although the contextoften makes clear which subject is intended

In these types it is possible to insert a subject preceded by for eg in Type (vi) The food is ready (jOr Ihe children) to eat

Infinitive complementation following adjectives modified by lOO and enQugh is discussed eIse Note where in 1S73

(ES(i)) Bob is Iplendid to wait Type (i) has an analogue in a construction involving extraposition (cf1833)1676 1t is splendid of Bob lo wait This type OC construction also permits a head noun between the adjective and the infinitive

Bob must be a spiendid craftsman ~ ~~bUilt this house

As this example shows the infinitive may be perfective We may also compare constructions in which an evaluative noun with its determiner

replaces the adjective

ffoolishYourelafool to spend so mucho

WOnderfUl Youre 1 to walt for me anange

Adjectives in this group are evaluative of human beha~iour They inelude

careful crazy mad silly wise careless greedy nice unwise wrong

These adjectives can also occur with anticipatory il and an of-phrase as additional complementation (cf1682)

It was foolish of you to spend so mucho

IE5(Hraquo) Bob is IOW to react In Type (ii) the sentence corresponds to one in which the adjective becomes 1677 an adverbwhile the infinitive becomes the finite verb

Bob is slow to react - Bob reacts slowlyc

In another analogue the adjective is followed by in and an -ing participle Bob is slow in reacting The infinitive verb phrase must be simple for example unlike the inftnitive phrase in [E5(i)] it cannot be perfective Bob is slow ItJ have reacted Other adjectives in this small group are quick and prompt

There is also a partial adverbial analogue (e8127ff) for Type (i) but in Type (i) unlike Type Note (ii) the perfective infinitive andeven the get-passive (e366) can be used

loan was wise to resigno ~ loan wisely resigned loan was careless to get beaten - loan carelessly got beaten

loan is careless to have got beaten

IES(iuumlraquo) Bob is 10rry lo hear it In Type (iexcliexcli) the head of the adjective phrase is an emotive adjective 1678 (commonly a participial adjective) and the infinitive clause expresses

causation

1679

1228 Complementation of verbs end adjectives

Im sorry to have kept you waiting [rm sorry because I have kept you waiting]

1 was exeited to be there [- To be there exeited me]

Adjectives in this group correspond c10sely to the adjectives followed by a that-clause in 1671 (Type [E2a(iii)D

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

afraid angry ashamed content furious glad

happy impatient indignant jubilant thankful

annoyed astonished bored coneerned delighted depressed

disgusted dissatisfied embarrassed fasemated frightened interested

overwhelmed perturbed puzzled relieved surprised worried

disappointed overjoyed

IE5(ivraquo) Boh is heaitant to agree withyou In Type (iv) the head of the adjective phrase expresses volitional meaning or a modal meaning such as ability possibility or liability Examples are

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

able keen determined anxious Iiable disposed apt Iikely [E2b] fated[E2b] eertain [E2b] loath inclined curious powerless poiseddue prone prepared eager ready [E5] (all) set eligible reluetant unqualified fit [ES] sure [E2b] free [ES] unable greedy weleome hesitant willing impotent worthy

The adjectives marked [E2b] occur with a corresponding construction with extraposition of a that-clause

JilI is likely to attend - It is likely that JiU will attend

Those marked [E5] are capable of occurring with an infinitive construction of passive meaning ie with an indefinite implied subject and a coreferential implied object

Theyare not fit to eat = They are not tit to be eaten

Some ofthe most common adjectives in this list have a tendency to coalesce with the preceding copula 10 form a semimiddotauxiliary verb (ef3A7) be able to be willing to be sure to In addition to modal and volitional adjectives some adjectives ofaspectual meaning such as aeeustomed and wont may be placed here

Adjective complementation 1229

We are aecustomedto take teaon the terrace (formal) He was wont to leave the office at 5 pm (formal archaic)

(ES(vraquo) Bob is lard to convince 1680 In Type (v) the subject of the sentence is identified with the unexpressed

object of the infinitive clause which must therefore have a transitive verb hence the unacceptable Bob Is hard to arrive There is an analogous construction in which the adjective is complement to an infinitive c1ause acting as (extraposed) subject (ef 1836)

- To convince Bob is hard Bob IS hard to convmce It is hard to convince Bob

Adjeeacutetives so used refer 10 degrees of ease or comfort and iexclnclude

awkward hard tough (informal) eonvenient impossible trieky (informal) difficult niee (informal) unpleasant easy pleasant

Unless there is ellipsis we cannot omit the infinitive c1ause and so there is no semantic implication between (say) The bread was hard to bake and The bread was hard Unlike the preceding types Type (v) permitsfor + subject to be inserted at the beginning of the infinitive clause Those darts are trieky (for a beginner) to use Where the infinitive has no overt subject its implicit subject is understood to have an indefinite meanihg

Jack is easy 10 fool =Jack is easy for anyone to foo

Note With some adjectives in this group such as nice or unpleasant the entailment relation between be + adjective ro V and be + adjective is less easy lO avoid eg Jenny is nice lo know iacutemplies that Jenny is nice

IE5(viraquo) Thefood is ready to eat 1681 Again in this type the subject of the main clause is identified with the object

of the intinitive c1ause But unlike Type (v) Typemiddot(vi) has no analogous construction with an infinitive clause subject

The food is ready to eat To eat the food is ready

Also we can generally (a) omit the infinitive clause or (b) substitute a passive infinitive clause without change ofmeaning

Are these cups available (to use) = Are these cups available (to be used)

Some adjectives of this type such as availablefitfree ready and suffieient belong additionally 10 Type (iv) so that a sentence like The lamb ia ready to eat is ambiguous in one sense (the most accessible) being equivalent to the passive The lamb is ready to be eaten Then there is a wider set of adjectives which often occur without complementation at all

The air isfrosty (to breathe) Its fur is soft (to touch)

1230 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

In both Type (v) and Type (vi) the subjectofthe main clause can be equated with the prepositional object of the infinitive clause so that the infinitive c1ause ends with a deferred preposition

She is pleasant to talk to (-It is pleasant to talk to her) This paper is terribly flimsy to write on Is the cloth sufficient to make a dress out ol

In Type (vi) as well as in Type (v)for + subjeet may be inserted before the infinitive verb Are these books free (for visitors) to borrow Are these books available to borrow]

(E5(vii)J Jt is important to he accurate 1682 We saw in 1672 that a that-clause following an adjeetive may prove to be a

subjeet postponed by extraposition (ef1833) A to-infinitive clause following an adjeetive may have the same oouree

It is essential to spray the trees every year - To spray the trees every year is essential

The infinitive clause can also be introduced by for + subjeet

It is vital (for the ehildren) to be properly cIad It will be strange (for us) to be living alone

Adjectives ofTypes (ji) and (iii) in 1672 ([E2b]) may have this construction importantJortunate lueky surprising etc Possible also belongs te this group

An addiacutetional group of adjeetives oeeurring after anticipatory it are those adjeetives (ehiefly naming evaluative attributes of persons) whieh occur in pattern [E5(i)] (ef 1676) The adjeetive in this group is often followed byan of-phrase identifying the persones) being discussed

It was wrong (of him) to teIllies iexcli

It is niee ofyou to phone

[E6] Adjective complementation by an -ing participle cfause [683 A number of sub-types ofthis pattem may be mentioned

(i) Busy is followed by an -ing participle clause without subject

Margery is busy writiacuteng Ietters

Worth and worthwhile on the other hand oceur both with and without subjeet

It is seareely worth(while) (youyour) going home

Here worth(while) follows preparatory it and the participle clause is an extraposed subjeet (ef1834) Other adjectives ofthis pattern are pointless and useless (Its pointless buying so mueh food) and adjectives of Type [E2b(iiacutei)J (efl6 72) also sometimes have this complementation absurd awkwardJortunate annoying etc

EIsewhere worth and worthwhile accompany an -ing participle elause without subjeet but with a passive meaning comparable to tbat of the infinitive elause in pattern [E5(v)] (ef1680)

Complementation of abstract nouns 1231

The cartons are worth(while) saving ( Its worth(while) saving the cartens)

(iv) There is a variant eonstruction in whieh a preposition oecurs between the adjective and the participle clause In some cases the preposition is optional (cf(i) aboye)

Im busy (with) getting the house redeeorated Werefortunate (in) having Aunt Mary as a baby-sitter

In other cases the preposition is obligatory We are used to not having a car (cf1669 Note [e]) Im hopeless at keeping the garden tidy Shes not capable oflooking after herself

Note [al The adjectival constructions in (ii) above may be compared in some cases with nominal constructionsof equivalent meaning

ts 110 goaduse telling him anything Theres 110 point (in) telling him anything

8uch constructions are introduced either by anticipatory il (el 1833) or by eltistential there (el 184$) AmE also hu Theres no use telling him anythlng (b) Worthwhlle is sometimes spelled as two words The vacillation between the spellings worthwhile and worth while reflects an unclarity about the status of this sequence which may altematively be regarded as the preposition worth (eI96) followed by a noun Compare

lts not worth your whife staying lts not worlhh whh~e (your) staying worl w 1

Complementation of abstract nouns

1684 In this coneluding section we will show as a conneeting link between this chapter and the next how the pattems of complementation described for verbs and adjectives in 1620-83 are aloo to be found with abstraet nouns which are morphologieally related to those verbs and adjectives (ef nominalization 1751ff and appositional constructions 1726 1735) For example the noun likelihood is derived from and semantically related to the adjective likely It is therefore not surprising that a construction associated with the adjeetive Is found with the corresponding noun

It is likely that Joan will get married [1]

The likelihood is that loan will get married [21 the likelihood that Joan will get married [31

But the assumption of eorrespondence eannot be automatie for it may faiacutel in both direetions

loan is likely to get married Joan s likelihood to get married

It is likely of J oans getting married the likelihood of Joans getting married

------__shyiacute1 11

COMPLEX INTRANSITIVE CONSTRUCTIONS p H MATIHEWS

1 Introduction

In sentences such as [1J

ArR C~Iltiacuteltmiddotli N ([1J Th~deitgreen ~

he construct~oEJ~QLordf JJP~ that GCE850ff describes as 9QMfLEX JRANSITIV~ Ofthe elements in questionit and made are related a~Jn tQllt ~imple transitive

j [2J They made it

YihiJe ir and green a~_~latelasinasimple_ltQI1llar_sentence ( [3] lt is green (- lt

~f the type that following Lyons (l977469ff) raquoe will call ASCRIPTIVE raquouacutet greacuteen- also standsJna direcueJordf9lsJIacuteIL ordm~_iii~de the object and adjective exemplifying a single I2atteIILof VERB COMllEMe~nrJ91 This paUCIDl can be sajd torepresenta IJJS10N (G e E 850) ofJ~ltsimpler transitiv iexcll~J~Jjpiexcly_e_tjPes - _shy

IH~~_sfiE~~Ve can be fused with th~~~tY_e_(lri~alsoP~ fused with theintransitixe1 Insentildetentildeces SUChas[4] -

MI It turned green

~construc~~~~~]y idmtifkQyaacuteth th~ of l3J in both examples the

l]

~ ~ ~ ENGLISH GRAMMAR

verb is described as copularor in the terminology of GCE820f as taking intensive complementation But neither description is quite appropriate to1 both cases In the~ptive sentence there i indeed no mor~than~pYhL~

1 2ampffiMical iP~ betwe~ the adjective and its subject~ plainly this ~ ~ is not true of [4] whose verb TURN has its own specific meaning lf turned~ iacute I is a full verb it must then be the govemor of green as made is in (1) in that

iexcl ~ sense there is cornplernentatjon But we express nothing by assigning such a complernentation to the copula A solution is to c1ass I4] as a COMPLBX

IITMNSITIVE iL~onsect_trJltiordmL being an extension of th~simpleJmransiUacutelLe _shy~ i I5] It turned

j precisely as that of (1) is extended from that of [2)iexcl

2 Fused constructions

Let us take our cue from GCEs referenee to fusionlo the simpl~L =nfu~~~_~~~~~~~)t1ecltgtnstVf1ionconsistso(asingJULeAicJ~tQI(lgde) which in a dependency ana~is has both the subject and the object as its dependents or to adapt G CEs term has both a subjeet and an oJkltt asit complementation lnJhaL~se (2) has a _K1U~~~_~ruetion (Lyons i977) w1jch cannotJiexclJLr~s~Cl9JUnQ(lt_e~mentary relationships of ptediCJJQJkSo too has the simple intransitive (5] vi1ihidepeiioenforior forming the complementation of tumed So too has the simple aseriptive [3] its predicator on the analysis ofLyons and others is the adjective green One reason for relatlng the subject to the adjective is that the elements are jointly subject to selectional restrictions A reason for not relating either to the copula is that the latter stands aside (rom these restrictions adding none ofitsown

In a fused construction the pattem ls neither strictly kernel nor straightforwardly non-kemellnJhegmplex transitive [lL1oth1tan41~Y are again direct ~cngents of made these relatio~_elQ~ the words in FigJbx direC1~ltaI~_uacutela~~I~Qordf-ordfl9blleiexcl)Uumlnamp21uacuteward frollLthe

~d

(aJiquest-Fig 1

[42]

P H Matthew$

p~ed~~ So is green arc el this too being supported by selectional restrictions We are therefore dealing with a single clause rooted in made of which each word is a distinct element But green js a1soapredicator in iexclelation to il (are d)J that wav we are dealing with two kernelp~QlS th~ fuurtermclauseinfQmQrating bothtM_~tuet~[IDJr~JlsitiYlljh~ twoshytenn a~-middot -_shy

In Fig 1 we have diagrammed what any grammarian will propose provided that his terminology or his notational apparatus allow him to say it Iut similar reasonjng applies to the construction which we have called the ~IpJex ln~~-ordfEsitive Of the relationships showninf1g --~~t~~~~_

it turned green

aAacutebJ Fig2

to ir (arcc)_isagainasintheascripJjy~ and needs no further cornment But the final element is clearly suJiexcliect to ru19jtional resr=l~ordmI~ tlTlJRI_ im~~tordm-~~it~~rAUQj~9iY_I9U~l~~ed noun (He turned pink He turned kings eVidence) iQ~~~1lined phrase is exCiuacuteded (He turned arog)

tDle~sthe p~e~~i0rl~lJ9rtn is ~~jordmntildei[qiireifitetuumlmed iexclnto a frog) ~itt G-ordm-1h exdusi(m is abgolule one cannot even say He went into a criminal

f [he adjeqtive is also Iimlted to specific collocations For example one can say It turned sour or Ir went sour but it is harder to accept Ir grew sour 1 Conversely one can say He grew od but not He went od On that evidence

j we may establish a relationship of dependency between green and tumedj (arc b) The verb too can then be related to the subject (arc a)

1 Epgth o~2am~ thefe is one terro ir lVhich is a9~de~~~~t1 theascriptile anCITlieletbalk~m~1 (Fig 1 ares b and d Fig 2 ares a and c) The fusion is then effected by a further link (Fig 1 arc e Fig 2 are b) in which ond of the two predicators een is ineo orat~a~_ ordf d~RendenlO(th~ I re atlon that uirk an4hl~ COU~_~ampI~s-1 jn the case of th complex intransitille hall app1ied the Iean intlaquo=nsve

mmplementatio~gly describe he yaleruLQ(IUN or iexcl l otIllBNinthisuseJuh~int~siYeint[ansitivx But the insight intildeaacute I

alsQ be extended to the complex transitiye In that spirit MAKE or MAKE as

used in sentences such as W might appropriatelL be described ~~_~n_ i ~ntensive transitive -J -bull_--------shy

[43)

ENGLISH GRAMMAR

3 Distinctions between tbe complex intransitive and other partly similar constructions

For a three-term construction Fig 2 shows the maximum number of interconnections with each term related to each of the others The miacutenimum isone thus for the ascriptive (3) we have adopted the structure shown i~

L with l~~E2nd te~~Il2= tlliacuten amaroe~ ordmrS1PP9~g~lexn~~ ~eLClatiacute9D~t~~~~t~first an~~~hir~ But this leaves five other possibilities which in theory might be realized ust as the second element_lt~p~ltmark(r ordfs inEig 3bullKlJQQmgordmHhetordm-iriexcl in thatJ~SiquestOillY

iacutet is green

Fig3

1he_verb vQ1lld_be a predicatorrwithonl)l1he_~ygtject related 10 it This structure does not seem to be realized at least not in away whiacuteCh is -relevant to our analysis Asecond_possibil~iuhatJmly the verb a~ ~~~iexcltiY~L iquestnjgl~~_rell~q in that ca~e bot~redicatoS_w-ordmyldIgt~ impersonal-vUh lh~su~ject a me~m~ce-filler This structure might conceivably be suggested for exampIacuteesmiddotSuumlch as [6]

[6] It got mistier

with a so-called ambient it But although it may indeed be ambient with respect to mistier it need not follow that it is ambient with respect to got

In the remaining cases no element is a marker but there are only two instead of three interconnections Ir there wem no link betw-IlJhe subject ~YMh(Ejg 2 are a) the verb1tSelf would agajn be impersmordf-~ I~ transformational terms its surface subject would be derived by raising (Postal 1974) from a subordinate adjectival clause lf th3ewere no intensiye lipk between the first and second predicators (Fg 2 arWJUlt verb would be a simple intransitive taking just t~_S)lbject as its complementation th~on of tbe adjec1iYtLL~ then be uumlMrn-~0n[7] forexample --- -_~

Eacutel He arrived saber J (~ eacute cc L f ~ 2 f

grammars do not establish an intensive or copular use of ARIUVB Finally

[44]

1 P H Marrhew$

if the ascriQive lik wer~~2ken iacuteEiKbJ~~ f)hHordmjlti~~ment woulordm-no longer bJlta predicaQ~ltiexclHQle wQuldin~teadb~ADVJllqt~iexcl as in 8)

(8) He ran fa~t

There is no doubt that the intensive construction is distinct from the adverbial and that sober in [7] is at least more circumstantial than green in It turned green But the subject-verb relation is more problematic in that a raising transformation has been proposed for one at least of the G C E s intensive verbs Let us therefore take that distinction first

31 Ofthe twenty or so most common intensive verbs (GCE821) SEEM and APPEAR particularly lend themselves to transformational analysis On the evidence of sentences such as [9]

(2) It seemed that they wereamp~e~

_U~naIlJral lo establish an underlying ~~ct~~

J~sIhey were green]~ seemed

irlYhIacutetEw~4)srelate(L1ot to they J~Q9green indhiOacute1lally but to the yiole ascri2tive kernelrom the same structure a sentence such as [10)

[10] They seemed to be green

can then be derived by further transformations of subject raising and infinitive formation Froro the structure reaJized by [Io]lIleare n3tllcalli

~m~ed to derive the comple~_~transiti~euacutell

[u) They seemed gre~

by a further transformation deleting the copuiacutea For SEEM the rules deriving [10] and [u] would both be optional But for

other verbs such as TURN or GO We could make them obligatory so It turned green could be the only realization of an underlying sUr was greenls turned the ambient Ir got misrier - [6] aboye - a realization of say s[mistier]s gorand so on If the obligatory rules were then restricted to the copula we would also ensure that any other form of embedded structure (g[he eft]s turned or g[he kissed her]s grew) was filtered out By such means a treatment which is widely accepted for SEEM and for which the evidence is at first compelling could be extended if it were thought appropriate to the entire intensive intransitive class

There are good reasons for not thinking it appropriate In a sentence such as [12]

[12] Harry got drunk

Qn~JsllQIacuteli~ply talking of a_~ate tha~ reslllttI s~o t~a~ ~~rry vs (45)

ENGLISH GRAMMAR

drunk or Harrys drunkenness happened) Nor is Harrya mere theme or tliexclfc (Aacute~-to-KarryQruniexcliquestenneacuteSs-l1ippened to him) tlamp11tbject iexclS1

potentia1lt-at-l~st--alMl~tgh-ge~~amp9run_~ wassoID1hiiL~hatJIal did The--verb mayaccordiacutentilde-gly take a subject adjunct (O CE 466]) thus I delibera tey got drunk or He foo(lshy turned traitor It may also supply the complement of a conative verb (1 did try to get drunk) may appear in the imperative (Dont get drunk ) and so on For sorne collocations this potentiacuteality is doubtless harder to realize (compare He delibera tey turned bue with He delibera tey turned nasty or He tried ro grow oder with He tried ro grow farter) but that is precisely the case for subjects and predicators generally lt is this semantic role that justifies the first link shown in Fig 2

which an impersonal structure as in (b)

(b) s[Harry was drunkls got

would relegate to the surface If (b) is wrong for Harry got drunk a transformationalist should consider

more carefully w hether a similar structure is correct for Harry seemed drunk Let us assume that it is correct for the construction with a that-clause (It seemed that Harry was dhmk) for SEEM and APPEAR a c1ausal complement does form one possibility Let us also accept that SBBM has a constant sense in all its constructions But for other current intensives (G eE 820 f) the evidence is more complexo With SOUNO a that-clause can be forced for example if a dative is inserted (lt sounds ro me that (hey arent coming) There is also an impersonal construction with as if

[131 It sounds as ifthey were green

which might be thought to derive from the same source The construction of [13] is also acceptable witb LOOK (lt ooks as ifthey arent coming) But between it and the complex intransitive we can find clear disparities in meaning In [13] the judgment is based on indirect clues what sounds or appears from audible information is indeed the whole proposition they were green But in the complex intransitive [14]

[141 They sound drunk

it is based on sounds that they are making For that reason it is harder 10 make sense of They sound green Likewise They [ook drunk means that they from their appearance are so But in It loob as ifthey are drunk the speaker does not even imply that he has seen them (Compare Prom what you say it ooks as if rhey are drunk) Ir we wanted a complex source it would be tempting 10 relate [14] not 10 the impersonal [13] with raising but rather to the personal [Is1

[IS] They sound as iexclfthey are drunk

with the second they deleted

[46]

P H Marthews

Personal and impersonal are often hard to separate as Palmer (1972) and before him Bolinger(l96la) have shown Ofthis group ofintensives TASTE

and 5MBLL are the most restricted in meaning and it is with these that the impersonal construction as in [91 and [131 is least acceptable With TASTE

neither seems likely Ir rasres to me that the soup is saty It tastes to me as if they are sweer If the second example can be interpreted it is by virtue of a blending with the personal construction (compare It tasres as ifit ) With SMELL the construction of [131 may be more acceptable (Ir smells ro me as if dinner is ready) but the blending remains With PEEL a non-tactile sense is possible (Ir fees Iikey) but is less established than the broader senses of LOOK or SOUNO (compare Ir ooks likey II sounds likey) It is in this case that my judgment is least secure would one say for example It fees (or Ir fees to me) as if they were green With SOUNO and LOOK the general sense is well established as in [131 or Ir sounds likely but there is still a sensory meaning as in [14] and [Isl which inhibits the pure impersonal with that With SEEM and APPEAR we are at the end of the continuum both having general senses only Hence the construction of[91 alongside the impersonal with as if (Ir seems as if they were green) Hence perhaps the infinitive construction of [101 with SOUNO and the others this too is awkward (They ooked ro have arrived Or Ir tastes ro me to be sweer) But it does not follow that the semantical1y general They seem drunk differs in syntax from the specifically sensory They sound drunk or They smell drunk We can even force an active interpretation of the subject thus They tried lO appear drunk or I deliberarey seemed irrftated

32 As [11] with SEEM Hes on a gradience between personal and impersonal so there are others which raise problems in distinguishing intensive from adverbial and circumstantial constructions For there is no criterion which is both sufficient and necessary

The obvious step is to tesectt for simpler transforms Thus J9r [12] Harl~ qrunk ~e can comp~jiexcleJgtimple a~ve Harry was drul~ TRANSFORM in that firstIy it is a a d secondly the predicator

-ORUNK hasnot a tq~ sense s no intraiiSIuvetrans[oacuterintilde ~stiiis~se of G BI is oot ~ble Nor has 4 r tumeirgeacute-iexcl an intransitive transform It turned since this involves a different sense oC TURN Ir there~~ an ascriptive transform but n9-Wn~itive the JhirdeiacuteeDlen t mult be a complementi so [41 and [12] must be complex intransitive Ir there is neither transform it MA y be complement but the col~of verb and adjective mjgbt rCaSantildea be classed as idiomatic Thus The roses have run wild has no transform The roses ve iiOr-aacuteoes it strictly match The rOSes are wild But WILO is at least an adiecti~ must stand in sorne relationship to the verb therefore R UN WILO is right1y

chmldw-rresultintensive (O eE) ---shy-- -_--g ~ _---_bull ~ shy

[471

ENOLISH ORAMMAR

If there is a simple intransitive but no ascriptive transr2ffil--_~~~ coacutentildeSffiiClioacutentilde-intildeuumlSt]ie iexcljdve(J2iacuteaIYlIacuteustrivialIy He ran iexcliuieacutekly has no ascriptive tiexclansfo~ He was quickly less trivially He travelled light does not match He was ight But what if we find both rlJgJQQordf~tillha$ordflJ ascriEtive _~ran~f~rrlJ~eYI1Jer~_~~ ~sectmL1aY-J~_a~~plement circumstantjallik~iilelltjnThey-sJoQdsilent ordfytlb~~j~llsothe simpler intran~1ti~ fbilystQPf so still ~ight be anadver~ like sileniTyintilde-fiieystood silenty Since there is no distinct form srilly the latter is hard to rule out For It shone white we can compare the formally adjectivallt shone brighr again there are both transforms (Ir shone Ir was white) But It shone brighr is c10se in meaning to the formaUy adverbial Ir shone brighry could white be an adverb in default of or as the commoner altemative to whirely Blending may aIso be found in idioms For example it is fruitless to ask if doggo is an adjective or an adverb in He is Iying doggo

For the circumstantial case both transforms are necessary thus [7] He arriuacuteiid sober has the triexcliexclntildeiiiacuteormsmiddotiexcliexcluacuteli-iexcliexclved andHe wasectSoacutebe Wewoacuteuumllifiliso ixpeeacutetthilUumlheveromiddotantildedmiddotildjectTe-shouId befreeOi collocationaI restrictions so He arrived sober He left sober He Jeft satisjied He arrived satisfied and so on But it is very hard to say when such a requirement iacutes meto One does not say for example They stood noisy or They sroodpeacefuJ on that evidence They stood sient might be classed as complex intransitive But neither is one likely to say They arrived noisy or They arrived kind Is that too a matter of collocational restrictions so that [7] is also intensive Or is it merely that NOISY and KIND are ill suIacuteted 10 this construction7 At this point jt is tempting to distinguish degrees of circumstantiality The extreme case would be represented by such sentences as [16]

[16] They stood there exhausted

(Iikewise They have arrived quite sober) where the adjective and verb are marked as separate Beside [16] the construction in [7] is less clearly circumstantial in They stood sient or They stoodfidgering it is perhaps even r less so But this last might stilJ be seen as less intensive than for example

iexcl They stood amazed Likewise They feJl exhausted is less clearly intensi ve than 1 They fell sick since it involves no special sense of FALL

~

f lrOacutel p1lI1riHmD ~ amires f0tr eompiex trlmSitive fu Tlieyfbuntlliim~

guilry there is a special sense OfPIND as ofMAKE in They mode it green In TIwy rrun Juacutem JOber tbat IacuteoS DO spcciiexcll SCDSII of)lEET~ by tbat cS ~ is more eircumsumlial BUl onc la unlikely lO say for eumple They me hlm meditative

4 Finally there is an obvious gradience between the coxnP-1ex intransitive ~nct the simple ascriptj~ With TURN 01 GROW there are~-selecUumlonal restrictions as we have seen With SBJlli or SIhV tney are far fewer

[48J

P H Matthews

neverthelesson~canI1Q~~yfordmr_~ordfmplelfil_sectil1Ied chairmqf1-ltcompareH~ stayelt chairman Qr1fsectJjiquest_riquest~cordfirmordfl1) or It srays obvious that (compare It seemsobvious that or It remainsobvious that ) With REMAIN it is hard to find any but at least the intransitive exists He remained) and their senses can be related Wth BECOMB that evidence too is lacking He became drunk can be distinguish-ed(rontildei1lieasgiptiYlt1g lu7ntl1k onlyJ~iiui~s from jts resultative meaning -_-

This merging has ied grammarians to treat the constructions together But we can do this only by assimi)ating BE to the mode) of verb complementation (as in GCE) not by assimilating TURN and so on to the model of a copula likethecpmplexrordfnsectitiy~nl_e compleimrap~W~i~ ayoor ca~~idatefltY-l~LIl~Jlt~IQ~-ordf_~~rnelltructllr~middot

M

~_

Page 21: in - UGR · (III). 11-70 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1171 Note [a] The ... In addition, we shall use where necessary the suffixes 'ph' (for

---

--

1208 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

The car wasfound abandoned This is indeed an indication that Type (iv) may not belong here so much as with the objecl complement construction [el l iexclhe participle construclion being adjectival (cf an abandoned car) lb1In addition to the two meanings of haue + objec + -ed participle above a third meaning results ifthe -ed clause is analysed as a postmodifier of Ihe object eg She had a book (which gtvas) stolenfrom the library

Ditransitive complementation

ID11 Noun phrases as both indirect and direct object 1655 Ditransiacutetive complementation in its basic fonu involves two object no un

phrases an indirect object which is nonually aniacutemate and positioned first and a direct object which is nonually concrete The two noun phrases differ from those of[C2] in not being in a copular relationship

He gave the girl a doll --v-- --r-

S V Oiacute Od

The difference between this and complex transitive complementation is seen in

svoe He found her a loyal friendo ( She was a loyal friend)

SVOO He found her an apartment ( - The apartment was for her)

The characteristics of indirect objects in contrast to direct objects are fully disclssed in 107

Sorne ditransitive verbs have two passive analogues which we shall distinguish as first and second

The girl was given a doll [FIRST PASSIVE]

A doll was given the girl [SECOND PASSIVE]

Of these two the first passive in which the indirect object becomes subject is the more common The prepositional paraphrase is more usual as an alternative than the second passive A dol was given to the girl (For a list of verbs ofType [01] ef1657 below)

[D21 Object and prepositional object 1656 In the ditransitive category prepositional verbs fonu an important group

with its own sub-divisions and may therefore be given a separate category number D2] These verbs are those we have called Type II prepositional verbs (cfI67-8) Alongside the ordinary indirect object pattern two main prepositional patterns rnaybe distinguished _

Indirect object + direct object [D1] Direct object + prepositional object D2a] lndirect object + prepositional object [D2b]

Types of verb complementation 1209

The indirect object is normally animate and is the recipient or beneficiary of the process described by the verb (ef 1019) Unlike ditransitive verbs of category [D 1] (eg give) ditransiti ve verbs with prepositional objects nonually have only one passive

We addressed our remarks to the children [D2a] - Our remarks were addressed to the children (The children were addressed our remarks (toraquo

W e reminded him of the agreement [D2bl - He was reminded of the agreement (The agreement was reminded him (of)

-1 Sorne verbs have a11 three possibilities of construction in the active many have two forothers there is only one possibility (in sorne cases the alternatives are not identical but very similar in meaning)

tel [01 + 2a + 2b]

1

offer [01 + 2a] 1

envy [01 + 2b] I

wish [01]

bamefD2a + 2b]

say [D2a]

warn [D2b]

Mary told only John the secret DI] Mary told the secret only to John [D2a] Mary told only John about the secreto [D2b]

John offered Mary sorne help [DI] John offered sorne help to Mary [D2a]

She envied John his success [DI] She envied Johnfor his success [D2b]

They wished him good luck [DI]

Helen blamed the divorce on John rD2al Helen blamed Johnfor the divorce [D2bj

Why didnt anybody say this to me [D2a] I

Mary warned John ofthe dangers [D2b) I

The different constructional possibilities of certain verbs provide a means of achieving different focus (cfI837f) Compare the fo11owing pairsofsentences as pronounced with unmarked (end) focus

Mary blamed the broken vase on IOHN Mary blamed John for the broken VAacuteSE

(ef John was blamed by MARY)

The government supplied blankets for the HOMEless The government supplied the homeless with BLANKets

(ef Blankets were supplied by the Goacutevernment)

Note [al The aboye constructions are presented in the most typical syntactic ordering but postshyponernent of the direct or iacutendirect object may take place in contexts where end-focus or endshyweight is required (cf1837) eg John offered lO Mary Ihe help thal she needed [b] Additional prepositional verb patterns should be briefly mentioned There is for example the double-prepositional-verb pattern noted in 1617(c)

1210 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1211

1657

1 am applying lo the hospitalor ajobo There is a further possibility that two prepositional objects may follow a diacuterect object

We are paying $100 lo the garage for the repairs

Verbs of complementation types ID1 and [D2 The following list gives sorne of the verbs that occur in Types [DI] [D2aJ [D2b] organized aeeording to the cross-classifications of 1656 aboye We are interested here only in synonymous or nearly synonyrnous constructions in which the same participant roles (ef lO18jJ) oceur Hence many possible prepositional verbs are ignored Pay for for example is ignored because it introduces a further participant (the commodity bought) not incuded in pay (with) and pay (to)

Table 1657

Type [DI) Type [D2a] Type[D2b]

EXAMPLE serve (Jaek scampi) serve (searnpi) serve (Jack) to (Jack) with (scampi)

[DI + 2a + 2b) pay payto pay with provide (AmE) providefor provide with serve serve to serve with tel tell to tell about

[DI + 2a) (l) bring bring to den deny to give give lo

grant gram to hand hand to leave leave tofor lend lend to offer offer to owe oweto promise promiseto read read lo send send to show show to teaeh teaeh to throw throw to

(ii) do doacutefor find findfor make makefor order order for reserve reservefor save savefor spare sparefor

(iii) ask askof

1658

[DI + 2b]

[Di]

[D2a + 2b]

[D2a]

[D2b)

envy excuse forgive

allow eharge fine refuse wish

blameon supply forto

address to announee to eommunieate to explain to sayto

envyfor exeusefor forgivefor

blamefor supply with

advise about punishfor etc

The membership of[D2b] is numerous Here are further examples arranged by prepositions

thankfor eonvineeof robof refer to preventfmm depriacutevenf ltuspee f 9f sentenee to proleet from informof warnof subject ro imerest in persuadeof congratulate on treat to aecuseof relieveof confine to charge with convictof remindof introduce to compare with

Note that reflexive verbs (cf 625) sometirnes oecur with a prepositional object eg We pride ourselves on the serviee we ofler Sorne of the verbs abo ve (such as compare with) ean have two inanimate objects

In Table 1657 we have distinguished under[Dl + 2a] verbs taking to as their preposition from those takingfor eg

(i) She sent Paul a present She sent a present to Paul (ji) She made Paul a meaL She made a mealfor Paul

Occasionally a preposition other than to and for oceurs in this function

OiO She asked Paul a favour She asked a favour ofPaul

Distinct from [D2aJ and [D2bJ aboye is a kind of prepositional verb which has already been discussed in 167-8 a verb for which the direet object forms part of an idiomatic unit with the verb and the preposition The syntactic properties of this type which we label (D2e] have already been dealt with and it is enough here to list a further sample ofsueh idioms

1212 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1213I I

eateh siacuteght of make allowanee for put a stop to give place to make fun of set jire to give way to make afuss overabout take aeeount Ofl keep pace with make roomfor take advantage ojI lose sight of make use ojI take eare of 1

lose toueh with pay attention to 1 take note ojI lose traek of put an end to take notice ojI

Those marked with a raised 1 can take not only a prepositional passive (ef 167-8) but also can easily take a passive for which the idiomatically-fixed direct object beco mes subject eg (Some) allowanee was made for loss of eamings (Little) notiee was taken of this evento Other verbs can take the passive but with greater difficulty with these examples as with prepositional verbs in general idiomatic cohesion is a matter of gradience

Variants of ditransitive complementation

ID3J Indirect object + that-cIause object 1659 Corresponding to monotransitive verbs ofType [B3] (efI630) are ditransiti ve

verbs for which the direct object is a that-clause

John eonvinced me (that) he was right ~ I was eonvineed (by John) (that) he was right

The second passive is unacceptable when the direct object is a clause That he was right was eonvineed me Thus the first passive (ef 1655) above is the only passive that can occur with this pattern With sorne verbs such as eonvinee above it is impossible to delete the noun phrase object

John conviucJ (lhat) he was riguiacute

With other verbs such as show the indirect object is optional

The professor of mathematics showed me that Pythagoras was mistaken ~ The professor of mathematics showed that Pythagoras was

mistaken

Ditransitive verbs followed by a that-clause may be divided into a subtype introducing an indirect statement and a subtype introducing an indirect directive (ef 1433) In the indirect statement the that-clause contains an indicative verb in the indirect directive the verb may be indicative or subjunctive and often contains putative should or another modal verb (ef 1632 for the distribution ofthese options)

INDIRECT STATEMENT

May 1 inform you that your order is ready for eolleetion INDIRECT DIRECTIVE

mightbeShe petitioned the king that her father ~ould be pardoned

In the following list Type (i) verbs introduce indirect statements and Type (H) verbs introduce indirect directives The indirect directive construction is

rare and formal in comparison with the similar infinitive construction (ef 1663)

WOUldI begged her that she should help ltformal) 1 begged her to help ltmore usual)

For those verbs marked O the indirect object is obligatory foc those marked (O) the indirect object is optional for those marked laquoOraquo the indirect object is not only optional but unusual

(i) advise (O) remindO (iiacute) ask3 laquoOraquo assureO satisfyO beg3 (O) bet (O) show3 (O) eharge (O) eonvineeO teaeh3 (O) eommand laquoOraquo forewarn (O) tellO iacutenstruet laquoOraquo informO wager(O) order laquoOraquo notify 3 O warn (O) petition3 (O) persuadelO write2bull 3 (O) tellO promise3 (O)

The superscripts are interpreted as follows

1 Persuade in the sense ofconvince belongs to Type (i) but it may also be used in a Type (iiacute) sense of persuade someone to do something

2 Write is found with an indirect object + that-clause especially in AmE 3 With verbs so marked the indiacuterect object can be replaced by a

prepositional object (ef 1660)

Note Superficially similar W the [D3] pallern is lhe impersonal construction Iacutef strikeslstruck me (Ihal) asin

It strikes me this work is for his own amusement But here the Ihal-c1ause (as in 1634) is the extraposed subject of the verbo Compare He strikes me as (cf1646 Note [el) and lt occursto me that (cfI634 Note [e))

ID3prl Prepositionalobject + that-cIause object 1660 The verbs marked 3 in the aboye list can be optionally followed by a

preposition thus forming a category similar to [D2a] in 1656

He promised laquoto) me) that the debt would be repaid

For most verbs of [03] which permit a prepositional object the preposition is to

He wrote to me He reported to me that etc

Exceptions are ask and beg which (in somewhat formal usage) are followed by the preposition of

I askbegofyou that you will keep this secret ltformal)

There is in addition a group of verbs which were classified in 1631-32 as monotransitive but which optionally allow the preposition to preceding a prepositional object These may be distinguished as Type [D3pr] and subdivided into sub-types (i) and (iacutei) as in the paraUel description of [B3] verbs

1214 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Joan mentioned (to me) that her father was siacuteck [Type (O] Or Oay recommended (to her) that the treatment be continued [Type (ii)]

For elample

(i) acknowledge declare remark (ji) propose admit explain repon recommend announce mention say suggest complain pointout signal eoness prove state

As before Type (i) verbs introduce indirect statements and the less numerous Type (ii) verbs introduce indirect directives As befare too sorne exceptional verbs take a preposition other than to

She demanded ome that She agreed with me that etc

Unlike the nonprepositional verbs of [03] these prepositional verbs alow the that-c1ause to become subject of a corresponding passive clause an option which is more acceptable with extraposition

That several ministers are resigning has been admitted to our correspondent ~ It has been admitted to our correspondent that several ministers

are resigning It has been shown to us al that Miss Jones was innocent

Without the preposition ie with an ordinary indirect object such sentences are at best marginally grammatical 1It has been shown us al that Miss Jones was innocent

~~otc The constructions of lt appc-siexclappe(~iexclcfurseems ro me ha slipclfidaly appear ti) bclvuumlg to the paltero [D3prl but in faet these contain monotransitive verbs with an extraposed tnatshyelause as subject

It occurredlseemed to me that he was Iying esimilar patteros with extraposition in 1634 1659 Note

ID4) Indirect object + finite wh-c1ause object 1661 This pattern of complementatiacuteon is primarily found with the verb ask which

introduces a reported question

John asked me what time the meeting would end ~ 1 was Gsked (by John) what time the meeting would end

AIso used with this pattern are verbs which take an indirect object followed by a that-clause (Type (i) of [03]) but for these the wh-clause tends to be limited 10 nonassertive contexts (cf1635) Compare

George didnt tell them that the train was late [1] George didn t tel them whether the train was late [21

The difference of meaning between the that- and whether-constructiacuteons can be stated in terms of presupposition Sentence [1] typically implies that the train was late while [2] is noncommittal on the matter [04] verbs can also introduce other question words such as where and how

Tvpes of verb complementation 1215

Jim was reluctant to inform us (o) where he got the money Would you remind me (about) how we start the engine

A preposition may always be placed before the wh-c1ause In the aJiexclove cases the prepositiacuteon is optional but in the case of verbs like enquire o (Type [04prJ) the preposition is obligatory iexcl enquired ofthe clerk which doeuments were needed The complex preposition as to can be rather general1y used for introducing the wh-clause eg I enquired as to which documents were needed

[D5) Indirect object + wh-infinitive clause object 1662 This is yet another complementation pattern (comparable with [B5] 1637)

which may be taken by sorne verbs listed under[03] in 1659

advise ask instruct remind show teach tell wam

The instructor taught us how lo land saely - We were taught (by the instructor) how to land saely

They advised him what lO wear in the tropies Please remind me where to meet you afier lunch

The equivalent prepositional verb pattern [05pr] is iIIustrated by suggest to recommend to

Could you please suggest to the visitors which museums to visit

Here as in the [04] type a prepositional phrase introduced by as lO can be used

Helen advised us (as to) how to maintain the machine

f~ iexcl llt ~- I ~ i ~

~i ~ ~~

1663 ID61lndirect object + to-infinitive clause object We have seen that the [03] pattern may be used to introduce indirect statements and that the [04] pattern may be used to introduce indirect questions Now we tuen to the verbs of class [06] which introduce indirect directives (c1433)

1 lOldjadvisedjpersuaded Mark to see a doctor ~ Mark was toldjadvisedjpersuaded to see a doctor

[I] [2]

This complementation category looks like those of[B81 and [C5] in that the verb is followed by a noun phrase and an infinitive construction But the [06] pattern differs from these in that the noun phrase following the verb is an indirect object as will be c1arified in 1666 below As with other verbs introducing indiacuterect speech the subject refers to the speaker of sorne speech act and the indirect object refers to the addressee Like [03] verbs [06] verbs form only the first passive exemplified in [2] above we do not find To see a doctor was lOld Mark The folowing verbs belong to this c1ass

advise command entreat instruct remind teach ask counsel exhort invite request1 tell beg detai[l orbid order recommend urge beseech direct implore persuade challenge enjoin 1 incite l prayl

1216 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Those verbs marked with araised 1 do not have the equivalent construction with a that-clause containing a modal or a subjunctive verb (Types [B3(ii)J [030i)]) Contrast

They ~eg~tedd her to stay another week mm e

They ~eKgtedd (her) that she would stay another week mm e

The alternative that-clause construction however is more formal especially when the indirect object is presento

Note [a] The verb promire when it occurs wiacuteth this kind of complementation is exceptional in that the understood subject of the infinitiacuteve is identified with the subject rather than with the object of the maiacuten c1ause

Sarn prornised me to get some rood

= Sam promised me that he would get sorne roed o Sam promised me that lwould get sorne roed

The present pattern [D6] iexcls however less cornmon with promise than the [B6] pattern without the indiacuterect object Sam promised to get someiexclood lb] Only ordercan be followed by a passive infinitive He ordered Ihem lo be impriacutesonedlreleased

Multiple analysis and gradience in verb complementation 1664 Before we leave verb classification it is important to reflect on the problems

of dividing verbs into complementation types The major division of complementation patterns into copular [AJ monotransitive [BJ complex transitive [C] and ditransitive [OJ categories (introduced in 216) has been extended with little difficulty te include patterns in which the verbs ccmplementation includes finite and nonntildenitc clauses This is the basis rOiacute

the classification Qf verbs into types in 1620-63 aboye But unavoidably our aim of presenting a clear classification has obscured sorne problems of gradience and multiple analysis (e 260ff) and to illustrate these we return to three superficially iacutedentical structures aIread y discussed in 1636 These are now illustrated with three new examples each of which conforms to the pattern NI V N 2 to V N 3 (where N = noun phrase and V = verb phrase)

Table L664a

V N2 to V NJNI

[B8] S V O

We like all parents to visit the schooL

I [1]

[C4] Is V O Co

They James therace I [2]

[D6] I S Oiexcl

We I asked I the students I toattend

Ia lectu~en_~

Types of verb complementation 1217

Each ofthese sentences consists ofthe sequence Niexcl V N 2 to V N 3 and yet we have analysed them respectively as monotransitive (S V O) complex transitive (S V degCol and ditransitiacuteve (S V Oiexcl 0d) A different analysis in sorne ways more revealing would recognize an overlap between two competing descriptions of the intennediacuteate noun phrase N2 There is little doubt that in [1 J this is to be analysed as subject of the infinitive clause (e 1636) whereas in [3J there are equally strong reasons for regarding N as (indirect) object of the main clause (e 1666)

Smiddot V S V O 1shyI I

I I ISmiddot V 0 V OI I I I I iexcl I I I I I I I I I iexcl

NI V Nz 10 V NJ NI V N2 lo V N) I I I I

Fig 1664b Sentence[l] Fig 1664c Sentence [3J

Sentence [2J however partakes ofboth these descriptions From the semantic point of view it requires the analysis of Fig 1664b (ef They expeeted [that James would win the race]) But from the structural point of view the analysis in Fig 1664c is more appropriate reflecting N2s ability to become subject of the passive sentence James was expeeted to win the raee We might reasonably say that in [2J N 2 behaves like an object (0 rather than Oiacute) in relation to the first verb but like a subject in relation to the second infinitive verh Tbe term RAISED OBJECT applied in 1649ffto the intermediate noun phrase of patterns [C4 - Cn incorporates yet another way of recognizing this double analysis by envisaging a process whereby the subject of the infinitive becomes the object of the preceding finite verbo This raised object will be symbolized in what follows SO

1665 Given that the double analysis aboye provides sorne insight into clauses containing nonfinite complementation we could take such an analysis further and apply it to aH complex transitive patterns including the more straightforward SVOC and SVOA pattems of[Cl - C3]

that John is a good driver lB3J 1consider John to be a good driver [C4]

John a good driver [C2]

The paraHelism of meaning and phrasal relations demonstrated in these three sentences recommends an analysis in which the complementation of pattern [C2J John a good driver would be regarded as a clause in its own right ie as a verbless clause consisting of S = John and Cs = a good driver without an intervening V This description would not however displace the by now familiar S V Od Co analysis but would rather be seen as an alternative way of looking at the same construction

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1218 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Gradience 1666 The teehnique of multiple analysis stiU leaves some subtletiacutees unexposed

What this teehnique has suggested is that there are the folowing three eategories eorresponding to [1 in 1664

N 2 S We like all parenls to visit the school [1) N2 = SO They expeeted James to win the raee [2] Nz = O We asked Ihe sludents to attend a leeture

But more than three eategories ean be appropriately distinguished if we reeognize [1) and [3] as end-points of a gradient with [2) at some point on the seate between them This area of grammar affords a good example of gradienee

At the monotransitive end of the seale [I) ean be characterized by a number of criteria whieh suggest that N 2 to V N3 (al parents to visit the school) constitutes the direct object of an SVO pattern

(a) It ean be replaced by a pronoun referring to the cIause or noun phrase nominalizing it We like it We like al parens visits

(b) It can be an answer to a what-question A What do you like best

B We like al parents to visit the school (e) In some dialects it can be preceded by the infinitive clause introdueer

for We like (it)for all parens to visit the school (d) It ean easily (when preeeded by for) be the focus of a pseudo-cIeft

sentence What we like (best) is for al parents to visit the school (e) When the sequenee N 2 to V N 3 is turned into the passive form N 3 to be

Vedz by Nz there is no ehange ofmeaning We ike aIl parents to visit the sehcel

= We like the school te be visited biexcl al parents (f) In a reduced construetion the infinitive marker to remains We like them

does not have the same meaning as We like them to

At the other ditransitive end of the seale a eontrasting set of criteria eharaeterize [3) and support the analysis of N2 (the students) as an indireet object and to V N3 (to attend a lecture) as a cIausal direet objeet

(a) 10 V N 3 ean be replaced by a pronoun a noun phrase or a finite clause with Nz still funetioning as indireet object

SOmething We asked the students a question

what they wanted

(b) 10 V N 3 can be the answer to a wh-question while N2 funetions as indirect object

A What did you ask the students B We asked them to attend a lecture

(e) When the sequenee N2 to V N3 is turned into the passive sequence N3 to be Ved2 by N 2 the meaning is always changed

They asked the students to attend a leeture They asked a lecture to be attended by the students

this case indeed the passive transform results in an absurdity)

Types of verb complementation 1219

(d) to V N 3 can marginally become the focus of a pseudo-cleft sentence What they asked the students was to attend a lecture (Contrast the decidedly unaeeeptable What we like the parents is to visil the school)

(e) Nz which like Oi in general is usually personal can be detached from its place after the first V to beeome subjeet of a eorresponding passive sentenee The students were asked to attend a lecture

(n In a reduced eonstruction the infinitive marker to ean be omitted We asked them We persuaded them etc

Note [a] With some ditransitive verbs criterion (a) has to be interpreted as the replacement of the infinitive clause by a preposition and prepositional object (cfI656-8)

They reminded hiacutem ofhis responsibiacutelities One man challenged the other lo a duel

[b] Criterion (d) is less reliacuteable than the others since the pseudo-cleft sentence is unacceptable for many verbs But a pseudo-cleft sentence in which the indirect object is replaced by a prepositional object tends to be more grammatical Whal Ihey asked ollhe sludenls was lO attend a leclure (The alternative construction with the substitute verb do which also occurs with [1] is always more acceptable What Ihey asked Ihe students lo do was lO attend a lecture)

1667 To give a simplified illustration of the analysis of gradience in the sequence NI V N 2 to V N 3 we now take a subset ofthe eriteria listed aboye and apply them to a range of verbs on the gradient eonneeting [1] and [3] of 16_66

(1) (3) (4)(2) wantask elect intend

CRITERIA likeallow expectlel~ etc I etc etc etc~ (a) lo V N 3 can be replaeed by - - -+a finite clause

(e) ehange of meaning in passive -+ +of N 2 10 VN3

(e) N 2 can beeome subjeet of passive -+ ++

Fig 1667 A eomplementatiacuteon gradient

The matrix uses only three criteria and thereby distinguishes only four categories This is sufficient to indicate the principie however that the three categories [BS] [C4] and [D6) of our taxonomy eould be broken down iexclnto a finer spectrum of eategories between which the differences are small In effeet Fig 1667 distinguishes two subeategories of [C4] one (including elect and allow) whieh is c10ser to the ditransitive type and one (including inlend and expect) eloser to the monotransitive type Elect and allow respond to cri terion (e)

They elected Miss Coe to suceeed the present seeretary They elected the present seeretary to be sueceeded by Miss Coe

We dont allow residents to entertain visitors We dont allow visitors to be entertained by residents

1220 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

while intend and expeet do not

They intended the students to see the professor = They intended the professor to be seen by the students

They expeet the students to enjoy the classes = They expeet the classes to be enjoyed by the students

Note Por verbs in group (3) the voice oflhe infinitive clause and the voiceofthe main clausemay be independently varied with the result Ihat a SlIacutentence like They expected the students lo enjoy lile classes has tbree corresponding passiv~s with iexclhe same meaning

They expected the classes to be enjoyed by the students The students were expecled lo enjoy the classes

The classes were expected lo be enjoyed by the students

The last example has a passive verb phrase in both the superordinate clause and Ihe infinitive clame

Adjective complementation

168 Categories of complementation in adjective phrases (ef 228 721-2) are similar in variety to those ofverb complementation We distinguish [El-ES)as follows

[El] Complementation by a prepositional phrase [E2] Complementation by a that-clause [E3] Complementation by a wh-clause

i[E4) Complementation by a than-clause [ES] Complementation by a to-infinitive clause [E6] Complementation by an -ing participle clause

These complementation patterns can occur after an adjective (andmiddot its modifiers if any) in various syntactic functions For example

The violiacuten iacutes (rather) difficut to play (adjective phrase as CJ

Mary found the violiacuten (rather) diffieut to play (adjective phrase as CJ

The violiacuten is an instrument (rather) diffieult to play (adjective phrase as postmodifier)

The on1y posiacutetion in which an adjective cannot normally be followed by iacutets complementation is the premodifying position in a noun phrase a keen child on ehess But here too with certain constructions (Types [ES(iraquo) and [ES(v)D the complementation can follow discontinuously after the head noun The violiacuten is a diffieult instrument to play (ef discontinuity with comparative constructions IS75) For illustrative purposes we will confine examples in the following sections to the subject complement function The lists like the verb lists in 1620-63 will be selective

Adjective complementation 1221

Note There is a considerable parallel as the categories [El-ES] aboye demonstrate between patterns associated with adjectives and those associated with monotransitive verbs The chief difference is that adjectives cannot be followed by a noun phrase object To bring out the parallel further we could describe adjectives exemplified in 1669 below (averse to conscous oJ etc) as prepositional adjectives comparable with prepositional verbs We could moreover identify phrasal adjectives (derived from participiaI forms ofphrasal verbs) such as ron down (exhausled depressed) and phrasaI-prepositionaI adjectives such as fed up (with) These tatter variants however are rare enough lo be disregarded in the foUowing lists

[E1] Adjective complementation by a prepositional phrase 1669 Like prepositional verbs adjectives often forro a lexical unit with a following

preposition good atfond oj opposedto etc The lexical bond is strongest with adjectives for which in a given sense the complementation is obligatory Max is averse to games Max is averse Such adjectives are marked 1 in the following lists

The lists make a distinction between participial (ef 715-19) and nonparticipial adjectives The differencebetween participial adjectives and the -ed participle of the passive construction is discussed in 375-77 These lists provide on1y a small sample of the adjectives accompanying the prepositions concemed In particular it is often possible for the same adjective to go with two or more prepositions as in angry about angry at and angrywith

ABOUT He was very worried about her reaction (ef960)

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

angry knowledgeabe aggrieved frightened glad mad annoyed pleased happy reasonable delighted worried

AT She was badat mathematics (ef962)

NONP ARTICIPIAL P ARTlCIPIAL

angry good alarmed disgusted brilliant hopeless amusedmiddotmiddot pleased elever terrible delighted puzzled

FROM Thevillage is remotefromthe bustle ofcity life (ef918 947)

different distant distinct free remo te

OF She was aware ofhis difficulties

NONPARTlCIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

eonvineed ashamed empty proud1 afraid conseiousl glad

seared eapable fond 1 short1 tired certain full worthy

ONUPON Their plan was based on cooperation

NONPARTICIPIAL IPARTICIPIAL

contingent1 intent1 reliantl basedl set1

dependent keen severe hentl

Yiexcl

1222 Complementation of verbs and adjectives ~ Adjective complementation 1223

Note lal In general choice of preposilion remains the same after morphologicalIy related verbs adjectives and nouns differentftom differ from differencefrom But Ihis eorrespondence is not always lo be relied on contrastfull ofwilhfilied wllh proudofwith pride in lb] Other prepositions whieh less comrnonly enlee into adjective + prepositlon idioms iexclnelude for and lowards graleful for sorry for inclined towards le] Usedfollowed by the preposition lO a more informal synonym ofaccustomed(to) is participial in spelling but has the speeial pronuneiation nus~ Unlike accustomed however used does not oceur with a following infinitive (ef 1679) This adjeetival used to in spite of identity of spelling and pronunciation is quite distinet from used lO as a marginal modal (cf344) Contrast

Im used lO hard work I used ro work hard Id] In the past prescriptive objeetions have been made to the use of to ralher Ihan from after averse and different Howevee ro is the normal preposition to fol1lt11 averse and differenr 10 is quite widely used (esp in BrE) as an altemative lo differentfrom On iJifferent rhan cf1566 Note 1674

le] Wilh can be omitted after (fn)compalibie if the subject is plural cfmutual participation 1360

middotCarl is incompatible OUT Cad and Eva are incompatible

[E2] Adjective complementation by a that-clause 670 Like that-clauses following a verb that-clauses folIowiacuteng an adjective may

have

(A) indicative verb 1am sure (that) he is here now (B) subjunctiacuteve verb They were insistent (that) we be ready (formal) (C) putativeshould Im sorry (that) he should hove left ltformal)

The uses of the mandative subjunctive and of putative should have been discussed in 359 and 1425 respectiacutevely Putative should often occurs after expressions of emotion (sorrowjoy displeasure surprise wonder etc) and is often accompanied by intensifying expressions such as so such like thisl that ever or at all The indicative that-clause on the other hand refers to an established fact The foHowing pairs illustrate choices of construction

1 (that) 1 have to leave so early am sorry (that) you should have been (so) inconvenienced

(that) you didnt call the doctor before 1 am surprised (that) anyone ofyour intelligence should swallow a tie

likethat

With some adjectives (those in category [E2b(iiacute)] 1672) the should-clause can be paraphrased by an infinitive clause with a subject

It was natural for him to go to London after the war = It was natural that he should go to London after the war

That-clauses cannot be preceded by preposiacutetions Hence adjectives which are constructed with prepositions before noun phrases ([El]) drop the preposition before a that-clause (cfI628) Compare the folIowing

OfhiS innocence [E1 ] 1am convlnced (th ) h t [E2]at e IS mnocen

Many that-clauses folIowing an adjective are actualIy subjects postponed by extraposition (cf1833)

lt is lucky (that) you came - That you came is lucky

These are listed separately in 1672

lEla) Adjectives with experiencer (cflO23 Note) as subject 1671 (i) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATIVE VERB ONL Y (cfNote [a] below)

These adjectives express degrees of certainty or confidence aware certain corifident sure

We were corifident that Karen was stiacutell alive

(ii) THAT-CLAUSE HAS PUTATIVE SHOULD OR SUBJUNCTIVE VERB

(or marginally aloo an indicative verb) The three principal adjectives in this class are anxious eager and willing

he should be permitted to resiacutegn 1 Are you willing that he be permitted to resign 1

1he is permitted to resign 1 ~

(On the distribution of these three altematives cfI630)

(iH) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATIVE VERB OR PUTATIVE SHOULD

These adjectives express emotions

Im so thankful that nobody was hurto Were you surprised that Ray should win the prize

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

afraid hopeful alarmed depressed horrified angry proud amazed disappointed irritated glad sad amused distressed pleased grateful sorry annoyed disturbed shocked happy tha7lkful astonished frightened upset

There is a tendency to prefer the putative should construction in nonassertive contexts or where the adjective has negative or unfavourshyable associations

TO AH capital gains are subject to taxation NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

answerable close liableacute accustomedl

averse l due1 simz1ar allied1I WiTH This plan is not compatible with our princiacuteples

NONPARTICIPIAL I PARTICIPIAL

angry busy

happy impatient

annoyed bored

ClJmfortable incompatible1 concerned compatibleacute sick delighted content familiar friendly furious

uneasy depressed disappointed disgusted dismayed distressed

inclined1

opposed1

drunk enchanted obsessed occupied overcome pleased satisfied taken1

1672

1224 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Adjective complementatlon 1225

Note [a] The restriction oC Type (i) above lo indicative verbs only is meant to allow Cor the use of T

Note [a] Although tlle pro-forms so and n01 cannot be used after tllese [E2bI adjectives (ef 1671modal auxiliaries including should in a nonputative sense eg I am a~are that I should [= ought 1lo] havejoined longago iexcl Note [bJ) there iexclsa possibilityofreplacing the adjective + solnat by a related adverb + sonot

[b) Afraid is unique among adjectives in that it accepts the pro~oun so (and iexclts negative equivalent Mt) as a that-clause substitute (cfI631) rm afraid SOMI

IElbJ Adjectives with anticipatory it as subject

The that-elause in this eonstruetion is an extraposed subjeet Three types are again distinguished matehing those in 167l

(i) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATlVE VERBONLY (cfI671 Note CaD These adjectives have to do with truthor knowledge

It is true that she never cemes on time

apparent evident likely possible untrue certain implicit obvious true well-known clear indubitable plain unlikely

(ji) THAT-CLAUSE HAS PUTATIVIl SHOULD OR SUBJUNCTIVE VERB (or marginshyaIly also an indicative verb) These adjectives express eoncepts concerned with modality or volition

should be lifted tomorrow It is essential that the ban be lifted tomorrow

(1) is lifted tomorrow

appropriate essentiacuteal important necessary vital compulsory fitting impossible obligatoryshycrucial imperative improper proper

Various deverbal adjectives ending in -able also belong to this group egadvisable desrabIe preferable

(iii) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATlVE VERB OR PUTATIVE SHOULD

This group consists mainly of emotive adjectives and ineludes a large num ber ofparticipial ad jecti ves ending in -ing

Itmiddot strange th t She is so late IS upsetting a she should be so late

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTlCIPIAL

awkward logical alarming perplexing curious odd annoying pleasing disastrous peculiar depressing shocking dreadful sad disappointing surprising extraordinary silly embarrassing fortunate tragie frightening iexclrrational unfortunate irritating

Various -able-ible adjectives also be10ng tp this group admirable eommendable deplorable despieable incomprehensible inconceivable lamentable remarkable understandable unjustifiable etc

ha h l Id l h B Yes obviouslyfortunately soA 1 t IS apparentt t s e IVes oesn t Ive ere B N J I I di t o event y sa y no [b] When an adjective ofType (iii) above occurs after a modal verb construction the that-clause is commonly replaced by an if-clause If the modal verb in the main c1ause is hypothetical (eg would) the verb in the ifmiddotdause is placed in tlle hypothetical pasto Compare

It is sad that you have to leave It will be sad ifyou hove to lea ve

It would be sad ifyou had lo lea ve

[E3] Adjective complementation by a wh-clause 1673 As with that-clauses we have to distinguish those adjeetives ([E3a]) which

are predicated of an experieneer (normalIy a person) as subject and those ([E3bD which go with antieipatory it In the latter case the wh-clause is an extraposed subject Examples are

(onwhat 1should sayo [1]E3a 1was unsure[ 1 (about) whether the problem was solved [2]

[E3b] It was unclear what they would do [3]

Type [E3a1 consists of adjectives which are constructed with prepositions and whieh therefore belong also to Type [EI1 The preposition is sometimes omitted before the wh-clause (ef155 Note reD In Type [E3b] on the other hand no preposition can be inserted bull It was uneear ofabout what lhey would do AIso no infinitive wh-cIause is possible (ef i637) It is unsure where to go is unacceptable unless it refers to sorne aniacutemate being (sueh as a mouse) and is consequently not interpreted in terms of extraposition

Retuming to Type [E3a] we note that in sorne cases the adjective takes a wh-elause in assertive eontexts eg eareful (about) doubtful (as to) fussy (about) puzzled (as to) uneear (about) uncertain (o) undecided (about) unsure (0) unaware (o)

John is careul (about) what he does with his money

Most of these adjeetives are intrinsiealIy negative In meaning In other cases although elsewhere it is associated with an indicative that-clause [E2a(i)] the adjective tends to oceur with a wh-cIause in nonassertive contexts (efI635) eg aware certain eear sure

Are you sure (o) how mueh the maehine costs 1wasnt altogether cleaiexcl- (about) what we had to do

A similar division may be made among adjectives of the antieipatory-it type ([E3b]) Those whieh intrinsieally express doubt and therefore take this strueture even in assertive contexts include doubtful uneertain uneear unsure and unknown Those normally oceurring with an indieative that-elause (le Type [E2b(i)]) inelude apparent eertain obvious and plain They can take a wh-cIause in nonassertive contexts Each type is illustrated in

It was uneear whether an amendment would be accepted It was not obvious how far the westernization process would IO

~ltgt ~~~1~ 1 -~ Adjective complementation 1227

1226 Complementation of verbs and adjectives iexcl

After adjectives of Type [E3a] there may also occur an infinitive wh-clause 1 was uncertain (oi) what to do This is preferable to the finite c1ause in cases illustrated by [1-3] aboye since the subject can remain unexpressed in the reduced nonfinite version

[E4] Adjective complementation by a than-clause 1674 There is an unusual construction in which a noncomparative adjective is

foIlowed by a comparative than-clause as complementation Different is the only adjective which fits into this pattero and even then there is a tradition which regards the use of than here as impropero There is however no felicitous alternative to the different than construction in examples such as

Shes quite a different girl than she wasfilie years ago [11 The various styliacutestic variants of and alteroatives to the than-clause after different are examined in 1566 Note lb] When the c1ause is reduceacuted to a noun phrase it becomes possible to usefrom as an alternative to than

The unions are taking a very different attitude ~ the employers

When the noun phrase folIowing thanffrom cannot be derived by ellipsis from a c1ause than is decidedly less acceptable thanfrom

The main languages of southern India are totaIly different In origin

~~~ those ofthe northern partofthe country

Note [al On differenlrom and different 10 1669 Note [dI [bj It is aloo possible for a Ihan-c1ause to be used after he adverb difilrently

In the west of the country they pronounce their vowels quite aifferently han (they do) in the easl

The same prescriptive objections are made to differenlly Ihan as to different Ihan

[E5] Adjective complementation by a to-infinitive clause [675 We distinguish seven kinds of construction in which an adjective is foIlowed

by a to-infinitive c1ause They are exemplified in the following sentences which are superficially alike

Bob is splendid to wait (ii) Bob is slow to react

(iii) Bob is sorry to hear it (iv) Bob is hesitant to agree with yOU (v) Bob is hard to convince

(vi) The food is ready to eat (vii) lt is important to be accurate

In Types (i-iv) the subject of the main clause (Bob) is also the subject of the infinitive c1ause We can therefore always have a direct object in the infinitive clause if its verb is transitive Por example if we replace intransitive wait by transitive build in (i) we can have Bob is splendid to build this house

Por Types (v-vii) on the other hand the subject of the infinitive is unspecified although the contextoften makes clear which subject is intended

In these types it is possible to insert a subject preceded by for eg in Type (vi) The food is ready (jOr Ihe children) to eat

Infinitive complementation following adjectives modified by lOO and enQugh is discussed eIse Note where in 1S73

(ES(i)) Bob is Iplendid to wait Type (i) has an analogue in a construction involving extraposition (cf1833)1676 1t is splendid of Bob lo wait This type OC construction also permits a head noun between the adjective and the infinitive

Bob must be a spiendid craftsman ~ ~~bUilt this house

As this example shows the infinitive may be perfective We may also compare constructions in which an evaluative noun with its determiner

replaces the adjective

ffoolishYourelafool to spend so mucho

WOnderfUl Youre 1 to walt for me anange

Adjectives in this group are evaluative of human beha~iour They inelude

careful crazy mad silly wise careless greedy nice unwise wrong

These adjectives can also occur with anticipatory il and an of-phrase as additional complementation (cf1682)

It was foolish of you to spend so mucho

IE5(Hraquo) Bob is IOW to react In Type (ii) the sentence corresponds to one in which the adjective becomes 1677 an adverbwhile the infinitive becomes the finite verb

Bob is slow to react - Bob reacts slowlyc

In another analogue the adjective is followed by in and an -ing participle Bob is slow in reacting The infinitive verb phrase must be simple for example unlike the inftnitive phrase in [E5(i)] it cannot be perfective Bob is slow ItJ have reacted Other adjectives in this small group are quick and prompt

There is also a partial adverbial analogue (e8127ff) for Type (i) but in Type (i) unlike Type Note (ii) the perfective infinitive andeven the get-passive (e366) can be used

loan was wise to resigno ~ loan wisely resigned loan was careless to get beaten - loan carelessly got beaten

loan is careless to have got beaten

IES(iuumlraquo) Bob is 10rry lo hear it In Type (iexcliexcli) the head of the adjective phrase is an emotive adjective 1678 (commonly a participial adjective) and the infinitive clause expresses

causation

1679

1228 Complementation of verbs end adjectives

Im sorry to have kept you waiting [rm sorry because I have kept you waiting]

1 was exeited to be there [- To be there exeited me]

Adjectives in this group correspond c10sely to the adjectives followed by a that-clause in 1671 (Type [E2a(iii)D

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

afraid angry ashamed content furious glad

happy impatient indignant jubilant thankful

annoyed astonished bored coneerned delighted depressed

disgusted dissatisfied embarrassed fasemated frightened interested

overwhelmed perturbed puzzled relieved surprised worried

disappointed overjoyed

IE5(ivraquo) Boh is heaitant to agree withyou In Type (iv) the head of the adjective phrase expresses volitional meaning or a modal meaning such as ability possibility or liability Examples are

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

able keen determined anxious Iiable disposed apt Iikely [E2b] fated[E2b] eertain [E2b] loath inclined curious powerless poiseddue prone prepared eager ready [E5] (all) set eligible reluetant unqualified fit [ES] sure [E2b] free [ES] unable greedy weleome hesitant willing impotent worthy

The adjectives marked [E2b] occur with a corresponding construction with extraposition of a that-clause

JilI is likely to attend - It is likely that JiU will attend

Those marked [E5] are capable of occurring with an infinitive construction of passive meaning ie with an indefinite implied subject and a coreferential implied object

Theyare not fit to eat = They are not tit to be eaten

Some ofthe most common adjectives in this list have a tendency to coalesce with the preceding copula 10 form a semimiddotauxiliary verb (ef3A7) be able to be willing to be sure to In addition to modal and volitional adjectives some adjectives ofaspectual meaning such as aeeustomed and wont may be placed here

Adjective complementation 1229

We are aecustomedto take teaon the terrace (formal) He was wont to leave the office at 5 pm (formal archaic)

(ES(vraquo) Bob is lard to convince 1680 In Type (v) the subject of the sentence is identified with the unexpressed

object of the infinitive clause which must therefore have a transitive verb hence the unacceptable Bob Is hard to arrive There is an analogous construction in which the adjective is complement to an infinitive c1ause acting as (extraposed) subject (ef 1836)

- To convince Bob is hard Bob IS hard to convmce It is hard to convince Bob

Adjeeacutetives so used refer 10 degrees of ease or comfort and iexclnclude

awkward hard tough (informal) eonvenient impossible trieky (informal) difficult niee (informal) unpleasant easy pleasant

Unless there is ellipsis we cannot omit the infinitive c1ause and so there is no semantic implication between (say) The bread was hard to bake and The bread was hard Unlike the preceding types Type (v) permitsfor + subject to be inserted at the beginning of the infinitive clause Those darts are trieky (for a beginner) to use Where the infinitive has no overt subject its implicit subject is understood to have an indefinite meanihg

Jack is easy 10 fool =Jack is easy for anyone to foo

Note With some adjectives in this group such as nice or unpleasant the entailment relation between be + adjective ro V and be + adjective is less easy lO avoid eg Jenny is nice lo know iacutemplies that Jenny is nice

IE5(viraquo) Thefood is ready to eat 1681 Again in this type the subject of the main clause is identified with the object

of the intinitive c1ause But unlike Type (v) Typemiddot(vi) has no analogous construction with an infinitive clause subject

The food is ready to eat To eat the food is ready

Also we can generally (a) omit the infinitive clause or (b) substitute a passive infinitive clause without change ofmeaning

Are these cups available (to use) = Are these cups available (to be used)

Some adjectives of this type such as availablefitfree ready and suffieient belong additionally 10 Type (iv) so that a sentence like The lamb ia ready to eat is ambiguous in one sense (the most accessible) being equivalent to the passive The lamb is ready to be eaten Then there is a wider set of adjectives which often occur without complementation at all

The air isfrosty (to breathe) Its fur is soft (to touch)

1230 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

In both Type (v) and Type (vi) the subjectofthe main clause can be equated with the prepositional object of the infinitive clause so that the infinitive c1ause ends with a deferred preposition

She is pleasant to talk to (-It is pleasant to talk to her) This paper is terribly flimsy to write on Is the cloth sufficient to make a dress out ol

In Type (vi) as well as in Type (v)for + subjeet may be inserted before the infinitive verb Are these books free (for visitors) to borrow Are these books available to borrow]

(E5(vii)J Jt is important to he accurate 1682 We saw in 1672 that a that-clause following an adjeetive may prove to be a

subjeet postponed by extraposition (ef1833) A to-infinitive clause following an adjeetive may have the same oouree

It is essential to spray the trees every year - To spray the trees every year is essential

The infinitive clause can also be introduced by for + subjeet

It is vital (for the ehildren) to be properly cIad It will be strange (for us) to be living alone

Adjectives ofTypes (ji) and (iii) in 1672 ([E2b]) may have this construction importantJortunate lueky surprising etc Possible also belongs te this group

An addiacutetional group of adjeetives oeeurring after anticipatory it are those adjeetives (ehiefly naming evaluative attributes of persons) whieh occur in pattern [E5(i)] (ef 1676) The adjeetive in this group is often followed byan of-phrase identifying the persones) being discussed

It was wrong (of him) to teIllies iexcli

It is niee ofyou to phone

[E6] Adjective complementation by an -ing participle cfause [683 A number of sub-types ofthis pattem may be mentioned

(i) Busy is followed by an -ing participle clause without subject

Margery is busy writiacuteng Ietters

Worth and worthwhile on the other hand oceur both with and without subjeet

It is seareely worth(while) (youyour) going home

Here worth(while) follows preparatory it and the participle clause is an extraposed subjeet (ef1834) Other adjectives ofthis pattern are pointless and useless (Its pointless buying so mueh food) and adjectives of Type [E2b(iiacutei)J (efl6 72) also sometimes have this complementation absurd awkwardJortunate annoying etc

EIsewhere worth and worthwhile accompany an -ing participle elause without subjeet but with a passive meaning comparable to tbat of the infinitive elause in pattern [E5(v)] (ef1680)

Complementation of abstract nouns 1231

The cartons are worth(while) saving ( Its worth(while) saving the cartens)

(iv) There is a variant eonstruction in whieh a preposition oecurs between the adjective and the participle clause In some cases the preposition is optional (cf(i) aboye)

Im busy (with) getting the house redeeorated Werefortunate (in) having Aunt Mary as a baby-sitter

In other cases the preposition is obligatory We are used to not having a car (cf1669 Note [e]) Im hopeless at keeping the garden tidy Shes not capable oflooking after herself

Note [al The adjectival constructions in (ii) above may be compared in some cases with nominal constructionsof equivalent meaning

ts 110 goaduse telling him anything Theres 110 point (in) telling him anything

8uch constructions are introduced either by anticipatory il (el 1833) or by eltistential there (el 184$) AmE also hu Theres no use telling him anythlng (b) Worthwhlle is sometimes spelled as two words The vacillation between the spellings worthwhile and worth while reflects an unclarity about the status of this sequence which may altematively be regarded as the preposition worth (eI96) followed by a noun Compare

lts not worth your whife staying lts not worlhh whh~e (your) staying worl w 1

Complementation of abstract nouns

1684 In this coneluding section we will show as a conneeting link between this chapter and the next how the pattems of complementation described for verbs and adjectives in 1620-83 are aloo to be found with abstraet nouns which are morphologieally related to those verbs and adjectives (ef nominalization 1751ff and appositional constructions 1726 1735) For example the noun likelihood is derived from and semantically related to the adjective likely It is therefore not surprising that a construction associated with the adjeetive Is found with the corresponding noun

It is likely that Joan will get married [1]

The likelihood is that loan will get married [21 the likelihood that Joan will get married [31

But the assumption of eorrespondence eannot be automatie for it may faiacutel in both direetions

loan is likely to get married Joan s likelihood to get married

It is likely of J oans getting married the likelihood of Joans getting married

------__shyiacute1 11

COMPLEX INTRANSITIVE CONSTRUCTIONS p H MATIHEWS

1 Introduction

In sentences such as [1J

ArR C~Iltiacuteltmiddotli N ([1J Th~deitgreen ~

he construct~oEJ~QLordf JJP~ that GCE850ff describes as 9QMfLEX JRANSITIV~ Ofthe elements in questionit and made are related a~Jn tQllt ~imple transitive

j [2J They made it

YihiJe ir and green a~_~latelasinasimple_ltQI1llar_sentence ( [3] lt is green (- lt

~f the type that following Lyons (l977469ff) raquoe will call ASCRIPTIVE raquouacutet greacuteen- also standsJna direcueJordf9lsJIacuteIL ordm~_iii~de the object and adjective exemplifying a single I2atteIILof VERB COMllEMe~nrJ91 This paUCIDl can be sajd torepresenta IJJS10N (G e E 850) ofJ~ltsimpler transitiv iexcll~J~Jjpiexcly_e_tjPes - _shy

IH~~_sfiE~~Ve can be fused with th~~~tY_e_(lri~alsoP~ fused with theintransitixe1 Insentildetentildeces SUChas[4] -

MI It turned green

~construc~~~~~]y idmtifkQyaacuteth th~ of l3J in both examples the

l]

~ ~ ~ ENGLISH GRAMMAR

verb is described as copularor in the terminology of GCE820f as taking intensive complementation But neither description is quite appropriate to1 both cases In the~ptive sentence there i indeed no mor~than~pYhL~

1 2ampffiMical iP~ betwe~ the adjective and its subject~ plainly this ~ ~ is not true of [4] whose verb TURN has its own specific meaning lf turned~ iacute I is a full verb it must then be the govemor of green as made is in (1) in that

iexcl ~ sense there is cornplernentatjon But we express nothing by assigning such a complernentation to the copula A solution is to c1ass I4] as a COMPLBX

IITMNSITIVE iL~onsect_trJltiordmL being an extension of th~simpleJmransiUacutelLe _shy~ i I5] It turned

j precisely as that of (1) is extended from that of [2)iexcl

2 Fused constructions

Let us take our cue from GCEs referenee to fusionlo the simpl~L =nfu~~~_~~~~~~~)t1ecltgtnstVf1ionconsistso(asingJULeAicJ~tQI(lgde) which in a dependency ana~is has both the subject and the object as its dependents or to adapt G CEs term has both a subjeet and an oJkltt asit complementation lnJhaL~se (2) has a _K1U~~~_~ruetion (Lyons i977) w1jch cannotJiexclJLr~s~Cl9JUnQ(lt_e~mentary relationships of ptediCJJQJkSo too has the simple intransitive (5] vi1ihidepeiioenforior forming the complementation of tumed So too has the simple aseriptive [3] its predicator on the analysis ofLyons and others is the adjective green One reason for relatlng the subject to the adjective is that the elements are jointly subject to selectional restrictions A reason for not relating either to the copula is that the latter stands aside (rom these restrictions adding none ofitsown

In a fused construction the pattem ls neither strictly kernel nor straightforwardly non-kemellnJhegmplex transitive [lL1oth1tan41~Y are again direct ~cngents of made these relatio~_elQ~ the words in FigJbx direC1~ltaI~_uacutela~~I~Qordf-ordfl9blleiexcl)Uumlnamp21uacuteward frollLthe

~d

(aJiquest-Fig 1

[42]

P H Matthew$

p~ed~~ So is green arc el this too being supported by selectional restrictions We are therefore dealing with a single clause rooted in made of which each word is a distinct element But green js a1soapredicator in iexclelation to il (are d)J that wav we are dealing with two kernelp~QlS th~ fuurtermclauseinfQmQrating bothtM_~tuet~[IDJr~JlsitiYlljh~ twoshytenn a~-middot -_shy

In Fig 1 we have diagrammed what any grammarian will propose provided that his terminology or his notational apparatus allow him to say it Iut similar reasonjng applies to the construction which we have called the ~IpJex ln~~-ordfEsitive Of the relationships showninf1g --~~t~~~~_

it turned green

aAacutebJ Fig2

to ir (arcc)_isagainasintheascripJjy~ and needs no further cornment But the final element is clearly suJiexcliect to ru19jtional resr=l~ordmI~ tlTlJRI_ im~~tordm-~~it~~rAUQj~9iY_I9U~l~~ed noun (He turned pink He turned kings eVidence) iQ~~~1lined phrase is exCiuacuteded (He turned arog)

tDle~sthe p~e~~i0rl~lJ9rtn is ~~jordmntildei[qiireifitetuumlmed iexclnto a frog) ~itt G-ordm-1h exdusi(m is abgolule one cannot even say He went into a criminal

f [he adjeqtive is also Iimlted to specific collocations For example one can say It turned sour or Ir went sour but it is harder to accept Ir grew sour 1 Conversely one can say He grew od but not He went od On that evidence

j we may establish a relationship of dependency between green and tumedj (arc b) The verb too can then be related to the subject (arc a)

1 Epgth o~2am~ thefe is one terro ir lVhich is a9~de~~~~t1 theascriptile anCITlieletbalk~m~1 (Fig 1 ares b and d Fig 2 ares a and c) The fusion is then effected by a further link (Fig 1 arc e Fig 2 are b) in which ond of the two predicators een is ineo orat~a~_ ordf d~RendenlO(th~ I re atlon that uirk an4hl~ COU~_~ampI~s-1 jn the case of th complex intransitille hall app1ied the Iean intlaquo=nsve

mmplementatio~gly describe he yaleruLQ(IUN or iexcl l otIllBNinthisuseJuh~int~siYeint[ansitivx But the insight intildeaacute I

alsQ be extended to the complex transitiye In that spirit MAKE or MAKE as

used in sentences such as W might appropriatelL be described ~~_~n_ i ~ntensive transitive -J -bull_--------shy

[43)

ENGLISH GRAMMAR

3 Distinctions between tbe complex intransitive and other partly similar constructions

For a three-term construction Fig 2 shows the maximum number of interconnections with each term related to each of the others The miacutenimum isone thus for the ascriptive (3) we have adopted the structure shown i~

L with l~~E2nd te~~Il2= tlliacuten amaroe~ ordmrS1PP9~g~lexn~~ ~eLClatiacute9D~t~~~~t~first an~~~hir~ But this leaves five other possibilities which in theory might be realized ust as the second element_lt~p~ltmark(r ordfs inEig 3bullKlJQQmgordmHhetordm-iriexcl in thatJ~SiquestOillY

iacutet is green

Fig3

1he_verb vQ1lld_be a predicatorrwithonl)l1he_~ygtject related 10 it This structure does not seem to be realized at least not in away whiacuteCh is -relevant to our analysis Asecond_possibil~iuhatJmly the verb a~ ~~~iexcltiY~L iquestnjgl~~_rell~q in that ca~e bot~redicatoS_w-ordmyldIgt~ impersonal-vUh lh~su~ject a me~m~ce-filler This structure might conceivably be suggested for exampIacuteesmiddotSuumlch as [6]

[6] It got mistier

with a so-called ambient it But although it may indeed be ambient with respect to mistier it need not follow that it is ambient with respect to got

In the remaining cases no element is a marker but there are only two instead of three interconnections Ir there wem no link betw-IlJhe subject ~YMh(Ejg 2 are a) the verb1tSelf would agajn be impersmordf-~ I~ transformational terms its surface subject would be derived by raising (Postal 1974) from a subordinate adjectival clause lf th3ewere no intensiye lipk between the first and second predicators (Fg 2 arWJUlt verb would be a simple intransitive taking just t~_S)lbject as its complementation th~on of tbe adjec1iYtLL~ then be uumlMrn-~0n[7] forexample --- -_~

Eacutel He arrived saber J (~ eacute cc L f ~ 2 f

grammars do not establish an intensive or copular use of ARIUVB Finally

[44]

1 P H Marrhew$

if the ascriQive lik wer~~2ken iacuteEiKbJ~~ f)hHordmjlti~~ment woulordm-no longer bJlta predicaQ~ltiexclHQle wQuldin~teadb~ADVJllqt~iexcl as in 8)

(8) He ran fa~t

There is no doubt that the intensive construction is distinct from the adverbial and that sober in [7] is at least more circumstantial than green in It turned green But the subject-verb relation is more problematic in that a raising transformation has been proposed for one at least of the G C E s intensive verbs Let us therefore take that distinction first

31 Ofthe twenty or so most common intensive verbs (GCE821) SEEM and APPEAR particularly lend themselves to transformational analysis On the evidence of sentences such as [9]

(2) It seemed that they wereamp~e~

_U~naIlJral lo establish an underlying ~~ct~~

J~sIhey were green]~ seemed

irlYhIacutetEw~4)srelate(L1ot to they J~Q9green indhiOacute1lally but to the yiole ascri2tive kernelrom the same structure a sentence such as [10)

[10] They seemed to be green

can then be derived by further transformations of subject raising and infinitive formation Froro the structure reaJized by [Io]lIleare n3tllcalli

~m~ed to derive the comple~_~transiti~euacutell

[u) They seemed gre~

by a further transformation deleting the copuiacutea For SEEM the rules deriving [10] and [u] would both be optional But for

other verbs such as TURN or GO We could make them obligatory so It turned green could be the only realization of an underlying sUr was greenls turned the ambient Ir got misrier - [6] aboye - a realization of say s[mistier]s gorand so on If the obligatory rules were then restricted to the copula we would also ensure that any other form of embedded structure (g[he eft]s turned or g[he kissed her]s grew) was filtered out By such means a treatment which is widely accepted for SEEM and for which the evidence is at first compelling could be extended if it were thought appropriate to the entire intensive intransitive class

There are good reasons for not thinking it appropriate In a sentence such as [12]

[12] Harry got drunk

Qn~JsllQIacuteli~ply talking of a_~ate tha~ reslllttI s~o t~a~ ~~rry vs (45)

ENGLISH GRAMMAR

drunk or Harrys drunkenness happened) Nor is Harrya mere theme or tliexclfc (Aacute~-to-KarryQruniexcliquestenneacuteSs-l1ippened to him) tlamp11tbject iexclS1

potentia1lt-at-l~st--alMl~tgh-ge~~amp9run_~ wassoID1hiiL~hatJIal did The--verb mayaccordiacutentilde-gly take a subject adjunct (O CE 466]) thus I delibera tey got drunk or He foo(lshy turned traitor It may also supply the complement of a conative verb (1 did try to get drunk) may appear in the imperative (Dont get drunk ) and so on For sorne collocations this potentiacuteality is doubtless harder to realize (compare He delibera tey turned bue with He delibera tey turned nasty or He tried ro grow oder with He tried ro grow farter) but that is precisely the case for subjects and predicators generally lt is this semantic role that justifies the first link shown in Fig 2

which an impersonal structure as in (b)

(b) s[Harry was drunkls got

would relegate to the surface If (b) is wrong for Harry got drunk a transformationalist should consider

more carefully w hether a similar structure is correct for Harry seemed drunk Let us assume that it is correct for the construction with a that-clause (It seemed that Harry was dhmk) for SEEM and APPEAR a c1ausal complement does form one possibility Let us also accept that SBBM has a constant sense in all its constructions But for other current intensives (G eE 820 f) the evidence is more complexo With SOUNO a that-clause can be forced for example if a dative is inserted (lt sounds ro me that (hey arent coming) There is also an impersonal construction with as if

[131 It sounds as ifthey were green

which might be thought to derive from the same source The construction of [13] is also acceptable witb LOOK (lt ooks as ifthey arent coming) But between it and the complex intransitive we can find clear disparities in meaning In [13] the judgment is based on indirect clues what sounds or appears from audible information is indeed the whole proposition they were green But in the complex intransitive [14]

[141 They sound drunk

it is based on sounds that they are making For that reason it is harder 10 make sense of They sound green Likewise They [ook drunk means that they from their appearance are so But in It loob as ifthey are drunk the speaker does not even imply that he has seen them (Compare Prom what you say it ooks as if rhey are drunk) Ir we wanted a complex source it would be tempting 10 relate [14] not 10 the impersonal [13] with raising but rather to the personal [Is1

[IS] They sound as iexclfthey are drunk

with the second they deleted

[46]

P H Marthews

Personal and impersonal are often hard to separate as Palmer (1972) and before him Bolinger(l96la) have shown Ofthis group ofintensives TASTE

and 5MBLL are the most restricted in meaning and it is with these that the impersonal construction as in [91 and [131 is least acceptable With TASTE

neither seems likely Ir rasres to me that the soup is saty It tastes to me as if they are sweer If the second example can be interpreted it is by virtue of a blending with the personal construction (compare It tasres as ifit ) With SMELL the construction of [131 may be more acceptable (Ir smells ro me as if dinner is ready) but the blending remains With PEEL a non-tactile sense is possible (Ir fees Iikey) but is less established than the broader senses of LOOK or SOUNO (compare Ir ooks likey II sounds likey) It is in this case that my judgment is least secure would one say for example It fees (or Ir fees to me) as if they were green With SOUNO and LOOK the general sense is well established as in [131 or Ir sounds likely but there is still a sensory meaning as in [14] and [Isl which inhibits the pure impersonal with that With SEEM and APPEAR we are at the end of the continuum both having general senses only Hence the construction of[91 alongside the impersonal with as if (Ir seems as if they were green) Hence perhaps the infinitive construction of [101 with SOUNO and the others this too is awkward (They ooked ro have arrived Or Ir tastes ro me to be sweer) But it does not follow that the semantical1y general They seem drunk differs in syntax from the specifically sensory They sound drunk or They smell drunk We can even force an active interpretation of the subject thus They tried lO appear drunk or I deliberarey seemed irrftated

32 As [11] with SEEM Hes on a gradience between personal and impersonal so there are others which raise problems in distinguishing intensive from adverbial and circumstantial constructions For there is no criterion which is both sufficient and necessary

The obvious step is to tesectt for simpler transforms Thus J9r [12] Harl~ qrunk ~e can comp~jiexcleJgtimple a~ve Harry was drul~ TRANSFORM in that firstIy it is a a d secondly the predicator

-ORUNK hasnot a tq~ sense s no intraiiSIuvetrans[oacuterintilde ~stiiis~se of G BI is oot ~ble Nor has 4 r tumeirgeacute-iexcl an intransitive transform It turned since this involves a different sense oC TURN Ir there~~ an ascriptive transform but n9-Wn~itive the JhirdeiacuteeDlen t mult be a complementi so [41 and [12] must be complex intransitive Ir there is neither transform it MA y be complement but the col~of verb and adjective mjgbt rCaSantildea be classed as idiomatic Thus The roses have run wild has no transform The roses ve iiOr-aacuteoes it strictly match The rOSes are wild But WILO is at least an adiecti~ must stand in sorne relationship to the verb therefore R UN WILO is right1y

chmldw-rresultintensive (O eE) ---shy-- -_--g ~ _---_bull ~ shy

[471

ENOLISH ORAMMAR

If there is a simple intransitive but no ascriptive transr2ffil--_~~~ coacutentildeSffiiClioacutentilde-intildeuumlSt]ie iexcljdve(J2iacuteaIYlIacuteustrivialIy He ran iexcliuieacutekly has no ascriptive tiexclansfo~ He was quickly less trivially He travelled light does not match He was ight But what if we find both rlJgJQQordf~tillha$ordflJ ascriEtive _~ran~f~rrlJ~eYI1Jer~_~~ ~sectmL1aY-J~_a~~plement circumstantjallik~iilelltjnThey-sJoQdsilent ordfytlb~~j~llsothe simpler intran~1ti~ fbilystQPf so still ~ight be anadver~ like sileniTyintilde-fiieystood silenty Since there is no distinct form srilly the latter is hard to rule out For It shone white we can compare the formally adjectivallt shone brighr again there are both transforms (Ir shone Ir was white) But It shone brighr is c10se in meaning to the formaUy adverbial Ir shone brighry could white be an adverb in default of or as the commoner altemative to whirely Blending may aIso be found in idioms For example it is fruitless to ask if doggo is an adjective or an adverb in He is Iying doggo

For the circumstantial case both transforms are necessary thus [7] He arriuacuteiid sober has the triexcliexclntildeiiiacuteormsmiddotiexcliexcluacuteli-iexcliexclved andHe wasectSoacutebe Wewoacuteuumllifiliso ixpeeacutetthilUumlheveromiddotantildedmiddotildjectTe-shouId befreeOi collocationaI restrictions so He arrived sober He left sober He Jeft satisjied He arrived satisfied and so on But it is very hard to say when such a requirement iacutes meto One does not say for example They stood noisy or They sroodpeacefuJ on that evidence They stood sient might be classed as complex intransitive But neither is one likely to say They arrived noisy or They arrived kind Is that too a matter of collocational restrictions so that [7] is also intensive Or is it merely that NOISY and KIND are ill suIacuteted 10 this construction7 At this point jt is tempting to distinguish degrees of circumstantiality The extreme case would be represented by such sentences as [16]

[16] They stood there exhausted

(Iikewise They have arrived quite sober) where the adjective and verb are marked as separate Beside [16] the construction in [7] is less clearly circumstantial in They stood sient or They stoodfidgering it is perhaps even r less so But this last might stilJ be seen as less intensive than for example

iexcl They stood amazed Likewise They feJl exhausted is less clearly intensi ve than 1 They fell sick since it involves no special sense of FALL

~

f lrOacutel p1lI1riHmD ~ amires f0tr eompiex trlmSitive fu Tlieyfbuntlliim~

guilry there is a special sense OfPIND as ofMAKE in They mode it green In TIwy rrun Juacutem JOber tbat IacuteoS DO spcciiexcll SCDSII of)lEET~ by tbat cS ~ is more eircumsumlial BUl onc la unlikely lO say for eumple They me hlm meditative

4 Finally there is an obvious gradience between the coxnP-1ex intransitive ~nct the simple ascriptj~ With TURN 01 GROW there are~-selecUumlonal restrictions as we have seen With SBJlli or SIhV tney are far fewer

[48J

P H Matthews

neverthelesson~canI1Q~~yfordmr_~ordfmplelfil_sectil1Ied chairmqf1-ltcompareH~ stayelt chairman Qr1fsectJjiquest_riquest~cordfirmordfl1) or It srays obvious that (compare It seemsobvious that or It remainsobvious that ) With REMAIN it is hard to find any but at least the intransitive exists He remained) and their senses can be related Wth BECOMB that evidence too is lacking He became drunk can be distinguish-ed(rontildei1lieasgiptiYlt1g lu7ntl1k onlyJ~iiui~s from jts resultative meaning -_-

This merging has ied grammarians to treat the constructions together But we can do this only by assimi)ating BE to the mode) of verb complementation (as in GCE) not by assimilating TURN and so on to the model of a copula likethecpmplexrordfnsectitiy~nl_e compleimrap~W~i~ ayoor ca~~idatefltY-l~LIl~Jlt~IQ~-ordf_~~rnelltructllr~middot

M

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Page 22: in - UGR · (III). 11-70 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1171 Note [a] The ... In addition, we shall use where necessary the suffixes 'ph' (for

1210 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1211

1657

1 am applying lo the hospitalor ajobo There is a further possibility that two prepositional objects may follow a diacuterect object

We are paying $100 lo the garage for the repairs

Verbs of complementation types ID1 and [D2 The following list gives sorne of the verbs that occur in Types [DI] [D2aJ [D2b] organized aeeording to the cross-classifications of 1656 aboye We are interested here only in synonymous or nearly synonyrnous constructions in which the same participant roles (ef lO18jJ) oceur Hence many possible prepositional verbs are ignored Pay for for example is ignored because it introduces a further participant (the commodity bought) not incuded in pay (with) and pay (to)

Table 1657

Type [DI) Type [D2a] Type[D2b]

EXAMPLE serve (Jaek scampi) serve (searnpi) serve (Jack) to (Jack) with (scampi)

[DI + 2a + 2b) pay payto pay with provide (AmE) providefor provide with serve serve to serve with tel tell to tell about

[DI + 2a) (l) bring bring to den deny to give give lo

grant gram to hand hand to leave leave tofor lend lend to offer offer to owe oweto promise promiseto read read lo send send to show show to teaeh teaeh to throw throw to

(ii) do doacutefor find findfor make makefor order order for reserve reservefor save savefor spare sparefor

(iii) ask askof

1658

[DI + 2b]

[Di]

[D2a + 2b]

[D2a]

[D2b)

envy excuse forgive

allow eharge fine refuse wish

blameon supply forto

address to announee to eommunieate to explain to sayto

envyfor exeusefor forgivefor

blamefor supply with

advise about punishfor etc

The membership of[D2b] is numerous Here are further examples arranged by prepositions

thankfor eonvineeof robof refer to preventfmm depriacutevenf ltuspee f 9f sentenee to proleet from informof warnof subject ro imerest in persuadeof congratulate on treat to aecuseof relieveof confine to charge with convictof remindof introduce to compare with

Note that reflexive verbs (cf 625) sometirnes oecur with a prepositional object eg We pride ourselves on the serviee we ofler Sorne of the verbs abo ve (such as compare with) ean have two inanimate objects

In Table 1657 we have distinguished under[Dl + 2a] verbs taking to as their preposition from those takingfor eg

(i) She sent Paul a present She sent a present to Paul (ji) She made Paul a meaL She made a mealfor Paul

Occasionally a preposition other than to and for oceurs in this function

OiO She asked Paul a favour She asked a favour ofPaul

Distinct from [D2aJ and [D2bJ aboye is a kind of prepositional verb which has already been discussed in 167-8 a verb for which the direet object forms part of an idiomatic unit with the verb and the preposition The syntactic properties of this type which we label (D2e] have already been dealt with and it is enough here to list a further sample ofsueh idioms

1212 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1213I I

eateh siacuteght of make allowanee for put a stop to give place to make fun of set jire to give way to make afuss overabout take aeeount Ofl keep pace with make roomfor take advantage ojI lose sight of make use ojI take eare of 1

lose toueh with pay attention to 1 take note ojI lose traek of put an end to take notice ojI

Those marked with a raised 1 can take not only a prepositional passive (ef 167-8) but also can easily take a passive for which the idiomatically-fixed direct object beco mes subject eg (Some) allowanee was made for loss of eamings (Little) notiee was taken of this evento Other verbs can take the passive but with greater difficulty with these examples as with prepositional verbs in general idiomatic cohesion is a matter of gradience

Variants of ditransitive complementation

ID3J Indirect object + that-cIause object 1659 Corresponding to monotransitive verbs ofType [B3] (efI630) are ditransiti ve

verbs for which the direct object is a that-clause

John eonvinced me (that) he was right ~ I was eonvineed (by John) (that) he was right

The second passive is unacceptable when the direct object is a clause That he was right was eonvineed me Thus the first passive (ef 1655) above is the only passive that can occur with this pattern With sorne verbs such as eonvinee above it is impossible to delete the noun phrase object

John conviucJ (lhat) he was riguiacute

With other verbs such as show the indirect object is optional

The professor of mathematics showed me that Pythagoras was mistaken ~ The professor of mathematics showed that Pythagoras was

mistaken

Ditransitive verbs followed by a that-clause may be divided into a subtype introducing an indirect statement and a subtype introducing an indirect directive (ef 1433) In the indirect statement the that-clause contains an indicative verb in the indirect directive the verb may be indicative or subjunctive and often contains putative should or another modal verb (ef 1632 for the distribution ofthese options)

INDIRECT STATEMENT

May 1 inform you that your order is ready for eolleetion INDIRECT DIRECTIVE

mightbeShe petitioned the king that her father ~ould be pardoned

In the following list Type (i) verbs introduce indirect statements and Type (H) verbs introduce indirect directives The indirect directive construction is

rare and formal in comparison with the similar infinitive construction (ef 1663)

WOUldI begged her that she should help ltformal) 1 begged her to help ltmore usual)

For those verbs marked O the indirect object is obligatory foc those marked (O) the indirect object is optional for those marked laquoOraquo the indirect object is not only optional but unusual

(i) advise (O) remindO (iiacute) ask3 laquoOraquo assureO satisfyO beg3 (O) bet (O) show3 (O) eharge (O) eonvineeO teaeh3 (O) eommand laquoOraquo forewarn (O) tellO iacutenstruet laquoOraquo informO wager(O) order laquoOraquo notify 3 O warn (O) petition3 (O) persuadelO write2bull 3 (O) tellO promise3 (O)

The superscripts are interpreted as follows

1 Persuade in the sense ofconvince belongs to Type (i) but it may also be used in a Type (iiacute) sense of persuade someone to do something

2 Write is found with an indirect object + that-clause especially in AmE 3 With verbs so marked the indiacuterect object can be replaced by a

prepositional object (ef 1660)

Note Superficially similar W the [D3] pallern is lhe impersonal construction Iacutef strikeslstruck me (Ihal) asin

It strikes me this work is for his own amusement But here the Ihal-c1ause (as in 1634) is the extraposed subject of the verbo Compare He strikes me as (cf1646 Note [el) and lt occursto me that (cfI634 Note [e))

ID3prl Prepositionalobject + that-cIause object 1660 The verbs marked 3 in the aboye list can be optionally followed by a

preposition thus forming a category similar to [D2a] in 1656

He promised laquoto) me) that the debt would be repaid

For most verbs of [03] which permit a prepositional object the preposition is to

He wrote to me He reported to me that etc

Exceptions are ask and beg which (in somewhat formal usage) are followed by the preposition of

I askbegofyou that you will keep this secret ltformal)

There is in addition a group of verbs which were classified in 1631-32 as monotransitive but which optionally allow the preposition to preceding a prepositional object These may be distinguished as Type [D3pr] and subdivided into sub-types (i) and (iacutei) as in the paraUel description of [B3] verbs

1214 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Joan mentioned (to me) that her father was siacuteck [Type (O] Or Oay recommended (to her) that the treatment be continued [Type (ii)]

For elample

(i) acknowledge declare remark (ji) propose admit explain repon recommend announce mention say suggest complain pointout signal eoness prove state

As before Type (i) verbs introduce indirect statements and the less numerous Type (ii) verbs introduce indirect directives As befare too sorne exceptional verbs take a preposition other than to

She demanded ome that She agreed with me that etc

Unlike the nonprepositional verbs of [03] these prepositional verbs alow the that-c1ause to become subject of a corresponding passive clause an option which is more acceptable with extraposition

That several ministers are resigning has been admitted to our correspondent ~ It has been admitted to our correspondent that several ministers

are resigning It has been shown to us al that Miss Jones was innocent

Without the preposition ie with an ordinary indirect object such sentences are at best marginally grammatical 1It has been shown us al that Miss Jones was innocent

~~otc The constructions of lt appc-siexclappe(~iexclcfurseems ro me ha slipclfidaly appear ti) bclvuumlg to the paltero [D3prl but in faet these contain monotransitive verbs with an extraposed tnatshyelause as subject

It occurredlseemed to me that he was Iying esimilar patteros with extraposition in 1634 1659 Note

ID4) Indirect object + finite wh-c1ause object 1661 This pattern of complementatiacuteon is primarily found with the verb ask which

introduces a reported question

John asked me what time the meeting would end ~ 1 was Gsked (by John) what time the meeting would end

AIso used with this pattern are verbs which take an indirect object followed by a that-clause (Type (i) of [03]) but for these the wh-clause tends to be limited 10 nonassertive contexts (cf1635) Compare

George didnt tell them that the train was late [1] George didn t tel them whether the train was late [21

The difference of meaning between the that- and whether-constructiacuteons can be stated in terms of presupposition Sentence [1] typically implies that the train was late while [2] is noncommittal on the matter [04] verbs can also introduce other question words such as where and how

Tvpes of verb complementation 1215

Jim was reluctant to inform us (o) where he got the money Would you remind me (about) how we start the engine

A preposition may always be placed before the wh-c1ause In the aJiexclove cases the prepositiacuteon is optional but in the case of verbs like enquire o (Type [04prJ) the preposition is obligatory iexcl enquired ofthe clerk which doeuments were needed The complex preposition as to can be rather general1y used for introducing the wh-clause eg I enquired as to which documents were needed

[D5) Indirect object + wh-infinitive clause object 1662 This is yet another complementation pattern (comparable with [B5] 1637)

which may be taken by sorne verbs listed under[03] in 1659

advise ask instruct remind show teach tell wam

The instructor taught us how lo land saely - We were taught (by the instructor) how to land saely

They advised him what lO wear in the tropies Please remind me where to meet you afier lunch

The equivalent prepositional verb pattern [05pr] is iIIustrated by suggest to recommend to

Could you please suggest to the visitors which museums to visit

Here as in the [04] type a prepositional phrase introduced by as lO can be used

Helen advised us (as to) how to maintain the machine

f~ iexcl llt ~- I ~ i ~

~i ~ ~~

1663 ID61lndirect object + to-infinitive clause object We have seen that the [03] pattern may be used to introduce indirect statements and that the [04] pattern may be used to introduce indirect questions Now we tuen to the verbs of class [06] which introduce indirect directives (c1433)

1 lOldjadvisedjpersuaded Mark to see a doctor ~ Mark was toldjadvisedjpersuaded to see a doctor

[I] [2]

This complementation category looks like those of[B81 and [C5] in that the verb is followed by a noun phrase and an infinitive construction But the [06] pattern differs from these in that the noun phrase following the verb is an indirect object as will be c1arified in 1666 below As with other verbs introducing indiacuterect speech the subject refers to the speaker of sorne speech act and the indirect object refers to the addressee Like [03] verbs [06] verbs form only the first passive exemplified in [2] above we do not find To see a doctor was lOld Mark The folowing verbs belong to this c1ass

advise command entreat instruct remind teach ask counsel exhort invite request1 tell beg detai[l orbid order recommend urge beseech direct implore persuade challenge enjoin 1 incite l prayl

1216 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Those verbs marked with araised 1 do not have the equivalent construction with a that-clause containing a modal or a subjunctive verb (Types [B3(ii)J [030i)]) Contrast

They ~eg~tedd her to stay another week mm e

They ~eKgtedd (her) that she would stay another week mm e

The alternative that-clause construction however is more formal especially when the indirect object is presento

Note [a] The verb promire when it occurs wiacuteth this kind of complementation is exceptional in that the understood subject of the infinitiacuteve is identified with the subject rather than with the object of the maiacuten c1ause

Sarn prornised me to get some rood

= Sam promised me that he would get sorne roed o Sam promised me that lwould get sorne roed

The present pattern [D6] iexcls however less cornmon with promise than the [B6] pattern without the indiacuterect object Sam promised to get someiexclood lb] Only ordercan be followed by a passive infinitive He ordered Ihem lo be impriacutesonedlreleased

Multiple analysis and gradience in verb complementation 1664 Before we leave verb classification it is important to reflect on the problems

of dividing verbs into complementation types The major division of complementation patterns into copular [AJ monotransitive [BJ complex transitive [C] and ditransitive [OJ categories (introduced in 216) has been extended with little difficulty te include patterns in which the verbs ccmplementation includes finite and nonntildenitc clauses This is the basis rOiacute

the classification Qf verbs into types in 1620-63 aboye But unavoidably our aim of presenting a clear classification has obscured sorne problems of gradience and multiple analysis (e 260ff) and to illustrate these we return to three superficially iacutedentical structures aIread y discussed in 1636 These are now illustrated with three new examples each of which conforms to the pattern NI V N 2 to V N 3 (where N = noun phrase and V = verb phrase)

Table L664a

V N2 to V NJNI

[B8] S V O

We like all parents to visit the schooL

I [1]

[C4] Is V O Co

They James therace I [2]

[D6] I S Oiexcl

We I asked I the students I toattend

Ia lectu~en_~

Types of verb complementation 1217

Each ofthese sentences consists ofthe sequence Niexcl V N 2 to V N 3 and yet we have analysed them respectively as monotransitive (S V O) complex transitive (S V degCol and ditransitiacuteve (S V Oiexcl 0d) A different analysis in sorne ways more revealing would recognize an overlap between two competing descriptions of the intennediacuteate noun phrase N2 There is little doubt that in [1 J this is to be analysed as subject of the infinitive clause (e 1636) whereas in [3J there are equally strong reasons for regarding N as (indirect) object of the main clause (e 1666)

Smiddot V S V O 1shyI I

I I ISmiddot V 0 V OI I I I I iexcl I I I I I I I I I iexcl

NI V Nz 10 V NJ NI V N2 lo V N) I I I I

Fig 1664b Sentence[l] Fig 1664c Sentence [3J

Sentence [2J however partakes ofboth these descriptions From the semantic point of view it requires the analysis of Fig 1664b (ef They expeeted [that James would win the race]) But from the structural point of view the analysis in Fig 1664c is more appropriate reflecting N2s ability to become subject of the passive sentence James was expeeted to win the raee We might reasonably say that in [2J N 2 behaves like an object (0 rather than Oiacute) in relation to the first verb but like a subject in relation to the second infinitive verh Tbe term RAISED OBJECT applied in 1649ffto the intermediate noun phrase of patterns [C4 - Cn incorporates yet another way of recognizing this double analysis by envisaging a process whereby the subject of the infinitive becomes the object of the preceding finite verbo This raised object will be symbolized in what follows SO

1665 Given that the double analysis aboye provides sorne insight into clauses containing nonfinite complementation we could take such an analysis further and apply it to aH complex transitive patterns including the more straightforward SVOC and SVOA pattems of[Cl - C3]

that John is a good driver lB3J 1consider John to be a good driver [C4]

John a good driver [C2]

The paraHelism of meaning and phrasal relations demonstrated in these three sentences recommends an analysis in which the complementation of pattern [C2J John a good driver would be regarded as a clause in its own right ie as a verbless clause consisting of S = John and Cs = a good driver without an intervening V This description would not however displace the by now familiar S V Od Co analysis but would rather be seen as an alternative way of looking at the same construction

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1218 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Gradience 1666 The teehnique of multiple analysis stiU leaves some subtletiacutees unexposed

What this teehnique has suggested is that there are the folowing three eategories eorresponding to [1 in 1664

N 2 S We like all parenls to visit the school [1) N2 = SO They expeeted James to win the raee [2] Nz = O We asked Ihe sludents to attend a leeture

But more than three eategories ean be appropriately distinguished if we reeognize [1) and [3] as end-points of a gradient with [2) at some point on the seate between them This area of grammar affords a good example of gradienee

At the monotransitive end of the seale [I) ean be characterized by a number of criteria whieh suggest that N 2 to V N3 (al parents to visit the school) constitutes the direct object of an SVO pattern

(a) It ean be replaced by a pronoun referring to the cIause or noun phrase nominalizing it We like it We like al parens visits

(b) It can be an answer to a what-question A What do you like best

B We like al parents to visit the school (e) In some dialects it can be preceded by the infinitive clause introdueer

for We like (it)for all parens to visit the school (d) It ean easily (when preeeded by for) be the focus of a pseudo-cIeft

sentence What we like (best) is for al parents to visit the school (e) When the sequenee N 2 to V N 3 is turned into the passive form N 3 to be

Vedz by Nz there is no ehange ofmeaning We ike aIl parents to visit the sehcel

= We like the school te be visited biexcl al parents (f) In a reduced construetion the infinitive marker to remains We like them

does not have the same meaning as We like them to

At the other ditransitive end of the seale a eontrasting set of criteria eharaeterize [3) and support the analysis of N2 (the students) as an indireet object and to V N3 (to attend a lecture) as a cIausal direet objeet

(a) 10 V N 3 ean be replaced by a pronoun a noun phrase or a finite clause with Nz still funetioning as indireet object

SOmething We asked the students a question

what they wanted

(b) 10 V N 3 can be the answer to a wh-question while N2 funetions as indirect object

A What did you ask the students B We asked them to attend a lecture

(e) When the sequenee N2 to V N3 is turned into the passive sequence N3 to be Ved2 by N 2 the meaning is always changed

They asked the students to attend a leeture They asked a lecture to be attended by the students

this case indeed the passive transform results in an absurdity)

Types of verb complementation 1219

(d) to V N 3 can marginally become the focus of a pseudo-cleft sentence What they asked the students was to attend a lecture (Contrast the decidedly unaeeeptable What we like the parents is to visil the school)

(e) Nz which like Oi in general is usually personal can be detached from its place after the first V to beeome subjeet of a eorresponding passive sentenee The students were asked to attend a lecture

(n In a reduced eonstruction the infinitive marker to ean be omitted We asked them We persuaded them etc

Note [a] With some ditransitive verbs criterion (a) has to be interpreted as the replacement of the infinitive clause by a preposition and prepositional object (cfI656-8)

They reminded hiacutem ofhis responsibiacutelities One man challenged the other lo a duel

[b] Criterion (d) is less reliacuteable than the others since the pseudo-cleft sentence is unacceptable for many verbs But a pseudo-cleft sentence in which the indirect object is replaced by a prepositional object tends to be more grammatical Whal Ihey asked ollhe sludenls was lO attend a leclure (The alternative construction with the substitute verb do which also occurs with [1] is always more acceptable What Ihey asked Ihe students lo do was lO attend a lecture)

1667 To give a simplified illustration of the analysis of gradience in the sequence NI V N 2 to V N 3 we now take a subset ofthe eriteria listed aboye and apply them to a range of verbs on the gradient eonneeting [1] and [3] of 16_66

(1) (3) (4)(2) wantask elect intend

CRITERIA likeallow expectlel~ etc I etc etc etc~ (a) lo V N 3 can be replaeed by - - -+a finite clause

(e) ehange of meaning in passive -+ +of N 2 10 VN3

(e) N 2 can beeome subjeet of passive -+ ++

Fig 1667 A eomplementatiacuteon gradient

The matrix uses only three criteria and thereby distinguishes only four categories This is sufficient to indicate the principie however that the three categories [BS] [C4] and [D6) of our taxonomy eould be broken down iexclnto a finer spectrum of eategories between which the differences are small In effeet Fig 1667 distinguishes two subeategories of [C4] one (including elect and allow) whieh is c10ser to the ditransitive type and one (including inlend and expect) eloser to the monotransitive type Elect and allow respond to cri terion (e)

They elected Miss Coe to suceeed the present seeretary They elected the present seeretary to be sueceeded by Miss Coe

We dont allow residents to entertain visitors We dont allow visitors to be entertained by residents

1220 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

while intend and expeet do not

They intended the students to see the professor = They intended the professor to be seen by the students

They expeet the students to enjoy the classes = They expeet the classes to be enjoyed by the students

Note Por verbs in group (3) the voice oflhe infinitive clause and the voiceofthe main clausemay be independently varied with the result Ihat a SlIacutentence like They expected the students lo enjoy lile classes has tbree corresponding passiv~s with iexclhe same meaning

They expected the classes to be enjoyed by the students The students were expecled lo enjoy the classes

The classes were expected lo be enjoyed by the students

The last example has a passive verb phrase in both the superordinate clause and Ihe infinitive clame

Adjective complementation

168 Categories of complementation in adjective phrases (ef 228 721-2) are similar in variety to those ofverb complementation We distinguish [El-ES)as follows

[El] Complementation by a prepositional phrase [E2] Complementation by a that-clause [E3] Complementation by a wh-clause

i[E4) Complementation by a than-clause [ES] Complementation by a to-infinitive clause [E6] Complementation by an -ing participle clause

These complementation patterns can occur after an adjective (andmiddot its modifiers if any) in various syntactic functions For example

The violiacuten iacutes (rather) difficut to play (adjective phrase as CJ

Mary found the violiacuten (rather) diffieut to play (adjective phrase as CJ

The violiacuten is an instrument (rather) diffieult to play (adjective phrase as postmodifier)

The on1y posiacutetion in which an adjective cannot normally be followed by iacutets complementation is the premodifying position in a noun phrase a keen child on ehess But here too with certain constructions (Types [ES(iraquo) and [ES(v)D the complementation can follow discontinuously after the head noun The violiacuten is a diffieult instrument to play (ef discontinuity with comparative constructions IS75) For illustrative purposes we will confine examples in the following sections to the subject complement function The lists like the verb lists in 1620-63 will be selective

Adjective complementation 1221

Note There is a considerable parallel as the categories [El-ES] aboye demonstrate between patterns associated with adjectives and those associated with monotransitive verbs The chief difference is that adjectives cannot be followed by a noun phrase object To bring out the parallel further we could describe adjectives exemplified in 1669 below (averse to conscous oJ etc) as prepositional adjectives comparable with prepositional verbs We could moreover identify phrasal adjectives (derived from participiaI forms ofphrasal verbs) such as ron down (exhausled depressed) and phrasaI-prepositionaI adjectives such as fed up (with) These tatter variants however are rare enough lo be disregarded in the foUowing lists

[E1] Adjective complementation by a prepositional phrase 1669 Like prepositional verbs adjectives often forro a lexical unit with a following

preposition good atfond oj opposedto etc The lexical bond is strongest with adjectives for which in a given sense the complementation is obligatory Max is averse to games Max is averse Such adjectives are marked 1 in the following lists

The lists make a distinction between participial (ef 715-19) and nonparticipial adjectives The differencebetween participial adjectives and the -ed participle of the passive construction is discussed in 375-77 These lists provide on1y a small sample of the adjectives accompanying the prepositions concemed In particular it is often possible for the same adjective to go with two or more prepositions as in angry about angry at and angrywith

ABOUT He was very worried about her reaction (ef960)

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

angry knowledgeabe aggrieved frightened glad mad annoyed pleased happy reasonable delighted worried

AT She was badat mathematics (ef962)

NONP ARTICIPIAL P ARTlCIPIAL

angry good alarmed disgusted brilliant hopeless amusedmiddotmiddot pleased elever terrible delighted puzzled

FROM Thevillage is remotefromthe bustle ofcity life (ef918 947)

different distant distinct free remo te

OF She was aware ofhis difficulties

NONPARTlCIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

eonvineed ashamed empty proud1 afraid conseiousl glad

seared eapable fond 1 short1 tired certain full worthy

ONUPON Their plan was based on cooperation

NONPARTICIPIAL IPARTICIPIAL

contingent1 intent1 reliantl basedl set1

dependent keen severe hentl

Yiexcl

1222 Complementation of verbs and adjectives ~ Adjective complementation 1223

Note lal In general choice of preposilion remains the same after morphologicalIy related verbs adjectives and nouns differentftom differ from differencefrom But Ihis eorrespondence is not always lo be relied on contrastfull ofwilhfilied wllh proudofwith pride in lb] Other prepositions whieh less comrnonly enlee into adjective + prepositlon idioms iexclnelude for and lowards graleful for sorry for inclined towards le] Usedfollowed by the preposition lO a more informal synonym ofaccustomed(to) is participial in spelling but has the speeial pronuneiation nus~ Unlike accustomed however used does not oceur with a following infinitive (ef 1679) This adjeetival used to in spite of identity of spelling and pronunciation is quite distinet from used lO as a marginal modal (cf344) Contrast

Im used lO hard work I used ro work hard Id] In the past prescriptive objeetions have been made to the use of to ralher Ihan from after averse and different Howevee ro is the normal preposition to fol1lt11 averse and differenr 10 is quite widely used (esp in BrE) as an altemative lo differentfrom On iJifferent rhan cf1566 Note 1674

le] Wilh can be omitted after (fn)compalibie if the subject is plural cfmutual participation 1360

middotCarl is incompatible OUT Cad and Eva are incompatible

[E2] Adjective complementation by a that-clause 670 Like that-clauses following a verb that-clauses folIowiacuteng an adjective may

have

(A) indicative verb 1am sure (that) he is here now (B) subjunctiacuteve verb They were insistent (that) we be ready (formal) (C) putativeshould Im sorry (that) he should hove left ltformal)

The uses of the mandative subjunctive and of putative should have been discussed in 359 and 1425 respectiacutevely Putative should often occurs after expressions of emotion (sorrowjoy displeasure surprise wonder etc) and is often accompanied by intensifying expressions such as so such like thisl that ever or at all The indicative that-clause on the other hand refers to an established fact The foHowing pairs illustrate choices of construction

1 (that) 1 have to leave so early am sorry (that) you should have been (so) inconvenienced

(that) you didnt call the doctor before 1 am surprised (that) anyone ofyour intelligence should swallow a tie

likethat

With some adjectives (those in category [E2b(iiacute)] 1672) the should-clause can be paraphrased by an infinitive clause with a subject

It was natural for him to go to London after the war = It was natural that he should go to London after the war

That-clauses cannot be preceded by preposiacutetions Hence adjectives which are constructed with prepositions before noun phrases ([El]) drop the preposition before a that-clause (cfI628) Compare the folIowing

OfhiS innocence [E1 ] 1am convlnced (th ) h t [E2]at e IS mnocen

Many that-clauses folIowing an adjective are actualIy subjects postponed by extraposition (cf1833)

lt is lucky (that) you came - That you came is lucky

These are listed separately in 1672

lEla) Adjectives with experiencer (cflO23 Note) as subject 1671 (i) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATIVE VERB ONL Y (cfNote [a] below)

These adjectives express degrees of certainty or confidence aware certain corifident sure

We were corifident that Karen was stiacutell alive

(ii) THAT-CLAUSE HAS PUTATIVE SHOULD OR SUBJUNCTIVE VERB

(or marginally aloo an indicative verb) The three principal adjectives in this class are anxious eager and willing

he should be permitted to resiacutegn 1 Are you willing that he be permitted to resign 1

1he is permitted to resign 1 ~

(On the distribution of these three altematives cfI630)

(iH) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATIVE VERB OR PUTATIVE SHOULD

These adjectives express emotions

Im so thankful that nobody was hurto Were you surprised that Ray should win the prize

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

afraid hopeful alarmed depressed horrified angry proud amazed disappointed irritated glad sad amused distressed pleased grateful sorry annoyed disturbed shocked happy tha7lkful astonished frightened upset

There is a tendency to prefer the putative should construction in nonassertive contexts or where the adjective has negative or unfavourshyable associations

TO AH capital gains are subject to taxation NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

answerable close liableacute accustomedl

averse l due1 simz1ar allied1I WiTH This plan is not compatible with our princiacuteples

NONPARTICIPIAL I PARTICIPIAL

angry busy

happy impatient

annoyed bored

ClJmfortable incompatible1 concerned compatibleacute sick delighted content familiar friendly furious

uneasy depressed disappointed disgusted dismayed distressed

inclined1

opposed1

drunk enchanted obsessed occupied overcome pleased satisfied taken1

1672

1224 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Adjective complementatlon 1225

Note [a] The restriction oC Type (i) above lo indicative verbs only is meant to allow Cor the use of T

Note [a] Although tlle pro-forms so and n01 cannot be used after tllese [E2bI adjectives (ef 1671modal auxiliaries including should in a nonputative sense eg I am a~are that I should [= ought 1lo] havejoined longago iexcl Note [bJ) there iexclsa possibilityofreplacing the adjective + solnat by a related adverb + sonot

[b) Afraid is unique among adjectives in that it accepts the pro~oun so (and iexclts negative equivalent Mt) as a that-clause substitute (cfI631) rm afraid SOMI

IElbJ Adjectives with anticipatory it as subject

The that-elause in this eonstruetion is an extraposed subjeet Three types are again distinguished matehing those in 167l

(i) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATlVE VERBONLY (cfI671 Note CaD These adjectives have to do with truthor knowledge

It is true that she never cemes on time

apparent evident likely possible untrue certain implicit obvious true well-known clear indubitable plain unlikely

(ji) THAT-CLAUSE HAS PUTATIVIl SHOULD OR SUBJUNCTIVE VERB (or marginshyaIly also an indicative verb) These adjectives express eoncepts concerned with modality or volition

should be lifted tomorrow It is essential that the ban be lifted tomorrow

(1) is lifted tomorrow

appropriate essentiacuteal important necessary vital compulsory fitting impossible obligatoryshycrucial imperative improper proper

Various deverbal adjectives ending in -able also belong to this group egadvisable desrabIe preferable

(iii) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATlVE VERB OR PUTATIVE SHOULD

This group consists mainly of emotive adjectives and ineludes a large num ber ofparticipial ad jecti ves ending in -ing

Itmiddot strange th t She is so late IS upsetting a she should be so late

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTlCIPIAL

awkward logical alarming perplexing curious odd annoying pleasing disastrous peculiar depressing shocking dreadful sad disappointing surprising extraordinary silly embarrassing fortunate tragie frightening iexclrrational unfortunate irritating

Various -able-ible adjectives also be10ng tp this group admirable eommendable deplorable despieable incomprehensible inconceivable lamentable remarkable understandable unjustifiable etc

ha h l Id l h B Yes obviouslyfortunately soA 1 t IS apparentt t s e IVes oesn t Ive ere B N J I I di t o event y sa y no [b] When an adjective ofType (iii) above occurs after a modal verb construction the that-clause is commonly replaced by an if-clause If the modal verb in the main c1ause is hypothetical (eg would) the verb in the ifmiddotdause is placed in tlle hypothetical pasto Compare

It is sad that you have to leave It will be sad ifyou hove to lea ve

It would be sad ifyou had lo lea ve

[E3] Adjective complementation by a wh-clause 1673 As with that-clauses we have to distinguish those adjeetives ([E3a]) which

are predicated of an experieneer (normalIy a person) as subject and those ([E3bD which go with antieipatory it In the latter case the wh-clause is an extraposed subject Examples are

(onwhat 1should sayo [1]E3a 1was unsure[ 1 (about) whether the problem was solved [2]

[E3b] It was unclear what they would do [3]

Type [E3a1 consists of adjectives which are constructed with prepositions and whieh therefore belong also to Type [EI1 The preposition is sometimes omitted before the wh-clause (ef155 Note reD In Type [E3b] on the other hand no preposition can be inserted bull It was uneear ofabout what lhey would do AIso no infinitive wh-cIause is possible (ef i637) It is unsure where to go is unacceptable unless it refers to sorne aniacutemate being (sueh as a mouse) and is consequently not interpreted in terms of extraposition

Retuming to Type [E3a] we note that in sorne cases the adjective takes a wh-elause in assertive eontexts eg eareful (about) doubtful (as to) fussy (about) puzzled (as to) uneear (about) uncertain (o) undecided (about) unsure (0) unaware (o)

John is careul (about) what he does with his money

Most of these adjeetives are intrinsiealIy negative In meaning In other cases although elsewhere it is associated with an indicative that-clause [E2a(i)] the adjective tends to oceur with a wh-cIause in nonassertive contexts (efI635) eg aware certain eear sure

Are you sure (o) how mueh the maehine costs 1wasnt altogether cleaiexcl- (about) what we had to do

A similar division may be made among adjectives of the antieipatory-it type ([E3b]) Those whieh intrinsieally express doubt and therefore take this strueture even in assertive contexts include doubtful uneertain uneear unsure and unknown Those normally oceurring with an indieative that-elause (le Type [E2b(i)]) inelude apparent eertain obvious and plain They can take a wh-cIause in nonassertive contexts Each type is illustrated in

It was uneear whether an amendment would be accepted It was not obvious how far the westernization process would IO

~ltgt ~~~1~ 1 -~ Adjective complementation 1227

1226 Complementation of verbs and adjectives iexcl

After adjectives of Type [E3a] there may also occur an infinitive wh-clause 1 was uncertain (oi) what to do This is preferable to the finite c1ause in cases illustrated by [1-3] aboye since the subject can remain unexpressed in the reduced nonfinite version

[E4] Adjective complementation by a than-clause 1674 There is an unusual construction in which a noncomparative adjective is

foIlowed by a comparative than-clause as complementation Different is the only adjective which fits into this pattero and even then there is a tradition which regards the use of than here as impropero There is however no felicitous alternative to the different than construction in examples such as

Shes quite a different girl than she wasfilie years ago [11 The various styliacutestic variants of and alteroatives to the than-clause after different are examined in 1566 Note lb] When the c1ause is reduceacuted to a noun phrase it becomes possible to usefrom as an alternative to than

The unions are taking a very different attitude ~ the employers

When the noun phrase folIowing thanffrom cannot be derived by ellipsis from a c1ause than is decidedly less acceptable thanfrom

The main languages of southern India are totaIly different In origin

~~~ those ofthe northern partofthe country

Note [al On differenlrom and different 10 1669 Note [dI [bj It is aloo possible for a Ihan-c1ause to be used after he adverb difilrently

In the west of the country they pronounce their vowels quite aifferently han (they do) in the easl

The same prescriptive objections are made to differenlly Ihan as to different Ihan

[E5] Adjective complementation by a to-infinitive clause [675 We distinguish seven kinds of construction in which an adjective is foIlowed

by a to-infinitive c1ause They are exemplified in the following sentences which are superficially alike

Bob is splendid to wait (ii) Bob is slow to react

(iii) Bob is sorry to hear it (iv) Bob is hesitant to agree with yOU (v) Bob is hard to convince

(vi) The food is ready to eat (vii) lt is important to be accurate

In Types (i-iv) the subject of the main clause (Bob) is also the subject of the infinitive c1ause We can therefore always have a direct object in the infinitive clause if its verb is transitive Por example if we replace intransitive wait by transitive build in (i) we can have Bob is splendid to build this house

Por Types (v-vii) on the other hand the subject of the infinitive is unspecified although the contextoften makes clear which subject is intended

In these types it is possible to insert a subject preceded by for eg in Type (vi) The food is ready (jOr Ihe children) to eat

Infinitive complementation following adjectives modified by lOO and enQugh is discussed eIse Note where in 1S73

(ES(i)) Bob is Iplendid to wait Type (i) has an analogue in a construction involving extraposition (cf1833)1676 1t is splendid of Bob lo wait This type OC construction also permits a head noun between the adjective and the infinitive

Bob must be a spiendid craftsman ~ ~~bUilt this house

As this example shows the infinitive may be perfective We may also compare constructions in which an evaluative noun with its determiner

replaces the adjective

ffoolishYourelafool to spend so mucho

WOnderfUl Youre 1 to walt for me anange

Adjectives in this group are evaluative of human beha~iour They inelude

careful crazy mad silly wise careless greedy nice unwise wrong

These adjectives can also occur with anticipatory il and an of-phrase as additional complementation (cf1682)

It was foolish of you to spend so mucho

IE5(Hraquo) Bob is IOW to react In Type (ii) the sentence corresponds to one in which the adjective becomes 1677 an adverbwhile the infinitive becomes the finite verb

Bob is slow to react - Bob reacts slowlyc

In another analogue the adjective is followed by in and an -ing participle Bob is slow in reacting The infinitive verb phrase must be simple for example unlike the inftnitive phrase in [E5(i)] it cannot be perfective Bob is slow ItJ have reacted Other adjectives in this small group are quick and prompt

There is also a partial adverbial analogue (e8127ff) for Type (i) but in Type (i) unlike Type Note (ii) the perfective infinitive andeven the get-passive (e366) can be used

loan was wise to resigno ~ loan wisely resigned loan was careless to get beaten - loan carelessly got beaten

loan is careless to have got beaten

IES(iuumlraquo) Bob is 10rry lo hear it In Type (iexcliexcli) the head of the adjective phrase is an emotive adjective 1678 (commonly a participial adjective) and the infinitive clause expresses

causation

1679

1228 Complementation of verbs end adjectives

Im sorry to have kept you waiting [rm sorry because I have kept you waiting]

1 was exeited to be there [- To be there exeited me]

Adjectives in this group correspond c10sely to the adjectives followed by a that-clause in 1671 (Type [E2a(iii)D

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

afraid angry ashamed content furious glad

happy impatient indignant jubilant thankful

annoyed astonished bored coneerned delighted depressed

disgusted dissatisfied embarrassed fasemated frightened interested

overwhelmed perturbed puzzled relieved surprised worried

disappointed overjoyed

IE5(ivraquo) Boh is heaitant to agree withyou In Type (iv) the head of the adjective phrase expresses volitional meaning or a modal meaning such as ability possibility or liability Examples are

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

able keen determined anxious Iiable disposed apt Iikely [E2b] fated[E2b] eertain [E2b] loath inclined curious powerless poiseddue prone prepared eager ready [E5] (all) set eligible reluetant unqualified fit [ES] sure [E2b] free [ES] unable greedy weleome hesitant willing impotent worthy

The adjectives marked [E2b] occur with a corresponding construction with extraposition of a that-clause

JilI is likely to attend - It is likely that JiU will attend

Those marked [E5] are capable of occurring with an infinitive construction of passive meaning ie with an indefinite implied subject and a coreferential implied object

Theyare not fit to eat = They are not tit to be eaten

Some ofthe most common adjectives in this list have a tendency to coalesce with the preceding copula 10 form a semimiddotauxiliary verb (ef3A7) be able to be willing to be sure to In addition to modal and volitional adjectives some adjectives ofaspectual meaning such as aeeustomed and wont may be placed here

Adjective complementation 1229

We are aecustomedto take teaon the terrace (formal) He was wont to leave the office at 5 pm (formal archaic)

(ES(vraquo) Bob is lard to convince 1680 In Type (v) the subject of the sentence is identified with the unexpressed

object of the infinitive clause which must therefore have a transitive verb hence the unacceptable Bob Is hard to arrive There is an analogous construction in which the adjective is complement to an infinitive c1ause acting as (extraposed) subject (ef 1836)

- To convince Bob is hard Bob IS hard to convmce It is hard to convince Bob

Adjeeacutetives so used refer 10 degrees of ease or comfort and iexclnclude

awkward hard tough (informal) eonvenient impossible trieky (informal) difficult niee (informal) unpleasant easy pleasant

Unless there is ellipsis we cannot omit the infinitive c1ause and so there is no semantic implication between (say) The bread was hard to bake and The bread was hard Unlike the preceding types Type (v) permitsfor + subject to be inserted at the beginning of the infinitive clause Those darts are trieky (for a beginner) to use Where the infinitive has no overt subject its implicit subject is understood to have an indefinite meanihg

Jack is easy 10 fool =Jack is easy for anyone to foo

Note With some adjectives in this group such as nice or unpleasant the entailment relation between be + adjective ro V and be + adjective is less easy lO avoid eg Jenny is nice lo know iacutemplies that Jenny is nice

IE5(viraquo) Thefood is ready to eat 1681 Again in this type the subject of the main clause is identified with the object

of the intinitive c1ause But unlike Type (v) Typemiddot(vi) has no analogous construction with an infinitive clause subject

The food is ready to eat To eat the food is ready

Also we can generally (a) omit the infinitive clause or (b) substitute a passive infinitive clause without change ofmeaning

Are these cups available (to use) = Are these cups available (to be used)

Some adjectives of this type such as availablefitfree ready and suffieient belong additionally 10 Type (iv) so that a sentence like The lamb ia ready to eat is ambiguous in one sense (the most accessible) being equivalent to the passive The lamb is ready to be eaten Then there is a wider set of adjectives which often occur without complementation at all

The air isfrosty (to breathe) Its fur is soft (to touch)

1230 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

In both Type (v) and Type (vi) the subjectofthe main clause can be equated with the prepositional object of the infinitive clause so that the infinitive c1ause ends with a deferred preposition

She is pleasant to talk to (-It is pleasant to talk to her) This paper is terribly flimsy to write on Is the cloth sufficient to make a dress out ol

In Type (vi) as well as in Type (v)for + subjeet may be inserted before the infinitive verb Are these books free (for visitors) to borrow Are these books available to borrow]

(E5(vii)J Jt is important to he accurate 1682 We saw in 1672 that a that-clause following an adjeetive may prove to be a

subjeet postponed by extraposition (ef1833) A to-infinitive clause following an adjeetive may have the same oouree

It is essential to spray the trees every year - To spray the trees every year is essential

The infinitive clause can also be introduced by for + subjeet

It is vital (for the ehildren) to be properly cIad It will be strange (for us) to be living alone

Adjectives ofTypes (ji) and (iii) in 1672 ([E2b]) may have this construction importantJortunate lueky surprising etc Possible also belongs te this group

An addiacutetional group of adjeetives oeeurring after anticipatory it are those adjeetives (ehiefly naming evaluative attributes of persons) whieh occur in pattern [E5(i)] (ef 1676) The adjeetive in this group is often followed byan of-phrase identifying the persones) being discussed

It was wrong (of him) to teIllies iexcli

It is niee ofyou to phone

[E6] Adjective complementation by an -ing participle cfause [683 A number of sub-types ofthis pattem may be mentioned

(i) Busy is followed by an -ing participle clause without subject

Margery is busy writiacuteng Ietters

Worth and worthwhile on the other hand oceur both with and without subjeet

It is seareely worth(while) (youyour) going home

Here worth(while) follows preparatory it and the participle clause is an extraposed subjeet (ef1834) Other adjectives ofthis pattern are pointless and useless (Its pointless buying so mueh food) and adjectives of Type [E2b(iiacutei)J (efl6 72) also sometimes have this complementation absurd awkwardJortunate annoying etc

EIsewhere worth and worthwhile accompany an -ing participle elause without subjeet but with a passive meaning comparable to tbat of the infinitive elause in pattern [E5(v)] (ef1680)

Complementation of abstract nouns 1231

The cartons are worth(while) saving ( Its worth(while) saving the cartens)

(iv) There is a variant eonstruction in whieh a preposition oecurs between the adjective and the participle clause In some cases the preposition is optional (cf(i) aboye)

Im busy (with) getting the house redeeorated Werefortunate (in) having Aunt Mary as a baby-sitter

In other cases the preposition is obligatory We are used to not having a car (cf1669 Note [e]) Im hopeless at keeping the garden tidy Shes not capable oflooking after herself

Note [al The adjectival constructions in (ii) above may be compared in some cases with nominal constructionsof equivalent meaning

ts 110 goaduse telling him anything Theres 110 point (in) telling him anything

8uch constructions are introduced either by anticipatory il (el 1833) or by eltistential there (el 184$) AmE also hu Theres no use telling him anythlng (b) Worthwhlle is sometimes spelled as two words The vacillation between the spellings worthwhile and worth while reflects an unclarity about the status of this sequence which may altematively be regarded as the preposition worth (eI96) followed by a noun Compare

lts not worth your whife staying lts not worlhh whh~e (your) staying worl w 1

Complementation of abstract nouns

1684 In this coneluding section we will show as a conneeting link between this chapter and the next how the pattems of complementation described for verbs and adjectives in 1620-83 are aloo to be found with abstraet nouns which are morphologieally related to those verbs and adjectives (ef nominalization 1751ff and appositional constructions 1726 1735) For example the noun likelihood is derived from and semantically related to the adjective likely It is therefore not surprising that a construction associated with the adjeetive Is found with the corresponding noun

It is likely that Joan will get married [1]

The likelihood is that loan will get married [21 the likelihood that Joan will get married [31

But the assumption of eorrespondence eannot be automatie for it may faiacutel in both direetions

loan is likely to get married Joan s likelihood to get married

It is likely of J oans getting married the likelihood of Joans getting married

------__shyiacute1 11

COMPLEX INTRANSITIVE CONSTRUCTIONS p H MATIHEWS

1 Introduction

In sentences such as [1J

ArR C~Iltiacuteltmiddotli N ([1J Th~deitgreen ~

he construct~oEJ~QLordf JJP~ that GCE850ff describes as 9QMfLEX JRANSITIV~ Ofthe elements in questionit and made are related a~Jn tQllt ~imple transitive

j [2J They made it

YihiJe ir and green a~_~latelasinasimple_ltQI1llar_sentence ( [3] lt is green (- lt

~f the type that following Lyons (l977469ff) raquoe will call ASCRIPTIVE raquouacutet greacuteen- also standsJna direcueJordf9lsJIacuteIL ordm~_iii~de the object and adjective exemplifying a single I2atteIILof VERB COMllEMe~nrJ91 This paUCIDl can be sajd torepresenta IJJS10N (G e E 850) ofJ~ltsimpler transitiv iexcll~J~Jjpiexcly_e_tjPes - _shy

IH~~_sfiE~~Ve can be fused with th~~~tY_e_(lri~alsoP~ fused with theintransitixe1 Insentildetentildeces SUChas[4] -

MI It turned green

~construc~~~~~]y idmtifkQyaacuteth th~ of l3J in both examples the

l]

~ ~ ~ ENGLISH GRAMMAR

verb is described as copularor in the terminology of GCE820f as taking intensive complementation But neither description is quite appropriate to1 both cases In the~ptive sentence there i indeed no mor~than~pYhL~

1 2ampffiMical iP~ betwe~ the adjective and its subject~ plainly this ~ ~ is not true of [4] whose verb TURN has its own specific meaning lf turned~ iacute I is a full verb it must then be the govemor of green as made is in (1) in that

iexcl ~ sense there is cornplernentatjon But we express nothing by assigning such a complernentation to the copula A solution is to c1ass I4] as a COMPLBX

IITMNSITIVE iL~onsect_trJltiordmL being an extension of th~simpleJmransiUacutelLe _shy~ i I5] It turned

j precisely as that of (1) is extended from that of [2)iexcl

2 Fused constructions

Let us take our cue from GCEs referenee to fusionlo the simpl~L =nfu~~~_~~~~~~~)t1ecltgtnstVf1ionconsistso(asingJULeAicJ~tQI(lgde) which in a dependency ana~is has both the subject and the object as its dependents or to adapt G CEs term has both a subjeet and an oJkltt asit complementation lnJhaL~se (2) has a _K1U~~~_~ruetion (Lyons i977) w1jch cannotJiexclJLr~s~Cl9JUnQ(lt_e~mentary relationships of ptediCJJQJkSo too has the simple intransitive (5] vi1ihidepeiioenforior forming the complementation of tumed So too has the simple aseriptive [3] its predicator on the analysis ofLyons and others is the adjective green One reason for relatlng the subject to the adjective is that the elements are jointly subject to selectional restrictions A reason for not relating either to the copula is that the latter stands aside (rom these restrictions adding none ofitsown

In a fused construction the pattem ls neither strictly kernel nor straightforwardly non-kemellnJhegmplex transitive [lL1oth1tan41~Y are again direct ~cngents of made these relatio~_elQ~ the words in FigJbx direC1~ltaI~_uacutela~~I~Qordf-ordfl9blleiexcl)Uumlnamp21uacuteward frollLthe

~d

(aJiquest-Fig 1

[42]

P H Matthew$

p~ed~~ So is green arc el this too being supported by selectional restrictions We are therefore dealing with a single clause rooted in made of which each word is a distinct element But green js a1soapredicator in iexclelation to il (are d)J that wav we are dealing with two kernelp~QlS th~ fuurtermclauseinfQmQrating bothtM_~tuet~[IDJr~JlsitiYlljh~ twoshytenn a~-middot -_shy

In Fig 1 we have diagrammed what any grammarian will propose provided that his terminology or his notational apparatus allow him to say it Iut similar reasonjng applies to the construction which we have called the ~IpJex ln~~-ordfEsitive Of the relationships showninf1g --~~t~~~~_

it turned green

aAacutebJ Fig2

to ir (arcc)_isagainasintheascripJjy~ and needs no further cornment But the final element is clearly suJiexcliect to ru19jtional resr=l~ordmI~ tlTlJRI_ im~~tordm-~~it~~rAUQj~9iY_I9U~l~~ed noun (He turned pink He turned kings eVidence) iQ~~~1lined phrase is exCiuacuteded (He turned arog)

tDle~sthe p~e~~i0rl~lJ9rtn is ~~jordmntildei[qiireifitetuumlmed iexclnto a frog) ~itt G-ordm-1h exdusi(m is abgolule one cannot even say He went into a criminal

f [he adjeqtive is also Iimlted to specific collocations For example one can say It turned sour or Ir went sour but it is harder to accept Ir grew sour 1 Conversely one can say He grew od but not He went od On that evidence

j we may establish a relationship of dependency between green and tumedj (arc b) The verb too can then be related to the subject (arc a)

1 Epgth o~2am~ thefe is one terro ir lVhich is a9~de~~~~t1 theascriptile anCITlieletbalk~m~1 (Fig 1 ares b and d Fig 2 ares a and c) The fusion is then effected by a further link (Fig 1 arc e Fig 2 are b) in which ond of the two predicators een is ineo orat~a~_ ordf d~RendenlO(th~ I re atlon that uirk an4hl~ COU~_~ampI~s-1 jn the case of th complex intransitille hall app1ied the Iean intlaquo=nsve

mmplementatio~gly describe he yaleruLQ(IUN or iexcl l otIllBNinthisuseJuh~int~siYeint[ansitivx But the insight intildeaacute I

alsQ be extended to the complex transitiye In that spirit MAKE or MAKE as

used in sentences such as W might appropriatelL be described ~~_~n_ i ~ntensive transitive -J -bull_--------shy

[43)

ENGLISH GRAMMAR

3 Distinctions between tbe complex intransitive and other partly similar constructions

For a three-term construction Fig 2 shows the maximum number of interconnections with each term related to each of the others The miacutenimum isone thus for the ascriptive (3) we have adopted the structure shown i~

L with l~~E2nd te~~Il2= tlliacuten amaroe~ ordmrS1PP9~g~lexn~~ ~eLClatiacute9D~t~~~~t~first an~~~hir~ But this leaves five other possibilities which in theory might be realized ust as the second element_lt~p~ltmark(r ordfs inEig 3bullKlJQQmgordmHhetordm-iriexcl in thatJ~SiquestOillY

iacutet is green

Fig3

1he_verb vQ1lld_be a predicatorrwithonl)l1he_~ygtject related 10 it This structure does not seem to be realized at least not in away whiacuteCh is -relevant to our analysis Asecond_possibil~iuhatJmly the verb a~ ~~~iexcltiY~L iquestnjgl~~_rell~q in that ca~e bot~redicatoS_w-ordmyldIgt~ impersonal-vUh lh~su~ject a me~m~ce-filler This structure might conceivably be suggested for exampIacuteesmiddotSuumlch as [6]

[6] It got mistier

with a so-called ambient it But although it may indeed be ambient with respect to mistier it need not follow that it is ambient with respect to got

In the remaining cases no element is a marker but there are only two instead of three interconnections Ir there wem no link betw-IlJhe subject ~YMh(Ejg 2 are a) the verb1tSelf would agajn be impersmordf-~ I~ transformational terms its surface subject would be derived by raising (Postal 1974) from a subordinate adjectival clause lf th3ewere no intensiye lipk between the first and second predicators (Fg 2 arWJUlt verb would be a simple intransitive taking just t~_S)lbject as its complementation th~on of tbe adjec1iYtLL~ then be uumlMrn-~0n[7] forexample --- -_~

Eacutel He arrived saber J (~ eacute cc L f ~ 2 f

grammars do not establish an intensive or copular use of ARIUVB Finally

[44]

1 P H Marrhew$

if the ascriQive lik wer~~2ken iacuteEiKbJ~~ f)hHordmjlti~~ment woulordm-no longer bJlta predicaQ~ltiexclHQle wQuldin~teadb~ADVJllqt~iexcl as in 8)

(8) He ran fa~t

There is no doubt that the intensive construction is distinct from the adverbial and that sober in [7] is at least more circumstantial than green in It turned green But the subject-verb relation is more problematic in that a raising transformation has been proposed for one at least of the G C E s intensive verbs Let us therefore take that distinction first

31 Ofthe twenty or so most common intensive verbs (GCE821) SEEM and APPEAR particularly lend themselves to transformational analysis On the evidence of sentences such as [9]

(2) It seemed that they wereamp~e~

_U~naIlJral lo establish an underlying ~~ct~~

J~sIhey were green]~ seemed

irlYhIacutetEw~4)srelate(L1ot to they J~Q9green indhiOacute1lally but to the yiole ascri2tive kernelrom the same structure a sentence such as [10)

[10] They seemed to be green

can then be derived by further transformations of subject raising and infinitive formation Froro the structure reaJized by [Io]lIleare n3tllcalli

~m~ed to derive the comple~_~transiti~euacutell

[u) They seemed gre~

by a further transformation deleting the copuiacutea For SEEM the rules deriving [10] and [u] would both be optional But for

other verbs such as TURN or GO We could make them obligatory so It turned green could be the only realization of an underlying sUr was greenls turned the ambient Ir got misrier - [6] aboye - a realization of say s[mistier]s gorand so on If the obligatory rules were then restricted to the copula we would also ensure that any other form of embedded structure (g[he eft]s turned or g[he kissed her]s grew) was filtered out By such means a treatment which is widely accepted for SEEM and for which the evidence is at first compelling could be extended if it were thought appropriate to the entire intensive intransitive class

There are good reasons for not thinking it appropriate In a sentence such as [12]

[12] Harry got drunk

Qn~JsllQIacuteli~ply talking of a_~ate tha~ reslllttI s~o t~a~ ~~rry vs (45)

ENGLISH GRAMMAR

drunk or Harrys drunkenness happened) Nor is Harrya mere theme or tliexclfc (Aacute~-to-KarryQruniexcliquestenneacuteSs-l1ippened to him) tlamp11tbject iexclS1

potentia1lt-at-l~st--alMl~tgh-ge~~amp9run_~ wassoID1hiiL~hatJIal did The--verb mayaccordiacutentilde-gly take a subject adjunct (O CE 466]) thus I delibera tey got drunk or He foo(lshy turned traitor It may also supply the complement of a conative verb (1 did try to get drunk) may appear in the imperative (Dont get drunk ) and so on For sorne collocations this potentiacuteality is doubtless harder to realize (compare He delibera tey turned bue with He delibera tey turned nasty or He tried ro grow oder with He tried ro grow farter) but that is precisely the case for subjects and predicators generally lt is this semantic role that justifies the first link shown in Fig 2

which an impersonal structure as in (b)

(b) s[Harry was drunkls got

would relegate to the surface If (b) is wrong for Harry got drunk a transformationalist should consider

more carefully w hether a similar structure is correct for Harry seemed drunk Let us assume that it is correct for the construction with a that-clause (It seemed that Harry was dhmk) for SEEM and APPEAR a c1ausal complement does form one possibility Let us also accept that SBBM has a constant sense in all its constructions But for other current intensives (G eE 820 f) the evidence is more complexo With SOUNO a that-clause can be forced for example if a dative is inserted (lt sounds ro me that (hey arent coming) There is also an impersonal construction with as if

[131 It sounds as ifthey were green

which might be thought to derive from the same source The construction of [13] is also acceptable witb LOOK (lt ooks as ifthey arent coming) But between it and the complex intransitive we can find clear disparities in meaning In [13] the judgment is based on indirect clues what sounds or appears from audible information is indeed the whole proposition they were green But in the complex intransitive [14]

[141 They sound drunk

it is based on sounds that they are making For that reason it is harder 10 make sense of They sound green Likewise They [ook drunk means that they from their appearance are so But in It loob as ifthey are drunk the speaker does not even imply that he has seen them (Compare Prom what you say it ooks as if rhey are drunk) Ir we wanted a complex source it would be tempting 10 relate [14] not 10 the impersonal [13] with raising but rather to the personal [Is1

[IS] They sound as iexclfthey are drunk

with the second they deleted

[46]

P H Marthews

Personal and impersonal are often hard to separate as Palmer (1972) and before him Bolinger(l96la) have shown Ofthis group ofintensives TASTE

and 5MBLL are the most restricted in meaning and it is with these that the impersonal construction as in [91 and [131 is least acceptable With TASTE

neither seems likely Ir rasres to me that the soup is saty It tastes to me as if they are sweer If the second example can be interpreted it is by virtue of a blending with the personal construction (compare It tasres as ifit ) With SMELL the construction of [131 may be more acceptable (Ir smells ro me as if dinner is ready) but the blending remains With PEEL a non-tactile sense is possible (Ir fees Iikey) but is less established than the broader senses of LOOK or SOUNO (compare Ir ooks likey II sounds likey) It is in this case that my judgment is least secure would one say for example It fees (or Ir fees to me) as if they were green With SOUNO and LOOK the general sense is well established as in [131 or Ir sounds likely but there is still a sensory meaning as in [14] and [Isl which inhibits the pure impersonal with that With SEEM and APPEAR we are at the end of the continuum both having general senses only Hence the construction of[91 alongside the impersonal with as if (Ir seems as if they were green) Hence perhaps the infinitive construction of [101 with SOUNO and the others this too is awkward (They ooked ro have arrived Or Ir tastes ro me to be sweer) But it does not follow that the semantical1y general They seem drunk differs in syntax from the specifically sensory They sound drunk or They smell drunk We can even force an active interpretation of the subject thus They tried lO appear drunk or I deliberarey seemed irrftated

32 As [11] with SEEM Hes on a gradience between personal and impersonal so there are others which raise problems in distinguishing intensive from adverbial and circumstantial constructions For there is no criterion which is both sufficient and necessary

The obvious step is to tesectt for simpler transforms Thus J9r [12] Harl~ qrunk ~e can comp~jiexcleJgtimple a~ve Harry was drul~ TRANSFORM in that firstIy it is a a d secondly the predicator

-ORUNK hasnot a tq~ sense s no intraiiSIuvetrans[oacuterintilde ~stiiis~se of G BI is oot ~ble Nor has 4 r tumeirgeacute-iexcl an intransitive transform It turned since this involves a different sense oC TURN Ir there~~ an ascriptive transform but n9-Wn~itive the JhirdeiacuteeDlen t mult be a complementi so [41 and [12] must be complex intransitive Ir there is neither transform it MA y be complement but the col~of verb and adjective mjgbt rCaSantildea be classed as idiomatic Thus The roses have run wild has no transform The roses ve iiOr-aacuteoes it strictly match The rOSes are wild But WILO is at least an adiecti~ must stand in sorne relationship to the verb therefore R UN WILO is right1y

chmldw-rresultintensive (O eE) ---shy-- -_--g ~ _---_bull ~ shy

[471

ENOLISH ORAMMAR

If there is a simple intransitive but no ascriptive transr2ffil--_~~~ coacutentildeSffiiClioacutentilde-intildeuumlSt]ie iexcljdve(J2iacuteaIYlIacuteustrivialIy He ran iexcliuieacutekly has no ascriptive tiexclansfo~ He was quickly less trivially He travelled light does not match He was ight But what if we find both rlJgJQQordf~tillha$ordflJ ascriEtive _~ran~f~rrlJ~eYI1Jer~_~~ ~sectmL1aY-J~_a~~plement circumstantjallik~iilelltjnThey-sJoQdsilent ordfytlb~~j~llsothe simpler intran~1ti~ fbilystQPf so still ~ight be anadver~ like sileniTyintilde-fiieystood silenty Since there is no distinct form srilly the latter is hard to rule out For It shone white we can compare the formally adjectivallt shone brighr again there are both transforms (Ir shone Ir was white) But It shone brighr is c10se in meaning to the formaUy adverbial Ir shone brighry could white be an adverb in default of or as the commoner altemative to whirely Blending may aIso be found in idioms For example it is fruitless to ask if doggo is an adjective or an adverb in He is Iying doggo

For the circumstantial case both transforms are necessary thus [7] He arriuacuteiid sober has the triexcliexclntildeiiiacuteormsmiddotiexcliexcluacuteli-iexcliexclved andHe wasectSoacutebe Wewoacuteuumllifiliso ixpeeacutetthilUumlheveromiddotantildedmiddotildjectTe-shouId befreeOi collocationaI restrictions so He arrived sober He left sober He Jeft satisjied He arrived satisfied and so on But it is very hard to say when such a requirement iacutes meto One does not say for example They stood noisy or They sroodpeacefuJ on that evidence They stood sient might be classed as complex intransitive But neither is one likely to say They arrived noisy or They arrived kind Is that too a matter of collocational restrictions so that [7] is also intensive Or is it merely that NOISY and KIND are ill suIacuteted 10 this construction7 At this point jt is tempting to distinguish degrees of circumstantiality The extreme case would be represented by such sentences as [16]

[16] They stood there exhausted

(Iikewise They have arrived quite sober) where the adjective and verb are marked as separate Beside [16] the construction in [7] is less clearly circumstantial in They stood sient or They stoodfidgering it is perhaps even r less so But this last might stilJ be seen as less intensive than for example

iexcl They stood amazed Likewise They feJl exhausted is less clearly intensi ve than 1 They fell sick since it involves no special sense of FALL

~

f lrOacutel p1lI1riHmD ~ amires f0tr eompiex trlmSitive fu Tlieyfbuntlliim~

guilry there is a special sense OfPIND as ofMAKE in They mode it green In TIwy rrun Juacutem JOber tbat IacuteoS DO spcciiexcll SCDSII of)lEET~ by tbat cS ~ is more eircumsumlial BUl onc la unlikely lO say for eumple They me hlm meditative

4 Finally there is an obvious gradience between the coxnP-1ex intransitive ~nct the simple ascriptj~ With TURN 01 GROW there are~-selecUumlonal restrictions as we have seen With SBJlli or SIhV tney are far fewer

[48J

P H Matthews

neverthelesson~canI1Q~~yfordmr_~ordfmplelfil_sectil1Ied chairmqf1-ltcompareH~ stayelt chairman Qr1fsectJjiquest_riquest~cordfirmordfl1) or It srays obvious that (compare It seemsobvious that or It remainsobvious that ) With REMAIN it is hard to find any but at least the intransitive exists He remained) and their senses can be related Wth BECOMB that evidence too is lacking He became drunk can be distinguish-ed(rontildei1lieasgiptiYlt1g lu7ntl1k onlyJ~iiui~s from jts resultative meaning -_-

This merging has ied grammarians to treat the constructions together But we can do this only by assimi)ating BE to the mode) of verb complementation (as in GCE) not by assimilating TURN and so on to the model of a copula likethecpmplexrordfnsectitiy~nl_e compleimrap~W~i~ ayoor ca~~idatefltY-l~LIl~Jlt~IQ~-ordf_~~rnelltructllr~middot

M

~_

Page 23: in - UGR · (III). 11-70 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1171 Note [a] The ... In addition, we shall use where necessary the suffixes 'ph' (for

1212 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1213I I

eateh siacuteght of make allowanee for put a stop to give place to make fun of set jire to give way to make afuss overabout take aeeount Ofl keep pace with make roomfor take advantage ojI lose sight of make use ojI take eare of 1

lose toueh with pay attention to 1 take note ojI lose traek of put an end to take notice ojI

Those marked with a raised 1 can take not only a prepositional passive (ef 167-8) but also can easily take a passive for which the idiomatically-fixed direct object beco mes subject eg (Some) allowanee was made for loss of eamings (Little) notiee was taken of this evento Other verbs can take the passive but with greater difficulty with these examples as with prepositional verbs in general idiomatic cohesion is a matter of gradience

Variants of ditransitive complementation

ID3J Indirect object + that-cIause object 1659 Corresponding to monotransitive verbs ofType [B3] (efI630) are ditransiti ve

verbs for which the direct object is a that-clause

John eonvinced me (that) he was right ~ I was eonvineed (by John) (that) he was right

The second passive is unacceptable when the direct object is a clause That he was right was eonvineed me Thus the first passive (ef 1655) above is the only passive that can occur with this pattern With sorne verbs such as eonvinee above it is impossible to delete the noun phrase object

John conviucJ (lhat) he was riguiacute

With other verbs such as show the indirect object is optional

The professor of mathematics showed me that Pythagoras was mistaken ~ The professor of mathematics showed that Pythagoras was

mistaken

Ditransitive verbs followed by a that-clause may be divided into a subtype introducing an indirect statement and a subtype introducing an indirect directive (ef 1433) In the indirect statement the that-clause contains an indicative verb in the indirect directive the verb may be indicative or subjunctive and often contains putative should or another modal verb (ef 1632 for the distribution ofthese options)

INDIRECT STATEMENT

May 1 inform you that your order is ready for eolleetion INDIRECT DIRECTIVE

mightbeShe petitioned the king that her father ~ould be pardoned

In the following list Type (i) verbs introduce indirect statements and Type (H) verbs introduce indirect directives The indirect directive construction is

rare and formal in comparison with the similar infinitive construction (ef 1663)

WOUldI begged her that she should help ltformal) 1 begged her to help ltmore usual)

For those verbs marked O the indirect object is obligatory foc those marked (O) the indirect object is optional for those marked laquoOraquo the indirect object is not only optional but unusual

(i) advise (O) remindO (iiacute) ask3 laquoOraquo assureO satisfyO beg3 (O) bet (O) show3 (O) eharge (O) eonvineeO teaeh3 (O) eommand laquoOraquo forewarn (O) tellO iacutenstruet laquoOraquo informO wager(O) order laquoOraquo notify 3 O warn (O) petition3 (O) persuadelO write2bull 3 (O) tellO promise3 (O)

The superscripts are interpreted as follows

1 Persuade in the sense ofconvince belongs to Type (i) but it may also be used in a Type (iiacute) sense of persuade someone to do something

2 Write is found with an indirect object + that-clause especially in AmE 3 With verbs so marked the indiacuterect object can be replaced by a

prepositional object (ef 1660)

Note Superficially similar W the [D3] pallern is lhe impersonal construction Iacutef strikeslstruck me (Ihal) asin

It strikes me this work is for his own amusement But here the Ihal-c1ause (as in 1634) is the extraposed subject of the verbo Compare He strikes me as (cf1646 Note [el) and lt occursto me that (cfI634 Note [e))

ID3prl Prepositionalobject + that-cIause object 1660 The verbs marked 3 in the aboye list can be optionally followed by a

preposition thus forming a category similar to [D2a] in 1656

He promised laquoto) me) that the debt would be repaid

For most verbs of [03] which permit a prepositional object the preposition is to

He wrote to me He reported to me that etc

Exceptions are ask and beg which (in somewhat formal usage) are followed by the preposition of

I askbegofyou that you will keep this secret ltformal)

There is in addition a group of verbs which were classified in 1631-32 as monotransitive but which optionally allow the preposition to preceding a prepositional object These may be distinguished as Type [D3pr] and subdivided into sub-types (i) and (iacutei) as in the paraUel description of [B3] verbs

1214 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Joan mentioned (to me) that her father was siacuteck [Type (O] Or Oay recommended (to her) that the treatment be continued [Type (ii)]

For elample

(i) acknowledge declare remark (ji) propose admit explain repon recommend announce mention say suggest complain pointout signal eoness prove state

As before Type (i) verbs introduce indirect statements and the less numerous Type (ii) verbs introduce indirect directives As befare too sorne exceptional verbs take a preposition other than to

She demanded ome that She agreed with me that etc

Unlike the nonprepositional verbs of [03] these prepositional verbs alow the that-c1ause to become subject of a corresponding passive clause an option which is more acceptable with extraposition

That several ministers are resigning has been admitted to our correspondent ~ It has been admitted to our correspondent that several ministers

are resigning It has been shown to us al that Miss Jones was innocent

Without the preposition ie with an ordinary indirect object such sentences are at best marginally grammatical 1It has been shown us al that Miss Jones was innocent

~~otc The constructions of lt appc-siexclappe(~iexclcfurseems ro me ha slipclfidaly appear ti) bclvuumlg to the paltero [D3prl but in faet these contain monotransitive verbs with an extraposed tnatshyelause as subject

It occurredlseemed to me that he was Iying esimilar patteros with extraposition in 1634 1659 Note

ID4) Indirect object + finite wh-c1ause object 1661 This pattern of complementatiacuteon is primarily found with the verb ask which

introduces a reported question

John asked me what time the meeting would end ~ 1 was Gsked (by John) what time the meeting would end

AIso used with this pattern are verbs which take an indirect object followed by a that-clause (Type (i) of [03]) but for these the wh-clause tends to be limited 10 nonassertive contexts (cf1635) Compare

George didnt tell them that the train was late [1] George didn t tel them whether the train was late [21

The difference of meaning between the that- and whether-constructiacuteons can be stated in terms of presupposition Sentence [1] typically implies that the train was late while [2] is noncommittal on the matter [04] verbs can also introduce other question words such as where and how

Tvpes of verb complementation 1215

Jim was reluctant to inform us (o) where he got the money Would you remind me (about) how we start the engine

A preposition may always be placed before the wh-c1ause In the aJiexclove cases the prepositiacuteon is optional but in the case of verbs like enquire o (Type [04prJ) the preposition is obligatory iexcl enquired ofthe clerk which doeuments were needed The complex preposition as to can be rather general1y used for introducing the wh-clause eg I enquired as to which documents were needed

[D5) Indirect object + wh-infinitive clause object 1662 This is yet another complementation pattern (comparable with [B5] 1637)

which may be taken by sorne verbs listed under[03] in 1659

advise ask instruct remind show teach tell wam

The instructor taught us how lo land saely - We were taught (by the instructor) how to land saely

They advised him what lO wear in the tropies Please remind me where to meet you afier lunch

The equivalent prepositional verb pattern [05pr] is iIIustrated by suggest to recommend to

Could you please suggest to the visitors which museums to visit

Here as in the [04] type a prepositional phrase introduced by as lO can be used

Helen advised us (as to) how to maintain the machine

f~ iexcl llt ~- I ~ i ~

~i ~ ~~

1663 ID61lndirect object + to-infinitive clause object We have seen that the [03] pattern may be used to introduce indirect statements and that the [04] pattern may be used to introduce indirect questions Now we tuen to the verbs of class [06] which introduce indirect directives (c1433)

1 lOldjadvisedjpersuaded Mark to see a doctor ~ Mark was toldjadvisedjpersuaded to see a doctor

[I] [2]

This complementation category looks like those of[B81 and [C5] in that the verb is followed by a noun phrase and an infinitive construction But the [06] pattern differs from these in that the noun phrase following the verb is an indirect object as will be c1arified in 1666 below As with other verbs introducing indiacuterect speech the subject refers to the speaker of sorne speech act and the indirect object refers to the addressee Like [03] verbs [06] verbs form only the first passive exemplified in [2] above we do not find To see a doctor was lOld Mark The folowing verbs belong to this c1ass

advise command entreat instruct remind teach ask counsel exhort invite request1 tell beg detai[l orbid order recommend urge beseech direct implore persuade challenge enjoin 1 incite l prayl

1216 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Those verbs marked with araised 1 do not have the equivalent construction with a that-clause containing a modal or a subjunctive verb (Types [B3(ii)J [030i)]) Contrast

They ~eg~tedd her to stay another week mm e

They ~eKgtedd (her) that she would stay another week mm e

The alternative that-clause construction however is more formal especially when the indirect object is presento

Note [a] The verb promire when it occurs wiacuteth this kind of complementation is exceptional in that the understood subject of the infinitiacuteve is identified with the subject rather than with the object of the maiacuten c1ause

Sarn prornised me to get some rood

= Sam promised me that he would get sorne roed o Sam promised me that lwould get sorne roed

The present pattern [D6] iexcls however less cornmon with promise than the [B6] pattern without the indiacuterect object Sam promised to get someiexclood lb] Only ordercan be followed by a passive infinitive He ordered Ihem lo be impriacutesonedlreleased

Multiple analysis and gradience in verb complementation 1664 Before we leave verb classification it is important to reflect on the problems

of dividing verbs into complementation types The major division of complementation patterns into copular [AJ monotransitive [BJ complex transitive [C] and ditransitive [OJ categories (introduced in 216) has been extended with little difficulty te include patterns in which the verbs ccmplementation includes finite and nonntildenitc clauses This is the basis rOiacute

the classification Qf verbs into types in 1620-63 aboye But unavoidably our aim of presenting a clear classification has obscured sorne problems of gradience and multiple analysis (e 260ff) and to illustrate these we return to three superficially iacutedentical structures aIread y discussed in 1636 These are now illustrated with three new examples each of which conforms to the pattern NI V N 2 to V N 3 (where N = noun phrase and V = verb phrase)

Table L664a

V N2 to V NJNI

[B8] S V O

We like all parents to visit the schooL

I [1]

[C4] Is V O Co

They James therace I [2]

[D6] I S Oiexcl

We I asked I the students I toattend

Ia lectu~en_~

Types of verb complementation 1217

Each ofthese sentences consists ofthe sequence Niexcl V N 2 to V N 3 and yet we have analysed them respectively as monotransitive (S V O) complex transitive (S V degCol and ditransitiacuteve (S V Oiexcl 0d) A different analysis in sorne ways more revealing would recognize an overlap between two competing descriptions of the intennediacuteate noun phrase N2 There is little doubt that in [1 J this is to be analysed as subject of the infinitive clause (e 1636) whereas in [3J there are equally strong reasons for regarding N as (indirect) object of the main clause (e 1666)

Smiddot V S V O 1shyI I

I I ISmiddot V 0 V OI I I I I iexcl I I I I I I I I I iexcl

NI V Nz 10 V NJ NI V N2 lo V N) I I I I

Fig 1664b Sentence[l] Fig 1664c Sentence [3J

Sentence [2J however partakes ofboth these descriptions From the semantic point of view it requires the analysis of Fig 1664b (ef They expeeted [that James would win the race]) But from the structural point of view the analysis in Fig 1664c is more appropriate reflecting N2s ability to become subject of the passive sentence James was expeeted to win the raee We might reasonably say that in [2J N 2 behaves like an object (0 rather than Oiacute) in relation to the first verb but like a subject in relation to the second infinitive verh Tbe term RAISED OBJECT applied in 1649ffto the intermediate noun phrase of patterns [C4 - Cn incorporates yet another way of recognizing this double analysis by envisaging a process whereby the subject of the infinitive becomes the object of the preceding finite verbo This raised object will be symbolized in what follows SO

1665 Given that the double analysis aboye provides sorne insight into clauses containing nonfinite complementation we could take such an analysis further and apply it to aH complex transitive patterns including the more straightforward SVOC and SVOA pattems of[Cl - C3]

that John is a good driver lB3J 1consider John to be a good driver [C4]

John a good driver [C2]

The paraHelism of meaning and phrasal relations demonstrated in these three sentences recommends an analysis in which the complementation of pattern [C2J John a good driver would be regarded as a clause in its own right ie as a verbless clause consisting of S = John and Cs = a good driver without an intervening V This description would not however displace the by now familiar S V Od Co analysis but would rather be seen as an alternative way of looking at the same construction

---

---

--- ---

1218 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Gradience 1666 The teehnique of multiple analysis stiU leaves some subtletiacutees unexposed

What this teehnique has suggested is that there are the folowing three eategories eorresponding to [1 in 1664

N 2 S We like all parenls to visit the school [1) N2 = SO They expeeted James to win the raee [2] Nz = O We asked Ihe sludents to attend a leeture

But more than three eategories ean be appropriately distinguished if we reeognize [1) and [3] as end-points of a gradient with [2) at some point on the seate between them This area of grammar affords a good example of gradienee

At the monotransitive end of the seale [I) ean be characterized by a number of criteria whieh suggest that N 2 to V N3 (al parents to visit the school) constitutes the direct object of an SVO pattern

(a) It ean be replaced by a pronoun referring to the cIause or noun phrase nominalizing it We like it We like al parens visits

(b) It can be an answer to a what-question A What do you like best

B We like al parents to visit the school (e) In some dialects it can be preceded by the infinitive clause introdueer

for We like (it)for all parens to visit the school (d) It ean easily (when preeeded by for) be the focus of a pseudo-cIeft

sentence What we like (best) is for al parents to visit the school (e) When the sequenee N 2 to V N 3 is turned into the passive form N 3 to be

Vedz by Nz there is no ehange ofmeaning We ike aIl parents to visit the sehcel

= We like the school te be visited biexcl al parents (f) In a reduced construetion the infinitive marker to remains We like them

does not have the same meaning as We like them to

At the other ditransitive end of the seale a eontrasting set of criteria eharaeterize [3) and support the analysis of N2 (the students) as an indireet object and to V N3 (to attend a lecture) as a cIausal direet objeet

(a) 10 V N 3 ean be replaced by a pronoun a noun phrase or a finite clause with Nz still funetioning as indireet object

SOmething We asked the students a question

what they wanted

(b) 10 V N 3 can be the answer to a wh-question while N2 funetions as indirect object

A What did you ask the students B We asked them to attend a lecture

(e) When the sequenee N2 to V N3 is turned into the passive sequence N3 to be Ved2 by N 2 the meaning is always changed

They asked the students to attend a leeture They asked a lecture to be attended by the students

this case indeed the passive transform results in an absurdity)

Types of verb complementation 1219

(d) to V N 3 can marginally become the focus of a pseudo-cleft sentence What they asked the students was to attend a lecture (Contrast the decidedly unaeeeptable What we like the parents is to visil the school)

(e) Nz which like Oi in general is usually personal can be detached from its place after the first V to beeome subjeet of a eorresponding passive sentenee The students were asked to attend a lecture

(n In a reduced eonstruction the infinitive marker to ean be omitted We asked them We persuaded them etc

Note [a] With some ditransitive verbs criterion (a) has to be interpreted as the replacement of the infinitive clause by a preposition and prepositional object (cfI656-8)

They reminded hiacutem ofhis responsibiacutelities One man challenged the other lo a duel

[b] Criterion (d) is less reliacuteable than the others since the pseudo-cleft sentence is unacceptable for many verbs But a pseudo-cleft sentence in which the indirect object is replaced by a prepositional object tends to be more grammatical Whal Ihey asked ollhe sludenls was lO attend a leclure (The alternative construction with the substitute verb do which also occurs with [1] is always more acceptable What Ihey asked Ihe students lo do was lO attend a lecture)

1667 To give a simplified illustration of the analysis of gradience in the sequence NI V N 2 to V N 3 we now take a subset ofthe eriteria listed aboye and apply them to a range of verbs on the gradient eonneeting [1] and [3] of 16_66

(1) (3) (4)(2) wantask elect intend

CRITERIA likeallow expectlel~ etc I etc etc etc~ (a) lo V N 3 can be replaeed by - - -+a finite clause

(e) ehange of meaning in passive -+ +of N 2 10 VN3

(e) N 2 can beeome subjeet of passive -+ ++

Fig 1667 A eomplementatiacuteon gradient

The matrix uses only three criteria and thereby distinguishes only four categories This is sufficient to indicate the principie however that the three categories [BS] [C4] and [D6) of our taxonomy eould be broken down iexclnto a finer spectrum of eategories between which the differences are small In effeet Fig 1667 distinguishes two subeategories of [C4] one (including elect and allow) whieh is c10ser to the ditransitive type and one (including inlend and expect) eloser to the monotransitive type Elect and allow respond to cri terion (e)

They elected Miss Coe to suceeed the present seeretary They elected the present seeretary to be sueceeded by Miss Coe

We dont allow residents to entertain visitors We dont allow visitors to be entertained by residents

1220 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

while intend and expeet do not

They intended the students to see the professor = They intended the professor to be seen by the students

They expeet the students to enjoy the classes = They expeet the classes to be enjoyed by the students

Note Por verbs in group (3) the voice oflhe infinitive clause and the voiceofthe main clausemay be independently varied with the result Ihat a SlIacutentence like They expected the students lo enjoy lile classes has tbree corresponding passiv~s with iexclhe same meaning

They expected the classes to be enjoyed by the students The students were expecled lo enjoy the classes

The classes were expected lo be enjoyed by the students

The last example has a passive verb phrase in both the superordinate clause and Ihe infinitive clame

Adjective complementation

168 Categories of complementation in adjective phrases (ef 228 721-2) are similar in variety to those ofverb complementation We distinguish [El-ES)as follows

[El] Complementation by a prepositional phrase [E2] Complementation by a that-clause [E3] Complementation by a wh-clause

i[E4) Complementation by a than-clause [ES] Complementation by a to-infinitive clause [E6] Complementation by an -ing participle clause

These complementation patterns can occur after an adjective (andmiddot its modifiers if any) in various syntactic functions For example

The violiacuten iacutes (rather) difficut to play (adjective phrase as CJ

Mary found the violiacuten (rather) diffieut to play (adjective phrase as CJ

The violiacuten is an instrument (rather) diffieult to play (adjective phrase as postmodifier)

The on1y posiacutetion in which an adjective cannot normally be followed by iacutets complementation is the premodifying position in a noun phrase a keen child on ehess But here too with certain constructions (Types [ES(iraquo) and [ES(v)D the complementation can follow discontinuously after the head noun The violiacuten is a diffieult instrument to play (ef discontinuity with comparative constructions IS75) For illustrative purposes we will confine examples in the following sections to the subject complement function The lists like the verb lists in 1620-63 will be selective

Adjective complementation 1221

Note There is a considerable parallel as the categories [El-ES] aboye demonstrate between patterns associated with adjectives and those associated with monotransitive verbs The chief difference is that adjectives cannot be followed by a noun phrase object To bring out the parallel further we could describe adjectives exemplified in 1669 below (averse to conscous oJ etc) as prepositional adjectives comparable with prepositional verbs We could moreover identify phrasal adjectives (derived from participiaI forms ofphrasal verbs) such as ron down (exhausled depressed) and phrasaI-prepositionaI adjectives such as fed up (with) These tatter variants however are rare enough lo be disregarded in the foUowing lists

[E1] Adjective complementation by a prepositional phrase 1669 Like prepositional verbs adjectives often forro a lexical unit with a following

preposition good atfond oj opposedto etc The lexical bond is strongest with adjectives for which in a given sense the complementation is obligatory Max is averse to games Max is averse Such adjectives are marked 1 in the following lists

The lists make a distinction between participial (ef 715-19) and nonparticipial adjectives The differencebetween participial adjectives and the -ed participle of the passive construction is discussed in 375-77 These lists provide on1y a small sample of the adjectives accompanying the prepositions concemed In particular it is often possible for the same adjective to go with two or more prepositions as in angry about angry at and angrywith

ABOUT He was very worried about her reaction (ef960)

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

angry knowledgeabe aggrieved frightened glad mad annoyed pleased happy reasonable delighted worried

AT She was badat mathematics (ef962)

NONP ARTICIPIAL P ARTlCIPIAL

angry good alarmed disgusted brilliant hopeless amusedmiddotmiddot pleased elever terrible delighted puzzled

FROM Thevillage is remotefromthe bustle ofcity life (ef918 947)

different distant distinct free remo te

OF She was aware ofhis difficulties

NONPARTlCIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

eonvineed ashamed empty proud1 afraid conseiousl glad

seared eapable fond 1 short1 tired certain full worthy

ONUPON Their plan was based on cooperation

NONPARTICIPIAL IPARTICIPIAL

contingent1 intent1 reliantl basedl set1

dependent keen severe hentl

Yiexcl

1222 Complementation of verbs and adjectives ~ Adjective complementation 1223

Note lal In general choice of preposilion remains the same after morphologicalIy related verbs adjectives and nouns differentftom differ from differencefrom But Ihis eorrespondence is not always lo be relied on contrastfull ofwilhfilied wllh proudofwith pride in lb] Other prepositions whieh less comrnonly enlee into adjective + prepositlon idioms iexclnelude for and lowards graleful for sorry for inclined towards le] Usedfollowed by the preposition lO a more informal synonym ofaccustomed(to) is participial in spelling but has the speeial pronuneiation nus~ Unlike accustomed however used does not oceur with a following infinitive (ef 1679) This adjeetival used to in spite of identity of spelling and pronunciation is quite distinet from used lO as a marginal modal (cf344) Contrast

Im used lO hard work I used ro work hard Id] In the past prescriptive objeetions have been made to the use of to ralher Ihan from after averse and different Howevee ro is the normal preposition to fol1lt11 averse and differenr 10 is quite widely used (esp in BrE) as an altemative lo differentfrom On iJifferent rhan cf1566 Note 1674

le] Wilh can be omitted after (fn)compalibie if the subject is plural cfmutual participation 1360

middotCarl is incompatible OUT Cad and Eva are incompatible

[E2] Adjective complementation by a that-clause 670 Like that-clauses following a verb that-clauses folIowiacuteng an adjective may

have

(A) indicative verb 1am sure (that) he is here now (B) subjunctiacuteve verb They were insistent (that) we be ready (formal) (C) putativeshould Im sorry (that) he should hove left ltformal)

The uses of the mandative subjunctive and of putative should have been discussed in 359 and 1425 respectiacutevely Putative should often occurs after expressions of emotion (sorrowjoy displeasure surprise wonder etc) and is often accompanied by intensifying expressions such as so such like thisl that ever or at all The indicative that-clause on the other hand refers to an established fact The foHowing pairs illustrate choices of construction

1 (that) 1 have to leave so early am sorry (that) you should have been (so) inconvenienced

(that) you didnt call the doctor before 1 am surprised (that) anyone ofyour intelligence should swallow a tie

likethat

With some adjectives (those in category [E2b(iiacute)] 1672) the should-clause can be paraphrased by an infinitive clause with a subject

It was natural for him to go to London after the war = It was natural that he should go to London after the war

That-clauses cannot be preceded by preposiacutetions Hence adjectives which are constructed with prepositions before noun phrases ([El]) drop the preposition before a that-clause (cfI628) Compare the folIowing

OfhiS innocence [E1 ] 1am convlnced (th ) h t [E2]at e IS mnocen

Many that-clauses folIowing an adjective are actualIy subjects postponed by extraposition (cf1833)

lt is lucky (that) you came - That you came is lucky

These are listed separately in 1672

lEla) Adjectives with experiencer (cflO23 Note) as subject 1671 (i) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATIVE VERB ONL Y (cfNote [a] below)

These adjectives express degrees of certainty or confidence aware certain corifident sure

We were corifident that Karen was stiacutell alive

(ii) THAT-CLAUSE HAS PUTATIVE SHOULD OR SUBJUNCTIVE VERB

(or marginally aloo an indicative verb) The three principal adjectives in this class are anxious eager and willing

he should be permitted to resiacutegn 1 Are you willing that he be permitted to resign 1

1he is permitted to resign 1 ~

(On the distribution of these three altematives cfI630)

(iH) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATIVE VERB OR PUTATIVE SHOULD

These adjectives express emotions

Im so thankful that nobody was hurto Were you surprised that Ray should win the prize

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

afraid hopeful alarmed depressed horrified angry proud amazed disappointed irritated glad sad amused distressed pleased grateful sorry annoyed disturbed shocked happy tha7lkful astonished frightened upset

There is a tendency to prefer the putative should construction in nonassertive contexts or where the adjective has negative or unfavourshyable associations

TO AH capital gains are subject to taxation NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

answerable close liableacute accustomedl

averse l due1 simz1ar allied1I WiTH This plan is not compatible with our princiacuteples

NONPARTICIPIAL I PARTICIPIAL

angry busy

happy impatient

annoyed bored

ClJmfortable incompatible1 concerned compatibleacute sick delighted content familiar friendly furious

uneasy depressed disappointed disgusted dismayed distressed

inclined1

opposed1

drunk enchanted obsessed occupied overcome pleased satisfied taken1

1672

1224 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Adjective complementatlon 1225

Note [a] The restriction oC Type (i) above lo indicative verbs only is meant to allow Cor the use of T

Note [a] Although tlle pro-forms so and n01 cannot be used after tllese [E2bI adjectives (ef 1671modal auxiliaries including should in a nonputative sense eg I am a~are that I should [= ought 1lo] havejoined longago iexcl Note [bJ) there iexclsa possibilityofreplacing the adjective + solnat by a related adverb + sonot

[b) Afraid is unique among adjectives in that it accepts the pro~oun so (and iexclts negative equivalent Mt) as a that-clause substitute (cfI631) rm afraid SOMI

IElbJ Adjectives with anticipatory it as subject

The that-elause in this eonstruetion is an extraposed subjeet Three types are again distinguished matehing those in 167l

(i) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATlVE VERBONLY (cfI671 Note CaD These adjectives have to do with truthor knowledge

It is true that she never cemes on time

apparent evident likely possible untrue certain implicit obvious true well-known clear indubitable plain unlikely

(ji) THAT-CLAUSE HAS PUTATIVIl SHOULD OR SUBJUNCTIVE VERB (or marginshyaIly also an indicative verb) These adjectives express eoncepts concerned with modality or volition

should be lifted tomorrow It is essential that the ban be lifted tomorrow

(1) is lifted tomorrow

appropriate essentiacuteal important necessary vital compulsory fitting impossible obligatoryshycrucial imperative improper proper

Various deverbal adjectives ending in -able also belong to this group egadvisable desrabIe preferable

(iii) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATlVE VERB OR PUTATIVE SHOULD

This group consists mainly of emotive adjectives and ineludes a large num ber ofparticipial ad jecti ves ending in -ing

Itmiddot strange th t She is so late IS upsetting a she should be so late

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTlCIPIAL

awkward logical alarming perplexing curious odd annoying pleasing disastrous peculiar depressing shocking dreadful sad disappointing surprising extraordinary silly embarrassing fortunate tragie frightening iexclrrational unfortunate irritating

Various -able-ible adjectives also be10ng tp this group admirable eommendable deplorable despieable incomprehensible inconceivable lamentable remarkable understandable unjustifiable etc

ha h l Id l h B Yes obviouslyfortunately soA 1 t IS apparentt t s e IVes oesn t Ive ere B N J I I di t o event y sa y no [b] When an adjective ofType (iii) above occurs after a modal verb construction the that-clause is commonly replaced by an if-clause If the modal verb in the main c1ause is hypothetical (eg would) the verb in the ifmiddotdause is placed in tlle hypothetical pasto Compare

It is sad that you have to leave It will be sad ifyou hove to lea ve

It would be sad ifyou had lo lea ve

[E3] Adjective complementation by a wh-clause 1673 As with that-clauses we have to distinguish those adjeetives ([E3a]) which

are predicated of an experieneer (normalIy a person) as subject and those ([E3bD which go with antieipatory it In the latter case the wh-clause is an extraposed subject Examples are

(onwhat 1should sayo [1]E3a 1was unsure[ 1 (about) whether the problem was solved [2]

[E3b] It was unclear what they would do [3]

Type [E3a1 consists of adjectives which are constructed with prepositions and whieh therefore belong also to Type [EI1 The preposition is sometimes omitted before the wh-clause (ef155 Note reD In Type [E3b] on the other hand no preposition can be inserted bull It was uneear ofabout what lhey would do AIso no infinitive wh-cIause is possible (ef i637) It is unsure where to go is unacceptable unless it refers to sorne aniacutemate being (sueh as a mouse) and is consequently not interpreted in terms of extraposition

Retuming to Type [E3a] we note that in sorne cases the adjective takes a wh-elause in assertive eontexts eg eareful (about) doubtful (as to) fussy (about) puzzled (as to) uneear (about) uncertain (o) undecided (about) unsure (0) unaware (o)

John is careul (about) what he does with his money

Most of these adjeetives are intrinsiealIy negative In meaning In other cases although elsewhere it is associated with an indicative that-clause [E2a(i)] the adjective tends to oceur with a wh-cIause in nonassertive contexts (efI635) eg aware certain eear sure

Are you sure (o) how mueh the maehine costs 1wasnt altogether cleaiexcl- (about) what we had to do

A similar division may be made among adjectives of the antieipatory-it type ([E3b]) Those whieh intrinsieally express doubt and therefore take this strueture even in assertive contexts include doubtful uneertain uneear unsure and unknown Those normally oceurring with an indieative that-elause (le Type [E2b(i)]) inelude apparent eertain obvious and plain They can take a wh-cIause in nonassertive contexts Each type is illustrated in

It was uneear whether an amendment would be accepted It was not obvious how far the westernization process would IO

~ltgt ~~~1~ 1 -~ Adjective complementation 1227

1226 Complementation of verbs and adjectives iexcl

After adjectives of Type [E3a] there may also occur an infinitive wh-clause 1 was uncertain (oi) what to do This is preferable to the finite c1ause in cases illustrated by [1-3] aboye since the subject can remain unexpressed in the reduced nonfinite version

[E4] Adjective complementation by a than-clause 1674 There is an unusual construction in which a noncomparative adjective is

foIlowed by a comparative than-clause as complementation Different is the only adjective which fits into this pattero and even then there is a tradition which regards the use of than here as impropero There is however no felicitous alternative to the different than construction in examples such as

Shes quite a different girl than she wasfilie years ago [11 The various styliacutestic variants of and alteroatives to the than-clause after different are examined in 1566 Note lb] When the c1ause is reduceacuted to a noun phrase it becomes possible to usefrom as an alternative to than

The unions are taking a very different attitude ~ the employers

When the noun phrase folIowing thanffrom cannot be derived by ellipsis from a c1ause than is decidedly less acceptable thanfrom

The main languages of southern India are totaIly different In origin

~~~ those ofthe northern partofthe country

Note [al On differenlrom and different 10 1669 Note [dI [bj It is aloo possible for a Ihan-c1ause to be used after he adverb difilrently

In the west of the country they pronounce their vowels quite aifferently han (they do) in the easl

The same prescriptive objections are made to differenlly Ihan as to different Ihan

[E5] Adjective complementation by a to-infinitive clause [675 We distinguish seven kinds of construction in which an adjective is foIlowed

by a to-infinitive c1ause They are exemplified in the following sentences which are superficially alike

Bob is splendid to wait (ii) Bob is slow to react

(iii) Bob is sorry to hear it (iv) Bob is hesitant to agree with yOU (v) Bob is hard to convince

(vi) The food is ready to eat (vii) lt is important to be accurate

In Types (i-iv) the subject of the main clause (Bob) is also the subject of the infinitive c1ause We can therefore always have a direct object in the infinitive clause if its verb is transitive Por example if we replace intransitive wait by transitive build in (i) we can have Bob is splendid to build this house

Por Types (v-vii) on the other hand the subject of the infinitive is unspecified although the contextoften makes clear which subject is intended

In these types it is possible to insert a subject preceded by for eg in Type (vi) The food is ready (jOr Ihe children) to eat

Infinitive complementation following adjectives modified by lOO and enQugh is discussed eIse Note where in 1S73

(ES(i)) Bob is Iplendid to wait Type (i) has an analogue in a construction involving extraposition (cf1833)1676 1t is splendid of Bob lo wait This type OC construction also permits a head noun between the adjective and the infinitive

Bob must be a spiendid craftsman ~ ~~bUilt this house

As this example shows the infinitive may be perfective We may also compare constructions in which an evaluative noun with its determiner

replaces the adjective

ffoolishYourelafool to spend so mucho

WOnderfUl Youre 1 to walt for me anange

Adjectives in this group are evaluative of human beha~iour They inelude

careful crazy mad silly wise careless greedy nice unwise wrong

These adjectives can also occur with anticipatory il and an of-phrase as additional complementation (cf1682)

It was foolish of you to spend so mucho

IE5(Hraquo) Bob is IOW to react In Type (ii) the sentence corresponds to one in which the adjective becomes 1677 an adverbwhile the infinitive becomes the finite verb

Bob is slow to react - Bob reacts slowlyc

In another analogue the adjective is followed by in and an -ing participle Bob is slow in reacting The infinitive verb phrase must be simple for example unlike the inftnitive phrase in [E5(i)] it cannot be perfective Bob is slow ItJ have reacted Other adjectives in this small group are quick and prompt

There is also a partial adverbial analogue (e8127ff) for Type (i) but in Type (i) unlike Type Note (ii) the perfective infinitive andeven the get-passive (e366) can be used

loan was wise to resigno ~ loan wisely resigned loan was careless to get beaten - loan carelessly got beaten

loan is careless to have got beaten

IES(iuumlraquo) Bob is 10rry lo hear it In Type (iexcliexcli) the head of the adjective phrase is an emotive adjective 1678 (commonly a participial adjective) and the infinitive clause expresses

causation

1679

1228 Complementation of verbs end adjectives

Im sorry to have kept you waiting [rm sorry because I have kept you waiting]

1 was exeited to be there [- To be there exeited me]

Adjectives in this group correspond c10sely to the adjectives followed by a that-clause in 1671 (Type [E2a(iii)D

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

afraid angry ashamed content furious glad

happy impatient indignant jubilant thankful

annoyed astonished bored coneerned delighted depressed

disgusted dissatisfied embarrassed fasemated frightened interested

overwhelmed perturbed puzzled relieved surprised worried

disappointed overjoyed

IE5(ivraquo) Boh is heaitant to agree withyou In Type (iv) the head of the adjective phrase expresses volitional meaning or a modal meaning such as ability possibility or liability Examples are

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

able keen determined anxious Iiable disposed apt Iikely [E2b] fated[E2b] eertain [E2b] loath inclined curious powerless poiseddue prone prepared eager ready [E5] (all) set eligible reluetant unqualified fit [ES] sure [E2b] free [ES] unable greedy weleome hesitant willing impotent worthy

The adjectives marked [E2b] occur with a corresponding construction with extraposition of a that-clause

JilI is likely to attend - It is likely that JiU will attend

Those marked [E5] are capable of occurring with an infinitive construction of passive meaning ie with an indefinite implied subject and a coreferential implied object

Theyare not fit to eat = They are not tit to be eaten

Some ofthe most common adjectives in this list have a tendency to coalesce with the preceding copula 10 form a semimiddotauxiliary verb (ef3A7) be able to be willing to be sure to In addition to modal and volitional adjectives some adjectives ofaspectual meaning such as aeeustomed and wont may be placed here

Adjective complementation 1229

We are aecustomedto take teaon the terrace (formal) He was wont to leave the office at 5 pm (formal archaic)

(ES(vraquo) Bob is lard to convince 1680 In Type (v) the subject of the sentence is identified with the unexpressed

object of the infinitive clause which must therefore have a transitive verb hence the unacceptable Bob Is hard to arrive There is an analogous construction in which the adjective is complement to an infinitive c1ause acting as (extraposed) subject (ef 1836)

- To convince Bob is hard Bob IS hard to convmce It is hard to convince Bob

Adjeeacutetives so used refer 10 degrees of ease or comfort and iexclnclude

awkward hard tough (informal) eonvenient impossible trieky (informal) difficult niee (informal) unpleasant easy pleasant

Unless there is ellipsis we cannot omit the infinitive c1ause and so there is no semantic implication between (say) The bread was hard to bake and The bread was hard Unlike the preceding types Type (v) permitsfor + subject to be inserted at the beginning of the infinitive clause Those darts are trieky (for a beginner) to use Where the infinitive has no overt subject its implicit subject is understood to have an indefinite meanihg

Jack is easy 10 fool =Jack is easy for anyone to foo

Note With some adjectives in this group such as nice or unpleasant the entailment relation between be + adjective ro V and be + adjective is less easy lO avoid eg Jenny is nice lo know iacutemplies that Jenny is nice

IE5(viraquo) Thefood is ready to eat 1681 Again in this type the subject of the main clause is identified with the object

of the intinitive c1ause But unlike Type (v) Typemiddot(vi) has no analogous construction with an infinitive clause subject

The food is ready to eat To eat the food is ready

Also we can generally (a) omit the infinitive clause or (b) substitute a passive infinitive clause without change ofmeaning

Are these cups available (to use) = Are these cups available (to be used)

Some adjectives of this type such as availablefitfree ready and suffieient belong additionally 10 Type (iv) so that a sentence like The lamb ia ready to eat is ambiguous in one sense (the most accessible) being equivalent to the passive The lamb is ready to be eaten Then there is a wider set of adjectives which often occur without complementation at all

The air isfrosty (to breathe) Its fur is soft (to touch)

1230 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

In both Type (v) and Type (vi) the subjectofthe main clause can be equated with the prepositional object of the infinitive clause so that the infinitive c1ause ends with a deferred preposition

She is pleasant to talk to (-It is pleasant to talk to her) This paper is terribly flimsy to write on Is the cloth sufficient to make a dress out ol

In Type (vi) as well as in Type (v)for + subjeet may be inserted before the infinitive verb Are these books free (for visitors) to borrow Are these books available to borrow]

(E5(vii)J Jt is important to he accurate 1682 We saw in 1672 that a that-clause following an adjeetive may prove to be a

subjeet postponed by extraposition (ef1833) A to-infinitive clause following an adjeetive may have the same oouree

It is essential to spray the trees every year - To spray the trees every year is essential

The infinitive clause can also be introduced by for + subjeet

It is vital (for the ehildren) to be properly cIad It will be strange (for us) to be living alone

Adjectives ofTypes (ji) and (iii) in 1672 ([E2b]) may have this construction importantJortunate lueky surprising etc Possible also belongs te this group

An addiacutetional group of adjeetives oeeurring after anticipatory it are those adjeetives (ehiefly naming evaluative attributes of persons) whieh occur in pattern [E5(i)] (ef 1676) The adjeetive in this group is often followed byan of-phrase identifying the persones) being discussed

It was wrong (of him) to teIllies iexcli

It is niee ofyou to phone

[E6] Adjective complementation by an -ing participle cfause [683 A number of sub-types ofthis pattem may be mentioned

(i) Busy is followed by an -ing participle clause without subject

Margery is busy writiacuteng Ietters

Worth and worthwhile on the other hand oceur both with and without subjeet

It is seareely worth(while) (youyour) going home

Here worth(while) follows preparatory it and the participle clause is an extraposed subjeet (ef1834) Other adjectives ofthis pattern are pointless and useless (Its pointless buying so mueh food) and adjectives of Type [E2b(iiacutei)J (efl6 72) also sometimes have this complementation absurd awkwardJortunate annoying etc

EIsewhere worth and worthwhile accompany an -ing participle elause without subjeet but with a passive meaning comparable to tbat of the infinitive elause in pattern [E5(v)] (ef1680)

Complementation of abstract nouns 1231

The cartons are worth(while) saving ( Its worth(while) saving the cartens)

(iv) There is a variant eonstruction in whieh a preposition oecurs between the adjective and the participle clause In some cases the preposition is optional (cf(i) aboye)

Im busy (with) getting the house redeeorated Werefortunate (in) having Aunt Mary as a baby-sitter

In other cases the preposition is obligatory We are used to not having a car (cf1669 Note [e]) Im hopeless at keeping the garden tidy Shes not capable oflooking after herself

Note [al The adjectival constructions in (ii) above may be compared in some cases with nominal constructionsof equivalent meaning

ts 110 goaduse telling him anything Theres 110 point (in) telling him anything

8uch constructions are introduced either by anticipatory il (el 1833) or by eltistential there (el 184$) AmE also hu Theres no use telling him anythlng (b) Worthwhlle is sometimes spelled as two words The vacillation between the spellings worthwhile and worth while reflects an unclarity about the status of this sequence which may altematively be regarded as the preposition worth (eI96) followed by a noun Compare

lts not worth your whife staying lts not worlhh whh~e (your) staying worl w 1

Complementation of abstract nouns

1684 In this coneluding section we will show as a conneeting link between this chapter and the next how the pattems of complementation described for verbs and adjectives in 1620-83 are aloo to be found with abstraet nouns which are morphologieally related to those verbs and adjectives (ef nominalization 1751ff and appositional constructions 1726 1735) For example the noun likelihood is derived from and semantically related to the adjective likely It is therefore not surprising that a construction associated with the adjeetive Is found with the corresponding noun

It is likely that Joan will get married [1]

The likelihood is that loan will get married [21 the likelihood that Joan will get married [31

But the assumption of eorrespondence eannot be automatie for it may faiacutel in both direetions

loan is likely to get married Joan s likelihood to get married

It is likely of J oans getting married the likelihood of Joans getting married

------__shyiacute1 11

COMPLEX INTRANSITIVE CONSTRUCTIONS p H MATIHEWS

1 Introduction

In sentences such as [1J

ArR C~Iltiacuteltmiddotli N ([1J Th~deitgreen ~

he construct~oEJ~QLordf JJP~ that GCE850ff describes as 9QMfLEX JRANSITIV~ Ofthe elements in questionit and made are related a~Jn tQllt ~imple transitive

j [2J They made it

YihiJe ir and green a~_~latelasinasimple_ltQI1llar_sentence ( [3] lt is green (- lt

~f the type that following Lyons (l977469ff) raquoe will call ASCRIPTIVE raquouacutet greacuteen- also standsJna direcueJordf9lsJIacuteIL ordm~_iii~de the object and adjective exemplifying a single I2atteIILof VERB COMllEMe~nrJ91 This paUCIDl can be sajd torepresenta IJJS10N (G e E 850) ofJ~ltsimpler transitiv iexcll~J~Jjpiexcly_e_tjPes - _shy

IH~~_sfiE~~Ve can be fused with th~~~tY_e_(lri~alsoP~ fused with theintransitixe1 Insentildetentildeces SUChas[4] -

MI It turned green

~construc~~~~~]y idmtifkQyaacuteth th~ of l3J in both examples the

l]

~ ~ ~ ENGLISH GRAMMAR

verb is described as copularor in the terminology of GCE820f as taking intensive complementation But neither description is quite appropriate to1 both cases In the~ptive sentence there i indeed no mor~than~pYhL~

1 2ampffiMical iP~ betwe~ the adjective and its subject~ plainly this ~ ~ is not true of [4] whose verb TURN has its own specific meaning lf turned~ iacute I is a full verb it must then be the govemor of green as made is in (1) in that

iexcl ~ sense there is cornplernentatjon But we express nothing by assigning such a complernentation to the copula A solution is to c1ass I4] as a COMPLBX

IITMNSITIVE iL~onsect_trJltiordmL being an extension of th~simpleJmransiUacutelLe _shy~ i I5] It turned

j precisely as that of (1) is extended from that of [2)iexcl

2 Fused constructions

Let us take our cue from GCEs referenee to fusionlo the simpl~L =nfu~~~_~~~~~~~)t1ecltgtnstVf1ionconsistso(asingJULeAicJ~tQI(lgde) which in a dependency ana~is has both the subject and the object as its dependents or to adapt G CEs term has both a subjeet and an oJkltt asit complementation lnJhaL~se (2) has a _K1U~~~_~ruetion (Lyons i977) w1jch cannotJiexclJLr~s~Cl9JUnQ(lt_e~mentary relationships of ptediCJJQJkSo too has the simple intransitive (5] vi1ihidepeiioenforior forming the complementation of tumed So too has the simple aseriptive [3] its predicator on the analysis ofLyons and others is the adjective green One reason for relatlng the subject to the adjective is that the elements are jointly subject to selectional restrictions A reason for not relating either to the copula is that the latter stands aside (rom these restrictions adding none ofitsown

In a fused construction the pattem ls neither strictly kernel nor straightforwardly non-kemellnJhegmplex transitive [lL1oth1tan41~Y are again direct ~cngents of made these relatio~_elQ~ the words in FigJbx direC1~ltaI~_uacutela~~I~Qordf-ordfl9blleiexcl)Uumlnamp21uacuteward frollLthe

~d

(aJiquest-Fig 1

[42]

P H Matthew$

p~ed~~ So is green arc el this too being supported by selectional restrictions We are therefore dealing with a single clause rooted in made of which each word is a distinct element But green js a1soapredicator in iexclelation to il (are d)J that wav we are dealing with two kernelp~QlS th~ fuurtermclauseinfQmQrating bothtM_~tuet~[IDJr~JlsitiYlljh~ twoshytenn a~-middot -_shy

In Fig 1 we have diagrammed what any grammarian will propose provided that his terminology or his notational apparatus allow him to say it Iut similar reasonjng applies to the construction which we have called the ~IpJex ln~~-ordfEsitive Of the relationships showninf1g --~~t~~~~_

it turned green

aAacutebJ Fig2

to ir (arcc)_isagainasintheascripJjy~ and needs no further cornment But the final element is clearly suJiexcliect to ru19jtional resr=l~ordmI~ tlTlJRI_ im~~tordm-~~it~~rAUQj~9iY_I9U~l~~ed noun (He turned pink He turned kings eVidence) iQ~~~1lined phrase is exCiuacuteded (He turned arog)

tDle~sthe p~e~~i0rl~lJ9rtn is ~~jordmntildei[qiireifitetuumlmed iexclnto a frog) ~itt G-ordm-1h exdusi(m is abgolule one cannot even say He went into a criminal

f [he adjeqtive is also Iimlted to specific collocations For example one can say It turned sour or Ir went sour but it is harder to accept Ir grew sour 1 Conversely one can say He grew od but not He went od On that evidence

j we may establish a relationship of dependency between green and tumedj (arc b) The verb too can then be related to the subject (arc a)

1 Epgth o~2am~ thefe is one terro ir lVhich is a9~de~~~~t1 theascriptile anCITlieletbalk~m~1 (Fig 1 ares b and d Fig 2 ares a and c) The fusion is then effected by a further link (Fig 1 arc e Fig 2 are b) in which ond of the two predicators een is ineo orat~a~_ ordf d~RendenlO(th~ I re atlon that uirk an4hl~ COU~_~ampI~s-1 jn the case of th complex intransitille hall app1ied the Iean intlaquo=nsve

mmplementatio~gly describe he yaleruLQ(IUN or iexcl l otIllBNinthisuseJuh~int~siYeint[ansitivx But the insight intildeaacute I

alsQ be extended to the complex transitiye In that spirit MAKE or MAKE as

used in sentences such as W might appropriatelL be described ~~_~n_ i ~ntensive transitive -J -bull_--------shy

[43)

ENGLISH GRAMMAR

3 Distinctions between tbe complex intransitive and other partly similar constructions

For a three-term construction Fig 2 shows the maximum number of interconnections with each term related to each of the others The miacutenimum isone thus for the ascriptive (3) we have adopted the structure shown i~

L with l~~E2nd te~~Il2= tlliacuten amaroe~ ordmrS1PP9~g~lexn~~ ~eLClatiacute9D~t~~~~t~first an~~~hir~ But this leaves five other possibilities which in theory might be realized ust as the second element_lt~p~ltmark(r ordfs inEig 3bullKlJQQmgordmHhetordm-iriexcl in thatJ~SiquestOillY

iacutet is green

Fig3

1he_verb vQ1lld_be a predicatorrwithonl)l1he_~ygtject related 10 it This structure does not seem to be realized at least not in away whiacuteCh is -relevant to our analysis Asecond_possibil~iuhatJmly the verb a~ ~~~iexcltiY~L iquestnjgl~~_rell~q in that ca~e bot~redicatoS_w-ordmyldIgt~ impersonal-vUh lh~su~ject a me~m~ce-filler This structure might conceivably be suggested for exampIacuteesmiddotSuumlch as [6]

[6] It got mistier

with a so-called ambient it But although it may indeed be ambient with respect to mistier it need not follow that it is ambient with respect to got

In the remaining cases no element is a marker but there are only two instead of three interconnections Ir there wem no link betw-IlJhe subject ~YMh(Ejg 2 are a) the verb1tSelf would agajn be impersmordf-~ I~ transformational terms its surface subject would be derived by raising (Postal 1974) from a subordinate adjectival clause lf th3ewere no intensiye lipk between the first and second predicators (Fg 2 arWJUlt verb would be a simple intransitive taking just t~_S)lbject as its complementation th~on of tbe adjec1iYtLL~ then be uumlMrn-~0n[7] forexample --- -_~

Eacutel He arrived saber J (~ eacute cc L f ~ 2 f

grammars do not establish an intensive or copular use of ARIUVB Finally

[44]

1 P H Marrhew$

if the ascriQive lik wer~~2ken iacuteEiKbJ~~ f)hHordmjlti~~ment woulordm-no longer bJlta predicaQ~ltiexclHQle wQuldin~teadb~ADVJllqt~iexcl as in 8)

(8) He ran fa~t

There is no doubt that the intensive construction is distinct from the adverbial and that sober in [7] is at least more circumstantial than green in It turned green But the subject-verb relation is more problematic in that a raising transformation has been proposed for one at least of the G C E s intensive verbs Let us therefore take that distinction first

31 Ofthe twenty or so most common intensive verbs (GCE821) SEEM and APPEAR particularly lend themselves to transformational analysis On the evidence of sentences such as [9]

(2) It seemed that they wereamp~e~

_U~naIlJral lo establish an underlying ~~ct~~

J~sIhey were green]~ seemed

irlYhIacutetEw~4)srelate(L1ot to they J~Q9green indhiOacute1lally but to the yiole ascri2tive kernelrom the same structure a sentence such as [10)

[10] They seemed to be green

can then be derived by further transformations of subject raising and infinitive formation Froro the structure reaJized by [Io]lIleare n3tllcalli

~m~ed to derive the comple~_~transiti~euacutell

[u) They seemed gre~

by a further transformation deleting the copuiacutea For SEEM the rules deriving [10] and [u] would both be optional But for

other verbs such as TURN or GO We could make them obligatory so It turned green could be the only realization of an underlying sUr was greenls turned the ambient Ir got misrier - [6] aboye - a realization of say s[mistier]s gorand so on If the obligatory rules were then restricted to the copula we would also ensure that any other form of embedded structure (g[he eft]s turned or g[he kissed her]s grew) was filtered out By such means a treatment which is widely accepted for SEEM and for which the evidence is at first compelling could be extended if it were thought appropriate to the entire intensive intransitive class

There are good reasons for not thinking it appropriate In a sentence such as [12]

[12] Harry got drunk

Qn~JsllQIacuteli~ply talking of a_~ate tha~ reslllttI s~o t~a~ ~~rry vs (45)

ENGLISH GRAMMAR

drunk or Harrys drunkenness happened) Nor is Harrya mere theme or tliexclfc (Aacute~-to-KarryQruniexcliquestenneacuteSs-l1ippened to him) tlamp11tbject iexclS1

potentia1lt-at-l~st--alMl~tgh-ge~~amp9run_~ wassoID1hiiL~hatJIal did The--verb mayaccordiacutentilde-gly take a subject adjunct (O CE 466]) thus I delibera tey got drunk or He foo(lshy turned traitor It may also supply the complement of a conative verb (1 did try to get drunk) may appear in the imperative (Dont get drunk ) and so on For sorne collocations this potentiacuteality is doubtless harder to realize (compare He delibera tey turned bue with He delibera tey turned nasty or He tried ro grow oder with He tried ro grow farter) but that is precisely the case for subjects and predicators generally lt is this semantic role that justifies the first link shown in Fig 2

which an impersonal structure as in (b)

(b) s[Harry was drunkls got

would relegate to the surface If (b) is wrong for Harry got drunk a transformationalist should consider

more carefully w hether a similar structure is correct for Harry seemed drunk Let us assume that it is correct for the construction with a that-clause (It seemed that Harry was dhmk) for SEEM and APPEAR a c1ausal complement does form one possibility Let us also accept that SBBM has a constant sense in all its constructions But for other current intensives (G eE 820 f) the evidence is more complexo With SOUNO a that-clause can be forced for example if a dative is inserted (lt sounds ro me that (hey arent coming) There is also an impersonal construction with as if

[131 It sounds as ifthey were green

which might be thought to derive from the same source The construction of [13] is also acceptable witb LOOK (lt ooks as ifthey arent coming) But between it and the complex intransitive we can find clear disparities in meaning In [13] the judgment is based on indirect clues what sounds or appears from audible information is indeed the whole proposition they were green But in the complex intransitive [14]

[141 They sound drunk

it is based on sounds that they are making For that reason it is harder 10 make sense of They sound green Likewise They [ook drunk means that they from their appearance are so But in It loob as ifthey are drunk the speaker does not even imply that he has seen them (Compare Prom what you say it ooks as if rhey are drunk) Ir we wanted a complex source it would be tempting 10 relate [14] not 10 the impersonal [13] with raising but rather to the personal [Is1

[IS] They sound as iexclfthey are drunk

with the second they deleted

[46]

P H Marthews

Personal and impersonal are often hard to separate as Palmer (1972) and before him Bolinger(l96la) have shown Ofthis group ofintensives TASTE

and 5MBLL are the most restricted in meaning and it is with these that the impersonal construction as in [91 and [131 is least acceptable With TASTE

neither seems likely Ir rasres to me that the soup is saty It tastes to me as if they are sweer If the second example can be interpreted it is by virtue of a blending with the personal construction (compare It tasres as ifit ) With SMELL the construction of [131 may be more acceptable (Ir smells ro me as if dinner is ready) but the blending remains With PEEL a non-tactile sense is possible (Ir fees Iikey) but is less established than the broader senses of LOOK or SOUNO (compare Ir ooks likey II sounds likey) It is in this case that my judgment is least secure would one say for example It fees (or Ir fees to me) as if they were green With SOUNO and LOOK the general sense is well established as in [131 or Ir sounds likely but there is still a sensory meaning as in [14] and [Isl which inhibits the pure impersonal with that With SEEM and APPEAR we are at the end of the continuum both having general senses only Hence the construction of[91 alongside the impersonal with as if (Ir seems as if they were green) Hence perhaps the infinitive construction of [101 with SOUNO and the others this too is awkward (They ooked ro have arrived Or Ir tastes ro me to be sweer) But it does not follow that the semantical1y general They seem drunk differs in syntax from the specifically sensory They sound drunk or They smell drunk We can even force an active interpretation of the subject thus They tried lO appear drunk or I deliberarey seemed irrftated

32 As [11] with SEEM Hes on a gradience between personal and impersonal so there are others which raise problems in distinguishing intensive from adverbial and circumstantial constructions For there is no criterion which is both sufficient and necessary

The obvious step is to tesectt for simpler transforms Thus J9r [12] Harl~ qrunk ~e can comp~jiexcleJgtimple a~ve Harry was drul~ TRANSFORM in that firstIy it is a a d secondly the predicator

-ORUNK hasnot a tq~ sense s no intraiiSIuvetrans[oacuterintilde ~stiiis~se of G BI is oot ~ble Nor has 4 r tumeirgeacute-iexcl an intransitive transform It turned since this involves a different sense oC TURN Ir there~~ an ascriptive transform but n9-Wn~itive the JhirdeiacuteeDlen t mult be a complementi so [41 and [12] must be complex intransitive Ir there is neither transform it MA y be complement but the col~of verb and adjective mjgbt rCaSantildea be classed as idiomatic Thus The roses have run wild has no transform The roses ve iiOr-aacuteoes it strictly match The rOSes are wild But WILO is at least an adiecti~ must stand in sorne relationship to the verb therefore R UN WILO is right1y

chmldw-rresultintensive (O eE) ---shy-- -_--g ~ _---_bull ~ shy

[471

ENOLISH ORAMMAR

If there is a simple intransitive but no ascriptive transr2ffil--_~~~ coacutentildeSffiiClioacutentilde-intildeuumlSt]ie iexcljdve(J2iacuteaIYlIacuteustrivialIy He ran iexcliuieacutekly has no ascriptive tiexclansfo~ He was quickly less trivially He travelled light does not match He was ight But what if we find both rlJgJQQordf~tillha$ordflJ ascriEtive _~ran~f~rrlJ~eYI1Jer~_~~ ~sectmL1aY-J~_a~~plement circumstantjallik~iilelltjnThey-sJoQdsilent ordfytlb~~j~llsothe simpler intran~1ti~ fbilystQPf so still ~ight be anadver~ like sileniTyintilde-fiieystood silenty Since there is no distinct form srilly the latter is hard to rule out For It shone white we can compare the formally adjectivallt shone brighr again there are both transforms (Ir shone Ir was white) But It shone brighr is c10se in meaning to the formaUy adverbial Ir shone brighry could white be an adverb in default of or as the commoner altemative to whirely Blending may aIso be found in idioms For example it is fruitless to ask if doggo is an adjective or an adverb in He is Iying doggo

For the circumstantial case both transforms are necessary thus [7] He arriuacuteiid sober has the triexcliexclntildeiiiacuteormsmiddotiexcliexcluacuteli-iexcliexclved andHe wasectSoacutebe Wewoacuteuumllifiliso ixpeeacutetthilUumlheveromiddotantildedmiddotildjectTe-shouId befreeOi collocationaI restrictions so He arrived sober He left sober He Jeft satisjied He arrived satisfied and so on But it is very hard to say when such a requirement iacutes meto One does not say for example They stood noisy or They sroodpeacefuJ on that evidence They stood sient might be classed as complex intransitive But neither is one likely to say They arrived noisy or They arrived kind Is that too a matter of collocational restrictions so that [7] is also intensive Or is it merely that NOISY and KIND are ill suIacuteted 10 this construction7 At this point jt is tempting to distinguish degrees of circumstantiality The extreme case would be represented by such sentences as [16]

[16] They stood there exhausted

(Iikewise They have arrived quite sober) where the adjective and verb are marked as separate Beside [16] the construction in [7] is less clearly circumstantial in They stood sient or They stoodfidgering it is perhaps even r less so But this last might stilJ be seen as less intensive than for example

iexcl They stood amazed Likewise They feJl exhausted is less clearly intensi ve than 1 They fell sick since it involves no special sense of FALL

~

f lrOacutel p1lI1riHmD ~ amires f0tr eompiex trlmSitive fu Tlieyfbuntlliim~

guilry there is a special sense OfPIND as ofMAKE in They mode it green In TIwy rrun Juacutem JOber tbat IacuteoS DO spcciiexcll SCDSII of)lEET~ by tbat cS ~ is more eircumsumlial BUl onc la unlikely lO say for eumple They me hlm meditative

4 Finally there is an obvious gradience between the coxnP-1ex intransitive ~nct the simple ascriptj~ With TURN 01 GROW there are~-selecUumlonal restrictions as we have seen With SBJlli or SIhV tney are far fewer

[48J

P H Matthews

neverthelesson~canI1Q~~yfordmr_~ordfmplelfil_sectil1Ied chairmqf1-ltcompareH~ stayelt chairman Qr1fsectJjiquest_riquest~cordfirmordfl1) or It srays obvious that (compare It seemsobvious that or It remainsobvious that ) With REMAIN it is hard to find any but at least the intransitive exists He remained) and their senses can be related Wth BECOMB that evidence too is lacking He became drunk can be distinguish-ed(rontildei1lieasgiptiYlt1g lu7ntl1k onlyJ~iiui~s from jts resultative meaning -_-

This merging has ied grammarians to treat the constructions together But we can do this only by assimi)ating BE to the mode) of verb complementation (as in GCE) not by assimilating TURN and so on to the model of a copula likethecpmplexrordfnsectitiy~nl_e compleimrap~W~i~ ayoor ca~~idatefltY-l~LIl~Jlt~IQ~-ordf_~~rnelltructllr~middot

M

~_

Page 24: in - UGR · (III). 11-70 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1171 Note [a] The ... In addition, we shall use where necessary the suffixes 'ph' (for

1214 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Joan mentioned (to me) that her father was siacuteck [Type (O] Or Oay recommended (to her) that the treatment be continued [Type (ii)]

For elample

(i) acknowledge declare remark (ji) propose admit explain repon recommend announce mention say suggest complain pointout signal eoness prove state

As before Type (i) verbs introduce indirect statements and the less numerous Type (ii) verbs introduce indirect directives As befare too sorne exceptional verbs take a preposition other than to

She demanded ome that She agreed with me that etc

Unlike the nonprepositional verbs of [03] these prepositional verbs alow the that-c1ause to become subject of a corresponding passive clause an option which is more acceptable with extraposition

That several ministers are resigning has been admitted to our correspondent ~ It has been admitted to our correspondent that several ministers

are resigning It has been shown to us al that Miss Jones was innocent

Without the preposition ie with an ordinary indirect object such sentences are at best marginally grammatical 1It has been shown us al that Miss Jones was innocent

~~otc The constructions of lt appc-siexclappe(~iexclcfurseems ro me ha slipclfidaly appear ti) bclvuumlg to the paltero [D3prl but in faet these contain monotransitive verbs with an extraposed tnatshyelause as subject

It occurredlseemed to me that he was Iying esimilar patteros with extraposition in 1634 1659 Note

ID4) Indirect object + finite wh-c1ause object 1661 This pattern of complementatiacuteon is primarily found with the verb ask which

introduces a reported question

John asked me what time the meeting would end ~ 1 was Gsked (by John) what time the meeting would end

AIso used with this pattern are verbs which take an indirect object followed by a that-clause (Type (i) of [03]) but for these the wh-clause tends to be limited 10 nonassertive contexts (cf1635) Compare

George didnt tell them that the train was late [1] George didn t tel them whether the train was late [21

The difference of meaning between the that- and whether-constructiacuteons can be stated in terms of presupposition Sentence [1] typically implies that the train was late while [2] is noncommittal on the matter [04] verbs can also introduce other question words such as where and how

Tvpes of verb complementation 1215

Jim was reluctant to inform us (o) where he got the money Would you remind me (about) how we start the engine

A preposition may always be placed before the wh-c1ause In the aJiexclove cases the prepositiacuteon is optional but in the case of verbs like enquire o (Type [04prJ) the preposition is obligatory iexcl enquired ofthe clerk which doeuments were needed The complex preposition as to can be rather general1y used for introducing the wh-clause eg I enquired as to which documents were needed

[D5) Indirect object + wh-infinitive clause object 1662 This is yet another complementation pattern (comparable with [B5] 1637)

which may be taken by sorne verbs listed under[03] in 1659

advise ask instruct remind show teach tell wam

The instructor taught us how lo land saely - We were taught (by the instructor) how to land saely

They advised him what lO wear in the tropies Please remind me where to meet you afier lunch

The equivalent prepositional verb pattern [05pr] is iIIustrated by suggest to recommend to

Could you please suggest to the visitors which museums to visit

Here as in the [04] type a prepositional phrase introduced by as lO can be used

Helen advised us (as to) how to maintain the machine

f~ iexcl llt ~- I ~ i ~

~i ~ ~~

1663 ID61lndirect object + to-infinitive clause object We have seen that the [03] pattern may be used to introduce indirect statements and that the [04] pattern may be used to introduce indirect questions Now we tuen to the verbs of class [06] which introduce indirect directives (c1433)

1 lOldjadvisedjpersuaded Mark to see a doctor ~ Mark was toldjadvisedjpersuaded to see a doctor

[I] [2]

This complementation category looks like those of[B81 and [C5] in that the verb is followed by a noun phrase and an infinitive construction But the [06] pattern differs from these in that the noun phrase following the verb is an indirect object as will be c1arified in 1666 below As with other verbs introducing indiacuterect speech the subject refers to the speaker of sorne speech act and the indirect object refers to the addressee Like [03] verbs [06] verbs form only the first passive exemplified in [2] above we do not find To see a doctor was lOld Mark The folowing verbs belong to this c1ass

advise command entreat instruct remind teach ask counsel exhort invite request1 tell beg detai[l orbid order recommend urge beseech direct implore persuade challenge enjoin 1 incite l prayl

1216 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Those verbs marked with araised 1 do not have the equivalent construction with a that-clause containing a modal or a subjunctive verb (Types [B3(ii)J [030i)]) Contrast

They ~eg~tedd her to stay another week mm e

They ~eKgtedd (her) that she would stay another week mm e

The alternative that-clause construction however is more formal especially when the indirect object is presento

Note [a] The verb promire when it occurs wiacuteth this kind of complementation is exceptional in that the understood subject of the infinitiacuteve is identified with the subject rather than with the object of the maiacuten c1ause

Sarn prornised me to get some rood

= Sam promised me that he would get sorne roed o Sam promised me that lwould get sorne roed

The present pattern [D6] iexcls however less cornmon with promise than the [B6] pattern without the indiacuterect object Sam promised to get someiexclood lb] Only ordercan be followed by a passive infinitive He ordered Ihem lo be impriacutesonedlreleased

Multiple analysis and gradience in verb complementation 1664 Before we leave verb classification it is important to reflect on the problems

of dividing verbs into complementation types The major division of complementation patterns into copular [AJ monotransitive [BJ complex transitive [C] and ditransitive [OJ categories (introduced in 216) has been extended with little difficulty te include patterns in which the verbs ccmplementation includes finite and nonntildenitc clauses This is the basis rOiacute

the classification Qf verbs into types in 1620-63 aboye But unavoidably our aim of presenting a clear classification has obscured sorne problems of gradience and multiple analysis (e 260ff) and to illustrate these we return to three superficially iacutedentical structures aIread y discussed in 1636 These are now illustrated with three new examples each of which conforms to the pattern NI V N 2 to V N 3 (where N = noun phrase and V = verb phrase)

Table L664a

V N2 to V NJNI

[B8] S V O

We like all parents to visit the schooL

I [1]

[C4] Is V O Co

They James therace I [2]

[D6] I S Oiexcl

We I asked I the students I toattend

Ia lectu~en_~

Types of verb complementation 1217

Each ofthese sentences consists ofthe sequence Niexcl V N 2 to V N 3 and yet we have analysed them respectively as monotransitive (S V O) complex transitive (S V degCol and ditransitiacuteve (S V Oiexcl 0d) A different analysis in sorne ways more revealing would recognize an overlap between two competing descriptions of the intennediacuteate noun phrase N2 There is little doubt that in [1 J this is to be analysed as subject of the infinitive clause (e 1636) whereas in [3J there are equally strong reasons for regarding N as (indirect) object of the main clause (e 1666)

Smiddot V S V O 1shyI I

I I ISmiddot V 0 V OI I I I I iexcl I I I I I I I I I iexcl

NI V Nz 10 V NJ NI V N2 lo V N) I I I I

Fig 1664b Sentence[l] Fig 1664c Sentence [3J

Sentence [2J however partakes ofboth these descriptions From the semantic point of view it requires the analysis of Fig 1664b (ef They expeeted [that James would win the race]) But from the structural point of view the analysis in Fig 1664c is more appropriate reflecting N2s ability to become subject of the passive sentence James was expeeted to win the raee We might reasonably say that in [2J N 2 behaves like an object (0 rather than Oiacute) in relation to the first verb but like a subject in relation to the second infinitive verh Tbe term RAISED OBJECT applied in 1649ffto the intermediate noun phrase of patterns [C4 - Cn incorporates yet another way of recognizing this double analysis by envisaging a process whereby the subject of the infinitive becomes the object of the preceding finite verbo This raised object will be symbolized in what follows SO

1665 Given that the double analysis aboye provides sorne insight into clauses containing nonfinite complementation we could take such an analysis further and apply it to aH complex transitive patterns including the more straightforward SVOC and SVOA pattems of[Cl - C3]

that John is a good driver lB3J 1consider John to be a good driver [C4]

John a good driver [C2]

The paraHelism of meaning and phrasal relations demonstrated in these three sentences recommends an analysis in which the complementation of pattern [C2J John a good driver would be regarded as a clause in its own right ie as a verbless clause consisting of S = John and Cs = a good driver without an intervening V This description would not however displace the by now familiar S V Od Co analysis but would rather be seen as an alternative way of looking at the same construction

---

---

--- ---

1218 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Gradience 1666 The teehnique of multiple analysis stiU leaves some subtletiacutees unexposed

What this teehnique has suggested is that there are the folowing three eategories eorresponding to [1 in 1664

N 2 S We like all parenls to visit the school [1) N2 = SO They expeeted James to win the raee [2] Nz = O We asked Ihe sludents to attend a leeture

But more than three eategories ean be appropriately distinguished if we reeognize [1) and [3] as end-points of a gradient with [2) at some point on the seate between them This area of grammar affords a good example of gradienee

At the monotransitive end of the seale [I) ean be characterized by a number of criteria whieh suggest that N 2 to V N3 (al parents to visit the school) constitutes the direct object of an SVO pattern

(a) It ean be replaced by a pronoun referring to the cIause or noun phrase nominalizing it We like it We like al parens visits

(b) It can be an answer to a what-question A What do you like best

B We like al parents to visit the school (e) In some dialects it can be preceded by the infinitive clause introdueer

for We like (it)for all parens to visit the school (d) It ean easily (when preeeded by for) be the focus of a pseudo-cIeft

sentence What we like (best) is for al parents to visit the school (e) When the sequenee N 2 to V N 3 is turned into the passive form N 3 to be

Vedz by Nz there is no ehange ofmeaning We ike aIl parents to visit the sehcel

= We like the school te be visited biexcl al parents (f) In a reduced construetion the infinitive marker to remains We like them

does not have the same meaning as We like them to

At the other ditransitive end of the seale a eontrasting set of criteria eharaeterize [3) and support the analysis of N2 (the students) as an indireet object and to V N3 (to attend a lecture) as a cIausal direet objeet

(a) 10 V N 3 ean be replaced by a pronoun a noun phrase or a finite clause with Nz still funetioning as indireet object

SOmething We asked the students a question

what they wanted

(b) 10 V N 3 can be the answer to a wh-question while N2 funetions as indirect object

A What did you ask the students B We asked them to attend a lecture

(e) When the sequenee N2 to V N3 is turned into the passive sequence N3 to be Ved2 by N 2 the meaning is always changed

They asked the students to attend a leeture They asked a lecture to be attended by the students

this case indeed the passive transform results in an absurdity)

Types of verb complementation 1219

(d) to V N 3 can marginally become the focus of a pseudo-cleft sentence What they asked the students was to attend a lecture (Contrast the decidedly unaeeeptable What we like the parents is to visil the school)

(e) Nz which like Oi in general is usually personal can be detached from its place after the first V to beeome subjeet of a eorresponding passive sentenee The students were asked to attend a lecture

(n In a reduced eonstruction the infinitive marker to ean be omitted We asked them We persuaded them etc

Note [a] With some ditransitive verbs criterion (a) has to be interpreted as the replacement of the infinitive clause by a preposition and prepositional object (cfI656-8)

They reminded hiacutem ofhis responsibiacutelities One man challenged the other lo a duel

[b] Criterion (d) is less reliacuteable than the others since the pseudo-cleft sentence is unacceptable for many verbs But a pseudo-cleft sentence in which the indirect object is replaced by a prepositional object tends to be more grammatical Whal Ihey asked ollhe sludenls was lO attend a leclure (The alternative construction with the substitute verb do which also occurs with [1] is always more acceptable What Ihey asked Ihe students lo do was lO attend a lecture)

1667 To give a simplified illustration of the analysis of gradience in the sequence NI V N 2 to V N 3 we now take a subset ofthe eriteria listed aboye and apply them to a range of verbs on the gradient eonneeting [1] and [3] of 16_66

(1) (3) (4)(2) wantask elect intend

CRITERIA likeallow expectlel~ etc I etc etc etc~ (a) lo V N 3 can be replaeed by - - -+a finite clause

(e) ehange of meaning in passive -+ +of N 2 10 VN3

(e) N 2 can beeome subjeet of passive -+ ++

Fig 1667 A eomplementatiacuteon gradient

The matrix uses only three criteria and thereby distinguishes only four categories This is sufficient to indicate the principie however that the three categories [BS] [C4] and [D6) of our taxonomy eould be broken down iexclnto a finer spectrum of eategories between which the differences are small In effeet Fig 1667 distinguishes two subeategories of [C4] one (including elect and allow) whieh is c10ser to the ditransitive type and one (including inlend and expect) eloser to the monotransitive type Elect and allow respond to cri terion (e)

They elected Miss Coe to suceeed the present seeretary They elected the present seeretary to be sueceeded by Miss Coe

We dont allow residents to entertain visitors We dont allow visitors to be entertained by residents

1220 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

while intend and expeet do not

They intended the students to see the professor = They intended the professor to be seen by the students

They expeet the students to enjoy the classes = They expeet the classes to be enjoyed by the students

Note Por verbs in group (3) the voice oflhe infinitive clause and the voiceofthe main clausemay be independently varied with the result Ihat a SlIacutentence like They expected the students lo enjoy lile classes has tbree corresponding passiv~s with iexclhe same meaning

They expected the classes to be enjoyed by the students The students were expecled lo enjoy the classes

The classes were expected lo be enjoyed by the students

The last example has a passive verb phrase in both the superordinate clause and Ihe infinitive clame

Adjective complementation

168 Categories of complementation in adjective phrases (ef 228 721-2) are similar in variety to those ofverb complementation We distinguish [El-ES)as follows

[El] Complementation by a prepositional phrase [E2] Complementation by a that-clause [E3] Complementation by a wh-clause

i[E4) Complementation by a than-clause [ES] Complementation by a to-infinitive clause [E6] Complementation by an -ing participle clause

These complementation patterns can occur after an adjective (andmiddot its modifiers if any) in various syntactic functions For example

The violiacuten iacutes (rather) difficut to play (adjective phrase as CJ

Mary found the violiacuten (rather) diffieut to play (adjective phrase as CJ

The violiacuten is an instrument (rather) diffieult to play (adjective phrase as postmodifier)

The on1y posiacutetion in which an adjective cannot normally be followed by iacutets complementation is the premodifying position in a noun phrase a keen child on ehess But here too with certain constructions (Types [ES(iraquo) and [ES(v)D the complementation can follow discontinuously after the head noun The violiacuten is a diffieult instrument to play (ef discontinuity with comparative constructions IS75) For illustrative purposes we will confine examples in the following sections to the subject complement function The lists like the verb lists in 1620-63 will be selective

Adjective complementation 1221

Note There is a considerable parallel as the categories [El-ES] aboye demonstrate between patterns associated with adjectives and those associated with monotransitive verbs The chief difference is that adjectives cannot be followed by a noun phrase object To bring out the parallel further we could describe adjectives exemplified in 1669 below (averse to conscous oJ etc) as prepositional adjectives comparable with prepositional verbs We could moreover identify phrasal adjectives (derived from participiaI forms ofphrasal verbs) such as ron down (exhausled depressed) and phrasaI-prepositionaI adjectives such as fed up (with) These tatter variants however are rare enough lo be disregarded in the foUowing lists

[E1] Adjective complementation by a prepositional phrase 1669 Like prepositional verbs adjectives often forro a lexical unit with a following

preposition good atfond oj opposedto etc The lexical bond is strongest with adjectives for which in a given sense the complementation is obligatory Max is averse to games Max is averse Such adjectives are marked 1 in the following lists

The lists make a distinction between participial (ef 715-19) and nonparticipial adjectives The differencebetween participial adjectives and the -ed participle of the passive construction is discussed in 375-77 These lists provide on1y a small sample of the adjectives accompanying the prepositions concemed In particular it is often possible for the same adjective to go with two or more prepositions as in angry about angry at and angrywith

ABOUT He was very worried about her reaction (ef960)

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

angry knowledgeabe aggrieved frightened glad mad annoyed pleased happy reasonable delighted worried

AT She was badat mathematics (ef962)

NONP ARTICIPIAL P ARTlCIPIAL

angry good alarmed disgusted brilliant hopeless amusedmiddotmiddot pleased elever terrible delighted puzzled

FROM Thevillage is remotefromthe bustle ofcity life (ef918 947)

different distant distinct free remo te

OF She was aware ofhis difficulties

NONPARTlCIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

eonvineed ashamed empty proud1 afraid conseiousl glad

seared eapable fond 1 short1 tired certain full worthy

ONUPON Their plan was based on cooperation

NONPARTICIPIAL IPARTICIPIAL

contingent1 intent1 reliantl basedl set1

dependent keen severe hentl

Yiexcl

1222 Complementation of verbs and adjectives ~ Adjective complementation 1223

Note lal In general choice of preposilion remains the same after morphologicalIy related verbs adjectives and nouns differentftom differ from differencefrom But Ihis eorrespondence is not always lo be relied on contrastfull ofwilhfilied wllh proudofwith pride in lb] Other prepositions whieh less comrnonly enlee into adjective + prepositlon idioms iexclnelude for and lowards graleful for sorry for inclined towards le] Usedfollowed by the preposition lO a more informal synonym ofaccustomed(to) is participial in spelling but has the speeial pronuneiation nus~ Unlike accustomed however used does not oceur with a following infinitive (ef 1679) This adjeetival used to in spite of identity of spelling and pronunciation is quite distinet from used lO as a marginal modal (cf344) Contrast

Im used lO hard work I used ro work hard Id] In the past prescriptive objeetions have been made to the use of to ralher Ihan from after averse and different Howevee ro is the normal preposition to fol1lt11 averse and differenr 10 is quite widely used (esp in BrE) as an altemative lo differentfrom On iJifferent rhan cf1566 Note 1674

le] Wilh can be omitted after (fn)compalibie if the subject is plural cfmutual participation 1360

middotCarl is incompatible OUT Cad and Eva are incompatible

[E2] Adjective complementation by a that-clause 670 Like that-clauses following a verb that-clauses folIowiacuteng an adjective may

have

(A) indicative verb 1am sure (that) he is here now (B) subjunctiacuteve verb They were insistent (that) we be ready (formal) (C) putativeshould Im sorry (that) he should hove left ltformal)

The uses of the mandative subjunctive and of putative should have been discussed in 359 and 1425 respectiacutevely Putative should often occurs after expressions of emotion (sorrowjoy displeasure surprise wonder etc) and is often accompanied by intensifying expressions such as so such like thisl that ever or at all The indicative that-clause on the other hand refers to an established fact The foHowing pairs illustrate choices of construction

1 (that) 1 have to leave so early am sorry (that) you should have been (so) inconvenienced

(that) you didnt call the doctor before 1 am surprised (that) anyone ofyour intelligence should swallow a tie

likethat

With some adjectives (those in category [E2b(iiacute)] 1672) the should-clause can be paraphrased by an infinitive clause with a subject

It was natural for him to go to London after the war = It was natural that he should go to London after the war

That-clauses cannot be preceded by preposiacutetions Hence adjectives which are constructed with prepositions before noun phrases ([El]) drop the preposition before a that-clause (cfI628) Compare the folIowing

OfhiS innocence [E1 ] 1am convlnced (th ) h t [E2]at e IS mnocen

Many that-clauses folIowing an adjective are actualIy subjects postponed by extraposition (cf1833)

lt is lucky (that) you came - That you came is lucky

These are listed separately in 1672

lEla) Adjectives with experiencer (cflO23 Note) as subject 1671 (i) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATIVE VERB ONL Y (cfNote [a] below)

These adjectives express degrees of certainty or confidence aware certain corifident sure

We were corifident that Karen was stiacutell alive

(ii) THAT-CLAUSE HAS PUTATIVE SHOULD OR SUBJUNCTIVE VERB

(or marginally aloo an indicative verb) The three principal adjectives in this class are anxious eager and willing

he should be permitted to resiacutegn 1 Are you willing that he be permitted to resign 1

1he is permitted to resign 1 ~

(On the distribution of these three altematives cfI630)

(iH) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATIVE VERB OR PUTATIVE SHOULD

These adjectives express emotions

Im so thankful that nobody was hurto Were you surprised that Ray should win the prize

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

afraid hopeful alarmed depressed horrified angry proud amazed disappointed irritated glad sad amused distressed pleased grateful sorry annoyed disturbed shocked happy tha7lkful astonished frightened upset

There is a tendency to prefer the putative should construction in nonassertive contexts or where the adjective has negative or unfavourshyable associations

TO AH capital gains are subject to taxation NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

answerable close liableacute accustomedl

averse l due1 simz1ar allied1I WiTH This plan is not compatible with our princiacuteples

NONPARTICIPIAL I PARTICIPIAL

angry busy

happy impatient

annoyed bored

ClJmfortable incompatible1 concerned compatibleacute sick delighted content familiar friendly furious

uneasy depressed disappointed disgusted dismayed distressed

inclined1

opposed1

drunk enchanted obsessed occupied overcome pleased satisfied taken1

1672

1224 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Adjective complementatlon 1225

Note [a] The restriction oC Type (i) above lo indicative verbs only is meant to allow Cor the use of T

Note [a] Although tlle pro-forms so and n01 cannot be used after tllese [E2bI adjectives (ef 1671modal auxiliaries including should in a nonputative sense eg I am a~are that I should [= ought 1lo] havejoined longago iexcl Note [bJ) there iexclsa possibilityofreplacing the adjective + solnat by a related adverb + sonot

[b) Afraid is unique among adjectives in that it accepts the pro~oun so (and iexclts negative equivalent Mt) as a that-clause substitute (cfI631) rm afraid SOMI

IElbJ Adjectives with anticipatory it as subject

The that-elause in this eonstruetion is an extraposed subjeet Three types are again distinguished matehing those in 167l

(i) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATlVE VERBONLY (cfI671 Note CaD These adjectives have to do with truthor knowledge

It is true that she never cemes on time

apparent evident likely possible untrue certain implicit obvious true well-known clear indubitable plain unlikely

(ji) THAT-CLAUSE HAS PUTATIVIl SHOULD OR SUBJUNCTIVE VERB (or marginshyaIly also an indicative verb) These adjectives express eoncepts concerned with modality or volition

should be lifted tomorrow It is essential that the ban be lifted tomorrow

(1) is lifted tomorrow

appropriate essentiacuteal important necessary vital compulsory fitting impossible obligatoryshycrucial imperative improper proper

Various deverbal adjectives ending in -able also belong to this group egadvisable desrabIe preferable

(iii) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATlVE VERB OR PUTATIVE SHOULD

This group consists mainly of emotive adjectives and ineludes a large num ber ofparticipial ad jecti ves ending in -ing

Itmiddot strange th t She is so late IS upsetting a she should be so late

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTlCIPIAL

awkward logical alarming perplexing curious odd annoying pleasing disastrous peculiar depressing shocking dreadful sad disappointing surprising extraordinary silly embarrassing fortunate tragie frightening iexclrrational unfortunate irritating

Various -able-ible adjectives also be10ng tp this group admirable eommendable deplorable despieable incomprehensible inconceivable lamentable remarkable understandable unjustifiable etc

ha h l Id l h B Yes obviouslyfortunately soA 1 t IS apparentt t s e IVes oesn t Ive ere B N J I I di t o event y sa y no [b] When an adjective ofType (iii) above occurs after a modal verb construction the that-clause is commonly replaced by an if-clause If the modal verb in the main c1ause is hypothetical (eg would) the verb in the ifmiddotdause is placed in tlle hypothetical pasto Compare

It is sad that you have to leave It will be sad ifyou hove to lea ve

It would be sad ifyou had lo lea ve

[E3] Adjective complementation by a wh-clause 1673 As with that-clauses we have to distinguish those adjeetives ([E3a]) which

are predicated of an experieneer (normalIy a person) as subject and those ([E3bD which go with antieipatory it In the latter case the wh-clause is an extraposed subject Examples are

(onwhat 1should sayo [1]E3a 1was unsure[ 1 (about) whether the problem was solved [2]

[E3b] It was unclear what they would do [3]

Type [E3a1 consists of adjectives which are constructed with prepositions and whieh therefore belong also to Type [EI1 The preposition is sometimes omitted before the wh-clause (ef155 Note reD In Type [E3b] on the other hand no preposition can be inserted bull It was uneear ofabout what lhey would do AIso no infinitive wh-cIause is possible (ef i637) It is unsure where to go is unacceptable unless it refers to sorne aniacutemate being (sueh as a mouse) and is consequently not interpreted in terms of extraposition

Retuming to Type [E3a] we note that in sorne cases the adjective takes a wh-elause in assertive eontexts eg eareful (about) doubtful (as to) fussy (about) puzzled (as to) uneear (about) uncertain (o) undecided (about) unsure (0) unaware (o)

John is careul (about) what he does with his money

Most of these adjeetives are intrinsiealIy negative In meaning In other cases although elsewhere it is associated with an indicative that-clause [E2a(i)] the adjective tends to oceur with a wh-cIause in nonassertive contexts (efI635) eg aware certain eear sure

Are you sure (o) how mueh the maehine costs 1wasnt altogether cleaiexcl- (about) what we had to do

A similar division may be made among adjectives of the antieipatory-it type ([E3b]) Those whieh intrinsieally express doubt and therefore take this strueture even in assertive contexts include doubtful uneertain uneear unsure and unknown Those normally oceurring with an indieative that-elause (le Type [E2b(i)]) inelude apparent eertain obvious and plain They can take a wh-cIause in nonassertive contexts Each type is illustrated in

It was uneear whether an amendment would be accepted It was not obvious how far the westernization process would IO

~ltgt ~~~1~ 1 -~ Adjective complementation 1227

1226 Complementation of verbs and adjectives iexcl

After adjectives of Type [E3a] there may also occur an infinitive wh-clause 1 was uncertain (oi) what to do This is preferable to the finite c1ause in cases illustrated by [1-3] aboye since the subject can remain unexpressed in the reduced nonfinite version

[E4] Adjective complementation by a than-clause 1674 There is an unusual construction in which a noncomparative adjective is

foIlowed by a comparative than-clause as complementation Different is the only adjective which fits into this pattero and even then there is a tradition which regards the use of than here as impropero There is however no felicitous alternative to the different than construction in examples such as

Shes quite a different girl than she wasfilie years ago [11 The various styliacutestic variants of and alteroatives to the than-clause after different are examined in 1566 Note lb] When the c1ause is reduceacuted to a noun phrase it becomes possible to usefrom as an alternative to than

The unions are taking a very different attitude ~ the employers

When the noun phrase folIowing thanffrom cannot be derived by ellipsis from a c1ause than is decidedly less acceptable thanfrom

The main languages of southern India are totaIly different In origin

~~~ those ofthe northern partofthe country

Note [al On differenlrom and different 10 1669 Note [dI [bj It is aloo possible for a Ihan-c1ause to be used after he adverb difilrently

In the west of the country they pronounce their vowels quite aifferently han (they do) in the easl

The same prescriptive objections are made to differenlly Ihan as to different Ihan

[E5] Adjective complementation by a to-infinitive clause [675 We distinguish seven kinds of construction in which an adjective is foIlowed

by a to-infinitive c1ause They are exemplified in the following sentences which are superficially alike

Bob is splendid to wait (ii) Bob is slow to react

(iii) Bob is sorry to hear it (iv) Bob is hesitant to agree with yOU (v) Bob is hard to convince

(vi) The food is ready to eat (vii) lt is important to be accurate

In Types (i-iv) the subject of the main clause (Bob) is also the subject of the infinitive c1ause We can therefore always have a direct object in the infinitive clause if its verb is transitive Por example if we replace intransitive wait by transitive build in (i) we can have Bob is splendid to build this house

Por Types (v-vii) on the other hand the subject of the infinitive is unspecified although the contextoften makes clear which subject is intended

In these types it is possible to insert a subject preceded by for eg in Type (vi) The food is ready (jOr Ihe children) to eat

Infinitive complementation following adjectives modified by lOO and enQugh is discussed eIse Note where in 1S73

(ES(i)) Bob is Iplendid to wait Type (i) has an analogue in a construction involving extraposition (cf1833)1676 1t is splendid of Bob lo wait This type OC construction also permits a head noun between the adjective and the infinitive

Bob must be a spiendid craftsman ~ ~~bUilt this house

As this example shows the infinitive may be perfective We may also compare constructions in which an evaluative noun with its determiner

replaces the adjective

ffoolishYourelafool to spend so mucho

WOnderfUl Youre 1 to walt for me anange

Adjectives in this group are evaluative of human beha~iour They inelude

careful crazy mad silly wise careless greedy nice unwise wrong

These adjectives can also occur with anticipatory il and an of-phrase as additional complementation (cf1682)

It was foolish of you to spend so mucho

IE5(Hraquo) Bob is IOW to react In Type (ii) the sentence corresponds to one in which the adjective becomes 1677 an adverbwhile the infinitive becomes the finite verb

Bob is slow to react - Bob reacts slowlyc

In another analogue the adjective is followed by in and an -ing participle Bob is slow in reacting The infinitive verb phrase must be simple for example unlike the inftnitive phrase in [E5(i)] it cannot be perfective Bob is slow ItJ have reacted Other adjectives in this small group are quick and prompt

There is also a partial adverbial analogue (e8127ff) for Type (i) but in Type (i) unlike Type Note (ii) the perfective infinitive andeven the get-passive (e366) can be used

loan was wise to resigno ~ loan wisely resigned loan was careless to get beaten - loan carelessly got beaten

loan is careless to have got beaten

IES(iuumlraquo) Bob is 10rry lo hear it In Type (iexcliexcli) the head of the adjective phrase is an emotive adjective 1678 (commonly a participial adjective) and the infinitive clause expresses

causation

1679

1228 Complementation of verbs end adjectives

Im sorry to have kept you waiting [rm sorry because I have kept you waiting]

1 was exeited to be there [- To be there exeited me]

Adjectives in this group correspond c10sely to the adjectives followed by a that-clause in 1671 (Type [E2a(iii)D

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

afraid angry ashamed content furious glad

happy impatient indignant jubilant thankful

annoyed astonished bored coneerned delighted depressed

disgusted dissatisfied embarrassed fasemated frightened interested

overwhelmed perturbed puzzled relieved surprised worried

disappointed overjoyed

IE5(ivraquo) Boh is heaitant to agree withyou In Type (iv) the head of the adjective phrase expresses volitional meaning or a modal meaning such as ability possibility or liability Examples are

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

able keen determined anxious Iiable disposed apt Iikely [E2b] fated[E2b] eertain [E2b] loath inclined curious powerless poiseddue prone prepared eager ready [E5] (all) set eligible reluetant unqualified fit [ES] sure [E2b] free [ES] unable greedy weleome hesitant willing impotent worthy

The adjectives marked [E2b] occur with a corresponding construction with extraposition of a that-clause

JilI is likely to attend - It is likely that JiU will attend

Those marked [E5] are capable of occurring with an infinitive construction of passive meaning ie with an indefinite implied subject and a coreferential implied object

Theyare not fit to eat = They are not tit to be eaten

Some ofthe most common adjectives in this list have a tendency to coalesce with the preceding copula 10 form a semimiddotauxiliary verb (ef3A7) be able to be willing to be sure to In addition to modal and volitional adjectives some adjectives ofaspectual meaning such as aeeustomed and wont may be placed here

Adjective complementation 1229

We are aecustomedto take teaon the terrace (formal) He was wont to leave the office at 5 pm (formal archaic)

(ES(vraquo) Bob is lard to convince 1680 In Type (v) the subject of the sentence is identified with the unexpressed

object of the infinitive clause which must therefore have a transitive verb hence the unacceptable Bob Is hard to arrive There is an analogous construction in which the adjective is complement to an infinitive c1ause acting as (extraposed) subject (ef 1836)

- To convince Bob is hard Bob IS hard to convmce It is hard to convince Bob

Adjeeacutetives so used refer 10 degrees of ease or comfort and iexclnclude

awkward hard tough (informal) eonvenient impossible trieky (informal) difficult niee (informal) unpleasant easy pleasant

Unless there is ellipsis we cannot omit the infinitive c1ause and so there is no semantic implication between (say) The bread was hard to bake and The bread was hard Unlike the preceding types Type (v) permitsfor + subject to be inserted at the beginning of the infinitive clause Those darts are trieky (for a beginner) to use Where the infinitive has no overt subject its implicit subject is understood to have an indefinite meanihg

Jack is easy 10 fool =Jack is easy for anyone to foo

Note With some adjectives in this group such as nice or unpleasant the entailment relation between be + adjective ro V and be + adjective is less easy lO avoid eg Jenny is nice lo know iacutemplies that Jenny is nice

IE5(viraquo) Thefood is ready to eat 1681 Again in this type the subject of the main clause is identified with the object

of the intinitive c1ause But unlike Type (v) Typemiddot(vi) has no analogous construction with an infinitive clause subject

The food is ready to eat To eat the food is ready

Also we can generally (a) omit the infinitive clause or (b) substitute a passive infinitive clause without change ofmeaning

Are these cups available (to use) = Are these cups available (to be used)

Some adjectives of this type such as availablefitfree ready and suffieient belong additionally 10 Type (iv) so that a sentence like The lamb ia ready to eat is ambiguous in one sense (the most accessible) being equivalent to the passive The lamb is ready to be eaten Then there is a wider set of adjectives which often occur without complementation at all

The air isfrosty (to breathe) Its fur is soft (to touch)

1230 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

In both Type (v) and Type (vi) the subjectofthe main clause can be equated with the prepositional object of the infinitive clause so that the infinitive c1ause ends with a deferred preposition

She is pleasant to talk to (-It is pleasant to talk to her) This paper is terribly flimsy to write on Is the cloth sufficient to make a dress out ol

In Type (vi) as well as in Type (v)for + subjeet may be inserted before the infinitive verb Are these books free (for visitors) to borrow Are these books available to borrow]

(E5(vii)J Jt is important to he accurate 1682 We saw in 1672 that a that-clause following an adjeetive may prove to be a

subjeet postponed by extraposition (ef1833) A to-infinitive clause following an adjeetive may have the same oouree

It is essential to spray the trees every year - To spray the trees every year is essential

The infinitive clause can also be introduced by for + subjeet

It is vital (for the ehildren) to be properly cIad It will be strange (for us) to be living alone

Adjectives ofTypes (ji) and (iii) in 1672 ([E2b]) may have this construction importantJortunate lueky surprising etc Possible also belongs te this group

An addiacutetional group of adjeetives oeeurring after anticipatory it are those adjeetives (ehiefly naming evaluative attributes of persons) whieh occur in pattern [E5(i)] (ef 1676) The adjeetive in this group is often followed byan of-phrase identifying the persones) being discussed

It was wrong (of him) to teIllies iexcli

It is niee ofyou to phone

[E6] Adjective complementation by an -ing participle cfause [683 A number of sub-types ofthis pattem may be mentioned

(i) Busy is followed by an -ing participle clause without subject

Margery is busy writiacuteng Ietters

Worth and worthwhile on the other hand oceur both with and without subjeet

It is seareely worth(while) (youyour) going home

Here worth(while) follows preparatory it and the participle clause is an extraposed subjeet (ef1834) Other adjectives ofthis pattern are pointless and useless (Its pointless buying so mueh food) and adjectives of Type [E2b(iiacutei)J (efl6 72) also sometimes have this complementation absurd awkwardJortunate annoying etc

EIsewhere worth and worthwhile accompany an -ing participle elause without subjeet but with a passive meaning comparable to tbat of the infinitive elause in pattern [E5(v)] (ef1680)

Complementation of abstract nouns 1231

The cartons are worth(while) saving ( Its worth(while) saving the cartens)

(iv) There is a variant eonstruction in whieh a preposition oecurs between the adjective and the participle clause In some cases the preposition is optional (cf(i) aboye)

Im busy (with) getting the house redeeorated Werefortunate (in) having Aunt Mary as a baby-sitter

In other cases the preposition is obligatory We are used to not having a car (cf1669 Note [e]) Im hopeless at keeping the garden tidy Shes not capable oflooking after herself

Note [al The adjectival constructions in (ii) above may be compared in some cases with nominal constructionsof equivalent meaning

ts 110 goaduse telling him anything Theres 110 point (in) telling him anything

8uch constructions are introduced either by anticipatory il (el 1833) or by eltistential there (el 184$) AmE also hu Theres no use telling him anythlng (b) Worthwhlle is sometimes spelled as two words The vacillation between the spellings worthwhile and worth while reflects an unclarity about the status of this sequence which may altematively be regarded as the preposition worth (eI96) followed by a noun Compare

lts not worth your whife staying lts not worlhh whh~e (your) staying worl w 1

Complementation of abstract nouns

1684 In this coneluding section we will show as a conneeting link between this chapter and the next how the pattems of complementation described for verbs and adjectives in 1620-83 are aloo to be found with abstraet nouns which are morphologieally related to those verbs and adjectives (ef nominalization 1751ff and appositional constructions 1726 1735) For example the noun likelihood is derived from and semantically related to the adjective likely It is therefore not surprising that a construction associated with the adjeetive Is found with the corresponding noun

It is likely that Joan will get married [1]

The likelihood is that loan will get married [21 the likelihood that Joan will get married [31

But the assumption of eorrespondence eannot be automatie for it may faiacutel in both direetions

loan is likely to get married Joan s likelihood to get married

It is likely of J oans getting married the likelihood of Joans getting married

------__shyiacute1 11

COMPLEX INTRANSITIVE CONSTRUCTIONS p H MATIHEWS

1 Introduction

In sentences such as [1J

ArR C~Iltiacuteltmiddotli N ([1J Th~deitgreen ~

he construct~oEJ~QLordf JJP~ that GCE850ff describes as 9QMfLEX JRANSITIV~ Ofthe elements in questionit and made are related a~Jn tQllt ~imple transitive

j [2J They made it

YihiJe ir and green a~_~latelasinasimple_ltQI1llar_sentence ( [3] lt is green (- lt

~f the type that following Lyons (l977469ff) raquoe will call ASCRIPTIVE raquouacutet greacuteen- also standsJna direcueJordf9lsJIacuteIL ordm~_iii~de the object and adjective exemplifying a single I2atteIILof VERB COMllEMe~nrJ91 This paUCIDl can be sajd torepresenta IJJS10N (G e E 850) ofJ~ltsimpler transitiv iexcll~J~Jjpiexcly_e_tjPes - _shy

IH~~_sfiE~~Ve can be fused with th~~~tY_e_(lri~alsoP~ fused with theintransitixe1 Insentildetentildeces SUChas[4] -

MI It turned green

~construc~~~~~]y idmtifkQyaacuteth th~ of l3J in both examples the

l]

~ ~ ~ ENGLISH GRAMMAR

verb is described as copularor in the terminology of GCE820f as taking intensive complementation But neither description is quite appropriate to1 both cases In the~ptive sentence there i indeed no mor~than~pYhL~

1 2ampffiMical iP~ betwe~ the adjective and its subject~ plainly this ~ ~ is not true of [4] whose verb TURN has its own specific meaning lf turned~ iacute I is a full verb it must then be the govemor of green as made is in (1) in that

iexcl ~ sense there is cornplernentatjon But we express nothing by assigning such a complernentation to the copula A solution is to c1ass I4] as a COMPLBX

IITMNSITIVE iL~onsect_trJltiordmL being an extension of th~simpleJmransiUacutelLe _shy~ i I5] It turned

j precisely as that of (1) is extended from that of [2)iexcl

2 Fused constructions

Let us take our cue from GCEs referenee to fusionlo the simpl~L =nfu~~~_~~~~~~~)t1ecltgtnstVf1ionconsistso(asingJULeAicJ~tQI(lgde) which in a dependency ana~is has both the subject and the object as its dependents or to adapt G CEs term has both a subjeet and an oJkltt asit complementation lnJhaL~se (2) has a _K1U~~~_~ruetion (Lyons i977) w1jch cannotJiexclJLr~s~Cl9JUnQ(lt_e~mentary relationships of ptediCJJQJkSo too has the simple intransitive (5] vi1ihidepeiioenforior forming the complementation of tumed So too has the simple aseriptive [3] its predicator on the analysis ofLyons and others is the adjective green One reason for relatlng the subject to the adjective is that the elements are jointly subject to selectional restrictions A reason for not relating either to the copula is that the latter stands aside (rom these restrictions adding none ofitsown

In a fused construction the pattem ls neither strictly kernel nor straightforwardly non-kemellnJhegmplex transitive [lL1oth1tan41~Y are again direct ~cngents of made these relatio~_elQ~ the words in FigJbx direC1~ltaI~_uacutela~~I~Qordf-ordfl9blleiexcl)Uumlnamp21uacuteward frollLthe

~d

(aJiquest-Fig 1

[42]

P H Matthew$

p~ed~~ So is green arc el this too being supported by selectional restrictions We are therefore dealing with a single clause rooted in made of which each word is a distinct element But green js a1soapredicator in iexclelation to il (are d)J that wav we are dealing with two kernelp~QlS th~ fuurtermclauseinfQmQrating bothtM_~tuet~[IDJr~JlsitiYlljh~ twoshytenn a~-middot -_shy

In Fig 1 we have diagrammed what any grammarian will propose provided that his terminology or his notational apparatus allow him to say it Iut similar reasonjng applies to the construction which we have called the ~IpJex ln~~-ordfEsitive Of the relationships showninf1g --~~t~~~~_

it turned green

aAacutebJ Fig2

to ir (arcc)_isagainasintheascripJjy~ and needs no further cornment But the final element is clearly suJiexcliect to ru19jtional resr=l~ordmI~ tlTlJRI_ im~~tordm-~~it~~rAUQj~9iY_I9U~l~~ed noun (He turned pink He turned kings eVidence) iQ~~~1lined phrase is exCiuacuteded (He turned arog)

tDle~sthe p~e~~i0rl~lJ9rtn is ~~jordmntildei[qiireifitetuumlmed iexclnto a frog) ~itt G-ordm-1h exdusi(m is abgolule one cannot even say He went into a criminal

f [he adjeqtive is also Iimlted to specific collocations For example one can say It turned sour or Ir went sour but it is harder to accept Ir grew sour 1 Conversely one can say He grew od but not He went od On that evidence

j we may establish a relationship of dependency between green and tumedj (arc b) The verb too can then be related to the subject (arc a)

1 Epgth o~2am~ thefe is one terro ir lVhich is a9~de~~~~t1 theascriptile anCITlieletbalk~m~1 (Fig 1 ares b and d Fig 2 ares a and c) The fusion is then effected by a further link (Fig 1 arc e Fig 2 are b) in which ond of the two predicators een is ineo orat~a~_ ordf d~RendenlO(th~ I re atlon that uirk an4hl~ COU~_~ampI~s-1 jn the case of th complex intransitille hall app1ied the Iean intlaquo=nsve

mmplementatio~gly describe he yaleruLQ(IUN or iexcl l otIllBNinthisuseJuh~int~siYeint[ansitivx But the insight intildeaacute I

alsQ be extended to the complex transitiye In that spirit MAKE or MAKE as

used in sentences such as W might appropriatelL be described ~~_~n_ i ~ntensive transitive -J -bull_--------shy

[43)

ENGLISH GRAMMAR

3 Distinctions between tbe complex intransitive and other partly similar constructions

For a three-term construction Fig 2 shows the maximum number of interconnections with each term related to each of the others The miacutenimum isone thus for the ascriptive (3) we have adopted the structure shown i~

L with l~~E2nd te~~Il2= tlliacuten amaroe~ ordmrS1PP9~g~lexn~~ ~eLClatiacute9D~t~~~~t~first an~~~hir~ But this leaves five other possibilities which in theory might be realized ust as the second element_lt~p~ltmark(r ordfs inEig 3bullKlJQQmgordmHhetordm-iriexcl in thatJ~SiquestOillY

iacutet is green

Fig3

1he_verb vQ1lld_be a predicatorrwithonl)l1he_~ygtject related 10 it This structure does not seem to be realized at least not in away whiacuteCh is -relevant to our analysis Asecond_possibil~iuhatJmly the verb a~ ~~~iexcltiY~L iquestnjgl~~_rell~q in that ca~e bot~redicatoS_w-ordmyldIgt~ impersonal-vUh lh~su~ject a me~m~ce-filler This structure might conceivably be suggested for exampIacuteesmiddotSuumlch as [6]

[6] It got mistier

with a so-called ambient it But although it may indeed be ambient with respect to mistier it need not follow that it is ambient with respect to got

In the remaining cases no element is a marker but there are only two instead of three interconnections Ir there wem no link betw-IlJhe subject ~YMh(Ejg 2 are a) the verb1tSelf would agajn be impersmordf-~ I~ transformational terms its surface subject would be derived by raising (Postal 1974) from a subordinate adjectival clause lf th3ewere no intensiye lipk between the first and second predicators (Fg 2 arWJUlt verb would be a simple intransitive taking just t~_S)lbject as its complementation th~on of tbe adjec1iYtLL~ then be uumlMrn-~0n[7] forexample --- -_~

Eacutel He arrived saber J (~ eacute cc L f ~ 2 f

grammars do not establish an intensive or copular use of ARIUVB Finally

[44]

1 P H Marrhew$

if the ascriQive lik wer~~2ken iacuteEiKbJ~~ f)hHordmjlti~~ment woulordm-no longer bJlta predicaQ~ltiexclHQle wQuldin~teadb~ADVJllqt~iexcl as in 8)

(8) He ran fa~t

There is no doubt that the intensive construction is distinct from the adverbial and that sober in [7] is at least more circumstantial than green in It turned green But the subject-verb relation is more problematic in that a raising transformation has been proposed for one at least of the G C E s intensive verbs Let us therefore take that distinction first

31 Ofthe twenty or so most common intensive verbs (GCE821) SEEM and APPEAR particularly lend themselves to transformational analysis On the evidence of sentences such as [9]

(2) It seemed that they wereamp~e~

_U~naIlJral lo establish an underlying ~~ct~~

J~sIhey were green]~ seemed

irlYhIacutetEw~4)srelate(L1ot to they J~Q9green indhiOacute1lally but to the yiole ascri2tive kernelrom the same structure a sentence such as [10)

[10] They seemed to be green

can then be derived by further transformations of subject raising and infinitive formation Froro the structure reaJized by [Io]lIleare n3tllcalli

~m~ed to derive the comple~_~transiti~euacutell

[u) They seemed gre~

by a further transformation deleting the copuiacutea For SEEM the rules deriving [10] and [u] would both be optional But for

other verbs such as TURN or GO We could make them obligatory so It turned green could be the only realization of an underlying sUr was greenls turned the ambient Ir got misrier - [6] aboye - a realization of say s[mistier]s gorand so on If the obligatory rules were then restricted to the copula we would also ensure that any other form of embedded structure (g[he eft]s turned or g[he kissed her]s grew) was filtered out By such means a treatment which is widely accepted for SEEM and for which the evidence is at first compelling could be extended if it were thought appropriate to the entire intensive intransitive class

There are good reasons for not thinking it appropriate In a sentence such as [12]

[12] Harry got drunk

Qn~JsllQIacuteli~ply talking of a_~ate tha~ reslllttI s~o t~a~ ~~rry vs (45)

ENGLISH GRAMMAR

drunk or Harrys drunkenness happened) Nor is Harrya mere theme or tliexclfc (Aacute~-to-KarryQruniexcliquestenneacuteSs-l1ippened to him) tlamp11tbject iexclS1

potentia1lt-at-l~st--alMl~tgh-ge~~amp9run_~ wassoID1hiiL~hatJIal did The--verb mayaccordiacutentilde-gly take a subject adjunct (O CE 466]) thus I delibera tey got drunk or He foo(lshy turned traitor It may also supply the complement of a conative verb (1 did try to get drunk) may appear in the imperative (Dont get drunk ) and so on For sorne collocations this potentiacuteality is doubtless harder to realize (compare He delibera tey turned bue with He delibera tey turned nasty or He tried ro grow oder with He tried ro grow farter) but that is precisely the case for subjects and predicators generally lt is this semantic role that justifies the first link shown in Fig 2

which an impersonal structure as in (b)

(b) s[Harry was drunkls got

would relegate to the surface If (b) is wrong for Harry got drunk a transformationalist should consider

more carefully w hether a similar structure is correct for Harry seemed drunk Let us assume that it is correct for the construction with a that-clause (It seemed that Harry was dhmk) for SEEM and APPEAR a c1ausal complement does form one possibility Let us also accept that SBBM has a constant sense in all its constructions But for other current intensives (G eE 820 f) the evidence is more complexo With SOUNO a that-clause can be forced for example if a dative is inserted (lt sounds ro me that (hey arent coming) There is also an impersonal construction with as if

[131 It sounds as ifthey were green

which might be thought to derive from the same source The construction of [13] is also acceptable witb LOOK (lt ooks as ifthey arent coming) But between it and the complex intransitive we can find clear disparities in meaning In [13] the judgment is based on indirect clues what sounds or appears from audible information is indeed the whole proposition they were green But in the complex intransitive [14]

[141 They sound drunk

it is based on sounds that they are making For that reason it is harder 10 make sense of They sound green Likewise They [ook drunk means that they from their appearance are so But in It loob as ifthey are drunk the speaker does not even imply that he has seen them (Compare Prom what you say it ooks as if rhey are drunk) Ir we wanted a complex source it would be tempting 10 relate [14] not 10 the impersonal [13] with raising but rather to the personal [Is1

[IS] They sound as iexclfthey are drunk

with the second they deleted

[46]

P H Marthews

Personal and impersonal are often hard to separate as Palmer (1972) and before him Bolinger(l96la) have shown Ofthis group ofintensives TASTE

and 5MBLL are the most restricted in meaning and it is with these that the impersonal construction as in [91 and [131 is least acceptable With TASTE

neither seems likely Ir rasres to me that the soup is saty It tastes to me as if they are sweer If the second example can be interpreted it is by virtue of a blending with the personal construction (compare It tasres as ifit ) With SMELL the construction of [131 may be more acceptable (Ir smells ro me as if dinner is ready) but the blending remains With PEEL a non-tactile sense is possible (Ir fees Iikey) but is less established than the broader senses of LOOK or SOUNO (compare Ir ooks likey II sounds likey) It is in this case that my judgment is least secure would one say for example It fees (or Ir fees to me) as if they were green With SOUNO and LOOK the general sense is well established as in [131 or Ir sounds likely but there is still a sensory meaning as in [14] and [Isl which inhibits the pure impersonal with that With SEEM and APPEAR we are at the end of the continuum both having general senses only Hence the construction of[91 alongside the impersonal with as if (Ir seems as if they were green) Hence perhaps the infinitive construction of [101 with SOUNO and the others this too is awkward (They ooked ro have arrived Or Ir tastes ro me to be sweer) But it does not follow that the semantical1y general They seem drunk differs in syntax from the specifically sensory They sound drunk or They smell drunk We can even force an active interpretation of the subject thus They tried lO appear drunk or I deliberarey seemed irrftated

32 As [11] with SEEM Hes on a gradience between personal and impersonal so there are others which raise problems in distinguishing intensive from adverbial and circumstantial constructions For there is no criterion which is both sufficient and necessary

The obvious step is to tesectt for simpler transforms Thus J9r [12] Harl~ qrunk ~e can comp~jiexcleJgtimple a~ve Harry was drul~ TRANSFORM in that firstIy it is a a d secondly the predicator

-ORUNK hasnot a tq~ sense s no intraiiSIuvetrans[oacuterintilde ~stiiis~se of G BI is oot ~ble Nor has 4 r tumeirgeacute-iexcl an intransitive transform It turned since this involves a different sense oC TURN Ir there~~ an ascriptive transform but n9-Wn~itive the JhirdeiacuteeDlen t mult be a complementi so [41 and [12] must be complex intransitive Ir there is neither transform it MA y be complement but the col~of verb and adjective mjgbt rCaSantildea be classed as idiomatic Thus The roses have run wild has no transform The roses ve iiOr-aacuteoes it strictly match The rOSes are wild But WILO is at least an adiecti~ must stand in sorne relationship to the verb therefore R UN WILO is right1y

chmldw-rresultintensive (O eE) ---shy-- -_--g ~ _---_bull ~ shy

[471

ENOLISH ORAMMAR

If there is a simple intransitive but no ascriptive transr2ffil--_~~~ coacutentildeSffiiClioacutentilde-intildeuumlSt]ie iexcljdve(J2iacuteaIYlIacuteustrivialIy He ran iexcliuieacutekly has no ascriptive tiexclansfo~ He was quickly less trivially He travelled light does not match He was ight But what if we find both rlJgJQQordf~tillha$ordflJ ascriEtive _~ran~f~rrlJ~eYI1Jer~_~~ ~sectmL1aY-J~_a~~plement circumstantjallik~iilelltjnThey-sJoQdsilent ordfytlb~~j~llsothe simpler intran~1ti~ fbilystQPf so still ~ight be anadver~ like sileniTyintilde-fiieystood silenty Since there is no distinct form srilly the latter is hard to rule out For It shone white we can compare the formally adjectivallt shone brighr again there are both transforms (Ir shone Ir was white) But It shone brighr is c10se in meaning to the formaUy adverbial Ir shone brighry could white be an adverb in default of or as the commoner altemative to whirely Blending may aIso be found in idioms For example it is fruitless to ask if doggo is an adjective or an adverb in He is Iying doggo

For the circumstantial case both transforms are necessary thus [7] He arriuacuteiid sober has the triexcliexclntildeiiiacuteormsmiddotiexcliexcluacuteli-iexcliexclved andHe wasectSoacutebe Wewoacuteuumllifiliso ixpeeacutetthilUumlheveromiddotantildedmiddotildjectTe-shouId befreeOi collocationaI restrictions so He arrived sober He left sober He Jeft satisjied He arrived satisfied and so on But it is very hard to say when such a requirement iacutes meto One does not say for example They stood noisy or They sroodpeacefuJ on that evidence They stood sient might be classed as complex intransitive But neither is one likely to say They arrived noisy or They arrived kind Is that too a matter of collocational restrictions so that [7] is also intensive Or is it merely that NOISY and KIND are ill suIacuteted 10 this construction7 At this point jt is tempting to distinguish degrees of circumstantiality The extreme case would be represented by such sentences as [16]

[16] They stood there exhausted

(Iikewise They have arrived quite sober) where the adjective and verb are marked as separate Beside [16] the construction in [7] is less clearly circumstantial in They stood sient or They stoodfidgering it is perhaps even r less so But this last might stilJ be seen as less intensive than for example

iexcl They stood amazed Likewise They feJl exhausted is less clearly intensi ve than 1 They fell sick since it involves no special sense of FALL

~

f lrOacutel p1lI1riHmD ~ amires f0tr eompiex trlmSitive fu Tlieyfbuntlliim~

guilry there is a special sense OfPIND as ofMAKE in They mode it green In TIwy rrun Juacutem JOber tbat IacuteoS DO spcciiexcll SCDSII of)lEET~ by tbat cS ~ is more eircumsumlial BUl onc la unlikely lO say for eumple They me hlm meditative

4 Finally there is an obvious gradience between the coxnP-1ex intransitive ~nct the simple ascriptj~ With TURN 01 GROW there are~-selecUumlonal restrictions as we have seen With SBJlli or SIhV tney are far fewer

[48J

P H Matthews

neverthelesson~canI1Q~~yfordmr_~ordfmplelfil_sectil1Ied chairmqf1-ltcompareH~ stayelt chairman Qr1fsectJjiquest_riquest~cordfirmordfl1) or It srays obvious that (compare It seemsobvious that or It remainsobvious that ) With REMAIN it is hard to find any but at least the intransitive exists He remained) and their senses can be related Wth BECOMB that evidence too is lacking He became drunk can be distinguish-ed(rontildei1lieasgiptiYlt1g lu7ntl1k onlyJ~iiui~s from jts resultative meaning -_-

This merging has ied grammarians to treat the constructions together But we can do this only by assimi)ating BE to the mode) of verb complementation (as in GCE) not by assimilating TURN and so on to the model of a copula likethecpmplexrordfnsectitiy~nl_e compleimrap~W~i~ ayoor ca~~idatefltY-l~LIl~Jlt~IQ~-ordf_~~rnelltructllr~middot

M

~_

Page 25: in - UGR · (III). 11-70 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1171 Note [a] The ... In addition, we shall use where necessary the suffixes 'ph' (for

1216 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Those verbs marked with araised 1 do not have the equivalent construction with a that-clause containing a modal or a subjunctive verb (Types [B3(ii)J [030i)]) Contrast

They ~eg~tedd her to stay another week mm e

They ~eKgtedd (her) that she would stay another week mm e

The alternative that-clause construction however is more formal especially when the indirect object is presento

Note [a] The verb promire when it occurs wiacuteth this kind of complementation is exceptional in that the understood subject of the infinitiacuteve is identified with the subject rather than with the object of the maiacuten c1ause

Sarn prornised me to get some rood

= Sam promised me that he would get sorne roed o Sam promised me that lwould get sorne roed

The present pattern [D6] iexcls however less cornmon with promise than the [B6] pattern without the indiacuterect object Sam promised to get someiexclood lb] Only ordercan be followed by a passive infinitive He ordered Ihem lo be impriacutesonedlreleased

Multiple analysis and gradience in verb complementation 1664 Before we leave verb classification it is important to reflect on the problems

of dividing verbs into complementation types The major division of complementation patterns into copular [AJ monotransitive [BJ complex transitive [C] and ditransitive [OJ categories (introduced in 216) has been extended with little difficulty te include patterns in which the verbs ccmplementation includes finite and nonntildenitc clauses This is the basis rOiacute

the classification Qf verbs into types in 1620-63 aboye But unavoidably our aim of presenting a clear classification has obscured sorne problems of gradience and multiple analysis (e 260ff) and to illustrate these we return to three superficially iacutedentical structures aIread y discussed in 1636 These are now illustrated with three new examples each of which conforms to the pattern NI V N 2 to V N 3 (where N = noun phrase and V = verb phrase)

Table L664a

V N2 to V NJNI

[B8] S V O

We like all parents to visit the schooL

I [1]

[C4] Is V O Co

They James therace I [2]

[D6] I S Oiexcl

We I asked I the students I toattend

Ia lectu~en_~

Types of verb complementation 1217

Each ofthese sentences consists ofthe sequence Niexcl V N 2 to V N 3 and yet we have analysed them respectively as monotransitive (S V O) complex transitive (S V degCol and ditransitiacuteve (S V Oiexcl 0d) A different analysis in sorne ways more revealing would recognize an overlap between two competing descriptions of the intennediacuteate noun phrase N2 There is little doubt that in [1 J this is to be analysed as subject of the infinitive clause (e 1636) whereas in [3J there are equally strong reasons for regarding N as (indirect) object of the main clause (e 1666)

Smiddot V S V O 1shyI I

I I ISmiddot V 0 V OI I I I I iexcl I I I I I I I I I iexcl

NI V Nz 10 V NJ NI V N2 lo V N) I I I I

Fig 1664b Sentence[l] Fig 1664c Sentence [3J

Sentence [2J however partakes ofboth these descriptions From the semantic point of view it requires the analysis of Fig 1664b (ef They expeeted [that James would win the race]) But from the structural point of view the analysis in Fig 1664c is more appropriate reflecting N2s ability to become subject of the passive sentence James was expeeted to win the raee We might reasonably say that in [2J N 2 behaves like an object (0 rather than Oiacute) in relation to the first verb but like a subject in relation to the second infinitive verh Tbe term RAISED OBJECT applied in 1649ffto the intermediate noun phrase of patterns [C4 - Cn incorporates yet another way of recognizing this double analysis by envisaging a process whereby the subject of the infinitive becomes the object of the preceding finite verbo This raised object will be symbolized in what follows SO

1665 Given that the double analysis aboye provides sorne insight into clauses containing nonfinite complementation we could take such an analysis further and apply it to aH complex transitive patterns including the more straightforward SVOC and SVOA pattems of[Cl - C3]

that John is a good driver lB3J 1consider John to be a good driver [C4]

John a good driver [C2]

The paraHelism of meaning and phrasal relations demonstrated in these three sentences recommends an analysis in which the complementation of pattern [C2J John a good driver would be regarded as a clause in its own right ie as a verbless clause consisting of S = John and Cs = a good driver without an intervening V This description would not however displace the by now familiar S V Od Co analysis but would rather be seen as an alternative way of looking at the same construction

---

---

--- ---

1218 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Gradience 1666 The teehnique of multiple analysis stiU leaves some subtletiacutees unexposed

What this teehnique has suggested is that there are the folowing three eategories eorresponding to [1 in 1664

N 2 S We like all parenls to visit the school [1) N2 = SO They expeeted James to win the raee [2] Nz = O We asked Ihe sludents to attend a leeture

But more than three eategories ean be appropriately distinguished if we reeognize [1) and [3] as end-points of a gradient with [2) at some point on the seate between them This area of grammar affords a good example of gradienee

At the monotransitive end of the seale [I) ean be characterized by a number of criteria whieh suggest that N 2 to V N3 (al parents to visit the school) constitutes the direct object of an SVO pattern

(a) It ean be replaced by a pronoun referring to the cIause or noun phrase nominalizing it We like it We like al parens visits

(b) It can be an answer to a what-question A What do you like best

B We like al parents to visit the school (e) In some dialects it can be preceded by the infinitive clause introdueer

for We like (it)for all parens to visit the school (d) It ean easily (when preeeded by for) be the focus of a pseudo-cIeft

sentence What we like (best) is for al parents to visit the school (e) When the sequenee N 2 to V N 3 is turned into the passive form N 3 to be

Vedz by Nz there is no ehange ofmeaning We ike aIl parents to visit the sehcel

= We like the school te be visited biexcl al parents (f) In a reduced construetion the infinitive marker to remains We like them

does not have the same meaning as We like them to

At the other ditransitive end of the seale a eontrasting set of criteria eharaeterize [3) and support the analysis of N2 (the students) as an indireet object and to V N3 (to attend a lecture) as a cIausal direet objeet

(a) 10 V N 3 ean be replaced by a pronoun a noun phrase or a finite clause with Nz still funetioning as indireet object

SOmething We asked the students a question

what they wanted

(b) 10 V N 3 can be the answer to a wh-question while N2 funetions as indirect object

A What did you ask the students B We asked them to attend a lecture

(e) When the sequenee N2 to V N3 is turned into the passive sequence N3 to be Ved2 by N 2 the meaning is always changed

They asked the students to attend a leeture They asked a lecture to be attended by the students

this case indeed the passive transform results in an absurdity)

Types of verb complementation 1219

(d) to V N 3 can marginally become the focus of a pseudo-cleft sentence What they asked the students was to attend a lecture (Contrast the decidedly unaeeeptable What we like the parents is to visil the school)

(e) Nz which like Oi in general is usually personal can be detached from its place after the first V to beeome subjeet of a eorresponding passive sentenee The students were asked to attend a lecture

(n In a reduced eonstruction the infinitive marker to ean be omitted We asked them We persuaded them etc

Note [a] With some ditransitive verbs criterion (a) has to be interpreted as the replacement of the infinitive clause by a preposition and prepositional object (cfI656-8)

They reminded hiacutem ofhis responsibiacutelities One man challenged the other lo a duel

[b] Criterion (d) is less reliacuteable than the others since the pseudo-cleft sentence is unacceptable for many verbs But a pseudo-cleft sentence in which the indirect object is replaced by a prepositional object tends to be more grammatical Whal Ihey asked ollhe sludenls was lO attend a leclure (The alternative construction with the substitute verb do which also occurs with [1] is always more acceptable What Ihey asked Ihe students lo do was lO attend a lecture)

1667 To give a simplified illustration of the analysis of gradience in the sequence NI V N 2 to V N 3 we now take a subset ofthe eriteria listed aboye and apply them to a range of verbs on the gradient eonneeting [1] and [3] of 16_66

(1) (3) (4)(2) wantask elect intend

CRITERIA likeallow expectlel~ etc I etc etc etc~ (a) lo V N 3 can be replaeed by - - -+a finite clause

(e) ehange of meaning in passive -+ +of N 2 10 VN3

(e) N 2 can beeome subjeet of passive -+ ++

Fig 1667 A eomplementatiacuteon gradient

The matrix uses only three criteria and thereby distinguishes only four categories This is sufficient to indicate the principie however that the three categories [BS] [C4] and [D6) of our taxonomy eould be broken down iexclnto a finer spectrum of eategories between which the differences are small In effeet Fig 1667 distinguishes two subeategories of [C4] one (including elect and allow) whieh is c10ser to the ditransitive type and one (including inlend and expect) eloser to the monotransitive type Elect and allow respond to cri terion (e)

They elected Miss Coe to suceeed the present seeretary They elected the present seeretary to be sueceeded by Miss Coe

We dont allow residents to entertain visitors We dont allow visitors to be entertained by residents

1220 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

while intend and expeet do not

They intended the students to see the professor = They intended the professor to be seen by the students

They expeet the students to enjoy the classes = They expeet the classes to be enjoyed by the students

Note Por verbs in group (3) the voice oflhe infinitive clause and the voiceofthe main clausemay be independently varied with the result Ihat a SlIacutentence like They expected the students lo enjoy lile classes has tbree corresponding passiv~s with iexclhe same meaning

They expected the classes to be enjoyed by the students The students were expecled lo enjoy the classes

The classes were expected lo be enjoyed by the students

The last example has a passive verb phrase in both the superordinate clause and Ihe infinitive clame

Adjective complementation

168 Categories of complementation in adjective phrases (ef 228 721-2) are similar in variety to those ofverb complementation We distinguish [El-ES)as follows

[El] Complementation by a prepositional phrase [E2] Complementation by a that-clause [E3] Complementation by a wh-clause

i[E4) Complementation by a than-clause [ES] Complementation by a to-infinitive clause [E6] Complementation by an -ing participle clause

These complementation patterns can occur after an adjective (andmiddot its modifiers if any) in various syntactic functions For example

The violiacuten iacutes (rather) difficut to play (adjective phrase as CJ

Mary found the violiacuten (rather) diffieut to play (adjective phrase as CJ

The violiacuten is an instrument (rather) diffieult to play (adjective phrase as postmodifier)

The on1y posiacutetion in which an adjective cannot normally be followed by iacutets complementation is the premodifying position in a noun phrase a keen child on ehess But here too with certain constructions (Types [ES(iraquo) and [ES(v)D the complementation can follow discontinuously after the head noun The violiacuten is a diffieult instrument to play (ef discontinuity with comparative constructions IS75) For illustrative purposes we will confine examples in the following sections to the subject complement function The lists like the verb lists in 1620-63 will be selective

Adjective complementation 1221

Note There is a considerable parallel as the categories [El-ES] aboye demonstrate between patterns associated with adjectives and those associated with monotransitive verbs The chief difference is that adjectives cannot be followed by a noun phrase object To bring out the parallel further we could describe adjectives exemplified in 1669 below (averse to conscous oJ etc) as prepositional adjectives comparable with prepositional verbs We could moreover identify phrasal adjectives (derived from participiaI forms ofphrasal verbs) such as ron down (exhausled depressed) and phrasaI-prepositionaI adjectives such as fed up (with) These tatter variants however are rare enough lo be disregarded in the foUowing lists

[E1] Adjective complementation by a prepositional phrase 1669 Like prepositional verbs adjectives often forro a lexical unit with a following

preposition good atfond oj opposedto etc The lexical bond is strongest with adjectives for which in a given sense the complementation is obligatory Max is averse to games Max is averse Such adjectives are marked 1 in the following lists

The lists make a distinction between participial (ef 715-19) and nonparticipial adjectives The differencebetween participial adjectives and the -ed participle of the passive construction is discussed in 375-77 These lists provide on1y a small sample of the adjectives accompanying the prepositions concemed In particular it is often possible for the same adjective to go with two or more prepositions as in angry about angry at and angrywith

ABOUT He was very worried about her reaction (ef960)

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

angry knowledgeabe aggrieved frightened glad mad annoyed pleased happy reasonable delighted worried

AT She was badat mathematics (ef962)

NONP ARTICIPIAL P ARTlCIPIAL

angry good alarmed disgusted brilliant hopeless amusedmiddotmiddot pleased elever terrible delighted puzzled

FROM Thevillage is remotefromthe bustle ofcity life (ef918 947)

different distant distinct free remo te

OF She was aware ofhis difficulties

NONPARTlCIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

eonvineed ashamed empty proud1 afraid conseiousl glad

seared eapable fond 1 short1 tired certain full worthy

ONUPON Their plan was based on cooperation

NONPARTICIPIAL IPARTICIPIAL

contingent1 intent1 reliantl basedl set1

dependent keen severe hentl

Yiexcl

1222 Complementation of verbs and adjectives ~ Adjective complementation 1223

Note lal In general choice of preposilion remains the same after morphologicalIy related verbs adjectives and nouns differentftom differ from differencefrom But Ihis eorrespondence is not always lo be relied on contrastfull ofwilhfilied wllh proudofwith pride in lb] Other prepositions whieh less comrnonly enlee into adjective + prepositlon idioms iexclnelude for and lowards graleful for sorry for inclined towards le] Usedfollowed by the preposition lO a more informal synonym ofaccustomed(to) is participial in spelling but has the speeial pronuneiation nus~ Unlike accustomed however used does not oceur with a following infinitive (ef 1679) This adjeetival used to in spite of identity of spelling and pronunciation is quite distinet from used lO as a marginal modal (cf344) Contrast

Im used lO hard work I used ro work hard Id] In the past prescriptive objeetions have been made to the use of to ralher Ihan from after averse and different Howevee ro is the normal preposition to fol1lt11 averse and differenr 10 is quite widely used (esp in BrE) as an altemative lo differentfrom On iJifferent rhan cf1566 Note 1674

le] Wilh can be omitted after (fn)compalibie if the subject is plural cfmutual participation 1360

middotCarl is incompatible OUT Cad and Eva are incompatible

[E2] Adjective complementation by a that-clause 670 Like that-clauses following a verb that-clauses folIowiacuteng an adjective may

have

(A) indicative verb 1am sure (that) he is here now (B) subjunctiacuteve verb They were insistent (that) we be ready (formal) (C) putativeshould Im sorry (that) he should hove left ltformal)

The uses of the mandative subjunctive and of putative should have been discussed in 359 and 1425 respectiacutevely Putative should often occurs after expressions of emotion (sorrowjoy displeasure surprise wonder etc) and is often accompanied by intensifying expressions such as so such like thisl that ever or at all The indicative that-clause on the other hand refers to an established fact The foHowing pairs illustrate choices of construction

1 (that) 1 have to leave so early am sorry (that) you should have been (so) inconvenienced

(that) you didnt call the doctor before 1 am surprised (that) anyone ofyour intelligence should swallow a tie

likethat

With some adjectives (those in category [E2b(iiacute)] 1672) the should-clause can be paraphrased by an infinitive clause with a subject

It was natural for him to go to London after the war = It was natural that he should go to London after the war

That-clauses cannot be preceded by preposiacutetions Hence adjectives which are constructed with prepositions before noun phrases ([El]) drop the preposition before a that-clause (cfI628) Compare the folIowing

OfhiS innocence [E1 ] 1am convlnced (th ) h t [E2]at e IS mnocen

Many that-clauses folIowing an adjective are actualIy subjects postponed by extraposition (cf1833)

lt is lucky (that) you came - That you came is lucky

These are listed separately in 1672

lEla) Adjectives with experiencer (cflO23 Note) as subject 1671 (i) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATIVE VERB ONL Y (cfNote [a] below)

These adjectives express degrees of certainty or confidence aware certain corifident sure

We were corifident that Karen was stiacutell alive

(ii) THAT-CLAUSE HAS PUTATIVE SHOULD OR SUBJUNCTIVE VERB

(or marginally aloo an indicative verb) The three principal adjectives in this class are anxious eager and willing

he should be permitted to resiacutegn 1 Are you willing that he be permitted to resign 1

1he is permitted to resign 1 ~

(On the distribution of these three altematives cfI630)

(iH) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATIVE VERB OR PUTATIVE SHOULD

These adjectives express emotions

Im so thankful that nobody was hurto Were you surprised that Ray should win the prize

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

afraid hopeful alarmed depressed horrified angry proud amazed disappointed irritated glad sad amused distressed pleased grateful sorry annoyed disturbed shocked happy tha7lkful astonished frightened upset

There is a tendency to prefer the putative should construction in nonassertive contexts or where the adjective has negative or unfavourshyable associations

TO AH capital gains are subject to taxation NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

answerable close liableacute accustomedl

averse l due1 simz1ar allied1I WiTH This plan is not compatible with our princiacuteples

NONPARTICIPIAL I PARTICIPIAL

angry busy

happy impatient

annoyed bored

ClJmfortable incompatible1 concerned compatibleacute sick delighted content familiar friendly furious

uneasy depressed disappointed disgusted dismayed distressed

inclined1

opposed1

drunk enchanted obsessed occupied overcome pleased satisfied taken1

1672

1224 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Adjective complementatlon 1225

Note [a] The restriction oC Type (i) above lo indicative verbs only is meant to allow Cor the use of T

Note [a] Although tlle pro-forms so and n01 cannot be used after tllese [E2bI adjectives (ef 1671modal auxiliaries including should in a nonputative sense eg I am a~are that I should [= ought 1lo] havejoined longago iexcl Note [bJ) there iexclsa possibilityofreplacing the adjective + solnat by a related adverb + sonot

[b) Afraid is unique among adjectives in that it accepts the pro~oun so (and iexclts negative equivalent Mt) as a that-clause substitute (cfI631) rm afraid SOMI

IElbJ Adjectives with anticipatory it as subject

The that-elause in this eonstruetion is an extraposed subjeet Three types are again distinguished matehing those in 167l

(i) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATlVE VERBONLY (cfI671 Note CaD These adjectives have to do with truthor knowledge

It is true that she never cemes on time

apparent evident likely possible untrue certain implicit obvious true well-known clear indubitable plain unlikely

(ji) THAT-CLAUSE HAS PUTATIVIl SHOULD OR SUBJUNCTIVE VERB (or marginshyaIly also an indicative verb) These adjectives express eoncepts concerned with modality or volition

should be lifted tomorrow It is essential that the ban be lifted tomorrow

(1) is lifted tomorrow

appropriate essentiacuteal important necessary vital compulsory fitting impossible obligatoryshycrucial imperative improper proper

Various deverbal adjectives ending in -able also belong to this group egadvisable desrabIe preferable

(iii) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATlVE VERB OR PUTATIVE SHOULD

This group consists mainly of emotive adjectives and ineludes a large num ber ofparticipial ad jecti ves ending in -ing

Itmiddot strange th t She is so late IS upsetting a she should be so late

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTlCIPIAL

awkward logical alarming perplexing curious odd annoying pleasing disastrous peculiar depressing shocking dreadful sad disappointing surprising extraordinary silly embarrassing fortunate tragie frightening iexclrrational unfortunate irritating

Various -able-ible adjectives also be10ng tp this group admirable eommendable deplorable despieable incomprehensible inconceivable lamentable remarkable understandable unjustifiable etc

ha h l Id l h B Yes obviouslyfortunately soA 1 t IS apparentt t s e IVes oesn t Ive ere B N J I I di t o event y sa y no [b] When an adjective ofType (iii) above occurs after a modal verb construction the that-clause is commonly replaced by an if-clause If the modal verb in the main c1ause is hypothetical (eg would) the verb in the ifmiddotdause is placed in tlle hypothetical pasto Compare

It is sad that you have to leave It will be sad ifyou hove to lea ve

It would be sad ifyou had lo lea ve

[E3] Adjective complementation by a wh-clause 1673 As with that-clauses we have to distinguish those adjeetives ([E3a]) which

are predicated of an experieneer (normalIy a person) as subject and those ([E3bD which go with antieipatory it In the latter case the wh-clause is an extraposed subject Examples are

(onwhat 1should sayo [1]E3a 1was unsure[ 1 (about) whether the problem was solved [2]

[E3b] It was unclear what they would do [3]

Type [E3a1 consists of adjectives which are constructed with prepositions and whieh therefore belong also to Type [EI1 The preposition is sometimes omitted before the wh-clause (ef155 Note reD In Type [E3b] on the other hand no preposition can be inserted bull It was uneear ofabout what lhey would do AIso no infinitive wh-cIause is possible (ef i637) It is unsure where to go is unacceptable unless it refers to sorne aniacutemate being (sueh as a mouse) and is consequently not interpreted in terms of extraposition

Retuming to Type [E3a] we note that in sorne cases the adjective takes a wh-elause in assertive eontexts eg eareful (about) doubtful (as to) fussy (about) puzzled (as to) uneear (about) uncertain (o) undecided (about) unsure (0) unaware (o)

John is careul (about) what he does with his money

Most of these adjeetives are intrinsiealIy negative In meaning In other cases although elsewhere it is associated with an indicative that-clause [E2a(i)] the adjective tends to oceur with a wh-cIause in nonassertive contexts (efI635) eg aware certain eear sure

Are you sure (o) how mueh the maehine costs 1wasnt altogether cleaiexcl- (about) what we had to do

A similar division may be made among adjectives of the antieipatory-it type ([E3b]) Those whieh intrinsieally express doubt and therefore take this strueture even in assertive contexts include doubtful uneertain uneear unsure and unknown Those normally oceurring with an indieative that-elause (le Type [E2b(i)]) inelude apparent eertain obvious and plain They can take a wh-cIause in nonassertive contexts Each type is illustrated in

It was uneear whether an amendment would be accepted It was not obvious how far the westernization process would IO

~ltgt ~~~1~ 1 -~ Adjective complementation 1227

1226 Complementation of verbs and adjectives iexcl

After adjectives of Type [E3a] there may also occur an infinitive wh-clause 1 was uncertain (oi) what to do This is preferable to the finite c1ause in cases illustrated by [1-3] aboye since the subject can remain unexpressed in the reduced nonfinite version

[E4] Adjective complementation by a than-clause 1674 There is an unusual construction in which a noncomparative adjective is

foIlowed by a comparative than-clause as complementation Different is the only adjective which fits into this pattero and even then there is a tradition which regards the use of than here as impropero There is however no felicitous alternative to the different than construction in examples such as

Shes quite a different girl than she wasfilie years ago [11 The various styliacutestic variants of and alteroatives to the than-clause after different are examined in 1566 Note lb] When the c1ause is reduceacuted to a noun phrase it becomes possible to usefrom as an alternative to than

The unions are taking a very different attitude ~ the employers

When the noun phrase folIowing thanffrom cannot be derived by ellipsis from a c1ause than is decidedly less acceptable thanfrom

The main languages of southern India are totaIly different In origin

~~~ those ofthe northern partofthe country

Note [al On differenlrom and different 10 1669 Note [dI [bj It is aloo possible for a Ihan-c1ause to be used after he adverb difilrently

In the west of the country they pronounce their vowels quite aifferently han (they do) in the easl

The same prescriptive objections are made to differenlly Ihan as to different Ihan

[E5] Adjective complementation by a to-infinitive clause [675 We distinguish seven kinds of construction in which an adjective is foIlowed

by a to-infinitive c1ause They are exemplified in the following sentences which are superficially alike

Bob is splendid to wait (ii) Bob is slow to react

(iii) Bob is sorry to hear it (iv) Bob is hesitant to agree with yOU (v) Bob is hard to convince

(vi) The food is ready to eat (vii) lt is important to be accurate

In Types (i-iv) the subject of the main clause (Bob) is also the subject of the infinitive c1ause We can therefore always have a direct object in the infinitive clause if its verb is transitive Por example if we replace intransitive wait by transitive build in (i) we can have Bob is splendid to build this house

Por Types (v-vii) on the other hand the subject of the infinitive is unspecified although the contextoften makes clear which subject is intended

In these types it is possible to insert a subject preceded by for eg in Type (vi) The food is ready (jOr Ihe children) to eat

Infinitive complementation following adjectives modified by lOO and enQugh is discussed eIse Note where in 1S73

(ES(i)) Bob is Iplendid to wait Type (i) has an analogue in a construction involving extraposition (cf1833)1676 1t is splendid of Bob lo wait This type OC construction also permits a head noun between the adjective and the infinitive

Bob must be a spiendid craftsman ~ ~~bUilt this house

As this example shows the infinitive may be perfective We may also compare constructions in which an evaluative noun with its determiner

replaces the adjective

ffoolishYourelafool to spend so mucho

WOnderfUl Youre 1 to walt for me anange

Adjectives in this group are evaluative of human beha~iour They inelude

careful crazy mad silly wise careless greedy nice unwise wrong

These adjectives can also occur with anticipatory il and an of-phrase as additional complementation (cf1682)

It was foolish of you to spend so mucho

IE5(Hraquo) Bob is IOW to react In Type (ii) the sentence corresponds to one in which the adjective becomes 1677 an adverbwhile the infinitive becomes the finite verb

Bob is slow to react - Bob reacts slowlyc

In another analogue the adjective is followed by in and an -ing participle Bob is slow in reacting The infinitive verb phrase must be simple for example unlike the inftnitive phrase in [E5(i)] it cannot be perfective Bob is slow ItJ have reacted Other adjectives in this small group are quick and prompt

There is also a partial adverbial analogue (e8127ff) for Type (i) but in Type (i) unlike Type Note (ii) the perfective infinitive andeven the get-passive (e366) can be used

loan was wise to resigno ~ loan wisely resigned loan was careless to get beaten - loan carelessly got beaten

loan is careless to have got beaten

IES(iuumlraquo) Bob is 10rry lo hear it In Type (iexcliexcli) the head of the adjective phrase is an emotive adjective 1678 (commonly a participial adjective) and the infinitive clause expresses

causation

1679

1228 Complementation of verbs end adjectives

Im sorry to have kept you waiting [rm sorry because I have kept you waiting]

1 was exeited to be there [- To be there exeited me]

Adjectives in this group correspond c10sely to the adjectives followed by a that-clause in 1671 (Type [E2a(iii)D

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

afraid angry ashamed content furious glad

happy impatient indignant jubilant thankful

annoyed astonished bored coneerned delighted depressed

disgusted dissatisfied embarrassed fasemated frightened interested

overwhelmed perturbed puzzled relieved surprised worried

disappointed overjoyed

IE5(ivraquo) Boh is heaitant to agree withyou In Type (iv) the head of the adjective phrase expresses volitional meaning or a modal meaning such as ability possibility or liability Examples are

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

able keen determined anxious Iiable disposed apt Iikely [E2b] fated[E2b] eertain [E2b] loath inclined curious powerless poiseddue prone prepared eager ready [E5] (all) set eligible reluetant unqualified fit [ES] sure [E2b] free [ES] unable greedy weleome hesitant willing impotent worthy

The adjectives marked [E2b] occur with a corresponding construction with extraposition of a that-clause

JilI is likely to attend - It is likely that JiU will attend

Those marked [E5] are capable of occurring with an infinitive construction of passive meaning ie with an indefinite implied subject and a coreferential implied object

Theyare not fit to eat = They are not tit to be eaten

Some ofthe most common adjectives in this list have a tendency to coalesce with the preceding copula 10 form a semimiddotauxiliary verb (ef3A7) be able to be willing to be sure to In addition to modal and volitional adjectives some adjectives ofaspectual meaning such as aeeustomed and wont may be placed here

Adjective complementation 1229

We are aecustomedto take teaon the terrace (formal) He was wont to leave the office at 5 pm (formal archaic)

(ES(vraquo) Bob is lard to convince 1680 In Type (v) the subject of the sentence is identified with the unexpressed

object of the infinitive clause which must therefore have a transitive verb hence the unacceptable Bob Is hard to arrive There is an analogous construction in which the adjective is complement to an infinitive c1ause acting as (extraposed) subject (ef 1836)

- To convince Bob is hard Bob IS hard to convmce It is hard to convince Bob

Adjeeacutetives so used refer 10 degrees of ease or comfort and iexclnclude

awkward hard tough (informal) eonvenient impossible trieky (informal) difficult niee (informal) unpleasant easy pleasant

Unless there is ellipsis we cannot omit the infinitive c1ause and so there is no semantic implication between (say) The bread was hard to bake and The bread was hard Unlike the preceding types Type (v) permitsfor + subject to be inserted at the beginning of the infinitive clause Those darts are trieky (for a beginner) to use Where the infinitive has no overt subject its implicit subject is understood to have an indefinite meanihg

Jack is easy 10 fool =Jack is easy for anyone to foo

Note With some adjectives in this group such as nice or unpleasant the entailment relation between be + adjective ro V and be + adjective is less easy lO avoid eg Jenny is nice lo know iacutemplies that Jenny is nice

IE5(viraquo) Thefood is ready to eat 1681 Again in this type the subject of the main clause is identified with the object

of the intinitive c1ause But unlike Type (v) Typemiddot(vi) has no analogous construction with an infinitive clause subject

The food is ready to eat To eat the food is ready

Also we can generally (a) omit the infinitive clause or (b) substitute a passive infinitive clause without change ofmeaning

Are these cups available (to use) = Are these cups available (to be used)

Some adjectives of this type such as availablefitfree ready and suffieient belong additionally 10 Type (iv) so that a sentence like The lamb ia ready to eat is ambiguous in one sense (the most accessible) being equivalent to the passive The lamb is ready to be eaten Then there is a wider set of adjectives which often occur without complementation at all

The air isfrosty (to breathe) Its fur is soft (to touch)

1230 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

In both Type (v) and Type (vi) the subjectofthe main clause can be equated with the prepositional object of the infinitive clause so that the infinitive c1ause ends with a deferred preposition

She is pleasant to talk to (-It is pleasant to talk to her) This paper is terribly flimsy to write on Is the cloth sufficient to make a dress out ol

In Type (vi) as well as in Type (v)for + subjeet may be inserted before the infinitive verb Are these books free (for visitors) to borrow Are these books available to borrow]

(E5(vii)J Jt is important to he accurate 1682 We saw in 1672 that a that-clause following an adjeetive may prove to be a

subjeet postponed by extraposition (ef1833) A to-infinitive clause following an adjeetive may have the same oouree

It is essential to spray the trees every year - To spray the trees every year is essential

The infinitive clause can also be introduced by for + subjeet

It is vital (for the ehildren) to be properly cIad It will be strange (for us) to be living alone

Adjectives ofTypes (ji) and (iii) in 1672 ([E2b]) may have this construction importantJortunate lueky surprising etc Possible also belongs te this group

An addiacutetional group of adjeetives oeeurring after anticipatory it are those adjeetives (ehiefly naming evaluative attributes of persons) whieh occur in pattern [E5(i)] (ef 1676) The adjeetive in this group is often followed byan of-phrase identifying the persones) being discussed

It was wrong (of him) to teIllies iexcli

It is niee ofyou to phone

[E6] Adjective complementation by an -ing participle cfause [683 A number of sub-types ofthis pattem may be mentioned

(i) Busy is followed by an -ing participle clause without subject

Margery is busy writiacuteng Ietters

Worth and worthwhile on the other hand oceur both with and without subjeet

It is seareely worth(while) (youyour) going home

Here worth(while) follows preparatory it and the participle clause is an extraposed subjeet (ef1834) Other adjectives ofthis pattern are pointless and useless (Its pointless buying so mueh food) and adjectives of Type [E2b(iiacutei)J (efl6 72) also sometimes have this complementation absurd awkwardJortunate annoying etc

EIsewhere worth and worthwhile accompany an -ing participle elause without subjeet but with a passive meaning comparable to tbat of the infinitive elause in pattern [E5(v)] (ef1680)

Complementation of abstract nouns 1231

The cartons are worth(while) saving ( Its worth(while) saving the cartens)

(iv) There is a variant eonstruction in whieh a preposition oecurs between the adjective and the participle clause In some cases the preposition is optional (cf(i) aboye)

Im busy (with) getting the house redeeorated Werefortunate (in) having Aunt Mary as a baby-sitter

In other cases the preposition is obligatory We are used to not having a car (cf1669 Note [e]) Im hopeless at keeping the garden tidy Shes not capable oflooking after herself

Note [al The adjectival constructions in (ii) above may be compared in some cases with nominal constructionsof equivalent meaning

ts 110 goaduse telling him anything Theres 110 point (in) telling him anything

8uch constructions are introduced either by anticipatory il (el 1833) or by eltistential there (el 184$) AmE also hu Theres no use telling him anythlng (b) Worthwhlle is sometimes spelled as two words The vacillation between the spellings worthwhile and worth while reflects an unclarity about the status of this sequence which may altematively be regarded as the preposition worth (eI96) followed by a noun Compare

lts not worth your whife staying lts not worlhh whh~e (your) staying worl w 1

Complementation of abstract nouns

1684 In this coneluding section we will show as a conneeting link between this chapter and the next how the pattems of complementation described for verbs and adjectives in 1620-83 are aloo to be found with abstraet nouns which are morphologieally related to those verbs and adjectives (ef nominalization 1751ff and appositional constructions 1726 1735) For example the noun likelihood is derived from and semantically related to the adjective likely It is therefore not surprising that a construction associated with the adjeetive Is found with the corresponding noun

It is likely that Joan will get married [1]

The likelihood is that loan will get married [21 the likelihood that Joan will get married [31

But the assumption of eorrespondence eannot be automatie for it may faiacutel in both direetions

loan is likely to get married Joan s likelihood to get married

It is likely of J oans getting married the likelihood of Joans getting married

------__shyiacute1 11

COMPLEX INTRANSITIVE CONSTRUCTIONS p H MATIHEWS

1 Introduction

In sentences such as [1J

ArR C~Iltiacuteltmiddotli N ([1J Th~deitgreen ~

he construct~oEJ~QLordf JJP~ that GCE850ff describes as 9QMfLEX JRANSITIV~ Ofthe elements in questionit and made are related a~Jn tQllt ~imple transitive

j [2J They made it

YihiJe ir and green a~_~latelasinasimple_ltQI1llar_sentence ( [3] lt is green (- lt

~f the type that following Lyons (l977469ff) raquoe will call ASCRIPTIVE raquouacutet greacuteen- also standsJna direcueJordf9lsJIacuteIL ordm~_iii~de the object and adjective exemplifying a single I2atteIILof VERB COMllEMe~nrJ91 This paUCIDl can be sajd torepresenta IJJS10N (G e E 850) ofJ~ltsimpler transitiv iexcll~J~Jjpiexcly_e_tjPes - _shy

IH~~_sfiE~~Ve can be fused with th~~~tY_e_(lri~alsoP~ fused with theintransitixe1 Insentildetentildeces SUChas[4] -

MI It turned green

~construc~~~~~]y idmtifkQyaacuteth th~ of l3J in both examples the

l]

~ ~ ~ ENGLISH GRAMMAR

verb is described as copularor in the terminology of GCE820f as taking intensive complementation But neither description is quite appropriate to1 both cases In the~ptive sentence there i indeed no mor~than~pYhL~

1 2ampffiMical iP~ betwe~ the adjective and its subject~ plainly this ~ ~ is not true of [4] whose verb TURN has its own specific meaning lf turned~ iacute I is a full verb it must then be the govemor of green as made is in (1) in that

iexcl ~ sense there is cornplernentatjon But we express nothing by assigning such a complernentation to the copula A solution is to c1ass I4] as a COMPLBX

IITMNSITIVE iL~onsect_trJltiordmL being an extension of th~simpleJmransiUacutelLe _shy~ i I5] It turned

j precisely as that of (1) is extended from that of [2)iexcl

2 Fused constructions

Let us take our cue from GCEs referenee to fusionlo the simpl~L =nfu~~~_~~~~~~~)t1ecltgtnstVf1ionconsistso(asingJULeAicJ~tQI(lgde) which in a dependency ana~is has both the subject and the object as its dependents or to adapt G CEs term has both a subjeet and an oJkltt asit complementation lnJhaL~se (2) has a _K1U~~~_~ruetion (Lyons i977) w1jch cannotJiexclJLr~s~Cl9JUnQ(lt_e~mentary relationships of ptediCJJQJkSo too has the simple intransitive (5] vi1ihidepeiioenforior forming the complementation of tumed So too has the simple aseriptive [3] its predicator on the analysis ofLyons and others is the adjective green One reason for relatlng the subject to the adjective is that the elements are jointly subject to selectional restrictions A reason for not relating either to the copula is that the latter stands aside (rom these restrictions adding none ofitsown

In a fused construction the pattem ls neither strictly kernel nor straightforwardly non-kemellnJhegmplex transitive [lL1oth1tan41~Y are again direct ~cngents of made these relatio~_elQ~ the words in FigJbx direC1~ltaI~_uacutela~~I~Qordf-ordfl9blleiexcl)Uumlnamp21uacuteward frollLthe

~d

(aJiquest-Fig 1

[42]

P H Matthew$

p~ed~~ So is green arc el this too being supported by selectional restrictions We are therefore dealing with a single clause rooted in made of which each word is a distinct element But green js a1soapredicator in iexclelation to il (are d)J that wav we are dealing with two kernelp~QlS th~ fuurtermclauseinfQmQrating bothtM_~tuet~[IDJr~JlsitiYlljh~ twoshytenn a~-middot -_shy

In Fig 1 we have diagrammed what any grammarian will propose provided that his terminology or his notational apparatus allow him to say it Iut similar reasonjng applies to the construction which we have called the ~IpJex ln~~-ordfEsitive Of the relationships showninf1g --~~t~~~~_

it turned green

aAacutebJ Fig2

to ir (arcc)_isagainasintheascripJjy~ and needs no further cornment But the final element is clearly suJiexcliect to ru19jtional resr=l~ordmI~ tlTlJRI_ im~~tordm-~~it~~rAUQj~9iY_I9U~l~~ed noun (He turned pink He turned kings eVidence) iQ~~~1lined phrase is exCiuacuteded (He turned arog)

tDle~sthe p~e~~i0rl~lJ9rtn is ~~jordmntildei[qiireifitetuumlmed iexclnto a frog) ~itt G-ordm-1h exdusi(m is abgolule one cannot even say He went into a criminal

f [he adjeqtive is also Iimlted to specific collocations For example one can say It turned sour or Ir went sour but it is harder to accept Ir grew sour 1 Conversely one can say He grew od but not He went od On that evidence

j we may establish a relationship of dependency between green and tumedj (arc b) The verb too can then be related to the subject (arc a)

1 Epgth o~2am~ thefe is one terro ir lVhich is a9~de~~~~t1 theascriptile anCITlieletbalk~m~1 (Fig 1 ares b and d Fig 2 ares a and c) The fusion is then effected by a further link (Fig 1 arc e Fig 2 are b) in which ond of the two predicators een is ineo orat~a~_ ordf d~RendenlO(th~ I re atlon that uirk an4hl~ COU~_~ampI~s-1 jn the case of th complex intransitille hall app1ied the Iean intlaquo=nsve

mmplementatio~gly describe he yaleruLQ(IUN or iexcl l otIllBNinthisuseJuh~int~siYeint[ansitivx But the insight intildeaacute I

alsQ be extended to the complex transitiye In that spirit MAKE or MAKE as

used in sentences such as W might appropriatelL be described ~~_~n_ i ~ntensive transitive -J -bull_--------shy

[43)

ENGLISH GRAMMAR

3 Distinctions between tbe complex intransitive and other partly similar constructions

For a three-term construction Fig 2 shows the maximum number of interconnections with each term related to each of the others The miacutenimum isone thus for the ascriptive (3) we have adopted the structure shown i~

L with l~~E2nd te~~Il2= tlliacuten amaroe~ ordmrS1PP9~g~lexn~~ ~eLClatiacute9D~t~~~~t~first an~~~hir~ But this leaves five other possibilities which in theory might be realized ust as the second element_lt~p~ltmark(r ordfs inEig 3bullKlJQQmgordmHhetordm-iriexcl in thatJ~SiquestOillY

iacutet is green

Fig3

1he_verb vQ1lld_be a predicatorrwithonl)l1he_~ygtject related 10 it This structure does not seem to be realized at least not in away whiacuteCh is -relevant to our analysis Asecond_possibil~iuhatJmly the verb a~ ~~~iexcltiY~L iquestnjgl~~_rell~q in that ca~e bot~redicatoS_w-ordmyldIgt~ impersonal-vUh lh~su~ject a me~m~ce-filler This structure might conceivably be suggested for exampIacuteesmiddotSuumlch as [6]

[6] It got mistier

with a so-called ambient it But although it may indeed be ambient with respect to mistier it need not follow that it is ambient with respect to got

In the remaining cases no element is a marker but there are only two instead of three interconnections Ir there wem no link betw-IlJhe subject ~YMh(Ejg 2 are a) the verb1tSelf would agajn be impersmordf-~ I~ transformational terms its surface subject would be derived by raising (Postal 1974) from a subordinate adjectival clause lf th3ewere no intensiye lipk between the first and second predicators (Fg 2 arWJUlt verb would be a simple intransitive taking just t~_S)lbject as its complementation th~on of tbe adjec1iYtLL~ then be uumlMrn-~0n[7] forexample --- -_~

Eacutel He arrived saber J (~ eacute cc L f ~ 2 f

grammars do not establish an intensive or copular use of ARIUVB Finally

[44]

1 P H Marrhew$

if the ascriQive lik wer~~2ken iacuteEiKbJ~~ f)hHordmjlti~~ment woulordm-no longer bJlta predicaQ~ltiexclHQle wQuldin~teadb~ADVJllqt~iexcl as in 8)

(8) He ran fa~t

There is no doubt that the intensive construction is distinct from the adverbial and that sober in [7] is at least more circumstantial than green in It turned green But the subject-verb relation is more problematic in that a raising transformation has been proposed for one at least of the G C E s intensive verbs Let us therefore take that distinction first

31 Ofthe twenty or so most common intensive verbs (GCE821) SEEM and APPEAR particularly lend themselves to transformational analysis On the evidence of sentences such as [9]

(2) It seemed that they wereamp~e~

_U~naIlJral lo establish an underlying ~~ct~~

J~sIhey were green]~ seemed

irlYhIacutetEw~4)srelate(L1ot to they J~Q9green indhiOacute1lally but to the yiole ascri2tive kernelrom the same structure a sentence such as [10)

[10] They seemed to be green

can then be derived by further transformations of subject raising and infinitive formation Froro the structure reaJized by [Io]lIleare n3tllcalli

~m~ed to derive the comple~_~transiti~euacutell

[u) They seemed gre~

by a further transformation deleting the copuiacutea For SEEM the rules deriving [10] and [u] would both be optional But for

other verbs such as TURN or GO We could make them obligatory so It turned green could be the only realization of an underlying sUr was greenls turned the ambient Ir got misrier - [6] aboye - a realization of say s[mistier]s gorand so on If the obligatory rules were then restricted to the copula we would also ensure that any other form of embedded structure (g[he eft]s turned or g[he kissed her]s grew) was filtered out By such means a treatment which is widely accepted for SEEM and for which the evidence is at first compelling could be extended if it were thought appropriate to the entire intensive intransitive class

There are good reasons for not thinking it appropriate In a sentence such as [12]

[12] Harry got drunk

Qn~JsllQIacuteli~ply talking of a_~ate tha~ reslllttI s~o t~a~ ~~rry vs (45)

ENGLISH GRAMMAR

drunk or Harrys drunkenness happened) Nor is Harrya mere theme or tliexclfc (Aacute~-to-KarryQruniexcliquestenneacuteSs-l1ippened to him) tlamp11tbject iexclS1

potentia1lt-at-l~st--alMl~tgh-ge~~amp9run_~ wassoID1hiiL~hatJIal did The--verb mayaccordiacutentilde-gly take a subject adjunct (O CE 466]) thus I delibera tey got drunk or He foo(lshy turned traitor It may also supply the complement of a conative verb (1 did try to get drunk) may appear in the imperative (Dont get drunk ) and so on For sorne collocations this potentiacuteality is doubtless harder to realize (compare He delibera tey turned bue with He delibera tey turned nasty or He tried ro grow oder with He tried ro grow farter) but that is precisely the case for subjects and predicators generally lt is this semantic role that justifies the first link shown in Fig 2

which an impersonal structure as in (b)

(b) s[Harry was drunkls got

would relegate to the surface If (b) is wrong for Harry got drunk a transformationalist should consider

more carefully w hether a similar structure is correct for Harry seemed drunk Let us assume that it is correct for the construction with a that-clause (It seemed that Harry was dhmk) for SEEM and APPEAR a c1ausal complement does form one possibility Let us also accept that SBBM has a constant sense in all its constructions But for other current intensives (G eE 820 f) the evidence is more complexo With SOUNO a that-clause can be forced for example if a dative is inserted (lt sounds ro me that (hey arent coming) There is also an impersonal construction with as if

[131 It sounds as ifthey were green

which might be thought to derive from the same source The construction of [13] is also acceptable witb LOOK (lt ooks as ifthey arent coming) But between it and the complex intransitive we can find clear disparities in meaning In [13] the judgment is based on indirect clues what sounds or appears from audible information is indeed the whole proposition they were green But in the complex intransitive [14]

[141 They sound drunk

it is based on sounds that they are making For that reason it is harder 10 make sense of They sound green Likewise They [ook drunk means that they from their appearance are so But in It loob as ifthey are drunk the speaker does not even imply that he has seen them (Compare Prom what you say it ooks as if rhey are drunk) Ir we wanted a complex source it would be tempting 10 relate [14] not 10 the impersonal [13] with raising but rather to the personal [Is1

[IS] They sound as iexclfthey are drunk

with the second they deleted

[46]

P H Marthews

Personal and impersonal are often hard to separate as Palmer (1972) and before him Bolinger(l96la) have shown Ofthis group ofintensives TASTE

and 5MBLL are the most restricted in meaning and it is with these that the impersonal construction as in [91 and [131 is least acceptable With TASTE

neither seems likely Ir rasres to me that the soup is saty It tastes to me as if they are sweer If the second example can be interpreted it is by virtue of a blending with the personal construction (compare It tasres as ifit ) With SMELL the construction of [131 may be more acceptable (Ir smells ro me as if dinner is ready) but the blending remains With PEEL a non-tactile sense is possible (Ir fees Iikey) but is less established than the broader senses of LOOK or SOUNO (compare Ir ooks likey II sounds likey) It is in this case that my judgment is least secure would one say for example It fees (or Ir fees to me) as if they were green With SOUNO and LOOK the general sense is well established as in [131 or Ir sounds likely but there is still a sensory meaning as in [14] and [Isl which inhibits the pure impersonal with that With SEEM and APPEAR we are at the end of the continuum both having general senses only Hence the construction of[91 alongside the impersonal with as if (Ir seems as if they were green) Hence perhaps the infinitive construction of [101 with SOUNO and the others this too is awkward (They ooked ro have arrived Or Ir tastes ro me to be sweer) But it does not follow that the semantical1y general They seem drunk differs in syntax from the specifically sensory They sound drunk or They smell drunk We can even force an active interpretation of the subject thus They tried lO appear drunk or I deliberarey seemed irrftated

32 As [11] with SEEM Hes on a gradience between personal and impersonal so there are others which raise problems in distinguishing intensive from adverbial and circumstantial constructions For there is no criterion which is both sufficient and necessary

The obvious step is to tesectt for simpler transforms Thus J9r [12] Harl~ qrunk ~e can comp~jiexcleJgtimple a~ve Harry was drul~ TRANSFORM in that firstIy it is a a d secondly the predicator

-ORUNK hasnot a tq~ sense s no intraiiSIuvetrans[oacuterintilde ~stiiis~se of G BI is oot ~ble Nor has 4 r tumeirgeacute-iexcl an intransitive transform It turned since this involves a different sense oC TURN Ir there~~ an ascriptive transform but n9-Wn~itive the JhirdeiacuteeDlen t mult be a complementi so [41 and [12] must be complex intransitive Ir there is neither transform it MA y be complement but the col~of verb and adjective mjgbt rCaSantildea be classed as idiomatic Thus The roses have run wild has no transform The roses ve iiOr-aacuteoes it strictly match The rOSes are wild But WILO is at least an adiecti~ must stand in sorne relationship to the verb therefore R UN WILO is right1y

chmldw-rresultintensive (O eE) ---shy-- -_--g ~ _---_bull ~ shy

[471

ENOLISH ORAMMAR

If there is a simple intransitive but no ascriptive transr2ffil--_~~~ coacutentildeSffiiClioacutentilde-intildeuumlSt]ie iexcljdve(J2iacuteaIYlIacuteustrivialIy He ran iexcliuieacutekly has no ascriptive tiexclansfo~ He was quickly less trivially He travelled light does not match He was ight But what if we find both rlJgJQQordf~tillha$ordflJ ascriEtive _~ran~f~rrlJ~eYI1Jer~_~~ ~sectmL1aY-J~_a~~plement circumstantjallik~iilelltjnThey-sJoQdsilent ordfytlb~~j~llsothe simpler intran~1ti~ fbilystQPf so still ~ight be anadver~ like sileniTyintilde-fiieystood silenty Since there is no distinct form srilly the latter is hard to rule out For It shone white we can compare the formally adjectivallt shone brighr again there are both transforms (Ir shone Ir was white) But It shone brighr is c10se in meaning to the formaUy adverbial Ir shone brighry could white be an adverb in default of or as the commoner altemative to whirely Blending may aIso be found in idioms For example it is fruitless to ask if doggo is an adjective or an adverb in He is Iying doggo

For the circumstantial case both transforms are necessary thus [7] He arriuacuteiid sober has the triexcliexclntildeiiiacuteormsmiddotiexcliexcluacuteli-iexcliexclved andHe wasectSoacutebe Wewoacuteuumllifiliso ixpeeacutetthilUumlheveromiddotantildedmiddotildjectTe-shouId befreeOi collocationaI restrictions so He arrived sober He left sober He Jeft satisjied He arrived satisfied and so on But it is very hard to say when such a requirement iacutes meto One does not say for example They stood noisy or They sroodpeacefuJ on that evidence They stood sient might be classed as complex intransitive But neither is one likely to say They arrived noisy or They arrived kind Is that too a matter of collocational restrictions so that [7] is also intensive Or is it merely that NOISY and KIND are ill suIacuteted 10 this construction7 At this point jt is tempting to distinguish degrees of circumstantiality The extreme case would be represented by such sentences as [16]

[16] They stood there exhausted

(Iikewise They have arrived quite sober) where the adjective and verb are marked as separate Beside [16] the construction in [7] is less clearly circumstantial in They stood sient or They stoodfidgering it is perhaps even r less so But this last might stilJ be seen as less intensive than for example

iexcl They stood amazed Likewise They feJl exhausted is less clearly intensi ve than 1 They fell sick since it involves no special sense of FALL

~

f lrOacutel p1lI1riHmD ~ amires f0tr eompiex trlmSitive fu Tlieyfbuntlliim~

guilry there is a special sense OfPIND as ofMAKE in They mode it green In TIwy rrun Juacutem JOber tbat IacuteoS DO spcciiexcll SCDSII of)lEET~ by tbat cS ~ is more eircumsumlial BUl onc la unlikely lO say for eumple They me hlm meditative

4 Finally there is an obvious gradience between the coxnP-1ex intransitive ~nct the simple ascriptj~ With TURN 01 GROW there are~-selecUumlonal restrictions as we have seen With SBJlli or SIhV tney are far fewer

[48J

P H Matthews

neverthelesson~canI1Q~~yfordmr_~ordfmplelfil_sectil1Ied chairmqf1-ltcompareH~ stayelt chairman Qr1fsectJjiquest_riquest~cordfirmordfl1) or It srays obvious that (compare It seemsobvious that or It remainsobvious that ) With REMAIN it is hard to find any but at least the intransitive exists He remained) and their senses can be related Wth BECOMB that evidence too is lacking He became drunk can be distinguish-ed(rontildei1lieasgiptiYlt1g lu7ntl1k onlyJ~iiui~s from jts resultative meaning -_-

This merging has ied grammarians to treat the constructions together But we can do this only by assimi)ating BE to the mode) of verb complementation (as in GCE) not by assimilating TURN and so on to the model of a copula likethecpmplexrordfnsectitiy~nl_e compleimrap~W~i~ ayoor ca~~idatefltY-l~LIl~Jlt~IQ~-ordf_~~rnelltructllr~middot

M

~_

Page 26: in - UGR · (III). 11-70 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1171 Note [a] The ... In addition, we shall use where necessary the suffixes 'ph' (for

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---

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1218 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

Gradience 1666 The teehnique of multiple analysis stiU leaves some subtletiacutees unexposed

What this teehnique has suggested is that there are the folowing three eategories eorresponding to [1 in 1664

N 2 S We like all parenls to visit the school [1) N2 = SO They expeeted James to win the raee [2] Nz = O We asked Ihe sludents to attend a leeture

But more than three eategories ean be appropriately distinguished if we reeognize [1) and [3] as end-points of a gradient with [2) at some point on the seate between them This area of grammar affords a good example of gradienee

At the monotransitive end of the seale [I) ean be characterized by a number of criteria whieh suggest that N 2 to V N3 (al parents to visit the school) constitutes the direct object of an SVO pattern

(a) It ean be replaced by a pronoun referring to the cIause or noun phrase nominalizing it We like it We like al parens visits

(b) It can be an answer to a what-question A What do you like best

B We like al parents to visit the school (e) In some dialects it can be preceded by the infinitive clause introdueer

for We like (it)for all parens to visit the school (d) It ean easily (when preeeded by for) be the focus of a pseudo-cIeft

sentence What we like (best) is for al parents to visit the school (e) When the sequenee N 2 to V N 3 is turned into the passive form N 3 to be

Vedz by Nz there is no ehange ofmeaning We ike aIl parents to visit the sehcel

= We like the school te be visited biexcl al parents (f) In a reduced construetion the infinitive marker to remains We like them

does not have the same meaning as We like them to

At the other ditransitive end of the seale a eontrasting set of criteria eharaeterize [3) and support the analysis of N2 (the students) as an indireet object and to V N3 (to attend a lecture) as a cIausal direet objeet

(a) 10 V N 3 ean be replaced by a pronoun a noun phrase or a finite clause with Nz still funetioning as indireet object

SOmething We asked the students a question

what they wanted

(b) 10 V N 3 can be the answer to a wh-question while N2 funetions as indirect object

A What did you ask the students B We asked them to attend a lecture

(e) When the sequenee N2 to V N3 is turned into the passive sequence N3 to be Ved2 by N 2 the meaning is always changed

They asked the students to attend a leeture They asked a lecture to be attended by the students

this case indeed the passive transform results in an absurdity)

Types of verb complementation 1219

(d) to V N 3 can marginally become the focus of a pseudo-cleft sentence What they asked the students was to attend a lecture (Contrast the decidedly unaeeeptable What we like the parents is to visil the school)

(e) Nz which like Oi in general is usually personal can be detached from its place after the first V to beeome subjeet of a eorresponding passive sentenee The students were asked to attend a lecture

(n In a reduced eonstruction the infinitive marker to ean be omitted We asked them We persuaded them etc

Note [a] With some ditransitive verbs criterion (a) has to be interpreted as the replacement of the infinitive clause by a preposition and prepositional object (cfI656-8)

They reminded hiacutem ofhis responsibiacutelities One man challenged the other lo a duel

[b] Criterion (d) is less reliacuteable than the others since the pseudo-cleft sentence is unacceptable for many verbs But a pseudo-cleft sentence in which the indirect object is replaced by a prepositional object tends to be more grammatical Whal Ihey asked ollhe sludenls was lO attend a leclure (The alternative construction with the substitute verb do which also occurs with [1] is always more acceptable What Ihey asked Ihe students lo do was lO attend a lecture)

1667 To give a simplified illustration of the analysis of gradience in the sequence NI V N 2 to V N 3 we now take a subset ofthe eriteria listed aboye and apply them to a range of verbs on the gradient eonneeting [1] and [3] of 16_66

(1) (3) (4)(2) wantask elect intend

CRITERIA likeallow expectlel~ etc I etc etc etc~ (a) lo V N 3 can be replaeed by - - -+a finite clause

(e) ehange of meaning in passive -+ +of N 2 10 VN3

(e) N 2 can beeome subjeet of passive -+ ++

Fig 1667 A eomplementatiacuteon gradient

The matrix uses only three criteria and thereby distinguishes only four categories This is sufficient to indicate the principie however that the three categories [BS] [C4] and [D6) of our taxonomy eould be broken down iexclnto a finer spectrum of eategories between which the differences are small In effeet Fig 1667 distinguishes two subeategories of [C4] one (including elect and allow) whieh is c10ser to the ditransitive type and one (including inlend and expect) eloser to the monotransitive type Elect and allow respond to cri terion (e)

They elected Miss Coe to suceeed the present seeretary They elected the present seeretary to be sueceeded by Miss Coe

We dont allow residents to entertain visitors We dont allow visitors to be entertained by residents

1220 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

while intend and expeet do not

They intended the students to see the professor = They intended the professor to be seen by the students

They expeet the students to enjoy the classes = They expeet the classes to be enjoyed by the students

Note Por verbs in group (3) the voice oflhe infinitive clause and the voiceofthe main clausemay be independently varied with the result Ihat a SlIacutentence like They expected the students lo enjoy lile classes has tbree corresponding passiv~s with iexclhe same meaning

They expected the classes to be enjoyed by the students The students were expecled lo enjoy the classes

The classes were expected lo be enjoyed by the students

The last example has a passive verb phrase in both the superordinate clause and Ihe infinitive clame

Adjective complementation

168 Categories of complementation in adjective phrases (ef 228 721-2) are similar in variety to those ofverb complementation We distinguish [El-ES)as follows

[El] Complementation by a prepositional phrase [E2] Complementation by a that-clause [E3] Complementation by a wh-clause

i[E4) Complementation by a than-clause [ES] Complementation by a to-infinitive clause [E6] Complementation by an -ing participle clause

These complementation patterns can occur after an adjective (andmiddot its modifiers if any) in various syntactic functions For example

The violiacuten iacutes (rather) difficut to play (adjective phrase as CJ

Mary found the violiacuten (rather) diffieut to play (adjective phrase as CJ

The violiacuten is an instrument (rather) diffieult to play (adjective phrase as postmodifier)

The on1y posiacutetion in which an adjective cannot normally be followed by iacutets complementation is the premodifying position in a noun phrase a keen child on ehess But here too with certain constructions (Types [ES(iraquo) and [ES(v)D the complementation can follow discontinuously after the head noun The violiacuten is a diffieult instrument to play (ef discontinuity with comparative constructions IS75) For illustrative purposes we will confine examples in the following sections to the subject complement function The lists like the verb lists in 1620-63 will be selective

Adjective complementation 1221

Note There is a considerable parallel as the categories [El-ES] aboye demonstrate between patterns associated with adjectives and those associated with monotransitive verbs The chief difference is that adjectives cannot be followed by a noun phrase object To bring out the parallel further we could describe adjectives exemplified in 1669 below (averse to conscous oJ etc) as prepositional adjectives comparable with prepositional verbs We could moreover identify phrasal adjectives (derived from participiaI forms ofphrasal verbs) such as ron down (exhausled depressed) and phrasaI-prepositionaI adjectives such as fed up (with) These tatter variants however are rare enough lo be disregarded in the foUowing lists

[E1] Adjective complementation by a prepositional phrase 1669 Like prepositional verbs adjectives often forro a lexical unit with a following

preposition good atfond oj opposedto etc The lexical bond is strongest with adjectives for which in a given sense the complementation is obligatory Max is averse to games Max is averse Such adjectives are marked 1 in the following lists

The lists make a distinction between participial (ef 715-19) and nonparticipial adjectives The differencebetween participial adjectives and the -ed participle of the passive construction is discussed in 375-77 These lists provide on1y a small sample of the adjectives accompanying the prepositions concemed In particular it is often possible for the same adjective to go with two or more prepositions as in angry about angry at and angrywith

ABOUT He was very worried about her reaction (ef960)

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

angry knowledgeabe aggrieved frightened glad mad annoyed pleased happy reasonable delighted worried

AT She was badat mathematics (ef962)

NONP ARTICIPIAL P ARTlCIPIAL

angry good alarmed disgusted brilliant hopeless amusedmiddotmiddot pleased elever terrible delighted puzzled

FROM Thevillage is remotefromthe bustle ofcity life (ef918 947)

different distant distinct free remo te

OF She was aware ofhis difficulties

NONPARTlCIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

eonvineed ashamed empty proud1 afraid conseiousl glad

seared eapable fond 1 short1 tired certain full worthy

ONUPON Their plan was based on cooperation

NONPARTICIPIAL IPARTICIPIAL

contingent1 intent1 reliantl basedl set1

dependent keen severe hentl

Yiexcl

1222 Complementation of verbs and adjectives ~ Adjective complementation 1223

Note lal In general choice of preposilion remains the same after morphologicalIy related verbs adjectives and nouns differentftom differ from differencefrom But Ihis eorrespondence is not always lo be relied on contrastfull ofwilhfilied wllh proudofwith pride in lb] Other prepositions whieh less comrnonly enlee into adjective + prepositlon idioms iexclnelude for and lowards graleful for sorry for inclined towards le] Usedfollowed by the preposition lO a more informal synonym ofaccustomed(to) is participial in spelling but has the speeial pronuneiation nus~ Unlike accustomed however used does not oceur with a following infinitive (ef 1679) This adjeetival used to in spite of identity of spelling and pronunciation is quite distinet from used lO as a marginal modal (cf344) Contrast

Im used lO hard work I used ro work hard Id] In the past prescriptive objeetions have been made to the use of to ralher Ihan from after averse and different Howevee ro is the normal preposition to fol1lt11 averse and differenr 10 is quite widely used (esp in BrE) as an altemative lo differentfrom On iJifferent rhan cf1566 Note 1674

le] Wilh can be omitted after (fn)compalibie if the subject is plural cfmutual participation 1360

middotCarl is incompatible OUT Cad and Eva are incompatible

[E2] Adjective complementation by a that-clause 670 Like that-clauses following a verb that-clauses folIowiacuteng an adjective may

have

(A) indicative verb 1am sure (that) he is here now (B) subjunctiacuteve verb They were insistent (that) we be ready (formal) (C) putativeshould Im sorry (that) he should hove left ltformal)

The uses of the mandative subjunctive and of putative should have been discussed in 359 and 1425 respectiacutevely Putative should often occurs after expressions of emotion (sorrowjoy displeasure surprise wonder etc) and is often accompanied by intensifying expressions such as so such like thisl that ever or at all The indicative that-clause on the other hand refers to an established fact The foHowing pairs illustrate choices of construction

1 (that) 1 have to leave so early am sorry (that) you should have been (so) inconvenienced

(that) you didnt call the doctor before 1 am surprised (that) anyone ofyour intelligence should swallow a tie

likethat

With some adjectives (those in category [E2b(iiacute)] 1672) the should-clause can be paraphrased by an infinitive clause with a subject

It was natural for him to go to London after the war = It was natural that he should go to London after the war

That-clauses cannot be preceded by preposiacutetions Hence adjectives which are constructed with prepositions before noun phrases ([El]) drop the preposition before a that-clause (cfI628) Compare the folIowing

OfhiS innocence [E1 ] 1am convlnced (th ) h t [E2]at e IS mnocen

Many that-clauses folIowing an adjective are actualIy subjects postponed by extraposition (cf1833)

lt is lucky (that) you came - That you came is lucky

These are listed separately in 1672

lEla) Adjectives with experiencer (cflO23 Note) as subject 1671 (i) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATIVE VERB ONL Y (cfNote [a] below)

These adjectives express degrees of certainty or confidence aware certain corifident sure

We were corifident that Karen was stiacutell alive

(ii) THAT-CLAUSE HAS PUTATIVE SHOULD OR SUBJUNCTIVE VERB

(or marginally aloo an indicative verb) The three principal adjectives in this class are anxious eager and willing

he should be permitted to resiacutegn 1 Are you willing that he be permitted to resign 1

1he is permitted to resign 1 ~

(On the distribution of these three altematives cfI630)

(iH) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATIVE VERB OR PUTATIVE SHOULD

These adjectives express emotions

Im so thankful that nobody was hurto Were you surprised that Ray should win the prize

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

afraid hopeful alarmed depressed horrified angry proud amazed disappointed irritated glad sad amused distressed pleased grateful sorry annoyed disturbed shocked happy tha7lkful astonished frightened upset

There is a tendency to prefer the putative should construction in nonassertive contexts or where the adjective has negative or unfavourshyable associations

TO AH capital gains are subject to taxation NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

answerable close liableacute accustomedl

averse l due1 simz1ar allied1I WiTH This plan is not compatible with our princiacuteples

NONPARTICIPIAL I PARTICIPIAL

angry busy

happy impatient

annoyed bored

ClJmfortable incompatible1 concerned compatibleacute sick delighted content familiar friendly furious

uneasy depressed disappointed disgusted dismayed distressed

inclined1

opposed1

drunk enchanted obsessed occupied overcome pleased satisfied taken1

1672

1224 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Adjective complementatlon 1225

Note [a] The restriction oC Type (i) above lo indicative verbs only is meant to allow Cor the use of T

Note [a] Although tlle pro-forms so and n01 cannot be used after tllese [E2bI adjectives (ef 1671modal auxiliaries including should in a nonputative sense eg I am a~are that I should [= ought 1lo] havejoined longago iexcl Note [bJ) there iexclsa possibilityofreplacing the adjective + solnat by a related adverb + sonot

[b) Afraid is unique among adjectives in that it accepts the pro~oun so (and iexclts negative equivalent Mt) as a that-clause substitute (cfI631) rm afraid SOMI

IElbJ Adjectives with anticipatory it as subject

The that-elause in this eonstruetion is an extraposed subjeet Three types are again distinguished matehing those in 167l

(i) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATlVE VERBONLY (cfI671 Note CaD These adjectives have to do with truthor knowledge

It is true that she never cemes on time

apparent evident likely possible untrue certain implicit obvious true well-known clear indubitable plain unlikely

(ji) THAT-CLAUSE HAS PUTATIVIl SHOULD OR SUBJUNCTIVE VERB (or marginshyaIly also an indicative verb) These adjectives express eoncepts concerned with modality or volition

should be lifted tomorrow It is essential that the ban be lifted tomorrow

(1) is lifted tomorrow

appropriate essentiacuteal important necessary vital compulsory fitting impossible obligatoryshycrucial imperative improper proper

Various deverbal adjectives ending in -able also belong to this group egadvisable desrabIe preferable

(iii) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATlVE VERB OR PUTATIVE SHOULD

This group consists mainly of emotive adjectives and ineludes a large num ber ofparticipial ad jecti ves ending in -ing

Itmiddot strange th t She is so late IS upsetting a she should be so late

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTlCIPIAL

awkward logical alarming perplexing curious odd annoying pleasing disastrous peculiar depressing shocking dreadful sad disappointing surprising extraordinary silly embarrassing fortunate tragie frightening iexclrrational unfortunate irritating

Various -able-ible adjectives also be10ng tp this group admirable eommendable deplorable despieable incomprehensible inconceivable lamentable remarkable understandable unjustifiable etc

ha h l Id l h B Yes obviouslyfortunately soA 1 t IS apparentt t s e IVes oesn t Ive ere B N J I I di t o event y sa y no [b] When an adjective ofType (iii) above occurs after a modal verb construction the that-clause is commonly replaced by an if-clause If the modal verb in the main c1ause is hypothetical (eg would) the verb in the ifmiddotdause is placed in tlle hypothetical pasto Compare

It is sad that you have to leave It will be sad ifyou hove to lea ve

It would be sad ifyou had lo lea ve

[E3] Adjective complementation by a wh-clause 1673 As with that-clauses we have to distinguish those adjeetives ([E3a]) which

are predicated of an experieneer (normalIy a person) as subject and those ([E3bD which go with antieipatory it In the latter case the wh-clause is an extraposed subject Examples are

(onwhat 1should sayo [1]E3a 1was unsure[ 1 (about) whether the problem was solved [2]

[E3b] It was unclear what they would do [3]

Type [E3a1 consists of adjectives which are constructed with prepositions and whieh therefore belong also to Type [EI1 The preposition is sometimes omitted before the wh-clause (ef155 Note reD In Type [E3b] on the other hand no preposition can be inserted bull It was uneear ofabout what lhey would do AIso no infinitive wh-cIause is possible (ef i637) It is unsure where to go is unacceptable unless it refers to sorne aniacutemate being (sueh as a mouse) and is consequently not interpreted in terms of extraposition

Retuming to Type [E3a] we note that in sorne cases the adjective takes a wh-elause in assertive eontexts eg eareful (about) doubtful (as to) fussy (about) puzzled (as to) uneear (about) uncertain (o) undecided (about) unsure (0) unaware (o)

John is careul (about) what he does with his money

Most of these adjeetives are intrinsiealIy negative In meaning In other cases although elsewhere it is associated with an indicative that-clause [E2a(i)] the adjective tends to oceur with a wh-cIause in nonassertive contexts (efI635) eg aware certain eear sure

Are you sure (o) how mueh the maehine costs 1wasnt altogether cleaiexcl- (about) what we had to do

A similar division may be made among adjectives of the antieipatory-it type ([E3b]) Those whieh intrinsieally express doubt and therefore take this strueture even in assertive contexts include doubtful uneertain uneear unsure and unknown Those normally oceurring with an indieative that-elause (le Type [E2b(i)]) inelude apparent eertain obvious and plain They can take a wh-cIause in nonassertive contexts Each type is illustrated in

It was uneear whether an amendment would be accepted It was not obvious how far the westernization process would IO

~ltgt ~~~1~ 1 -~ Adjective complementation 1227

1226 Complementation of verbs and adjectives iexcl

After adjectives of Type [E3a] there may also occur an infinitive wh-clause 1 was uncertain (oi) what to do This is preferable to the finite c1ause in cases illustrated by [1-3] aboye since the subject can remain unexpressed in the reduced nonfinite version

[E4] Adjective complementation by a than-clause 1674 There is an unusual construction in which a noncomparative adjective is

foIlowed by a comparative than-clause as complementation Different is the only adjective which fits into this pattero and even then there is a tradition which regards the use of than here as impropero There is however no felicitous alternative to the different than construction in examples such as

Shes quite a different girl than she wasfilie years ago [11 The various styliacutestic variants of and alteroatives to the than-clause after different are examined in 1566 Note lb] When the c1ause is reduceacuted to a noun phrase it becomes possible to usefrom as an alternative to than

The unions are taking a very different attitude ~ the employers

When the noun phrase folIowing thanffrom cannot be derived by ellipsis from a c1ause than is decidedly less acceptable thanfrom

The main languages of southern India are totaIly different In origin

~~~ those ofthe northern partofthe country

Note [al On differenlrom and different 10 1669 Note [dI [bj It is aloo possible for a Ihan-c1ause to be used after he adverb difilrently

In the west of the country they pronounce their vowels quite aifferently han (they do) in the easl

The same prescriptive objections are made to differenlly Ihan as to different Ihan

[E5] Adjective complementation by a to-infinitive clause [675 We distinguish seven kinds of construction in which an adjective is foIlowed

by a to-infinitive c1ause They are exemplified in the following sentences which are superficially alike

Bob is splendid to wait (ii) Bob is slow to react

(iii) Bob is sorry to hear it (iv) Bob is hesitant to agree with yOU (v) Bob is hard to convince

(vi) The food is ready to eat (vii) lt is important to be accurate

In Types (i-iv) the subject of the main clause (Bob) is also the subject of the infinitive c1ause We can therefore always have a direct object in the infinitive clause if its verb is transitive Por example if we replace intransitive wait by transitive build in (i) we can have Bob is splendid to build this house

Por Types (v-vii) on the other hand the subject of the infinitive is unspecified although the contextoften makes clear which subject is intended

In these types it is possible to insert a subject preceded by for eg in Type (vi) The food is ready (jOr Ihe children) to eat

Infinitive complementation following adjectives modified by lOO and enQugh is discussed eIse Note where in 1S73

(ES(i)) Bob is Iplendid to wait Type (i) has an analogue in a construction involving extraposition (cf1833)1676 1t is splendid of Bob lo wait This type OC construction also permits a head noun between the adjective and the infinitive

Bob must be a spiendid craftsman ~ ~~bUilt this house

As this example shows the infinitive may be perfective We may also compare constructions in which an evaluative noun with its determiner

replaces the adjective

ffoolishYourelafool to spend so mucho

WOnderfUl Youre 1 to walt for me anange

Adjectives in this group are evaluative of human beha~iour They inelude

careful crazy mad silly wise careless greedy nice unwise wrong

These adjectives can also occur with anticipatory il and an of-phrase as additional complementation (cf1682)

It was foolish of you to spend so mucho

IE5(Hraquo) Bob is IOW to react In Type (ii) the sentence corresponds to one in which the adjective becomes 1677 an adverbwhile the infinitive becomes the finite verb

Bob is slow to react - Bob reacts slowlyc

In another analogue the adjective is followed by in and an -ing participle Bob is slow in reacting The infinitive verb phrase must be simple for example unlike the inftnitive phrase in [E5(i)] it cannot be perfective Bob is slow ItJ have reacted Other adjectives in this small group are quick and prompt

There is also a partial adverbial analogue (e8127ff) for Type (i) but in Type (i) unlike Type Note (ii) the perfective infinitive andeven the get-passive (e366) can be used

loan was wise to resigno ~ loan wisely resigned loan was careless to get beaten - loan carelessly got beaten

loan is careless to have got beaten

IES(iuumlraquo) Bob is 10rry lo hear it In Type (iexcliexcli) the head of the adjective phrase is an emotive adjective 1678 (commonly a participial adjective) and the infinitive clause expresses

causation

1679

1228 Complementation of verbs end adjectives

Im sorry to have kept you waiting [rm sorry because I have kept you waiting]

1 was exeited to be there [- To be there exeited me]

Adjectives in this group correspond c10sely to the adjectives followed by a that-clause in 1671 (Type [E2a(iii)D

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

afraid angry ashamed content furious glad

happy impatient indignant jubilant thankful

annoyed astonished bored coneerned delighted depressed

disgusted dissatisfied embarrassed fasemated frightened interested

overwhelmed perturbed puzzled relieved surprised worried

disappointed overjoyed

IE5(ivraquo) Boh is heaitant to agree withyou In Type (iv) the head of the adjective phrase expresses volitional meaning or a modal meaning such as ability possibility or liability Examples are

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

able keen determined anxious Iiable disposed apt Iikely [E2b] fated[E2b] eertain [E2b] loath inclined curious powerless poiseddue prone prepared eager ready [E5] (all) set eligible reluetant unqualified fit [ES] sure [E2b] free [ES] unable greedy weleome hesitant willing impotent worthy

The adjectives marked [E2b] occur with a corresponding construction with extraposition of a that-clause

JilI is likely to attend - It is likely that JiU will attend

Those marked [E5] are capable of occurring with an infinitive construction of passive meaning ie with an indefinite implied subject and a coreferential implied object

Theyare not fit to eat = They are not tit to be eaten

Some ofthe most common adjectives in this list have a tendency to coalesce with the preceding copula 10 form a semimiddotauxiliary verb (ef3A7) be able to be willing to be sure to In addition to modal and volitional adjectives some adjectives ofaspectual meaning such as aeeustomed and wont may be placed here

Adjective complementation 1229

We are aecustomedto take teaon the terrace (formal) He was wont to leave the office at 5 pm (formal archaic)

(ES(vraquo) Bob is lard to convince 1680 In Type (v) the subject of the sentence is identified with the unexpressed

object of the infinitive clause which must therefore have a transitive verb hence the unacceptable Bob Is hard to arrive There is an analogous construction in which the adjective is complement to an infinitive c1ause acting as (extraposed) subject (ef 1836)

- To convince Bob is hard Bob IS hard to convmce It is hard to convince Bob

Adjeeacutetives so used refer 10 degrees of ease or comfort and iexclnclude

awkward hard tough (informal) eonvenient impossible trieky (informal) difficult niee (informal) unpleasant easy pleasant

Unless there is ellipsis we cannot omit the infinitive c1ause and so there is no semantic implication between (say) The bread was hard to bake and The bread was hard Unlike the preceding types Type (v) permitsfor + subject to be inserted at the beginning of the infinitive clause Those darts are trieky (for a beginner) to use Where the infinitive has no overt subject its implicit subject is understood to have an indefinite meanihg

Jack is easy 10 fool =Jack is easy for anyone to foo

Note With some adjectives in this group such as nice or unpleasant the entailment relation between be + adjective ro V and be + adjective is less easy lO avoid eg Jenny is nice lo know iacutemplies that Jenny is nice

IE5(viraquo) Thefood is ready to eat 1681 Again in this type the subject of the main clause is identified with the object

of the intinitive c1ause But unlike Type (v) Typemiddot(vi) has no analogous construction with an infinitive clause subject

The food is ready to eat To eat the food is ready

Also we can generally (a) omit the infinitive clause or (b) substitute a passive infinitive clause without change ofmeaning

Are these cups available (to use) = Are these cups available (to be used)

Some adjectives of this type such as availablefitfree ready and suffieient belong additionally 10 Type (iv) so that a sentence like The lamb ia ready to eat is ambiguous in one sense (the most accessible) being equivalent to the passive The lamb is ready to be eaten Then there is a wider set of adjectives which often occur without complementation at all

The air isfrosty (to breathe) Its fur is soft (to touch)

1230 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

In both Type (v) and Type (vi) the subjectofthe main clause can be equated with the prepositional object of the infinitive clause so that the infinitive c1ause ends with a deferred preposition

She is pleasant to talk to (-It is pleasant to talk to her) This paper is terribly flimsy to write on Is the cloth sufficient to make a dress out ol

In Type (vi) as well as in Type (v)for + subjeet may be inserted before the infinitive verb Are these books free (for visitors) to borrow Are these books available to borrow]

(E5(vii)J Jt is important to he accurate 1682 We saw in 1672 that a that-clause following an adjeetive may prove to be a

subjeet postponed by extraposition (ef1833) A to-infinitive clause following an adjeetive may have the same oouree

It is essential to spray the trees every year - To spray the trees every year is essential

The infinitive clause can also be introduced by for + subjeet

It is vital (for the ehildren) to be properly cIad It will be strange (for us) to be living alone

Adjectives ofTypes (ji) and (iii) in 1672 ([E2b]) may have this construction importantJortunate lueky surprising etc Possible also belongs te this group

An addiacutetional group of adjeetives oeeurring after anticipatory it are those adjeetives (ehiefly naming evaluative attributes of persons) whieh occur in pattern [E5(i)] (ef 1676) The adjeetive in this group is often followed byan of-phrase identifying the persones) being discussed

It was wrong (of him) to teIllies iexcli

It is niee ofyou to phone

[E6] Adjective complementation by an -ing participle cfause [683 A number of sub-types ofthis pattem may be mentioned

(i) Busy is followed by an -ing participle clause without subject

Margery is busy writiacuteng Ietters

Worth and worthwhile on the other hand oceur both with and without subjeet

It is seareely worth(while) (youyour) going home

Here worth(while) follows preparatory it and the participle clause is an extraposed subjeet (ef1834) Other adjectives ofthis pattern are pointless and useless (Its pointless buying so mueh food) and adjectives of Type [E2b(iiacutei)J (efl6 72) also sometimes have this complementation absurd awkwardJortunate annoying etc

EIsewhere worth and worthwhile accompany an -ing participle elause without subjeet but with a passive meaning comparable to tbat of the infinitive elause in pattern [E5(v)] (ef1680)

Complementation of abstract nouns 1231

The cartons are worth(while) saving ( Its worth(while) saving the cartens)

(iv) There is a variant eonstruction in whieh a preposition oecurs between the adjective and the participle clause In some cases the preposition is optional (cf(i) aboye)

Im busy (with) getting the house redeeorated Werefortunate (in) having Aunt Mary as a baby-sitter

In other cases the preposition is obligatory We are used to not having a car (cf1669 Note [e]) Im hopeless at keeping the garden tidy Shes not capable oflooking after herself

Note [al The adjectival constructions in (ii) above may be compared in some cases with nominal constructionsof equivalent meaning

ts 110 goaduse telling him anything Theres 110 point (in) telling him anything

8uch constructions are introduced either by anticipatory il (el 1833) or by eltistential there (el 184$) AmE also hu Theres no use telling him anythlng (b) Worthwhlle is sometimes spelled as two words The vacillation between the spellings worthwhile and worth while reflects an unclarity about the status of this sequence which may altematively be regarded as the preposition worth (eI96) followed by a noun Compare

lts not worth your whife staying lts not worlhh whh~e (your) staying worl w 1

Complementation of abstract nouns

1684 In this coneluding section we will show as a conneeting link between this chapter and the next how the pattems of complementation described for verbs and adjectives in 1620-83 are aloo to be found with abstraet nouns which are morphologieally related to those verbs and adjectives (ef nominalization 1751ff and appositional constructions 1726 1735) For example the noun likelihood is derived from and semantically related to the adjective likely It is therefore not surprising that a construction associated with the adjeetive Is found with the corresponding noun

It is likely that Joan will get married [1]

The likelihood is that loan will get married [21 the likelihood that Joan will get married [31

But the assumption of eorrespondence eannot be automatie for it may faiacutel in both direetions

loan is likely to get married Joan s likelihood to get married

It is likely of J oans getting married the likelihood of Joans getting married

------__shyiacute1 11

COMPLEX INTRANSITIVE CONSTRUCTIONS p H MATIHEWS

1 Introduction

In sentences such as [1J

ArR C~Iltiacuteltmiddotli N ([1J Th~deitgreen ~

he construct~oEJ~QLordf JJP~ that GCE850ff describes as 9QMfLEX JRANSITIV~ Ofthe elements in questionit and made are related a~Jn tQllt ~imple transitive

j [2J They made it

YihiJe ir and green a~_~latelasinasimple_ltQI1llar_sentence ( [3] lt is green (- lt

~f the type that following Lyons (l977469ff) raquoe will call ASCRIPTIVE raquouacutet greacuteen- also standsJna direcueJordf9lsJIacuteIL ordm~_iii~de the object and adjective exemplifying a single I2atteIILof VERB COMllEMe~nrJ91 This paUCIDl can be sajd torepresenta IJJS10N (G e E 850) ofJ~ltsimpler transitiv iexcll~J~Jjpiexcly_e_tjPes - _shy

IH~~_sfiE~~Ve can be fused with th~~~tY_e_(lri~alsoP~ fused with theintransitixe1 Insentildetentildeces SUChas[4] -

MI It turned green

~construc~~~~~]y idmtifkQyaacuteth th~ of l3J in both examples the

l]

~ ~ ~ ENGLISH GRAMMAR

verb is described as copularor in the terminology of GCE820f as taking intensive complementation But neither description is quite appropriate to1 both cases In the~ptive sentence there i indeed no mor~than~pYhL~

1 2ampffiMical iP~ betwe~ the adjective and its subject~ plainly this ~ ~ is not true of [4] whose verb TURN has its own specific meaning lf turned~ iacute I is a full verb it must then be the govemor of green as made is in (1) in that

iexcl ~ sense there is cornplernentatjon But we express nothing by assigning such a complernentation to the copula A solution is to c1ass I4] as a COMPLBX

IITMNSITIVE iL~onsect_trJltiordmL being an extension of th~simpleJmransiUacutelLe _shy~ i I5] It turned

j precisely as that of (1) is extended from that of [2)iexcl

2 Fused constructions

Let us take our cue from GCEs referenee to fusionlo the simpl~L =nfu~~~_~~~~~~~)t1ecltgtnstVf1ionconsistso(asingJULeAicJ~tQI(lgde) which in a dependency ana~is has both the subject and the object as its dependents or to adapt G CEs term has both a subjeet and an oJkltt asit complementation lnJhaL~se (2) has a _K1U~~~_~ruetion (Lyons i977) w1jch cannotJiexclJLr~s~Cl9JUnQ(lt_e~mentary relationships of ptediCJJQJkSo too has the simple intransitive (5] vi1ihidepeiioenforior forming the complementation of tumed So too has the simple aseriptive [3] its predicator on the analysis ofLyons and others is the adjective green One reason for relatlng the subject to the adjective is that the elements are jointly subject to selectional restrictions A reason for not relating either to the copula is that the latter stands aside (rom these restrictions adding none ofitsown

In a fused construction the pattem ls neither strictly kernel nor straightforwardly non-kemellnJhegmplex transitive [lL1oth1tan41~Y are again direct ~cngents of made these relatio~_elQ~ the words in FigJbx direC1~ltaI~_uacutela~~I~Qordf-ordfl9blleiexcl)Uumlnamp21uacuteward frollLthe

~d

(aJiquest-Fig 1

[42]

P H Matthew$

p~ed~~ So is green arc el this too being supported by selectional restrictions We are therefore dealing with a single clause rooted in made of which each word is a distinct element But green js a1soapredicator in iexclelation to il (are d)J that wav we are dealing with two kernelp~QlS th~ fuurtermclauseinfQmQrating bothtM_~tuet~[IDJr~JlsitiYlljh~ twoshytenn a~-middot -_shy

In Fig 1 we have diagrammed what any grammarian will propose provided that his terminology or his notational apparatus allow him to say it Iut similar reasonjng applies to the construction which we have called the ~IpJex ln~~-ordfEsitive Of the relationships showninf1g --~~t~~~~_

it turned green

aAacutebJ Fig2

to ir (arcc)_isagainasintheascripJjy~ and needs no further cornment But the final element is clearly suJiexcliect to ru19jtional resr=l~ordmI~ tlTlJRI_ im~~tordm-~~it~~rAUQj~9iY_I9U~l~~ed noun (He turned pink He turned kings eVidence) iQ~~~1lined phrase is exCiuacuteded (He turned arog)

tDle~sthe p~e~~i0rl~lJ9rtn is ~~jordmntildei[qiireifitetuumlmed iexclnto a frog) ~itt G-ordm-1h exdusi(m is abgolule one cannot even say He went into a criminal

f [he adjeqtive is also Iimlted to specific collocations For example one can say It turned sour or Ir went sour but it is harder to accept Ir grew sour 1 Conversely one can say He grew od but not He went od On that evidence

j we may establish a relationship of dependency between green and tumedj (arc b) The verb too can then be related to the subject (arc a)

1 Epgth o~2am~ thefe is one terro ir lVhich is a9~de~~~~t1 theascriptile anCITlieletbalk~m~1 (Fig 1 ares b and d Fig 2 ares a and c) The fusion is then effected by a further link (Fig 1 arc e Fig 2 are b) in which ond of the two predicators een is ineo orat~a~_ ordf d~RendenlO(th~ I re atlon that uirk an4hl~ COU~_~ampI~s-1 jn the case of th complex intransitille hall app1ied the Iean intlaquo=nsve

mmplementatio~gly describe he yaleruLQ(IUN or iexcl l otIllBNinthisuseJuh~int~siYeint[ansitivx But the insight intildeaacute I

alsQ be extended to the complex transitiye In that spirit MAKE or MAKE as

used in sentences such as W might appropriatelL be described ~~_~n_ i ~ntensive transitive -J -bull_--------shy

[43)

ENGLISH GRAMMAR

3 Distinctions between tbe complex intransitive and other partly similar constructions

For a three-term construction Fig 2 shows the maximum number of interconnections with each term related to each of the others The miacutenimum isone thus for the ascriptive (3) we have adopted the structure shown i~

L with l~~E2nd te~~Il2= tlliacuten amaroe~ ordmrS1PP9~g~lexn~~ ~eLClatiacute9D~t~~~~t~first an~~~hir~ But this leaves five other possibilities which in theory might be realized ust as the second element_lt~p~ltmark(r ordfs inEig 3bullKlJQQmgordmHhetordm-iriexcl in thatJ~SiquestOillY

iacutet is green

Fig3

1he_verb vQ1lld_be a predicatorrwithonl)l1he_~ygtject related 10 it This structure does not seem to be realized at least not in away whiacuteCh is -relevant to our analysis Asecond_possibil~iuhatJmly the verb a~ ~~~iexcltiY~L iquestnjgl~~_rell~q in that ca~e bot~redicatoS_w-ordmyldIgt~ impersonal-vUh lh~su~ject a me~m~ce-filler This structure might conceivably be suggested for exampIacuteesmiddotSuumlch as [6]

[6] It got mistier

with a so-called ambient it But although it may indeed be ambient with respect to mistier it need not follow that it is ambient with respect to got

In the remaining cases no element is a marker but there are only two instead of three interconnections Ir there wem no link betw-IlJhe subject ~YMh(Ejg 2 are a) the verb1tSelf would agajn be impersmordf-~ I~ transformational terms its surface subject would be derived by raising (Postal 1974) from a subordinate adjectival clause lf th3ewere no intensiye lipk between the first and second predicators (Fg 2 arWJUlt verb would be a simple intransitive taking just t~_S)lbject as its complementation th~on of tbe adjec1iYtLL~ then be uumlMrn-~0n[7] forexample --- -_~

Eacutel He arrived saber J (~ eacute cc L f ~ 2 f

grammars do not establish an intensive or copular use of ARIUVB Finally

[44]

1 P H Marrhew$

if the ascriQive lik wer~~2ken iacuteEiKbJ~~ f)hHordmjlti~~ment woulordm-no longer bJlta predicaQ~ltiexclHQle wQuldin~teadb~ADVJllqt~iexcl as in 8)

(8) He ran fa~t

There is no doubt that the intensive construction is distinct from the adverbial and that sober in [7] is at least more circumstantial than green in It turned green But the subject-verb relation is more problematic in that a raising transformation has been proposed for one at least of the G C E s intensive verbs Let us therefore take that distinction first

31 Ofthe twenty or so most common intensive verbs (GCE821) SEEM and APPEAR particularly lend themselves to transformational analysis On the evidence of sentences such as [9]

(2) It seemed that they wereamp~e~

_U~naIlJral lo establish an underlying ~~ct~~

J~sIhey were green]~ seemed

irlYhIacutetEw~4)srelate(L1ot to they J~Q9green indhiOacute1lally but to the yiole ascri2tive kernelrom the same structure a sentence such as [10)

[10] They seemed to be green

can then be derived by further transformations of subject raising and infinitive formation Froro the structure reaJized by [Io]lIleare n3tllcalli

~m~ed to derive the comple~_~transiti~euacutell

[u) They seemed gre~

by a further transformation deleting the copuiacutea For SEEM the rules deriving [10] and [u] would both be optional But for

other verbs such as TURN or GO We could make them obligatory so It turned green could be the only realization of an underlying sUr was greenls turned the ambient Ir got misrier - [6] aboye - a realization of say s[mistier]s gorand so on If the obligatory rules were then restricted to the copula we would also ensure that any other form of embedded structure (g[he eft]s turned or g[he kissed her]s grew) was filtered out By such means a treatment which is widely accepted for SEEM and for which the evidence is at first compelling could be extended if it were thought appropriate to the entire intensive intransitive class

There are good reasons for not thinking it appropriate In a sentence such as [12]

[12] Harry got drunk

Qn~JsllQIacuteli~ply talking of a_~ate tha~ reslllttI s~o t~a~ ~~rry vs (45)

ENGLISH GRAMMAR

drunk or Harrys drunkenness happened) Nor is Harrya mere theme or tliexclfc (Aacute~-to-KarryQruniexcliquestenneacuteSs-l1ippened to him) tlamp11tbject iexclS1

potentia1lt-at-l~st--alMl~tgh-ge~~amp9run_~ wassoID1hiiL~hatJIal did The--verb mayaccordiacutentilde-gly take a subject adjunct (O CE 466]) thus I delibera tey got drunk or He foo(lshy turned traitor It may also supply the complement of a conative verb (1 did try to get drunk) may appear in the imperative (Dont get drunk ) and so on For sorne collocations this potentiacuteality is doubtless harder to realize (compare He delibera tey turned bue with He delibera tey turned nasty or He tried ro grow oder with He tried ro grow farter) but that is precisely the case for subjects and predicators generally lt is this semantic role that justifies the first link shown in Fig 2

which an impersonal structure as in (b)

(b) s[Harry was drunkls got

would relegate to the surface If (b) is wrong for Harry got drunk a transformationalist should consider

more carefully w hether a similar structure is correct for Harry seemed drunk Let us assume that it is correct for the construction with a that-clause (It seemed that Harry was dhmk) for SEEM and APPEAR a c1ausal complement does form one possibility Let us also accept that SBBM has a constant sense in all its constructions But for other current intensives (G eE 820 f) the evidence is more complexo With SOUNO a that-clause can be forced for example if a dative is inserted (lt sounds ro me that (hey arent coming) There is also an impersonal construction with as if

[131 It sounds as ifthey were green

which might be thought to derive from the same source The construction of [13] is also acceptable witb LOOK (lt ooks as ifthey arent coming) But between it and the complex intransitive we can find clear disparities in meaning In [13] the judgment is based on indirect clues what sounds or appears from audible information is indeed the whole proposition they were green But in the complex intransitive [14]

[141 They sound drunk

it is based on sounds that they are making For that reason it is harder 10 make sense of They sound green Likewise They [ook drunk means that they from their appearance are so But in It loob as ifthey are drunk the speaker does not even imply that he has seen them (Compare Prom what you say it ooks as if rhey are drunk) Ir we wanted a complex source it would be tempting 10 relate [14] not 10 the impersonal [13] with raising but rather to the personal [Is1

[IS] They sound as iexclfthey are drunk

with the second they deleted

[46]

P H Marthews

Personal and impersonal are often hard to separate as Palmer (1972) and before him Bolinger(l96la) have shown Ofthis group ofintensives TASTE

and 5MBLL are the most restricted in meaning and it is with these that the impersonal construction as in [91 and [131 is least acceptable With TASTE

neither seems likely Ir rasres to me that the soup is saty It tastes to me as if they are sweer If the second example can be interpreted it is by virtue of a blending with the personal construction (compare It tasres as ifit ) With SMELL the construction of [131 may be more acceptable (Ir smells ro me as if dinner is ready) but the blending remains With PEEL a non-tactile sense is possible (Ir fees Iikey) but is less established than the broader senses of LOOK or SOUNO (compare Ir ooks likey II sounds likey) It is in this case that my judgment is least secure would one say for example It fees (or Ir fees to me) as if they were green With SOUNO and LOOK the general sense is well established as in [131 or Ir sounds likely but there is still a sensory meaning as in [14] and [Isl which inhibits the pure impersonal with that With SEEM and APPEAR we are at the end of the continuum both having general senses only Hence the construction of[91 alongside the impersonal with as if (Ir seems as if they were green) Hence perhaps the infinitive construction of [101 with SOUNO and the others this too is awkward (They ooked ro have arrived Or Ir tastes ro me to be sweer) But it does not follow that the semantical1y general They seem drunk differs in syntax from the specifically sensory They sound drunk or They smell drunk We can even force an active interpretation of the subject thus They tried lO appear drunk or I deliberarey seemed irrftated

32 As [11] with SEEM Hes on a gradience between personal and impersonal so there are others which raise problems in distinguishing intensive from adverbial and circumstantial constructions For there is no criterion which is both sufficient and necessary

The obvious step is to tesectt for simpler transforms Thus J9r [12] Harl~ qrunk ~e can comp~jiexcleJgtimple a~ve Harry was drul~ TRANSFORM in that firstIy it is a a d secondly the predicator

-ORUNK hasnot a tq~ sense s no intraiiSIuvetrans[oacuterintilde ~stiiis~se of G BI is oot ~ble Nor has 4 r tumeirgeacute-iexcl an intransitive transform It turned since this involves a different sense oC TURN Ir there~~ an ascriptive transform but n9-Wn~itive the JhirdeiacuteeDlen t mult be a complementi so [41 and [12] must be complex intransitive Ir there is neither transform it MA y be complement but the col~of verb and adjective mjgbt rCaSantildea be classed as idiomatic Thus The roses have run wild has no transform The roses ve iiOr-aacuteoes it strictly match The rOSes are wild But WILO is at least an adiecti~ must stand in sorne relationship to the verb therefore R UN WILO is right1y

chmldw-rresultintensive (O eE) ---shy-- -_--g ~ _---_bull ~ shy

[471

ENOLISH ORAMMAR

If there is a simple intransitive but no ascriptive transr2ffil--_~~~ coacutentildeSffiiClioacutentilde-intildeuumlSt]ie iexcljdve(J2iacuteaIYlIacuteustrivialIy He ran iexcliuieacutekly has no ascriptive tiexclansfo~ He was quickly less trivially He travelled light does not match He was ight But what if we find both rlJgJQQordf~tillha$ordflJ ascriEtive _~ran~f~rrlJ~eYI1Jer~_~~ ~sectmL1aY-J~_a~~plement circumstantjallik~iilelltjnThey-sJoQdsilent ordfytlb~~j~llsothe simpler intran~1ti~ fbilystQPf so still ~ight be anadver~ like sileniTyintilde-fiieystood silenty Since there is no distinct form srilly the latter is hard to rule out For It shone white we can compare the formally adjectivallt shone brighr again there are both transforms (Ir shone Ir was white) But It shone brighr is c10se in meaning to the formaUy adverbial Ir shone brighry could white be an adverb in default of or as the commoner altemative to whirely Blending may aIso be found in idioms For example it is fruitless to ask if doggo is an adjective or an adverb in He is Iying doggo

For the circumstantial case both transforms are necessary thus [7] He arriuacuteiid sober has the triexcliexclntildeiiiacuteormsmiddotiexcliexcluacuteli-iexcliexclved andHe wasectSoacutebe Wewoacuteuumllifiliso ixpeeacutetthilUumlheveromiddotantildedmiddotildjectTe-shouId befreeOi collocationaI restrictions so He arrived sober He left sober He Jeft satisjied He arrived satisfied and so on But it is very hard to say when such a requirement iacutes meto One does not say for example They stood noisy or They sroodpeacefuJ on that evidence They stood sient might be classed as complex intransitive But neither is one likely to say They arrived noisy or They arrived kind Is that too a matter of collocational restrictions so that [7] is also intensive Or is it merely that NOISY and KIND are ill suIacuteted 10 this construction7 At this point jt is tempting to distinguish degrees of circumstantiality The extreme case would be represented by such sentences as [16]

[16] They stood there exhausted

(Iikewise They have arrived quite sober) where the adjective and verb are marked as separate Beside [16] the construction in [7] is less clearly circumstantial in They stood sient or They stoodfidgering it is perhaps even r less so But this last might stilJ be seen as less intensive than for example

iexcl They stood amazed Likewise They feJl exhausted is less clearly intensi ve than 1 They fell sick since it involves no special sense of FALL

~

f lrOacutel p1lI1riHmD ~ amires f0tr eompiex trlmSitive fu Tlieyfbuntlliim~

guilry there is a special sense OfPIND as ofMAKE in They mode it green In TIwy rrun Juacutem JOber tbat IacuteoS DO spcciiexcll SCDSII of)lEET~ by tbat cS ~ is more eircumsumlial BUl onc la unlikely lO say for eumple They me hlm meditative

4 Finally there is an obvious gradience between the coxnP-1ex intransitive ~nct the simple ascriptj~ With TURN 01 GROW there are~-selecUumlonal restrictions as we have seen With SBJlli or SIhV tney are far fewer

[48J

P H Matthews

neverthelesson~canI1Q~~yfordmr_~ordfmplelfil_sectil1Ied chairmqf1-ltcompareH~ stayelt chairman Qr1fsectJjiquest_riquest~cordfirmordfl1) or It srays obvious that (compare It seemsobvious that or It remainsobvious that ) With REMAIN it is hard to find any but at least the intransitive exists He remained) and their senses can be related Wth BECOMB that evidence too is lacking He became drunk can be distinguish-ed(rontildei1lieasgiptiYlt1g lu7ntl1k onlyJ~iiui~s from jts resultative meaning -_-

This merging has ied grammarians to treat the constructions together But we can do this only by assimi)ating BE to the mode) of verb complementation (as in GCE) not by assimilating TURN and so on to the model of a copula likethecpmplexrordfnsectitiy~nl_e compleimrap~W~i~ ayoor ca~~idatefltY-l~LIl~Jlt~IQ~-ordf_~~rnelltructllr~middot

M

~_

Page 27: in - UGR · (III). 11-70 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1171 Note [a] The ... In addition, we shall use where necessary the suffixes 'ph' (for

1220 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

while intend and expeet do not

They intended the students to see the professor = They intended the professor to be seen by the students

They expeet the students to enjoy the classes = They expeet the classes to be enjoyed by the students

Note Por verbs in group (3) the voice oflhe infinitive clause and the voiceofthe main clausemay be independently varied with the result Ihat a SlIacutentence like They expected the students lo enjoy lile classes has tbree corresponding passiv~s with iexclhe same meaning

They expected the classes to be enjoyed by the students The students were expecled lo enjoy the classes

The classes were expected lo be enjoyed by the students

The last example has a passive verb phrase in both the superordinate clause and Ihe infinitive clame

Adjective complementation

168 Categories of complementation in adjective phrases (ef 228 721-2) are similar in variety to those ofverb complementation We distinguish [El-ES)as follows

[El] Complementation by a prepositional phrase [E2] Complementation by a that-clause [E3] Complementation by a wh-clause

i[E4) Complementation by a than-clause [ES] Complementation by a to-infinitive clause [E6] Complementation by an -ing participle clause

These complementation patterns can occur after an adjective (andmiddot its modifiers if any) in various syntactic functions For example

The violiacuten iacutes (rather) difficut to play (adjective phrase as CJ

Mary found the violiacuten (rather) diffieut to play (adjective phrase as CJ

The violiacuten is an instrument (rather) diffieult to play (adjective phrase as postmodifier)

The on1y posiacutetion in which an adjective cannot normally be followed by iacutets complementation is the premodifying position in a noun phrase a keen child on ehess But here too with certain constructions (Types [ES(iraquo) and [ES(v)D the complementation can follow discontinuously after the head noun The violiacuten is a diffieult instrument to play (ef discontinuity with comparative constructions IS75) For illustrative purposes we will confine examples in the following sections to the subject complement function The lists like the verb lists in 1620-63 will be selective

Adjective complementation 1221

Note There is a considerable parallel as the categories [El-ES] aboye demonstrate between patterns associated with adjectives and those associated with monotransitive verbs The chief difference is that adjectives cannot be followed by a noun phrase object To bring out the parallel further we could describe adjectives exemplified in 1669 below (averse to conscous oJ etc) as prepositional adjectives comparable with prepositional verbs We could moreover identify phrasal adjectives (derived from participiaI forms ofphrasal verbs) such as ron down (exhausled depressed) and phrasaI-prepositionaI adjectives such as fed up (with) These tatter variants however are rare enough lo be disregarded in the foUowing lists

[E1] Adjective complementation by a prepositional phrase 1669 Like prepositional verbs adjectives often forro a lexical unit with a following

preposition good atfond oj opposedto etc The lexical bond is strongest with adjectives for which in a given sense the complementation is obligatory Max is averse to games Max is averse Such adjectives are marked 1 in the following lists

The lists make a distinction between participial (ef 715-19) and nonparticipial adjectives The differencebetween participial adjectives and the -ed participle of the passive construction is discussed in 375-77 These lists provide on1y a small sample of the adjectives accompanying the prepositions concemed In particular it is often possible for the same adjective to go with two or more prepositions as in angry about angry at and angrywith

ABOUT He was very worried about her reaction (ef960)

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

angry knowledgeabe aggrieved frightened glad mad annoyed pleased happy reasonable delighted worried

AT She was badat mathematics (ef962)

NONP ARTICIPIAL P ARTlCIPIAL

angry good alarmed disgusted brilliant hopeless amusedmiddotmiddot pleased elever terrible delighted puzzled

FROM Thevillage is remotefromthe bustle ofcity life (ef918 947)

different distant distinct free remo te

OF She was aware ofhis difficulties

NONPARTlCIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

eonvineed ashamed empty proud1 afraid conseiousl glad

seared eapable fond 1 short1 tired certain full worthy

ONUPON Their plan was based on cooperation

NONPARTICIPIAL IPARTICIPIAL

contingent1 intent1 reliantl basedl set1

dependent keen severe hentl

Yiexcl

1222 Complementation of verbs and adjectives ~ Adjective complementation 1223

Note lal In general choice of preposilion remains the same after morphologicalIy related verbs adjectives and nouns differentftom differ from differencefrom But Ihis eorrespondence is not always lo be relied on contrastfull ofwilhfilied wllh proudofwith pride in lb] Other prepositions whieh less comrnonly enlee into adjective + prepositlon idioms iexclnelude for and lowards graleful for sorry for inclined towards le] Usedfollowed by the preposition lO a more informal synonym ofaccustomed(to) is participial in spelling but has the speeial pronuneiation nus~ Unlike accustomed however used does not oceur with a following infinitive (ef 1679) This adjeetival used to in spite of identity of spelling and pronunciation is quite distinet from used lO as a marginal modal (cf344) Contrast

Im used lO hard work I used ro work hard Id] In the past prescriptive objeetions have been made to the use of to ralher Ihan from after averse and different Howevee ro is the normal preposition to fol1lt11 averse and differenr 10 is quite widely used (esp in BrE) as an altemative lo differentfrom On iJifferent rhan cf1566 Note 1674

le] Wilh can be omitted after (fn)compalibie if the subject is plural cfmutual participation 1360

middotCarl is incompatible OUT Cad and Eva are incompatible

[E2] Adjective complementation by a that-clause 670 Like that-clauses following a verb that-clauses folIowiacuteng an adjective may

have

(A) indicative verb 1am sure (that) he is here now (B) subjunctiacuteve verb They were insistent (that) we be ready (formal) (C) putativeshould Im sorry (that) he should hove left ltformal)

The uses of the mandative subjunctive and of putative should have been discussed in 359 and 1425 respectiacutevely Putative should often occurs after expressions of emotion (sorrowjoy displeasure surprise wonder etc) and is often accompanied by intensifying expressions such as so such like thisl that ever or at all The indicative that-clause on the other hand refers to an established fact The foHowing pairs illustrate choices of construction

1 (that) 1 have to leave so early am sorry (that) you should have been (so) inconvenienced

(that) you didnt call the doctor before 1 am surprised (that) anyone ofyour intelligence should swallow a tie

likethat

With some adjectives (those in category [E2b(iiacute)] 1672) the should-clause can be paraphrased by an infinitive clause with a subject

It was natural for him to go to London after the war = It was natural that he should go to London after the war

That-clauses cannot be preceded by preposiacutetions Hence adjectives which are constructed with prepositions before noun phrases ([El]) drop the preposition before a that-clause (cfI628) Compare the folIowing

OfhiS innocence [E1 ] 1am convlnced (th ) h t [E2]at e IS mnocen

Many that-clauses folIowing an adjective are actualIy subjects postponed by extraposition (cf1833)

lt is lucky (that) you came - That you came is lucky

These are listed separately in 1672

lEla) Adjectives with experiencer (cflO23 Note) as subject 1671 (i) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATIVE VERB ONL Y (cfNote [a] below)

These adjectives express degrees of certainty or confidence aware certain corifident sure

We were corifident that Karen was stiacutell alive

(ii) THAT-CLAUSE HAS PUTATIVE SHOULD OR SUBJUNCTIVE VERB

(or marginally aloo an indicative verb) The three principal adjectives in this class are anxious eager and willing

he should be permitted to resiacutegn 1 Are you willing that he be permitted to resign 1

1he is permitted to resign 1 ~

(On the distribution of these three altematives cfI630)

(iH) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATIVE VERB OR PUTATIVE SHOULD

These adjectives express emotions

Im so thankful that nobody was hurto Were you surprised that Ray should win the prize

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

afraid hopeful alarmed depressed horrified angry proud amazed disappointed irritated glad sad amused distressed pleased grateful sorry annoyed disturbed shocked happy tha7lkful astonished frightened upset

There is a tendency to prefer the putative should construction in nonassertive contexts or where the adjective has negative or unfavourshyable associations

TO AH capital gains are subject to taxation NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

answerable close liableacute accustomedl

averse l due1 simz1ar allied1I WiTH This plan is not compatible with our princiacuteples

NONPARTICIPIAL I PARTICIPIAL

angry busy

happy impatient

annoyed bored

ClJmfortable incompatible1 concerned compatibleacute sick delighted content familiar friendly furious

uneasy depressed disappointed disgusted dismayed distressed

inclined1

opposed1

drunk enchanted obsessed occupied overcome pleased satisfied taken1

1672

1224 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Adjective complementatlon 1225

Note [a] The restriction oC Type (i) above lo indicative verbs only is meant to allow Cor the use of T

Note [a] Although tlle pro-forms so and n01 cannot be used after tllese [E2bI adjectives (ef 1671modal auxiliaries including should in a nonputative sense eg I am a~are that I should [= ought 1lo] havejoined longago iexcl Note [bJ) there iexclsa possibilityofreplacing the adjective + solnat by a related adverb + sonot

[b) Afraid is unique among adjectives in that it accepts the pro~oun so (and iexclts negative equivalent Mt) as a that-clause substitute (cfI631) rm afraid SOMI

IElbJ Adjectives with anticipatory it as subject

The that-elause in this eonstruetion is an extraposed subjeet Three types are again distinguished matehing those in 167l

(i) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATlVE VERBONLY (cfI671 Note CaD These adjectives have to do with truthor knowledge

It is true that she never cemes on time

apparent evident likely possible untrue certain implicit obvious true well-known clear indubitable plain unlikely

(ji) THAT-CLAUSE HAS PUTATIVIl SHOULD OR SUBJUNCTIVE VERB (or marginshyaIly also an indicative verb) These adjectives express eoncepts concerned with modality or volition

should be lifted tomorrow It is essential that the ban be lifted tomorrow

(1) is lifted tomorrow

appropriate essentiacuteal important necessary vital compulsory fitting impossible obligatoryshycrucial imperative improper proper

Various deverbal adjectives ending in -able also belong to this group egadvisable desrabIe preferable

(iii) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATlVE VERB OR PUTATIVE SHOULD

This group consists mainly of emotive adjectives and ineludes a large num ber ofparticipial ad jecti ves ending in -ing

Itmiddot strange th t She is so late IS upsetting a she should be so late

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTlCIPIAL

awkward logical alarming perplexing curious odd annoying pleasing disastrous peculiar depressing shocking dreadful sad disappointing surprising extraordinary silly embarrassing fortunate tragie frightening iexclrrational unfortunate irritating

Various -able-ible adjectives also be10ng tp this group admirable eommendable deplorable despieable incomprehensible inconceivable lamentable remarkable understandable unjustifiable etc

ha h l Id l h B Yes obviouslyfortunately soA 1 t IS apparentt t s e IVes oesn t Ive ere B N J I I di t o event y sa y no [b] When an adjective ofType (iii) above occurs after a modal verb construction the that-clause is commonly replaced by an if-clause If the modal verb in the main c1ause is hypothetical (eg would) the verb in the ifmiddotdause is placed in tlle hypothetical pasto Compare

It is sad that you have to leave It will be sad ifyou hove to lea ve

It would be sad ifyou had lo lea ve

[E3] Adjective complementation by a wh-clause 1673 As with that-clauses we have to distinguish those adjeetives ([E3a]) which

are predicated of an experieneer (normalIy a person) as subject and those ([E3bD which go with antieipatory it In the latter case the wh-clause is an extraposed subject Examples are

(onwhat 1should sayo [1]E3a 1was unsure[ 1 (about) whether the problem was solved [2]

[E3b] It was unclear what they would do [3]

Type [E3a1 consists of adjectives which are constructed with prepositions and whieh therefore belong also to Type [EI1 The preposition is sometimes omitted before the wh-clause (ef155 Note reD In Type [E3b] on the other hand no preposition can be inserted bull It was uneear ofabout what lhey would do AIso no infinitive wh-cIause is possible (ef i637) It is unsure where to go is unacceptable unless it refers to sorne aniacutemate being (sueh as a mouse) and is consequently not interpreted in terms of extraposition

Retuming to Type [E3a] we note that in sorne cases the adjective takes a wh-elause in assertive eontexts eg eareful (about) doubtful (as to) fussy (about) puzzled (as to) uneear (about) uncertain (o) undecided (about) unsure (0) unaware (o)

John is careul (about) what he does with his money

Most of these adjeetives are intrinsiealIy negative In meaning In other cases although elsewhere it is associated with an indicative that-clause [E2a(i)] the adjective tends to oceur with a wh-cIause in nonassertive contexts (efI635) eg aware certain eear sure

Are you sure (o) how mueh the maehine costs 1wasnt altogether cleaiexcl- (about) what we had to do

A similar division may be made among adjectives of the antieipatory-it type ([E3b]) Those whieh intrinsieally express doubt and therefore take this strueture even in assertive contexts include doubtful uneertain uneear unsure and unknown Those normally oceurring with an indieative that-elause (le Type [E2b(i)]) inelude apparent eertain obvious and plain They can take a wh-cIause in nonassertive contexts Each type is illustrated in

It was uneear whether an amendment would be accepted It was not obvious how far the westernization process would IO

~ltgt ~~~1~ 1 -~ Adjective complementation 1227

1226 Complementation of verbs and adjectives iexcl

After adjectives of Type [E3a] there may also occur an infinitive wh-clause 1 was uncertain (oi) what to do This is preferable to the finite c1ause in cases illustrated by [1-3] aboye since the subject can remain unexpressed in the reduced nonfinite version

[E4] Adjective complementation by a than-clause 1674 There is an unusual construction in which a noncomparative adjective is

foIlowed by a comparative than-clause as complementation Different is the only adjective which fits into this pattero and even then there is a tradition which regards the use of than here as impropero There is however no felicitous alternative to the different than construction in examples such as

Shes quite a different girl than she wasfilie years ago [11 The various styliacutestic variants of and alteroatives to the than-clause after different are examined in 1566 Note lb] When the c1ause is reduceacuted to a noun phrase it becomes possible to usefrom as an alternative to than

The unions are taking a very different attitude ~ the employers

When the noun phrase folIowing thanffrom cannot be derived by ellipsis from a c1ause than is decidedly less acceptable thanfrom

The main languages of southern India are totaIly different In origin

~~~ those ofthe northern partofthe country

Note [al On differenlrom and different 10 1669 Note [dI [bj It is aloo possible for a Ihan-c1ause to be used after he adverb difilrently

In the west of the country they pronounce their vowels quite aifferently han (they do) in the easl

The same prescriptive objections are made to differenlly Ihan as to different Ihan

[E5] Adjective complementation by a to-infinitive clause [675 We distinguish seven kinds of construction in which an adjective is foIlowed

by a to-infinitive c1ause They are exemplified in the following sentences which are superficially alike

Bob is splendid to wait (ii) Bob is slow to react

(iii) Bob is sorry to hear it (iv) Bob is hesitant to agree with yOU (v) Bob is hard to convince

(vi) The food is ready to eat (vii) lt is important to be accurate

In Types (i-iv) the subject of the main clause (Bob) is also the subject of the infinitive c1ause We can therefore always have a direct object in the infinitive clause if its verb is transitive Por example if we replace intransitive wait by transitive build in (i) we can have Bob is splendid to build this house

Por Types (v-vii) on the other hand the subject of the infinitive is unspecified although the contextoften makes clear which subject is intended

In these types it is possible to insert a subject preceded by for eg in Type (vi) The food is ready (jOr Ihe children) to eat

Infinitive complementation following adjectives modified by lOO and enQugh is discussed eIse Note where in 1S73

(ES(i)) Bob is Iplendid to wait Type (i) has an analogue in a construction involving extraposition (cf1833)1676 1t is splendid of Bob lo wait This type OC construction also permits a head noun between the adjective and the infinitive

Bob must be a spiendid craftsman ~ ~~bUilt this house

As this example shows the infinitive may be perfective We may also compare constructions in which an evaluative noun with its determiner

replaces the adjective

ffoolishYourelafool to spend so mucho

WOnderfUl Youre 1 to walt for me anange

Adjectives in this group are evaluative of human beha~iour They inelude

careful crazy mad silly wise careless greedy nice unwise wrong

These adjectives can also occur with anticipatory il and an of-phrase as additional complementation (cf1682)

It was foolish of you to spend so mucho

IE5(Hraquo) Bob is IOW to react In Type (ii) the sentence corresponds to one in which the adjective becomes 1677 an adverbwhile the infinitive becomes the finite verb

Bob is slow to react - Bob reacts slowlyc

In another analogue the adjective is followed by in and an -ing participle Bob is slow in reacting The infinitive verb phrase must be simple for example unlike the inftnitive phrase in [E5(i)] it cannot be perfective Bob is slow ItJ have reacted Other adjectives in this small group are quick and prompt

There is also a partial adverbial analogue (e8127ff) for Type (i) but in Type (i) unlike Type Note (ii) the perfective infinitive andeven the get-passive (e366) can be used

loan was wise to resigno ~ loan wisely resigned loan was careless to get beaten - loan carelessly got beaten

loan is careless to have got beaten

IES(iuumlraquo) Bob is 10rry lo hear it In Type (iexcliexcli) the head of the adjective phrase is an emotive adjective 1678 (commonly a participial adjective) and the infinitive clause expresses

causation

1679

1228 Complementation of verbs end adjectives

Im sorry to have kept you waiting [rm sorry because I have kept you waiting]

1 was exeited to be there [- To be there exeited me]

Adjectives in this group correspond c10sely to the adjectives followed by a that-clause in 1671 (Type [E2a(iii)D

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

afraid angry ashamed content furious glad

happy impatient indignant jubilant thankful

annoyed astonished bored coneerned delighted depressed

disgusted dissatisfied embarrassed fasemated frightened interested

overwhelmed perturbed puzzled relieved surprised worried

disappointed overjoyed

IE5(ivraquo) Boh is heaitant to agree withyou In Type (iv) the head of the adjective phrase expresses volitional meaning or a modal meaning such as ability possibility or liability Examples are

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

able keen determined anxious Iiable disposed apt Iikely [E2b] fated[E2b] eertain [E2b] loath inclined curious powerless poiseddue prone prepared eager ready [E5] (all) set eligible reluetant unqualified fit [ES] sure [E2b] free [ES] unable greedy weleome hesitant willing impotent worthy

The adjectives marked [E2b] occur with a corresponding construction with extraposition of a that-clause

JilI is likely to attend - It is likely that JiU will attend

Those marked [E5] are capable of occurring with an infinitive construction of passive meaning ie with an indefinite implied subject and a coreferential implied object

Theyare not fit to eat = They are not tit to be eaten

Some ofthe most common adjectives in this list have a tendency to coalesce with the preceding copula 10 form a semimiddotauxiliary verb (ef3A7) be able to be willing to be sure to In addition to modal and volitional adjectives some adjectives ofaspectual meaning such as aeeustomed and wont may be placed here

Adjective complementation 1229

We are aecustomedto take teaon the terrace (formal) He was wont to leave the office at 5 pm (formal archaic)

(ES(vraquo) Bob is lard to convince 1680 In Type (v) the subject of the sentence is identified with the unexpressed

object of the infinitive clause which must therefore have a transitive verb hence the unacceptable Bob Is hard to arrive There is an analogous construction in which the adjective is complement to an infinitive c1ause acting as (extraposed) subject (ef 1836)

- To convince Bob is hard Bob IS hard to convmce It is hard to convince Bob

Adjeeacutetives so used refer 10 degrees of ease or comfort and iexclnclude

awkward hard tough (informal) eonvenient impossible trieky (informal) difficult niee (informal) unpleasant easy pleasant

Unless there is ellipsis we cannot omit the infinitive c1ause and so there is no semantic implication between (say) The bread was hard to bake and The bread was hard Unlike the preceding types Type (v) permitsfor + subject to be inserted at the beginning of the infinitive clause Those darts are trieky (for a beginner) to use Where the infinitive has no overt subject its implicit subject is understood to have an indefinite meanihg

Jack is easy 10 fool =Jack is easy for anyone to foo

Note With some adjectives in this group such as nice or unpleasant the entailment relation between be + adjective ro V and be + adjective is less easy lO avoid eg Jenny is nice lo know iacutemplies that Jenny is nice

IE5(viraquo) Thefood is ready to eat 1681 Again in this type the subject of the main clause is identified with the object

of the intinitive c1ause But unlike Type (v) Typemiddot(vi) has no analogous construction with an infinitive clause subject

The food is ready to eat To eat the food is ready

Also we can generally (a) omit the infinitive clause or (b) substitute a passive infinitive clause without change ofmeaning

Are these cups available (to use) = Are these cups available (to be used)

Some adjectives of this type such as availablefitfree ready and suffieient belong additionally 10 Type (iv) so that a sentence like The lamb ia ready to eat is ambiguous in one sense (the most accessible) being equivalent to the passive The lamb is ready to be eaten Then there is a wider set of adjectives which often occur without complementation at all

The air isfrosty (to breathe) Its fur is soft (to touch)

1230 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

In both Type (v) and Type (vi) the subjectofthe main clause can be equated with the prepositional object of the infinitive clause so that the infinitive c1ause ends with a deferred preposition

She is pleasant to talk to (-It is pleasant to talk to her) This paper is terribly flimsy to write on Is the cloth sufficient to make a dress out ol

In Type (vi) as well as in Type (v)for + subjeet may be inserted before the infinitive verb Are these books free (for visitors) to borrow Are these books available to borrow]

(E5(vii)J Jt is important to he accurate 1682 We saw in 1672 that a that-clause following an adjeetive may prove to be a

subjeet postponed by extraposition (ef1833) A to-infinitive clause following an adjeetive may have the same oouree

It is essential to spray the trees every year - To spray the trees every year is essential

The infinitive clause can also be introduced by for + subjeet

It is vital (for the ehildren) to be properly cIad It will be strange (for us) to be living alone

Adjectives ofTypes (ji) and (iii) in 1672 ([E2b]) may have this construction importantJortunate lueky surprising etc Possible also belongs te this group

An addiacutetional group of adjeetives oeeurring after anticipatory it are those adjeetives (ehiefly naming evaluative attributes of persons) whieh occur in pattern [E5(i)] (ef 1676) The adjeetive in this group is often followed byan of-phrase identifying the persones) being discussed

It was wrong (of him) to teIllies iexcli

It is niee ofyou to phone

[E6] Adjective complementation by an -ing participle cfause [683 A number of sub-types ofthis pattem may be mentioned

(i) Busy is followed by an -ing participle clause without subject

Margery is busy writiacuteng Ietters

Worth and worthwhile on the other hand oceur both with and without subjeet

It is seareely worth(while) (youyour) going home

Here worth(while) follows preparatory it and the participle clause is an extraposed subjeet (ef1834) Other adjectives ofthis pattern are pointless and useless (Its pointless buying so mueh food) and adjectives of Type [E2b(iiacutei)J (efl6 72) also sometimes have this complementation absurd awkwardJortunate annoying etc

EIsewhere worth and worthwhile accompany an -ing participle elause without subjeet but with a passive meaning comparable to tbat of the infinitive elause in pattern [E5(v)] (ef1680)

Complementation of abstract nouns 1231

The cartons are worth(while) saving ( Its worth(while) saving the cartens)

(iv) There is a variant eonstruction in whieh a preposition oecurs between the adjective and the participle clause In some cases the preposition is optional (cf(i) aboye)

Im busy (with) getting the house redeeorated Werefortunate (in) having Aunt Mary as a baby-sitter

In other cases the preposition is obligatory We are used to not having a car (cf1669 Note [e]) Im hopeless at keeping the garden tidy Shes not capable oflooking after herself

Note [al The adjectival constructions in (ii) above may be compared in some cases with nominal constructionsof equivalent meaning

ts 110 goaduse telling him anything Theres 110 point (in) telling him anything

8uch constructions are introduced either by anticipatory il (el 1833) or by eltistential there (el 184$) AmE also hu Theres no use telling him anythlng (b) Worthwhlle is sometimes spelled as two words The vacillation between the spellings worthwhile and worth while reflects an unclarity about the status of this sequence which may altematively be regarded as the preposition worth (eI96) followed by a noun Compare

lts not worth your whife staying lts not worlhh whh~e (your) staying worl w 1

Complementation of abstract nouns

1684 In this coneluding section we will show as a conneeting link between this chapter and the next how the pattems of complementation described for verbs and adjectives in 1620-83 are aloo to be found with abstraet nouns which are morphologieally related to those verbs and adjectives (ef nominalization 1751ff and appositional constructions 1726 1735) For example the noun likelihood is derived from and semantically related to the adjective likely It is therefore not surprising that a construction associated with the adjeetive Is found with the corresponding noun

It is likely that Joan will get married [1]

The likelihood is that loan will get married [21 the likelihood that Joan will get married [31

But the assumption of eorrespondence eannot be automatie for it may faiacutel in both direetions

loan is likely to get married Joan s likelihood to get married

It is likely of J oans getting married the likelihood of Joans getting married

------__shyiacute1 11

COMPLEX INTRANSITIVE CONSTRUCTIONS p H MATIHEWS

1 Introduction

In sentences such as [1J

ArR C~Iltiacuteltmiddotli N ([1J Th~deitgreen ~

he construct~oEJ~QLordf JJP~ that GCE850ff describes as 9QMfLEX JRANSITIV~ Ofthe elements in questionit and made are related a~Jn tQllt ~imple transitive

j [2J They made it

YihiJe ir and green a~_~latelasinasimple_ltQI1llar_sentence ( [3] lt is green (- lt

~f the type that following Lyons (l977469ff) raquoe will call ASCRIPTIVE raquouacutet greacuteen- also standsJna direcueJordf9lsJIacuteIL ordm~_iii~de the object and adjective exemplifying a single I2atteIILof VERB COMllEMe~nrJ91 This paUCIDl can be sajd torepresenta IJJS10N (G e E 850) ofJ~ltsimpler transitiv iexcll~J~Jjpiexcly_e_tjPes - _shy

IH~~_sfiE~~Ve can be fused with th~~~tY_e_(lri~alsoP~ fused with theintransitixe1 Insentildetentildeces SUChas[4] -

MI It turned green

~construc~~~~~]y idmtifkQyaacuteth th~ of l3J in both examples the

l]

~ ~ ~ ENGLISH GRAMMAR

verb is described as copularor in the terminology of GCE820f as taking intensive complementation But neither description is quite appropriate to1 both cases In the~ptive sentence there i indeed no mor~than~pYhL~

1 2ampffiMical iP~ betwe~ the adjective and its subject~ plainly this ~ ~ is not true of [4] whose verb TURN has its own specific meaning lf turned~ iacute I is a full verb it must then be the govemor of green as made is in (1) in that

iexcl ~ sense there is cornplernentatjon But we express nothing by assigning such a complernentation to the copula A solution is to c1ass I4] as a COMPLBX

IITMNSITIVE iL~onsect_trJltiordmL being an extension of th~simpleJmransiUacutelLe _shy~ i I5] It turned

j precisely as that of (1) is extended from that of [2)iexcl

2 Fused constructions

Let us take our cue from GCEs referenee to fusionlo the simpl~L =nfu~~~_~~~~~~~)t1ecltgtnstVf1ionconsistso(asingJULeAicJ~tQI(lgde) which in a dependency ana~is has both the subject and the object as its dependents or to adapt G CEs term has both a subjeet and an oJkltt asit complementation lnJhaL~se (2) has a _K1U~~~_~ruetion (Lyons i977) w1jch cannotJiexclJLr~s~Cl9JUnQ(lt_e~mentary relationships of ptediCJJQJkSo too has the simple intransitive (5] vi1ihidepeiioenforior forming the complementation of tumed So too has the simple aseriptive [3] its predicator on the analysis ofLyons and others is the adjective green One reason for relatlng the subject to the adjective is that the elements are jointly subject to selectional restrictions A reason for not relating either to the copula is that the latter stands aside (rom these restrictions adding none ofitsown

In a fused construction the pattem ls neither strictly kernel nor straightforwardly non-kemellnJhegmplex transitive [lL1oth1tan41~Y are again direct ~cngents of made these relatio~_elQ~ the words in FigJbx direC1~ltaI~_uacutela~~I~Qordf-ordfl9blleiexcl)Uumlnamp21uacuteward frollLthe

~d

(aJiquest-Fig 1

[42]

P H Matthew$

p~ed~~ So is green arc el this too being supported by selectional restrictions We are therefore dealing with a single clause rooted in made of which each word is a distinct element But green js a1soapredicator in iexclelation to il (are d)J that wav we are dealing with two kernelp~QlS th~ fuurtermclauseinfQmQrating bothtM_~tuet~[IDJr~JlsitiYlljh~ twoshytenn a~-middot -_shy

In Fig 1 we have diagrammed what any grammarian will propose provided that his terminology or his notational apparatus allow him to say it Iut similar reasonjng applies to the construction which we have called the ~IpJex ln~~-ordfEsitive Of the relationships showninf1g --~~t~~~~_

it turned green

aAacutebJ Fig2

to ir (arcc)_isagainasintheascripJjy~ and needs no further cornment But the final element is clearly suJiexcliect to ru19jtional resr=l~ordmI~ tlTlJRI_ im~~tordm-~~it~~rAUQj~9iY_I9U~l~~ed noun (He turned pink He turned kings eVidence) iQ~~~1lined phrase is exCiuacuteded (He turned arog)

tDle~sthe p~e~~i0rl~lJ9rtn is ~~jordmntildei[qiireifitetuumlmed iexclnto a frog) ~itt G-ordm-1h exdusi(m is abgolule one cannot even say He went into a criminal

f [he adjeqtive is also Iimlted to specific collocations For example one can say It turned sour or Ir went sour but it is harder to accept Ir grew sour 1 Conversely one can say He grew od but not He went od On that evidence

j we may establish a relationship of dependency between green and tumedj (arc b) The verb too can then be related to the subject (arc a)

1 Epgth o~2am~ thefe is one terro ir lVhich is a9~de~~~~t1 theascriptile anCITlieletbalk~m~1 (Fig 1 ares b and d Fig 2 ares a and c) The fusion is then effected by a further link (Fig 1 arc e Fig 2 are b) in which ond of the two predicators een is ineo orat~a~_ ordf d~RendenlO(th~ I re atlon that uirk an4hl~ COU~_~ampI~s-1 jn the case of th complex intransitille hall app1ied the Iean intlaquo=nsve

mmplementatio~gly describe he yaleruLQ(IUN or iexcl l otIllBNinthisuseJuh~int~siYeint[ansitivx But the insight intildeaacute I

alsQ be extended to the complex transitiye In that spirit MAKE or MAKE as

used in sentences such as W might appropriatelL be described ~~_~n_ i ~ntensive transitive -J -bull_--------shy

[43)

ENGLISH GRAMMAR

3 Distinctions between tbe complex intransitive and other partly similar constructions

For a three-term construction Fig 2 shows the maximum number of interconnections with each term related to each of the others The miacutenimum isone thus for the ascriptive (3) we have adopted the structure shown i~

L with l~~E2nd te~~Il2= tlliacuten amaroe~ ordmrS1PP9~g~lexn~~ ~eLClatiacute9D~t~~~~t~first an~~~hir~ But this leaves five other possibilities which in theory might be realized ust as the second element_lt~p~ltmark(r ordfs inEig 3bullKlJQQmgordmHhetordm-iriexcl in thatJ~SiquestOillY

iacutet is green

Fig3

1he_verb vQ1lld_be a predicatorrwithonl)l1he_~ygtject related 10 it This structure does not seem to be realized at least not in away whiacuteCh is -relevant to our analysis Asecond_possibil~iuhatJmly the verb a~ ~~~iexcltiY~L iquestnjgl~~_rell~q in that ca~e bot~redicatoS_w-ordmyldIgt~ impersonal-vUh lh~su~ject a me~m~ce-filler This structure might conceivably be suggested for exampIacuteesmiddotSuumlch as [6]

[6] It got mistier

with a so-called ambient it But although it may indeed be ambient with respect to mistier it need not follow that it is ambient with respect to got

In the remaining cases no element is a marker but there are only two instead of three interconnections Ir there wem no link betw-IlJhe subject ~YMh(Ejg 2 are a) the verb1tSelf would agajn be impersmordf-~ I~ transformational terms its surface subject would be derived by raising (Postal 1974) from a subordinate adjectival clause lf th3ewere no intensiye lipk between the first and second predicators (Fg 2 arWJUlt verb would be a simple intransitive taking just t~_S)lbject as its complementation th~on of tbe adjec1iYtLL~ then be uumlMrn-~0n[7] forexample --- -_~

Eacutel He arrived saber J (~ eacute cc L f ~ 2 f

grammars do not establish an intensive or copular use of ARIUVB Finally

[44]

1 P H Marrhew$

if the ascriQive lik wer~~2ken iacuteEiKbJ~~ f)hHordmjlti~~ment woulordm-no longer bJlta predicaQ~ltiexclHQle wQuldin~teadb~ADVJllqt~iexcl as in 8)

(8) He ran fa~t

There is no doubt that the intensive construction is distinct from the adverbial and that sober in [7] is at least more circumstantial than green in It turned green But the subject-verb relation is more problematic in that a raising transformation has been proposed for one at least of the G C E s intensive verbs Let us therefore take that distinction first

31 Ofthe twenty or so most common intensive verbs (GCE821) SEEM and APPEAR particularly lend themselves to transformational analysis On the evidence of sentences such as [9]

(2) It seemed that they wereamp~e~

_U~naIlJral lo establish an underlying ~~ct~~

J~sIhey were green]~ seemed

irlYhIacutetEw~4)srelate(L1ot to they J~Q9green indhiOacute1lally but to the yiole ascri2tive kernelrom the same structure a sentence such as [10)

[10] They seemed to be green

can then be derived by further transformations of subject raising and infinitive formation Froro the structure reaJized by [Io]lIleare n3tllcalli

~m~ed to derive the comple~_~transiti~euacutell

[u) They seemed gre~

by a further transformation deleting the copuiacutea For SEEM the rules deriving [10] and [u] would both be optional But for

other verbs such as TURN or GO We could make them obligatory so It turned green could be the only realization of an underlying sUr was greenls turned the ambient Ir got misrier - [6] aboye - a realization of say s[mistier]s gorand so on If the obligatory rules were then restricted to the copula we would also ensure that any other form of embedded structure (g[he eft]s turned or g[he kissed her]s grew) was filtered out By such means a treatment which is widely accepted for SEEM and for which the evidence is at first compelling could be extended if it were thought appropriate to the entire intensive intransitive class

There are good reasons for not thinking it appropriate In a sentence such as [12]

[12] Harry got drunk

Qn~JsllQIacuteli~ply talking of a_~ate tha~ reslllttI s~o t~a~ ~~rry vs (45)

ENGLISH GRAMMAR

drunk or Harrys drunkenness happened) Nor is Harrya mere theme or tliexclfc (Aacute~-to-KarryQruniexcliquestenneacuteSs-l1ippened to him) tlamp11tbject iexclS1

potentia1lt-at-l~st--alMl~tgh-ge~~amp9run_~ wassoID1hiiL~hatJIal did The--verb mayaccordiacutentilde-gly take a subject adjunct (O CE 466]) thus I delibera tey got drunk or He foo(lshy turned traitor It may also supply the complement of a conative verb (1 did try to get drunk) may appear in the imperative (Dont get drunk ) and so on For sorne collocations this potentiacuteality is doubtless harder to realize (compare He delibera tey turned bue with He delibera tey turned nasty or He tried ro grow oder with He tried ro grow farter) but that is precisely the case for subjects and predicators generally lt is this semantic role that justifies the first link shown in Fig 2

which an impersonal structure as in (b)

(b) s[Harry was drunkls got

would relegate to the surface If (b) is wrong for Harry got drunk a transformationalist should consider

more carefully w hether a similar structure is correct for Harry seemed drunk Let us assume that it is correct for the construction with a that-clause (It seemed that Harry was dhmk) for SEEM and APPEAR a c1ausal complement does form one possibility Let us also accept that SBBM has a constant sense in all its constructions But for other current intensives (G eE 820 f) the evidence is more complexo With SOUNO a that-clause can be forced for example if a dative is inserted (lt sounds ro me that (hey arent coming) There is also an impersonal construction with as if

[131 It sounds as ifthey were green

which might be thought to derive from the same source The construction of [13] is also acceptable witb LOOK (lt ooks as ifthey arent coming) But between it and the complex intransitive we can find clear disparities in meaning In [13] the judgment is based on indirect clues what sounds or appears from audible information is indeed the whole proposition they were green But in the complex intransitive [14]

[141 They sound drunk

it is based on sounds that they are making For that reason it is harder 10 make sense of They sound green Likewise They [ook drunk means that they from their appearance are so But in It loob as ifthey are drunk the speaker does not even imply that he has seen them (Compare Prom what you say it ooks as if rhey are drunk) Ir we wanted a complex source it would be tempting 10 relate [14] not 10 the impersonal [13] with raising but rather to the personal [Is1

[IS] They sound as iexclfthey are drunk

with the second they deleted

[46]

P H Marthews

Personal and impersonal are often hard to separate as Palmer (1972) and before him Bolinger(l96la) have shown Ofthis group ofintensives TASTE

and 5MBLL are the most restricted in meaning and it is with these that the impersonal construction as in [91 and [131 is least acceptable With TASTE

neither seems likely Ir rasres to me that the soup is saty It tastes to me as if they are sweer If the second example can be interpreted it is by virtue of a blending with the personal construction (compare It tasres as ifit ) With SMELL the construction of [131 may be more acceptable (Ir smells ro me as if dinner is ready) but the blending remains With PEEL a non-tactile sense is possible (Ir fees Iikey) but is less established than the broader senses of LOOK or SOUNO (compare Ir ooks likey II sounds likey) It is in this case that my judgment is least secure would one say for example It fees (or Ir fees to me) as if they were green With SOUNO and LOOK the general sense is well established as in [131 or Ir sounds likely but there is still a sensory meaning as in [14] and [Isl which inhibits the pure impersonal with that With SEEM and APPEAR we are at the end of the continuum both having general senses only Hence the construction of[91 alongside the impersonal with as if (Ir seems as if they were green) Hence perhaps the infinitive construction of [101 with SOUNO and the others this too is awkward (They ooked ro have arrived Or Ir tastes ro me to be sweer) But it does not follow that the semantical1y general They seem drunk differs in syntax from the specifically sensory They sound drunk or They smell drunk We can even force an active interpretation of the subject thus They tried lO appear drunk or I deliberarey seemed irrftated

32 As [11] with SEEM Hes on a gradience between personal and impersonal so there are others which raise problems in distinguishing intensive from adverbial and circumstantial constructions For there is no criterion which is both sufficient and necessary

The obvious step is to tesectt for simpler transforms Thus J9r [12] Harl~ qrunk ~e can comp~jiexcleJgtimple a~ve Harry was drul~ TRANSFORM in that firstIy it is a a d secondly the predicator

-ORUNK hasnot a tq~ sense s no intraiiSIuvetrans[oacuterintilde ~stiiis~se of G BI is oot ~ble Nor has 4 r tumeirgeacute-iexcl an intransitive transform It turned since this involves a different sense oC TURN Ir there~~ an ascriptive transform but n9-Wn~itive the JhirdeiacuteeDlen t mult be a complementi so [41 and [12] must be complex intransitive Ir there is neither transform it MA y be complement but the col~of verb and adjective mjgbt rCaSantildea be classed as idiomatic Thus The roses have run wild has no transform The roses ve iiOr-aacuteoes it strictly match The rOSes are wild But WILO is at least an adiecti~ must stand in sorne relationship to the verb therefore R UN WILO is right1y

chmldw-rresultintensive (O eE) ---shy-- -_--g ~ _---_bull ~ shy

[471

ENOLISH ORAMMAR

If there is a simple intransitive but no ascriptive transr2ffil--_~~~ coacutentildeSffiiClioacutentilde-intildeuumlSt]ie iexcljdve(J2iacuteaIYlIacuteustrivialIy He ran iexcliuieacutekly has no ascriptive tiexclansfo~ He was quickly less trivially He travelled light does not match He was ight But what if we find both rlJgJQQordf~tillha$ordflJ ascriEtive _~ran~f~rrlJ~eYI1Jer~_~~ ~sectmL1aY-J~_a~~plement circumstantjallik~iilelltjnThey-sJoQdsilent ordfytlb~~j~llsothe simpler intran~1ti~ fbilystQPf so still ~ight be anadver~ like sileniTyintilde-fiieystood silenty Since there is no distinct form srilly the latter is hard to rule out For It shone white we can compare the formally adjectivallt shone brighr again there are both transforms (Ir shone Ir was white) But It shone brighr is c10se in meaning to the formaUy adverbial Ir shone brighry could white be an adverb in default of or as the commoner altemative to whirely Blending may aIso be found in idioms For example it is fruitless to ask if doggo is an adjective or an adverb in He is Iying doggo

For the circumstantial case both transforms are necessary thus [7] He arriuacuteiid sober has the triexcliexclntildeiiiacuteormsmiddotiexcliexcluacuteli-iexcliexclved andHe wasectSoacutebe Wewoacuteuumllifiliso ixpeeacutetthilUumlheveromiddotantildedmiddotildjectTe-shouId befreeOi collocationaI restrictions so He arrived sober He left sober He Jeft satisjied He arrived satisfied and so on But it is very hard to say when such a requirement iacutes meto One does not say for example They stood noisy or They sroodpeacefuJ on that evidence They stood sient might be classed as complex intransitive But neither is one likely to say They arrived noisy or They arrived kind Is that too a matter of collocational restrictions so that [7] is also intensive Or is it merely that NOISY and KIND are ill suIacuteted 10 this construction7 At this point jt is tempting to distinguish degrees of circumstantiality The extreme case would be represented by such sentences as [16]

[16] They stood there exhausted

(Iikewise They have arrived quite sober) where the adjective and verb are marked as separate Beside [16] the construction in [7] is less clearly circumstantial in They stood sient or They stoodfidgering it is perhaps even r less so But this last might stilJ be seen as less intensive than for example

iexcl They stood amazed Likewise They feJl exhausted is less clearly intensi ve than 1 They fell sick since it involves no special sense of FALL

~

f lrOacutel p1lI1riHmD ~ amires f0tr eompiex trlmSitive fu Tlieyfbuntlliim~

guilry there is a special sense OfPIND as ofMAKE in They mode it green In TIwy rrun Juacutem JOber tbat IacuteoS DO spcciiexcll SCDSII of)lEET~ by tbat cS ~ is more eircumsumlial BUl onc la unlikely lO say for eumple They me hlm meditative

4 Finally there is an obvious gradience between the coxnP-1ex intransitive ~nct the simple ascriptj~ With TURN 01 GROW there are~-selecUumlonal restrictions as we have seen With SBJlli or SIhV tney are far fewer

[48J

P H Matthews

neverthelesson~canI1Q~~yfordmr_~ordfmplelfil_sectil1Ied chairmqf1-ltcompareH~ stayelt chairman Qr1fsectJjiquest_riquest~cordfirmordfl1) or It srays obvious that (compare It seemsobvious that or It remainsobvious that ) With REMAIN it is hard to find any but at least the intransitive exists He remained) and their senses can be related Wth BECOMB that evidence too is lacking He became drunk can be distinguish-ed(rontildei1lieasgiptiYlt1g lu7ntl1k onlyJ~iiui~s from jts resultative meaning -_-

This merging has ied grammarians to treat the constructions together But we can do this only by assimi)ating BE to the mode) of verb complementation (as in GCE) not by assimilating TURN and so on to the model of a copula likethecpmplexrordfnsectitiy~nl_e compleimrap~W~i~ ayoor ca~~idatefltY-l~LIl~Jlt~IQ~-ordf_~~rnelltructllr~middot

M

~_

Page 28: in - UGR · (III). 11-70 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1171 Note [a] The ... In addition, we shall use where necessary the suffixes 'ph' (for

Yiexcl

1222 Complementation of verbs and adjectives ~ Adjective complementation 1223

Note lal In general choice of preposilion remains the same after morphologicalIy related verbs adjectives and nouns differentftom differ from differencefrom But Ihis eorrespondence is not always lo be relied on contrastfull ofwilhfilied wllh proudofwith pride in lb] Other prepositions whieh less comrnonly enlee into adjective + prepositlon idioms iexclnelude for and lowards graleful for sorry for inclined towards le] Usedfollowed by the preposition lO a more informal synonym ofaccustomed(to) is participial in spelling but has the speeial pronuneiation nus~ Unlike accustomed however used does not oceur with a following infinitive (ef 1679) This adjeetival used to in spite of identity of spelling and pronunciation is quite distinet from used lO as a marginal modal (cf344) Contrast

Im used lO hard work I used ro work hard Id] In the past prescriptive objeetions have been made to the use of to ralher Ihan from after averse and different Howevee ro is the normal preposition to fol1lt11 averse and differenr 10 is quite widely used (esp in BrE) as an altemative lo differentfrom On iJifferent rhan cf1566 Note 1674

le] Wilh can be omitted after (fn)compalibie if the subject is plural cfmutual participation 1360

middotCarl is incompatible OUT Cad and Eva are incompatible

[E2] Adjective complementation by a that-clause 670 Like that-clauses following a verb that-clauses folIowiacuteng an adjective may

have

(A) indicative verb 1am sure (that) he is here now (B) subjunctiacuteve verb They were insistent (that) we be ready (formal) (C) putativeshould Im sorry (that) he should hove left ltformal)

The uses of the mandative subjunctive and of putative should have been discussed in 359 and 1425 respectiacutevely Putative should often occurs after expressions of emotion (sorrowjoy displeasure surprise wonder etc) and is often accompanied by intensifying expressions such as so such like thisl that ever or at all The indicative that-clause on the other hand refers to an established fact The foHowing pairs illustrate choices of construction

1 (that) 1 have to leave so early am sorry (that) you should have been (so) inconvenienced

(that) you didnt call the doctor before 1 am surprised (that) anyone ofyour intelligence should swallow a tie

likethat

With some adjectives (those in category [E2b(iiacute)] 1672) the should-clause can be paraphrased by an infinitive clause with a subject

It was natural for him to go to London after the war = It was natural that he should go to London after the war

That-clauses cannot be preceded by preposiacutetions Hence adjectives which are constructed with prepositions before noun phrases ([El]) drop the preposition before a that-clause (cfI628) Compare the folIowing

OfhiS innocence [E1 ] 1am convlnced (th ) h t [E2]at e IS mnocen

Many that-clauses folIowing an adjective are actualIy subjects postponed by extraposition (cf1833)

lt is lucky (that) you came - That you came is lucky

These are listed separately in 1672

lEla) Adjectives with experiencer (cflO23 Note) as subject 1671 (i) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATIVE VERB ONL Y (cfNote [a] below)

These adjectives express degrees of certainty or confidence aware certain corifident sure

We were corifident that Karen was stiacutell alive

(ii) THAT-CLAUSE HAS PUTATIVE SHOULD OR SUBJUNCTIVE VERB

(or marginally aloo an indicative verb) The three principal adjectives in this class are anxious eager and willing

he should be permitted to resiacutegn 1 Are you willing that he be permitted to resign 1

1he is permitted to resign 1 ~

(On the distribution of these three altematives cfI630)

(iH) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATIVE VERB OR PUTATIVE SHOULD

These adjectives express emotions

Im so thankful that nobody was hurto Were you surprised that Ray should win the prize

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

afraid hopeful alarmed depressed horrified angry proud amazed disappointed irritated glad sad amused distressed pleased grateful sorry annoyed disturbed shocked happy tha7lkful astonished frightened upset

There is a tendency to prefer the putative should construction in nonassertive contexts or where the adjective has negative or unfavourshyable associations

TO AH capital gains are subject to taxation NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

answerable close liableacute accustomedl

averse l due1 simz1ar allied1I WiTH This plan is not compatible with our princiacuteples

NONPARTICIPIAL I PARTICIPIAL

angry busy

happy impatient

annoyed bored

ClJmfortable incompatible1 concerned compatibleacute sick delighted content familiar friendly furious

uneasy depressed disappointed disgusted dismayed distressed

inclined1

opposed1

drunk enchanted obsessed occupied overcome pleased satisfied taken1

1672

1224 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Adjective complementatlon 1225

Note [a] The restriction oC Type (i) above lo indicative verbs only is meant to allow Cor the use of T

Note [a] Although tlle pro-forms so and n01 cannot be used after tllese [E2bI adjectives (ef 1671modal auxiliaries including should in a nonputative sense eg I am a~are that I should [= ought 1lo] havejoined longago iexcl Note [bJ) there iexclsa possibilityofreplacing the adjective + solnat by a related adverb + sonot

[b) Afraid is unique among adjectives in that it accepts the pro~oun so (and iexclts negative equivalent Mt) as a that-clause substitute (cfI631) rm afraid SOMI

IElbJ Adjectives with anticipatory it as subject

The that-elause in this eonstruetion is an extraposed subjeet Three types are again distinguished matehing those in 167l

(i) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATlVE VERBONLY (cfI671 Note CaD These adjectives have to do with truthor knowledge

It is true that she never cemes on time

apparent evident likely possible untrue certain implicit obvious true well-known clear indubitable plain unlikely

(ji) THAT-CLAUSE HAS PUTATIVIl SHOULD OR SUBJUNCTIVE VERB (or marginshyaIly also an indicative verb) These adjectives express eoncepts concerned with modality or volition

should be lifted tomorrow It is essential that the ban be lifted tomorrow

(1) is lifted tomorrow

appropriate essentiacuteal important necessary vital compulsory fitting impossible obligatoryshycrucial imperative improper proper

Various deverbal adjectives ending in -able also belong to this group egadvisable desrabIe preferable

(iii) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATlVE VERB OR PUTATIVE SHOULD

This group consists mainly of emotive adjectives and ineludes a large num ber ofparticipial ad jecti ves ending in -ing

Itmiddot strange th t She is so late IS upsetting a she should be so late

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTlCIPIAL

awkward logical alarming perplexing curious odd annoying pleasing disastrous peculiar depressing shocking dreadful sad disappointing surprising extraordinary silly embarrassing fortunate tragie frightening iexclrrational unfortunate irritating

Various -able-ible adjectives also be10ng tp this group admirable eommendable deplorable despieable incomprehensible inconceivable lamentable remarkable understandable unjustifiable etc

ha h l Id l h B Yes obviouslyfortunately soA 1 t IS apparentt t s e IVes oesn t Ive ere B N J I I di t o event y sa y no [b] When an adjective ofType (iii) above occurs after a modal verb construction the that-clause is commonly replaced by an if-clause If the modal verb in the main c1ause is hypothetical (eg would) the verb in the ifmiddotdause is placed in tlle hypothetical pasto Compare

It is sad that you have to leave It will be sad ifyou hove to lea ve

It would be sad ifyou had lo lea ve

[E3] Adjective complementation by a wh-clause 1673 As with that-clauses we have to distinguish those adjeetives ([E3a]) which

are predicated of an experieneer (normalIy a person) as subject and those ([E3bD which go with antieipatory it In the latter case the wh-clause is an extraposed subject Examples are

(onwhat 1should sayo [1]E3a 1was unsure[ 1 (about) whether the problem was solved [2]

[E3b] It was unclear what they would do [3]

Type [E3a1 consists of adjectives which are constructed with prepositions and whieh therefore belong also to Type [EI1 The preposition is sometimes omitted before the wh-clause (ef155 Note reD In Type [E3b] on the other hand no preposition can be inserted bull It was uneear ofabout what lhey would do AIso no infinitive wh-cIause is possible (ef i637) It is unsure where to go is unacceptable unless it refers to sorne aniacutemate being (sueh as a mouse) and is consequently not interpreted in terms of extraposition

Retuming to Type [E3a] we note that in sorne cases the adjective takes a wh-elause in assertive eontexts eg eareful (about) doubtful (as to) fussy (about) puzzled (as to) uneear (about) uncertain (o) undecided (about) unsure (0) unaware (o)

John is careul (about) what he does with his money

Most of these adjeetives are intrinsiealIy negative In meaning In other cases although elsewhere it is associated with an indicative that-clause [E2a(i)] the adjective tends to oceur with a wh-cIause in nonassertive contexts (efI635) eg aware certain eear sure

Are you sure (o) how mueh the maehine costs 1wasnt altogether cleaiexcl- (about) what we had to do

A similar division may be made among adjectives of the antieipatory-it type ([E3b]) Those whieh intrinsieally express doubt and therefore take this strueture even in assertive contexts include doubtful uneertain uneear unsure and unknown Those normally oceurring with an indieative that-elause (le Type [E2b(i)]) inelude apparent eertain obvious and plain They can take a wh-cIause in nonassertive contexts Each type is illustrated in

It was uneear whether an amendment would be accepted It was not obvious how far the westernization process would IO

~ltgt ~~~1~ 1 -~ Adjective complementation 1227

1226 Complementation of verbs and adjectives iexcl

After adjectives of Type [E3a] there may also occur an infinitive wh-clause 1 was uncertain (oi) what to do This is preferable to the finite c1ause in cases illustrated by [1-3] aboye since the subject can remain unexpressed in the reduced nonfinite version

[E4] Adjective complementation by a than-clause 1674 There is an unusual construction in which a noncomparative adjective is

foIlowed by a comparative than-clause as complementation Different is the only adjective which fits into this pattero and even then there is a tradition which regards the use of than here as impropero There is however no felicitous alternative to the different than construction in examples such as

Shes quite a different girl than she wasfilie years ago [11 The various styliacutestic variants of and alteroatives to the than-clause after different are examined in 1566 Note lb] When the c1ause is reduceacuted to a noun phrase it becomes possible to usefrom as an alternative to than

The unions are taking a very different attitude ~ the employers

When the noun phrase folIowing thanffrom cannot be derived by ellipsis from a c1ause than is decidedly less acceptable thanfrom

The main languages of southern India are totaIly different In origin

~~~ those ofthe northern partofthe country

Note [al On differenlrom and different 10 1669 Note [dI [bj It is aloo possible for a Ihan-c1ause to be used after he adverb difilrently

In the west of the country they pronounce their vowels quite aifferently han (they do) in the easl

The same prescriptive objections are made to differenlly Ihan as to different Ihan

[E5] Adjective complementation by a to-infinitive clause [675 We distinguish seven kinds of construction in which an adjective is foIlowed

by a to-infinitive c1ause They are exemplified in the following sentences which are superficially alike

Bob is splendid to wait (ii) Bob is slow to react

(iii) Bob is sorry to hear it (iv) Bob is hesitant to agree with yOU (v) Bob is hard to convince

(vi) The food is ready to eat (vii) lt is important to be accurate

In Types (i-iv) the subject of the main clause (Bob) is also the subject of the infinitive c1ause We can therefore always have a direct object in the infinitive clause if its verb is transitive Por example if we replace intransitive wait by transitive build in (i) we can have Bob is splendid to build this house

Por Types (v-vii) on the other hand the subject of the infinitive is unspecified although the contextoften makes clear which subject is intended

In these types it is possible to insert a subject preceded by for eg in Type (vi) The food is ready (jOr Ihe children) to eat

Infinitive complementation following adjectives modified by lOO and enQugh is discussed eIse Note where in 1S73

(ES(i)) Bob is Iplendid to wait Type (i) has an analogue in a construction involving extraposition (cf1833)1676 1t is splendid of Bob lo wait This type OC construction also permits a head noun between the adjective and the infinitive

Bob must be a spiendid craftsman ~ ~~bUilt this house

As this example shows the infinitive may be perfective We may also compare constructions in which an evaluative noun with its determiner

replaces the adjective

ffoolishYourelafool to spend so mucho

WOnderfUl Youre 1 to walt for me anange

Adjectives in this group are evaluative of human beha~iour They inelude

careful crazy mad silly wise careless greedy nice unwise wrong

These adjectives can also occur with anticipatory il and an of-phrase as additional complementation (cf1682)

It was foolish of you to spend so mucho

IE5(Hraquo) Bob is IOW to react In Type (ii) the sentence corresponds to one in which the adjective becomes 1677 an adverbwhile the infinitive becomes the finite verb

Bob is slow to react - Bob reacts slowlyc

In another analogue the adjective is followed by in and an -ing participle Bob is slow in reacting The infinitive verb phrase must be simple for example unlike the inftnitive phrase in [E5(i)] it cannot be perfective Bob is slow ItJ have reacted Other adjectives in this small group are quick and prompt

There is also a partial adverbial analogue (e8127ff) for Type (i) but in Type (i) unlike Type Note (ii) the perfective infinitive andeven the get-passive (e366) can be used

loan was wise to resigno ~ loan wisely resigned loan was careless to get beaten - loan carelessly got beaten

loan is careless to have got beaten

IES(iuumlraquo) Bob is 10rry lo hear it In Type (iexcliexcli) the head of the adjective phrase is an emotive adjective 1678 (commonly a participial adjective) and the infinitive clause expresses

causation

1679

1228 Complementation of verbs end adjectives

Im sorry to have kept you waiting [rm sorry because I have kept you waiting]

1 was exeited to be there [- To be there exeited me]

Adjectives in this group correspond c10sely to the adjectives followed by a that-clause in 1671 (Type [E2a(iii)D

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

afraid angry ashamed content furious glad

happy impatient indignant jubilant thankful

annoyed astonished bored coneerned delighted depressed

disgusted dissatisfied embarrassed fasemated frightened interested

overwhelmed perturbed puzzled relieved surprised worried

disappointed overjoyed

IE5(ivraquo) Boh is heaitant to agree withyou In Type (iv) the head of the adjective phrase expresses volitional meaning or a modal meaning such as ability possibility or liability Examples are

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

able keen determined anxious Iiable disposed apt Iikely [E2b] fated[E2b] eertain [E2b] loath inclined curious powerless poiseddue prone prepared eager ready [E5] (all) set eligible reluetant unqualified fit [ES] sure [E2b] free [ES] unable greedy weleome hesitant willing impotent worthy

The adjectives marked [E2b] occur with a corresponding construction with extraposition of a that-clause

JilI is likely to attend - It is likely that JiU will attend

Those marked [E5] are capable of occurring with an infinitive construction of passive meaning ie with an indefinite implied subject and a coreferential implied object

Theyare not fit to eat = They are not tit to be eaten

Some ofthe most common adjectives in this list have a tendency to coalesce with the preceding copula 10 form a semimiddotauxiliary verb (ef3A7) be able to be willing to be sure to In addition to modal and volitional adjectives some adjectives ofaspectual meaning such as aeeustomed and wont may be placed here

Adjective complementation 1229

We are aecustomedto take teaon the terrace (formal) He was wont to leave the office at 5 pm (formal archaic)

(ES(vraquo) Bob is lard to convince 1680 In Type (v) the subject of the sentence is identified with the unexpressed

object of the infinitive clause which must therefore have a transitive verb hence the unacceptable Bob Is hard to arrive There is an analogous construction in which the adjective is complement to an infinitive c1ause acting as (extraposed) subject (ef 1836)

- To convince Bob is hard Bob IS hard to convmce It is hard to convince Bob

Adjeeacutetives so used refer 10 degrees of ease or comfort and iexclnclude

awkward hard tough (informal) eonvenient impossible trieky (informal) difficult niee (informal) unpleasant easy pleasant

Unless there is ellipsis we cannot omit the infinitive c1ause and so there is no semantic implication between (say) The bread was hard to bake and The bread was hard Unlike the preceding types Type (v) permitsfor + subject to be inserted at the beginning of the infinitive clause Those darts are trieky (for a beginner) to use Where the infinitive has no overt subject its implicit subject is understood to have an indefinite meanihg

Jack is easy 10 fool =Jack is easy for anyone to foo

Note With some adjectives in this group such as nice or unpleasant the entailment relation between be + adjective ro V and be + adjective is less easy lO avoid eg Jenny is nice lo know iacutemplies that Jenny is nice

IE5(viraquo) Thefood is ready to eat 1681 Again in this type the subject of the main clause is identified with the object

of the intinitive c1ause But unlike Type (v) Typemiddot(vi) has no analogous construction with an infinitive clause subject

The food is ready to eat To eat the food is ready

Also we can generally (a) omit the infinitive clause or (b) substitute a passive infinitive clause without change ofmeaning

Are these cups available (to use) = Are these cups available (to be used)

Some adjectives of this type such as availablefitfree ready and suffieient belong additionally 10 Type (iv) so that a sentence like The lamb ia ready to eat is ambiguous in one sense (the most accessible) being equivalent to the passive The lamb is ready to be eaten Then there is a wider set of adjectives which often occur without complementation at all

The air isfrosty (to breathe) Its fur is soft (to touch)

1230 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

In both Type (v) and Type (vi) the subjectofthe main clause can be equated with the prepositional object of the infinitive clause so that the infinitive c1ause ends with a deferred preposition

She is pleasant to talk to (-It is pleasant to talk to her) This paper is terribly flimsy to write on Is the cloth sufficient to make a dress out ol

In Type (vi) as well as in Type (v)for + subjeet may be inserted before the infinitive verb Are these books free (for visitors) to borrow Are these books available to borrow]

(E5(vii)J Jt is important to he accurate 1682 We saw in 1672 that a that-clause following an adjeetive may prove to be a

subjeet postponed by extraposition (ef1833) A to-infinitive clause following an adjeetive may have the same oouree

It is essential to spray the trees every year - To spray the trees every year is essential

The infinitive clause can also be introduced by for + subjeet

It is vital (for the ehildren) to be properly cIad It will be strange (for us) to be living alone

Adjectives ofTypes (ji) and (iii) in 1672 ([E2b]) may have this construction importantJortunate lueky surprising etc Possible also belongs te this group

An addiacutetional group of adjeetives oeeurring after anticipatory it are those adjeetives (ehiefly naming evaluative attributes of persons) whieh occur in pattern [E5(i)] (ef 1676) The adjeetive in this group is often followed byan of-phrase identifying the persones) being discussed

It was wrong (of him) to teIllies iexcli

It is niee ofyou to phone

[E6] Adjective complementation by an -ing participle cfause [683 A number of sub-types ofthis pattem may be mentioned

(i) Busy is followed by an -ing participle clause without subject

Margery is busy writiacuteng Ietters

Worth and worthwhile on the other hand oceur both with and without subjeet

It is seareely worth(while) (youyour) going home

Here worth(while) follows preparatory it and the participle clause is an extraposed subjeet (ef1834) Other adjectives ofthis pattern are pointless and useless (Its pointless buying so mueh food) and adjectives of Type [E2b(iiacutei)J (efl6 72) also sometimes have this complementation absurd awkwardJortunate annoying etc

EIsewhere worth and worthwhile accompany an -ing participle elause without subjeet but with a passive meaning comparable to tbat of the infinitive elause in pattern [E5(v)] (ef1680)

Complementation of abstract nouns 1231

The cartons are worth(while) saving ( Its worth(while) saving the cartens)

(iv) There is a variant eonstruction in whieh a preposition oecurs between the adjective and the participle clause In some cases the preposition is optional (cf(i) aboye)

Im busy (with) getting the house redeeorated Werefortunate (in) having Aunt Mary as a baby-sitter

In other cases the preposition is obligatory We are used to not having a car (cf1669 Note [e]) Im hopeless at keeping the garden tidy Shes not capable oflooking after herself

Note [al The adjectival constructions in (ii) above may be compared in some cases with nominal constructionsof equivalent meaning

ts 110 goaduse telling him anything Theres 110 point (in) telling him anything

8uch constructions are introduced either by anticipatory il (el 1833) or by eltistential there (el 184$) AmE also hu Theres no use telling him anythlng (b) Worthwhlle is sometimes spelled as two words The vacillation between the spellings worthwhile and worth while reflects an unclarity about the status of this sequence which may altematively be regarded as the preposition worth (eI96) followed by a noun Compare

lts not worth your whife staying lts not worlhh whh~e (your) staying worl w 1

Complementation of abstract nouns

1684 In this coneluding section we will show as a conneeting link between this chapter and the next how the pattems of complementation described for verbs and adjectives in 1620-83 are aloo to be found with abstraet nouns which are morphologieally related to those verbs and adjectives (ef nominalization 1751ff and appositional constructions 1726 1735) For example the noun likelihood is derived from and semantically related to the adjective likely It is therefore not surprising that a construction associated with the adjeetive Is found with the corresponding noun

It is likely that Joan will get married [1]

The likelihood is that loan will get married [21 the likelihood that Joan will get married [31

But the assumption of eorrespondence eannot be automatie for it may faiacutel in both direetions

loan is likely to get married Joan s likelihood to get married

It is likely of J oans getting married the likelihood of Joans getting married

------__shyiacute1 11

COMPLEX INTRANSITIVE CONSTRUCTIONS p H MATIHEWS

1 Introduction

In sentences such as [1J

ArR C~Iltiacuteltmiddotli N ([1J Th~deitgreen ~

he construct~oEJ~QLordf JJP~ that GCE850ff describes as 9QMfLEX JRANSITIV~ Ofthe elements in questionit and made are related a~Jn tQllt ~imple transitive

j [2J They made it

YihiJe ir and green a~_~latelasinasimple_ltQI1llar_sentence ( [3] lt is green (- lt

~f the type that following Lyons (l977469ff) raquoe will call ASCRIPTIVE raquouacutet greacuteen- also standsJna direcueJordf9lsJIacuteIL ordm~_iii~de the object and adjective exemplifying a single I2atteIILof VERB COMllEMe~nrJ91 This paUCIDl can be sajd torepresenta IJJS10N (G e E 850) ofJ~ltsimpler transitiv iexcll~J~Jjpiexcly_e_tjPes - _shy

IH~~_sfiE~~Ve can be fused with th~~~tY_e_(lri~alsoP~ fused with theintransitixe1 Insentildetentildeces SUChas[4] -

MI It turned green

~construc~~~~~]y idmtifkQyaacuteth th~ of l3J in both examples the

l]

~ ~ ~ ENGLISH GRAMMAR

verb is described as copularor in the terminology of GCE820f as taking intensive complementation But neither description is quite appropriate to1 both cases In the~ptive sentence there i indeed no mor~than~pYhL~

1 2ampffiMical iP~ betwe~ the adjective and its subject~ plainly this ~ ~ is not true of [4] whose verb TURN has its own specific meaning lf turned~ iacute I is a full verb it must then be the govemor of green as made is in (1) in that

iexcl ~ sense there is cornplernentatjon But we express nothing by assigning such a complernentation to the copula A solution is to c1ass I4] as a COMPLBX

IITMNSITIVE iL~onsect_trJltiordmL being an extension of th~simpleJmransiUacutelLe _shy~ i I5] It turned

j precisely as that of (1) is extended from that of [2)iexcl

2 Fused constructions

Let us take our cue from GCEs referenee to fusionlo the simpl~L =nfu~~~_~~~~~~~)t1ecltgtnstVf1ionconsistso(asingJULeAicJ~tQI(lgde) which in a dependency ana~is has both the subject and the object as its dependents or to adapt G CEs term has both a subjeet and an oJkltt asit complementation lnJhaL~se (2) has a _K1U~~~_~ruetion (Lyons i977) w1jch cannotJiexclJLr~s~Cl9JUnQ(lt_e~mentary relationships of ptediCJJQJkSo too has the simple intransitive (5] vi1ihidepeiioenforior forming the complementation of tumed So too has the simple aseriptive [3] its predicator on the analysis ofLyons and others is the adjective green One reason for relatlng the subject to the adjective is that the elements are jointly subject to selectional restrictions A reason for not relating either to the copula is that the latter stands aside (rom these restrictions adding none ofitsown

In a fused construction the pattem ls neither strictly kernel nor straightforwardly non-kemellnJhegmplex transitive [lL1oth1tan41~Y are again direct ~cngents of made these relatio~_elQ~ the words in FigJbx direC1~ltaI~_uacutela~~I~Qordf-ordfl9blleiexcl)Uumlnamp21uacuteward frollLthe

~d

(aJiquest-Fig 1

[42]

P H Matthew$

p~ed~~ So is green arc el this too being supported by selectional restrictions We are therefore dealing with a single clause rooted in made of which each word is a distinct element But green js a1soapredicator in iexclelation to il (are d)J that wav we are dealing with two kernelp~QlS th~ fuurtermclauseinfQmQrating bothtM_~tuet~[IDJr~JlsitiYlljh~ twoshytenn a~-middot -_shy

In Fig 1 we have diagrammed what any grammarian will propose provided that his terminology or his notational apparatus allow him to say it Iut similar reasonjng applies to the construction which we have called the ~IpJex ln~~-ordfEsitive Of the relationships showninf1g --~~t~~~~_

it turned green

aAacutebJ Fig2

to ir (arcc)_isagainasintheascripJjy~ and needs no further cornment But the final element is clearly suJiexcliect to ru19jtional resr=l~ordmI~ tlTlJRI_ im~~tordm-~~it~~rAUQj~9iY_I9U~l~~ed noun (He turned pink He turned kings eVidence) iQ~~~1lined phrase is exCiuacuteded (He turned arog)

tDle~sthe p~e~~i0rl~lJ9rtn is ~~jordmntildei[qiireifitetuumlmed iexclnto a frog) ~itt G-ordm-1h exdusi(m is abgolule one cannot even say He went into a criminal

f [he adjeqtive is also Iimlted to specific collocations For example one can say It turned sour or Ir went sour but it is harder to accept Ir grew sour 1 Conversely one can say He grew od but not He went od On that evidence

j we may establish a relationship of dependency between green and tumedj (arc b) The verb too can then be related to the subject (arc a)

1 Epgth o~2am~ thefe is one terro ir lVhich is a9~de~~~~t1 theascriptile anCITlieletbalk~m~1 (Fig 1 ares b and d Fig 2 ares a and c) The fusion is then effected by a further link (Fig 1 arc e Fig 2 are b) in which ond of the two predicators een is ineo orat~a~_ ordf d~RendenlO(th~ I re atlon that uirk an4hl~ COU~_~ampI~s-1 jn the case of th complex intransitille hall app1ied the Iean intlaquo=nsve

mmplementatio~gly describe he yaleruLQ(IUN or iexcl l otIllBNinthisuseJuh~int~siYeint[ansitivx But the insight intildeaacute I

alsQ be extended to the complex transitiye In that spirit MAKE or MAKE as

used in sentences such as W might appropriatelL be described ~~_~n_ i ~ntensive transitive -J -bull_--------shy

[43)

ENGLISH GRAMMAR

3 Distinctions between tbe complex intransitive and other partly similar constructions

For a three-term construction Fig 2 shows the maximum number of interconnections with each term related to each of the others The miacutenimum isone thus for the ascriptive (3) we have adopted the structure shown i~

L with l~~E2nd te~~Il2= tlliacuten amaroe~ ordmrS1PP9~g~lexn~~ ~eLClatiacute9D~t~~~~t~first an~~~hir~ But this leaves five other possibilities which in theory might be realized ust as the second element_lt~p~ltmark(r ordfs inEig 3bullKlJQQmgordmHhetordm-iriexcl in thatJ~SiquestOillY

iacutet is green

Fig3

1he_verb vQ1lld_be a predicatorrwithonl)l1he_~ygtject related 10 it This structure does not seem to be realized at least not in away whiacuteCh is -relevant to our analysis Asecond_possibil~iuhatJmly the verb a~ ~~~iexcltiY~L iquestnjgl~~_rell~q in that ca~e bot~redicatoS_w-ordmyldIgt~ impersonal-vUh lh~su~ject a me~m~ce-filler This structure might conceivably be suggested for exampIacuteesmiddotSuumlch as [6]

[6] It got mistier

with a so-called ambient it But although it may indeed be ambient with respect to mistier it need not follow that it is ambient with respect to got

In the remaining cases no element is a marker but there are only two instead of three interconnections Ir there wem no link betw-IlJhe subject ~YMh(Ejg 2 are a) the verb1tSelf would agajn be impersmordf-~ I~ transformational terms its surface subject would be derived by raising (Postal 1974) from a subordinate adjectival clause lf th3ewere no intensiye lipk between the first and second predicators (Fg 2 arWJUlt verb would be a simple intransitive taking just t~_S)lbject as its complementation th~on of tbe adjec1iYtLL~ then be uumlMrn-~0n[7] forexample --- -_~

Eacutel He arrived saber J (~ eacute cc L f ~ 2 f

grammars do not establish an intensive or copular use of ARIUVB Finally

[44]

1 P H Marrhew$

if the ascriQive lik wer~~2ken iacuteEiKbJ~~ f)hHordmjlti~~ment woulordm-no longer bJlta predicaQ~ltiexclHQle wQuldin~teadb~ADVJllqt~iexcl as in 8)

(8) He ran fa~t

There is no doubt that the intensive construction is distinct from the adverbial and that sober in [7] is at least more circumstantial than green in It turned green But the subject-verb relation is more problematic in that a raising transformation has been proposed for one at least of the G C E s intensive verbs Let us therefore take that distinction first

31 Ofthe twenty or so most common intensive verbs (GCE821) SEEM and APPEAR particularly lend themselves to transformational analysis On the evidence of sentences such as [9]

(2) It seemed that they wereamp~e~

_U~naIlJral lo establish an underlying ~~ct~~

J~sIhey were green]~ seemed

irlYhIacutetEw~4)srelate(L1ot to they J~Q9green indhiOacute1lally but to the yiole ascri2tive kernelrom the same structure a sentence such as [10)

[10] They seemed to be green

can then be derived by further transformations of subject raising and infinitive formation Froro the structure reaJized by [Io]lIleare n3tllcalli

~m~ed to derive the comple~_~transiti~euacutell

[u) They seemed gre~

by a further transformation deleting the copuiacutea For SEEM the rules deriving [10] and [u] would both be optional But for

other verbs such as TURN or GO We could make them obligatory so It turned green could be the only realization of an underlying sUr was greenls turned the ambient Ir got misrier - [6] aboye - a realization of say s[mistier]s gorand so on If the obligatory rules were then restricted to the copula we would also ensure that any other form of embedded structure (g[he eft]s turned or g[he kissed her]s grew) was filtered out By such means a treatment which is widely accepted for SEEM and for which the evidence is at first compelling could be extended if it were thought appropriate to the entire intensive intransitive class

There are good reasons for not thinking it appropriate In a sentence such as [12]

[12] Harry got drunk

Qn~JsllQIacuteli~ply talking of a_~ate tha~ reslllttI s~o t~a~ ~~rry vs (45)

ENGLISH GRAMMAR

drunk or Harrys drunkenness happened) Nor is Harrya mere theme or tliexclfc (Aacute~-to-KarryQruniexcliquestenneacuteSs-l1ippened to him) tlamp11tbject iexclS1

potentia1lt-at-l~st--alMl~tgh-ge~~amp9run_~ wassoID1hiiL~hatJIal did The--verb mayaccordiacutentilde-gly take a subject adjunct (O CE 466]) thus I delibera tey got drunk or He foo(lshy turned traitor It may also supply the complement of a conative verb (1 did try to get drunk) may appear in the imperative (Dont get drunk ) and so on For sorne collocations this potentiacuteality is doubtless harder to realize (compare He delibera tey turned bue with He delibera tey turned nasty or He tried ro grow oder with He tried ro grow farter) but that is precisely the case for subjects and predicators generally lt is this semantic role that justifies the first link shown in Fig 2

which an impersonal structure as in (b)

(b) s[Harry was drunkls got

would relegate to the surface If (b) is wrong for Harry got drunk a transformationalist should consider

more carefully w hether a similar structure is correct for Harry seemed drunk Let us assume that it is correct for the construction with a that-clause (It seemed that Harry was dhmk) for SEEM and APPEAR a c1ausal complement does form one possibility Let us also accept that SBBM has a constant sense in all its constructions But for other current intensives (G eE 820 f) the evidence is more complexo With SOUNO a that-clause can be forced for example if a dative is inserted (lt sounds ro me that (hey arent coming) There is also an impersonal construction with as if

[131 It sounds as ifthey were green

which might be thought to derive from the same source The construction of [13] is also acceptable witb LOOK (lt ooks as ifthey arent coming) But between it and the complex intransitive we can find clear disparities in meaning In [13] the judgment is based on indirect clues what sounds or appears from audible information is indeed the whole proposition they were green But in the complex intransitive [14]

[141 They sound drunk

it is based on sounds that they are making For that reason it is harder 10 make sense of They sound green Likewise They [ook drunk means that they from their appearance are so But in It loob as ifthey are drunk the speaker does not even imply that he has seen them (Compare Prom what you say it ooks as if rhey are drunk) Ir we wanted a complex source it would be tempting 10 relate [14] not 10 the impersonal [13] with raising but rather to the personal [Is1

[IS] They sound as iexclfthey are drunk

with the second they deleted

[46]

P H Marthews

Personal and impersonal are often hard to separate as Palmer (1972) and before him Bolinger(l96la) have shown Ofthis group ofintensives TASTE

and 5MBLL are the most restricted in meaning and it is with these that the impersonal construction as in [91 and [131 is least acceptable With TASTE

neither seems likely Ir rasres to me that the soup is saty It tastes to me as if they are sweer If the second example can be interpreted it is by virtue of a blending with the personal construction (compare It tasres as ifit ) With SMELL the construction of [131 may be more acceptable (Ir smells ro me as if dinner is ready) but the blending remains With PEEL a non-tactile sense is possible (Ir fees Iikey) but is less established than the broader senses of LOOK or SOUNO (compare Ir ooks likey II sounds likey) It is in this case that my judgment is least secure would one say for example It fees (or Ir fees to me) as if they were green With SOUNO and LOOK the general sense is well established as in [131 or Ir sounds likely but there is still a sensory meaning as in [14] and [Isl which inhibits the pure impersonal with that With SEEM and APPEAR we are at the end of the continuum both having general senses only Hence the construction of[91 alongside the impersonal with as if (Ir seems as if they were green) Hence perhaps the infinitive construction of [101 with SOUNO and the others this too is awkward (They ooked ro have arrived Or Ir tastes ro me to be sweer) But it does not follow that the semantical1y general They seem drunk differs in syntax from the specifically sensory They sound drunk or They smell drunk We can even force an active interpretation of the subject thus They tried lO appear drunk or I deliberarey seemed irrftated

32 As [11] with SEEM Hes on a gradience between personal and impersonal so there are others which raise problems in distinguishing intensive from adverbial and circumstantial constructions For there is no criterion which is both sufficient and necessary

The obvious step is to tesectt for simpler transforms Thus J9r [12] Harl~ qrunk ~e can comp~jiexcleJgtimple a~ve Harry was drul~ TRANSFORM in that firstIy it is a a d secondly the predicator

-ORUNK hasnot a tq~ sense s no intraiiSIuvetrans[oacuterintilde ~stiiis~se of G BI is oot ~ble Nor has 4 r tumeirgeacute-iexcl an intransitive transform It turned since this involves a different sense oC TURN Ir there~~ an ascriptive transform but n9-Wn~itive the JhirdeiacuteeDlen t mult be a complementi so [41 and [12] must be complex intransitive Ir there is neither transform it MA y be complement but the col~of verb and adjective mjgbt rCaSantildea be classed as idiomatic Thus The roses have run wild has no transform The roses ve iiOr-aacuteoes it strictly match The rOSes are wild But WILO is at least an adiecti~ must stand in sorne relationship to the verb therefore R UN WILO is right1y

chmldw-rresultintensive (O eE) ---shy-- -_--g ~ _---_bull ~ shy

[471

ENOLISH ORAMMAR

If there is a simple intransitive but no ascriptive transr2ffil--_~~~ coacutentildeSffiiClioacutentilde-intildeuumlSt]ie iexcljdve(J2iacuteaIYlIacuteustrivialIy He ran iexcliuieacutekly has no ascriptive tiexclansfo~ He was quickly less trivially He travelled light does not match He was ight But what if we find both rlJgJQQordf~tillha$ordflJ ascriEtive _~ran~f~rrlJ~eYI1Jer~_~~ ~sectmL1aY-J~_a~~plement circumstantjallik~iilelltjnThey-sJoQdsilent ordfytlb~~j~llsothe simpler intran~1ti~ fbilystQPf so still ~ight be anadver~ like sileniTyintilde-fiieystood silenty Since there is no distinct form srilly the latter is hard to rule out For It shone white we can compare the formally adjectivallt shone brighr again there are both transforms (Ir shone Ir was white) But It shone brighr is c10se in meaning to the formaUy adverbial Ir shone brighry could white be an adverb in default of or as the commoner altemative to whirely Blending may aIso be found in idioms For example it is fruitless to ask if doggo is an adjective or an adverb in He is Iying doggo

For the circumstantial case both transforms are necessary thus [7] He arriuacuteiid sober has the triexcliexclntildeiiiacuteormsmiddotiexcliexcluacuteli-iexcliexclved andHe wasectSoacutebe Wewoacuteuumllifiliso ixpeeacutetthilUumlheveromiddotantildedmiddotildjectTe-shouId befreeOi collocationaI restrictions so He arrived sober He left sober He Jeft satisjied He arrived satisfied and so on But it is very hard to say when such a requirement iacutes meto One does not say for example They stood noisy or They sroodpeacefuJ on that evidence They stood sient might be classed as complex intransitive But neither is one likely to say They arrived noisy or They arrived kind Is that too a matter of collocational restrictions so that [7] is also intensive Or is it merely that NOISY and KIND are ill suIacuteted 10 this construction7 At this point jt is tempting to distinguish degrees of circumstantiality The extreme case would be represented by such sentences as [16]

[16] They stood there exhausted

(Iikewise They have arrived quite sober) where the adjective and verb are marked as separate Beside [16] the construction in [7] is less clearly circumstantial in They stood sient or They stoodfidgering it is perhaps even r less so But this last might stilJ be seen as less intensive than for example

iexcl They stood amazed Likewise They feJl exhausted is less clearly intensi ve than 1 They fell sick since it involves no special sense of FALL

~

f lrOacutel p1lI1riHmD ~ amires f0tr eompiex trlmSitive fu Tlieyfbuntlliim~

guilry there is a special sense OfPIND as ofMAKE in They mode it green In TIwy rrun Juacutem JOber tbat IacuteoS DO spcciiexcll SCDSII of)lEET~ by tbat cS ~ is more eircumsumlial BUl onc la unlikely lO say for eumple They me hlm meditative

4 Finally there is an obvious gradience between the coxnP-1ex intransitive ~nct the simple ascriptj~ With TURN 01 GROW there are~-selecUumlonal restrictions as we have seen With SBJlli or SIhV tney are far fewer

[48J

P H Matthews

neverthelesson~canI1Q~~yfordmr_~ordfmplelfil_sectil1Ied chairmqf1-ltcompareH~ stayelt chairman Qr1fsectJjiquest_riquest~cordfirmordfl1) or It srays obvious that (compare It seemsobvious that or It remainsobvious that ) With REMAIN it is hard to find any but at least the intransitive exists He remained) and their senses can be related Wth BECOMB that evidence too is lacking He became drunk can be distinguish-ed(rontildei1lieasgiptiYlt1g lu7ntl1k onlyJ~iiui~s from jts resultative meaning -_-

This merging has ied grammarians to treat the constructions together But we can do this only by assimi)ating BE to the mode) of verb complementation (as in GCE) not by assimilating TURN and so on to the model of a copula likethecpmplexrordfnsectitiy~nl_e compleimrap~W~i~ ayoor ca~~idatefltY-l~LIl~Jlt~IQ~-ordf_~~rnelltructllr~middot

M

~_

Page 29: in - UGR · (III). 11-70 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1171 Note [a] The ... In addition, we shall use where necessary the suffixes 'ph' (for

1672

1224 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Adjective complementatlon 1225

Note [a] The restriction oC Type (i) above lo indicative verbs only is meant to allow Cor the use of T

Note [a] Although tlle pro-forms so and n01 cannot be used after tllese [E2bI adjectives (ef 1671modal auxiliaries including should in a nonputative sense eg I am a~are that I should [= ought 1lo] havejoined longago iexcl Note [bJ) there iexclsa possibilityofreplacing the adjective + solnat by a related adverb + sonot

[b) Afraid is unique among adjectives in that it accepts the pro~oun so (and iexclts negative equivalent Mt) as a that-clause substitute (cfI631) rm afraid SOMI

IElbJ Adjectives with anticipatory it as subject

The that-elause in this eonstruetion is an extraposed subjeet Three types are again distinguished matehing those in 167l

(i) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATlVE VERBONLY (cfI671 Note CaD These adjectives have to do with truthor knowledge

It is true that she never cemes on time

apparent evident likely possible untrue certain implicit obvious true well-known clear indubitable plain unlikely

(ji) THAT-CLAUSE HAS PUTATIVIl SHOULD OR SUBJUNCTIVE VERB (or marginshyaIly also an indicative verb) These adjectives express eoncepts concerned with modality or volition

should be lifted tomorrow It is essential that the ban be lifted tomorrow

(1) is lifted tomorrow

appropriate essentiacuteal important necessary vital compulsory fitting impossible obligatoryshycrucial imperative improper proper

Various deverbal adjectives ending in -able also belong to this group egadvisable desrabIe preferable

(iii) THAT-CLAUSE HAS INDICATlVE VERB OR PUTATIVE SHOULD

This group consists mainly of emotive adjectives and ineludes a large num ber ofparticipial ad jecti ves ending in -ing

Itmiddot strange th t She is so late IS upsetting a she should be so late

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTlCIPIAL

awkward logical alarming perplexing curious odd annoying pleasing disastrous peculiar depressing shocking dreadful sad disappointing surprising extraordinary silly embarrassing fortunate tragie frightening iexclrrational unfortunate irritating

Various -able-ible adjectives also be10ng tp this group admirable eommendable deplorable despieable incomprehensible inconceivable lamentable remarkable understandable unjustifiable etc

ha h l Id l h B Yes obviouslyfortunately soA 1 t IS apparentt t s e IVes oesn t Ive ere B N J I I di t o event y sa y no [b] When an adjective ofType (iii) above occurs after a modal verb construction the that-clause is commonly replaced by an if-clause If the modal verb in the main c1ause is hypothetical (eg would) the verb in the ifmiddotdause is placed in tlle hypothetical pasto Compare

It is sad that you have to leave It will be sad ifyou hove to lea ve

It would be sad ifyou had lo lea ve

[E3] Adjective complementation by a wh-clause 1673 As with that-clauses we have to distinguish those adjeetives ([E3a]) which

are predicated of an experieneer (normalIy a person) as subject and those ([E3bD which go with antieipatory it In the latter case the wh-clause is an extraposed subject Examples are

(onwhat 1should sayo [1]E3a 1was unsure[ 1 (about) whether the problem was solved [2]

[E3b] It was unclear what they would do [3]

Type [E3a1 consists of adjectives which are constructed with prepositions and whieh therefore belong also to Type [EI1 The preposition is sometimes omitted before the wh-clause (ef155 Note reD In Type [E3b] on the other hand no preposition can be inserted bull It was uneear ofabout what lhey would do AIso no infinitive wh-cIause is possible (ef i637) It is unsure where to go is unacceptable unless it refers to sorne aniacutemate being (sueh as a mouse) and is consequently not interpreted in terms of extraposition

Retuming to Type [E3a] we note that in sorne cases the adjective takes a wh-elause in assertive eontexts eg eareful (about) doubtful (as to) fussy (about) puzzled (as to) uneear (about) uncertain (o) undecided (about) unsure (0) unaware (o)

John is careul (about) what he does with his money

Most of these adjeetives are intrinsiealIy negative In meaning In other cases although elsewhere it is associated with an indicative that-clause [E2a(i)] the adjective tends to oceur with a wh-cIause in nonassertive contexts (efI635) eg aware certain eear sure

Are you sure (o) how mueh the maehine costs 1wasnt altogether cleaiexcl- (about) what we had to do

A similar division may be made among adjectives of the antieipatory-it type ([E3b]) Those whieh intrinsieally express doubt and therefore take this strueture even in assertive contexts include doubtful uneertain uneear unsure and unknown Those normally oceurring with an indieative that-elause (le Type [E2b(i)]) inelude apparent eertain obvious and plain They can take a wh-cIause in nonassertive contexts Each type is illustrated in

It was uneear whether an amendment would be accepted It was not obvious how far the westernization process would IO

~ltgt ~~~1~ 1 -~ Adjective complementation 1227

1226 Complementation of verbs and adjectives iexcl

After adjectives of Type [E3a] there may also occur an infinitive wh-clause 1 was uncertain (oi) what to do This is preferable to the finite c1ause in cases illustrated by [1-3] aboye since the subject can remain unexpressed in the reduced nonfinite version

[E4] Adjective complementation by a than-clause 1674 There is an unusual construction in which a noncomparative adjective is

foIlowed by a comparative than-clause as complementation Different is the only adjective which fits into this pattero and even then there is a tradition which regards the use of than here as impropero There is however no felicitous alternative to the different than construction in examples such as

Shes quite a different girl than she wasfilie years ago [11 The various styliacutestic variants of and alteroatives to the than-clause after different are examined in 1566 Note lb] When the c1ause is reduceacuted to a noun phrase it becomes possible to usefrom as an alternative to than

The unions are taking a very different attitude ~ the employers

When the noun phrase folIowing thanffrom cannot be derived by ellipsis from a c1ause than is decidedly less acceptable thanfrom

The main languages of southern India are totaIly different In origin

~~~ those ofthe northern partofthe country

Note [al On differenlrom and different 10 1669 Note [dI [bj It is aloo possible for a Ihan-c1ause to be used after he adverb difilrently

In the west of the country they pronounce their vowels quite aifferently han (they do) in the easl

The same prescriptive objections are made to differenlly Ihan as to different Ihan

[E5] Adjective complementation by a to-infinitive clause [675 We distinguish seven kinds of construction in which an adjective is foIlowed

by a to-infinitive c1ause They are exemplified in the following sentences which are superficially alike

Bob is splendid to wait (ii) Bob is slow to react

(iii) Bob is sorry to hear it (iv) Bob is hesitant to agree with yOU (v) Bob is hard to convince

(vi) The food is ready to eat (vii) lt is important to be accurate

In Types (i-iv) the subject of the main clause (Bob) is also the subject of the infinitive c1ause We can therefore always have a direct object in the infinitive clause if its verb is transitive Por example if we replace intransitive wait by transitive build in (i) we can have Bob is splendid to build this house

Por Types (v-vii) on the other hand the subject of the infinitive is unspecified although the contextoften makes clear which subject is intended

In these types it is possible to insert a subject preceded by for eg in Type (vi) The food is ready (jOr Ihe children) to eat

Infinitive complementation following adjectives modified by lOO and enQugh is discussed eIse Note where in 1S73

(ES(i)) Bob is Iplendid to wait Type (i) has an analogue in a construction involving extraposition (cf1833)1676 1t is splendid of Bob lo wait This type OC construction also permits a head noun between the adjective and the infinitive

Bob must be a spiendid craftsman ~ ~~bUilt this house

As this example shows the infinitive may be perfective We may also compare constructions in which an evaluative noun with its determiner

replaces the adjective

ffoolishYourelafool to spend so mucho

WOnderfUl Youre 1 to walt for me anange

Adjectives in this group are evaluative of human beha~iour They inelude

careful crazy mad silly wise careless greedy nice unwise wrong

These adjectives can also occur with anticipatory il and an of-phrase as additional complementation (cf1682)

It was foolish of you to spend so mucho

IE5(Hraquo) Bob is IOW to react In Type (ii) the sentence corresponds to one in which the adjective becomes 1677 an adverbwhile the infinitive becomes the finite verb

Bob is slow to react - Bob reacts slowlyc

In another analogue the adjective is followed by in and an -ing participle Bob is slow in reacting The infinitive verb phrase must be simple for example unlike the inftnitive phrase in [E5(i)] it cannot be perfective Bob is slow ItJ have reacted Other adjectives in this small group are quick and prompt

There is also a partial adverbial analogue (e8127ff) for Type (i) but in Type (i) unlike Type Note (ii) the perfective infinitive andeven the get-passive (e366) can be used

loan was wise to resigno ~ loan wisely resigned loan was careless to get beaten - loan carelessly got beaten

loan is careless to have got beaten

IES(iuumlraquo) Bob is 10rry lo hear it In Type (iexcliexcli) the head of the adjective phrase is an emotive adjective 1678 (commonly a participial adjective) and the infinitive clause expresses

causation

1679

1228 Complementation of verbs end adjectives

Im sorry to have kept you waiting [rm sorry because I have kept you waiting]

1 was exeited to be there [- To be there exeited me]

Adjectives in this group correspond c10sely to the adjectives followed by a that-clause in 1671 (Type [E2a(iii)D

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

afraid angry ashamed content furious glad

happy impatient indignant jubilant thankful

annoyed astonished bored coneerned delighted depressed

disgusted dissatisfied embarrassed fasemated frightened interested

overwhelmed perturbed puzzled relieved surprised worried

disappointed overjoyed

IE5(ivraquo) Boh is heaitant to agree withyou In Type (iv) the head of the adjective phrase expresses volitional meaning or a modal meaning such as ability possibility or liability Examples are

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

able keen determined anxious Iiable disposed apt Iikely [E2b] fated[E2b] eertain [E2b] loath inclined curious powerless poiseddue prone prepared eager ready [E5] (all) set eligible reluetant unqualified fit [ES] sure [E2b] free [ES] unable greedy weleome hesitant willing impotent worthy

The adjectives marked [E2b] occur with a corresponding construction with extraposition of a that-clause

JilI is likely to attend - It is likely that JiU will attend

Those marked [E5] are capable of occurring with an infinitive construction of passive meaning ie with an indefinite implied subject and a coreferential implied object

Theyare not fit to eat = They are not tit to be eaten

Some ofthe most common adjectives in this list have a tendency to coalesce with the preceding copula 10 form a semimiddotauxiliary verb (ef3A7) be able to be willing to be sure to In addition to modal and volitional adjectives some adjectives ofaspectual meaning such as aeeustomed and wont may be placed here

Adjective complementation 1229

We are aecustomedto take teaon the terrace (formal) He was wont to leave the office at 5 pm (formal archaic)

(ES(vraquo) Bob is lard to convince 1680 In Type (v) the subject of the sentence is identified with the unexpressed

object of the infinitive clause which must therefore have a transitive verb hence the unacceptable Bob Is hard to arrive There is an analogous construction in which the adjective is complement to an infinitive c1ause acting as (extraposed) subject (ef 1836)

- To convince Bob is hard Bob IS hard to convmce It is hard to convince Bob

Adjeeacutetives so used refer 10 degrees of ease or comfort and iexclnclude

awkward hard tough (informal) eonvenient impossible trieky (informal) difficult niee (informal) unpleasant easy pleasant

Unless there is ellipsis we cannot omit the infinitive c1ause and so there is no semantic implication between (say) The bread was hard to bake and The bread was hard Unlike the preceding types Type (v) permitsfor + subject to be inserted at the beginning of the infinitive clause Those darts are trieky (for a beginner) to use Where the infinitive has no overt subject its implicit subject is understood to have an indefinite meanihg

Jack is easy 10 fool =Jack is easy for anyone to foo

Note With some adjectives in this group such as nice or unpleasant the entailment relation between be + adjective ro V and be + adjective is less easy lO avoid eg Jenny is nice lo know iacutemplies that Jenny is nice

IE5(viraquo) Thefood is ready to eat 1681 Again in this type the subject of the main clause is identified with the object

of the intinitive c1ause But unlike Type (v) Typemiddot(vi) has no analogous construction with an infinitive clause subject

The food is ready to eat To eat the food is ready

Also we can generally (a) omit the infinitive clause or (b) substitute a passive infinitive clause without change ofmeaning

Are these cups available (to use) = Are these cups available (to be used)

Some adjectives of this type such as availablefitfree ready and suffieient belong additionally 10 Type (iv) so that a sentence like The lamb ia ready to eat is ambiguous in one sense (the most accessible) being equivalent to the passive The lamb is ready to be eaten Then there is a wider set of adjectives which often occur without complementation at all

The air isfrosty (to breathe) Its fur is soft (to touch)

1230 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

In both Type (v) and Type (vi) the subjectofthe main clause can be equated with the prepositional object of the infinitive clause so that the infinitive c1ause ends with a deferred preposition

She is pleasant to talk to (-It is pleasant to talk to her) This paper is terribly flimsy to write on Is the cloth sufficient to make a dress out ol

In Type (vi) as well as in Type (v)for + subjeet may be inserted before the infinitive verb Are these books free (for visitors) to borrow Are these books available to borrow]

(E5(vii)J Jt is important to he accurate 1682 We saw in 1672 that a that-clause following an adjeetive may prove to be a

subjeet postponed by extraposition (ef1833) A to-infinitive clause following an adjeetive may have the same oouree

It is essential to spray the trees every year - To spray the trees every year is essential

The infinitive clause can also be introduced by for + subjeet

It is vital (for the ehildren) to be properly cIad It will be strange (for us) to be living alone

Adjectives ofTypes (ji) and (iii) in 1672 ([E2b]) may have this construction importantJortunate lueky surprising etc Possible also belongs te this group

An addiacutetional group of adjeetives oeeurring after anticipatory it are those adjeetives (ehiefly naming evaluative attributes of persons) whieh occur in pattern [E5(i)] (ef 1676) The adjeetive in this group is often followed byan of-phrase identifying the persones) being discussed

It was wrong (of him) to teIllies iexcli

It is niee ofyou to phone

[E6] Adjective complementation by an -ing participle cfause [683 A number of sub-types ofthis pattem may be mentioned

(i) Busy is followed by an -ing participle clause without subject

Margery is busy writiacuteng Ietters

Worth and worthwhile on the other hand oceur both with and without subjeet

It is seareely worth(while) (youyour) going home

Here worth(while) follows preparatory it and the participle clause is an extraposed subjeet (ef1834) Other adjectives ofthis pattern are pointless and useless (Its pointless buying so mueh food) and adjectives of Type [E2b(iiacutei)J (efl6 72) also sometimes have this complementation absurd awkwardJortunate annoying etc

EIsewhere worth and worthwhile accompany an -ing participle elause without subjeet but with a passive meaning comparable to tbat of the infinitive elause in pattern [E5(v)] (ef1680)

Complementation of abstract nouns 1231

The cartons are worth(while) saving ( Its worth(while) saving the cartens)

(iv) There is a variant eonstruction in whieh a preposition oecurs between the adjective and the participle clause In some cases the preposition is optional (cf(i) aboye)

Im busy (with) getting the house redeeorated Werefortunate (in) having Aunt Mary as a baby-sitter

In other cases the preposition is obligatory We are used to not having a car (cf1669 Note [e]) Im hopeless at keeping the garden tidy Shes not capable oflooking after herself

Note [al The adjectival constructions in (ii) above may be compared in some cases with nominal constructionsof equivalent meaning

ts 110 goaduse telling him anything Theres 110 point (in) telling him anything

8uch constructions are introduced either by anticipatory il (el 1833) or by eltistential there (el 184$) AmE also hu Theres no use telling him anythlng (b) Worthwhlle is sometimes spelled as two words The vacillation between the spellings worthwhile and worth while reflects an unclarity about the status of this sequence which may altematively be regarded as the preposition worth (eI96) followed by a noun Compare

lts not worth your whife staying lts not worlhh whh~e (your) staying worl w 1

Complementation of abstract nouns

1684 In this coneluding section we will show as a conneeting link between this chapter and the next how the pattems of complementation described for verbs and adjectives in 1620-83 are aloo to be found with abstraet nouns which are morphologieally related to those verbs and adjectives (ef nominalization 1751ff and appositional constructions 1726 1735) For example the noun likelihood is derived from and semantically related to the adjective likely It is therefore not surprising that a construction associated with the adjeetive Is found with the corresponding noun

It is likely that Joan will get married [1]

The likelihood is that loan will get married [21 the likelihood that Joan will get married [31

But the assumption of eorrespondence eannot be automatie for it may faiacutel in both direetions

loan is likely to get married Joan s likelihood to get married

It is likely of J oans getting married the likelihood of Joans getting married

------__shyiacute1 11

COMPLEX INTRANSITIVE CONSTRUCTIONS p H MATIHEWS

1 Introduction

In sentences such as [1J

ArR C~Iltiacuteltmiddotli N ([1J Th~deitgreen ~

he construct~oEJ~QLordf JJP~ that GCE850ff describes as 9QMfLEX JRANSITIV~ Ofthe elements in questionit and made are related a~Jn tQllt ~imple transitive

j [2J They made it

YihiJe ir and green a~_~latelasinasimple_ltQI1llar_sentence ( [3] lt is green (- lt

~f the type that following Lyons (l977469ff) raquoe will call ASCRIPTIVE raquouacutet greacuteen- also standsJna direcueJordf9lsJIacuteIL ordm~_iii~de the object and adjective exemplifying a single I2atteIILof VERB COMllEMe~nrJ91 This paUCIDl can be sajd torepresenta IJJS10N (G e E 850) ofJ~ltsimpler transitiv iexcll~J~Jjpiexcly_e_tjPes - _shy

IH~~_sfiE~~Ve can be fused with th~~~tY_e_(lri~alsoP~ fused with theintransitixe1 Insentildetentildeces SUChas[4] -

MI It turned green

~construc~~~~~]y idmtifkQyaacuteth th~ of l3J in both examples the

l]

~ ~ ~ ENGLISH GRAMMAR

verb is described as copularor in the terminology of GCE820f as taking intensive complementation But neither description is quite appropriate to1 both cases In the~ptive sentence there i indeed no mor~than~pYhL~

1 2ampffiMical iP~ betwe~ the adjective and its subject~ plainly this ~ ~ is not true of [4] whose verb TURN has its own specific meaning lf turned~ iacute I is a full verb it must then be the govemor of green as made is in (1) in that

iexcl ~ sense there is cornplernentatjon But we express nothing by assigning such a complernentation to the copula A solution is to c1ass I4] as a COMPLBX

IITMNSITIVE iL~onsect_trJltiordmL being an extension of th~simpleJmransiUacutelLe _shy~ i I5] It turned

j precisely as that of (1) is extended from that of [2)iexcl

2 Fused constructions

Let us take our cue from GCEs referenee to fusionlo the simpl~L =nfu~~~_~~~~~~~)t1ecltgtnstVf1ionconsistso(asingJULeAicJ~tQI(lgde) which in a dependency ana~is has both the subject and the object as its dependents or to adapt G CEs term has both a subjeet and an oJkltt asit complementation lnJhaL~se (2) has a _K1U~~~_~ruetion (Lyons i977) w1jch cannotJiexclJLr~s~Cl9JUnQ(lt_e~mentary relationships of ptediCJJQJkSo too has the simple intransitive (5] vi1ihidepeiioenforior forming the complementation of tumed So too has the simple aseriptive [3] its predicator on the analysis ofLyons and others is the adjective green One reason for relatlng the subject to the adjective is that the elements are jointly subject to selectional restrictions A reason for not relating either to the copula is that the latter stands aside (rom these restrictions adding none ofitsown

In a fused construction the pattem ls neither strictly kernel nor straightforwardly non-kemellnJhegmplex transitive [lL1oth1tan41~Y are again direct ~cngents of made these relatio~_elQ~ the words in FigJbx direC1~ltaI~_uacutela~~I~Qordf-ordfl9blleiexcl)Uumlnamp21uacuteward frollLthe

~d

(aJiquest-Fig 1

[42]

P H Matthew$

p~ed~~ So is green arc el this too being supported by selectional restrictions We are therefore dealing with a single clause rooted in made of which each word is a distinct element But green js a1soapredicator in iexclelation to il (are d)J that wav we are dealing with two kernelp~QlS th~ fuurtermclauseinfQmQrating bothtM_~tuet~[IDJr~JlsitiYlljh~ twoshytenn a~-middot -_shy

In Fig 1 we have diagrammed what any grammarian will propose provided that his terminology or his notational apparatus allow him to say it Iut similar reasonjng applies to the construction which we have called the ~IpJex ln~~-ordfEsitive Of the relationships showninf1g --~~t~~~~_

it turned green

aAacutebJ Fig2

to ir (arcc)_isagainasintheascripJjy~ and needs no further cornment But the final element is clearly suJiexcliect to ru19jtional resr=l~ordmI~ tlTlJRI_ im~~tordm-~~it~~rAUQj~9iY_I9U~l~~ed noun (He turned pink He turned kings eVidence) iQ~~~1lined phrase is exCiuacuteded (He turned arog)

tDle~sthe p~e~~i0rl~lJ9rtn is ~~jordmntildei[qiireifitetuumlmed iexclnto a frog) ~itt G-ordm-1h exdusi(m is abgolule one cannot even say He went into a criminal

f [he adjeqtive is also Iimlted to specific collocations For example one can say It turned sour or Ir went sour but it is harder to accept Ir grew sour 1 Conversely one can say He grew od but not He went od On that evidence

j we may establish a relationship of dependency between green and tumedj (arc b) The verb too can then be related to the subject (arc a)

1 Epgth o~2am~ thefe is one terro ir lVhich is a9~de~~~~t1 theascriptile anCITlieletbalk~m~1 (Fig 1 ares b and d Fig 2 ares a and c) The fusion is then effected by a further link (Fig 1 arc e Fig 2 are b) in which ond of the two predicators een is ineo orat~a~_ ordf d~RendenlO(th~ I re atlon that uirk an4hl~ COU~_~ampI~s-1 jn the case of th complex intransitille hall app1ied the Iean intlaquo=nsve

mmplementatio~gly describe he yaleruLQ(IUN or iexcl l otIllBNinthisuseJuh~int~siYeint[ansitivx But the insight intildeaacute I

alsQ be extended to the complex transitiye In that spirit MAKE or MAKE as

used in sentences such as W might appropriatelL be described ~~_~n_ i ~ntensive transitive -J -bull_--------shy

[43)

ENGLISH GRAMMAR

3 Distinctions between tbe complex intransitive and other partly similar constructions

For a three-term construction Fig 2 shows the maximum number of interconnections with each term related to each of the others The miacutenimum isone thus for the ascriptive (3) we have adopted the structure shown i~

L with l~~E2nd te~~Il2= tlliacuten amaroe~ ordmrS1PP9~g~lexn~~ ~eLClatiacute9D~t~~~~t~first an~~~hir~ But this leaves five other possibilities which in theory might be realized ust as the second element_lt~p~ltmark(r ordfs inEig 3bullKlJQQmgordmHhetordm-iriexcl in thatJ~SiquestOillY

iacutet is green

Fig3

1he_verb vQ1lld_be a predicatorrwithonl)l1he_~ygtject related 10 it This structure does not seem to be realized at least not in away whiacuteCh is -relevant to our analysis Asecond_possibil~iuhatJmly the verb a~ ~~~iexcltiY~L iquestnjgl~~_rell~q in that ca~e bot~redicatoS_w-ordmyldIgt~ impersonal-vUh lh~su~ject a me~m~ce-filler This structure might conceivably be suggested for exampIacuteesmiddotSuumlch as [6]

[6] It got mistier

with a so-called ambient it But although it may indeed be ambient with respect to mistier it need not follow that it is ambient with respect to got

In the remaining cases no element is a marker but there are only two instead of three interconnections Ir there wem no link betw-IlJhe subject ~YMh(Ejg 2 are a) the verb1tSelf would agajn be impersmordf-~ I~ transformational terms its surface subject would be derived by raising (Postal 1974) from a subordinate adjectival clause lf th3ewere no intensiye lipk between the first and second predicators (Fg 2 arWJUlt verb would be a simple intransitive taking just t~_S)lbject as its complementation th~on of tbe adjec1iYtLL~ then be uumlMrn-~0n[7] forexample --- -_~

Eacutel He arrived saber J (~ eacute cc L f ~ 2 f

grammars do not establish an intensive or copular use of ARIUVB Finally

[44]

1 P H Marrhew$

if the ascriQive lik wer~~2ken iacuteEiKbJ~~ f)hHordmjlti~~ment woulordm-no longer bJlta predicaQ~ltiexclHQle wQuldin~teadb~ADVJllqt~iexcl as in 8)

(8) He ran fa~t

There is no doubt that the intensive construction is distinct from the adverbial and that sober in [7] is at least more circumstantial than green in It turned green But the subject-verb relation is more problematic in that a raising transformation has been proposed for one at least of the G C E s intensive verbs Let us therefore take that distinction first

31 Ofthe twenty or so most common intensive verbs (GCE821) SEEM and APPEAR particularly lend themselves to transformational analysis On the evidence of sentences such as [9]

(2) It seemed that they wereamp~e~

_U~naIlJral lo establish an underlying ~~ct~~

J~sIhey were green]~ seemed

irlYhIacutetEw~4)srelate(L1ot to they J~Q9green indhiOacute1lally but to the yiole ascri2tive kernelrom the same structure a sentence such as [10)

[10] They seemed to be green

can then be derived by further transformations of subject raising and infinitive formation Froro the structure reaJized by [Io]lIleare n3tllcalli

~m~ed to derive the comple~_~transiti~euacutell

[u) They seemed gre~

by a further transformation deleting the copuiacutea For SEEM the rules deriving [10] and [u] would both be optional But for

other verbs such as TURN or GO We could make them obligatory so It turned green could be the only realization of an underlying sUr was greenls turned the ambient Ir got misrier - [6] aboye - a realization of say s[mistier]s gorand so on If the obligatory rules were then restricted to the copula we would also ensure that any other form of embedded structure (g[he eft]s turned or g[he kissed her]s grew) was filtered out By such means a treatment which is widely accepted for SEEM and for which the evidence is at first compelling could be extended if it were thought appropriate to the entire intensive intransitive class

There are good reasons for not thinking it appropriate In a sentence such as [12]

[12] Harry got drunk

Qn~JsllQIacuteli~ply talking of a_~ate tha~ reslllttI s~o t~a~ ~~rry vs (45)

ENGLISH GRAMMAR

drunk or Harrys drunkenness happened) Nor is Harrya mere theme or tliexclfc (Aacute~-to-KarryQruniexcliquestenneacuteSs-l1ippened to him) tlamp11tbject iexclS1

potentia1lt-at-l~st--alMl~tgh-ge~~amp9run_~ wassoID1hiiL~hatJIal did The--verb mayaccordiacutentilde-gly take a subject adjunct (O CE 466]) thus I delibera tey got drunk or He foo(lshy turned traitor It may also supply the complement of a conative verb (1 did try to get drunk) may appear in the imperative (Dont get drunk ) and so on For sorne collocations this potentiacuteality is doubtless harder to realize (compare He delibera tey turned bue with He delibera tey turned nasty or He tried ro grow oder with He tried ro grow farter) but that is precisely the case for subjects and predicators generally lt is this semantic role that justifies the first link shown in Fig 2

which an impersonal structure as in (b)

(b) s[Harry was drunkls got

would relegate to the surface If (b) is wrong for Harry got drunk a transformationalist should consider

more carefully w hether a similar structure is correct for Harry seemed drunk Let us assume that it is correct for the construction with a that-clause (It seemed that Harry was dhmk) for SEEM and APPEAR a c1ausal complement does form one possibility Let us also accept that SBBM has a constant sense in all its constructions But for other current intensives (G eE 820 f) the evidence is more complexo With SOUNO a that-clause can be forced for example if a dative is inserted (lt sounds ro me that (hey arent coming) There is also an impersonal construction with as if

[131 It sounds as ifthey were green

which might be thought to derive from the same source The construction of [13] is also acceptable witb LOOK (lt ooks as ifthey arent coming) But between it and the complex intransitive we can find clear disparities in meaning In [13] the judgment is based on indirect clues what sounds or appears from audible information is indeed the whole proposition they were green But in the complex intransitive [14]

[141 They sound drunk

it is based on sounds that they are making For that reason it is harder 10 make sense of They sound green Likewise They [ook drunk means that they from their appearance are so But in It loob as ifthey are drunk the speaker does not even imply that he has seen them (Compare Prom what you say it ooks as if rhey are drunk) Ir we wanted a complex source it would be tempting 10 relate [14] not 10 the impersonal [13] with raising but rather to the personal [Is1

[IS] They sound as iexclfthey are drunk

with the second they deleted

[46]

P H Marthews

Personal and impersonal are often hard to separate as Palmer (1972) and before him Bolinger(l96la) have shown Ofthis group ofintensives TASTE

and 5MBLL are the most restricted in meaning and it is with these that the impersonal construction as in [91 and [131 is least acceptable With TASTE

neither seems likely Ir rasres to me that the soup is saty It tastes to me as if they are sweer If the second example can be interpreted it is by virtue of a blending with the personal construction (compare It tasres as ifit ) With SMELL the construction of [131 may be more acceptable (Ir smells ro me as if dinner is ready) but the blending remains With PEEL a non-tactile sense is possible (Ir fees Iikey) but is less established than the broader senses of LOOK or SOUNO (compare Ir ooks likey II sounds likey) It is in this case that my judgment is least secure would one say for example It fees (or Ir fees to me) as if they were green With SOUNO and LOOK the general sense is well established as in [131 or Ir sounds likely but there is still a sensory meaning as in [14] and [Isl which inhibits the pure impersonal with that With SEEM and APPEAR we are at the end of the continuum both having general senses only Hence the construction of[91 alongside the impersonal with as if (Ir seems as if they were green) Hence perhaps the infinitive construction of [101 with SOUNO and the others this too is awkward (They ooked ro have arrived Or Ir tastes ro me to be sweer) But it does not follow that the semantical1y general They seem drunk differs in syntax from the specifically sensory They sound drunk or They smell drunk We can even force an active interpretation of the subject thus They tried lO appear drunk or I deliberarey seemed irrftated

32 As [11] with SEEM Hes on a gradience between personal and impersonal so there are others which raise problems in distinguishing intensive from adverbial and circumstantial constructions For there is no criterion which is both sufficient and necessary

The obvious step is to tesectt for simpler transforms Thus J9r [12] Harl~ qrunk ~e can comp~jiexcleJgtimple a~ve Harry was drul~ TRANSFORM in that firstIy it is a a d secondly the predicator

-ORUNK hasnot a tq~ sense s no intraiiSIuvetrans[oacuterintilde ~stiiis~se of G BI is oot ~ble Nor has 4 r tumeirgeacute-iexcl an intransitive transform It turned since this involves a different sense oC TURN Ir there~~ an ascriptive transform but n9-Wn~itive the JhirdeiacuteeDlen t mult be a complementi so [41 and [12] must be complex intransitive Ir there is neither transform it MA y be complement but the col~of verb and adjective mjgbt rCaSantildea be classed as idiomatic Thus The roses have run wild has no transform The roses ve iiOr-aacuteoes it strictly match The rOSes are wild But WILO is at least an adiecti~ must stand in sorne relationship to the verb therefore R UN WILO is right1y

chmldw-rresultintensive (O eE) ---shy-- -_--g ~ _---_bull ~ shy

[471

ENOLISH ORAMMAR

If there is a simple intransitive but no ascriptive transr2ffil--_~~~ coacutentildeSffiiClioacutentilde-intildeuumlSt]ie iexcljdve(J2iacuteaIYlIacuteustrivialIy He ran iexcliuieacutekly has no ascriptive tiexclansfo~ He was quickly less trivially He travelled light does not match He was ight But what if we find both rlJgJQQordf~tillha$ordflJ ascriEtive _~ran~f~rrlJ~eYI1Jer~_~~ ~sectmL1aY-J~_a~~plement circumstantjallik~iilelltjnThey-sJoQdsilent ordfytlb~~j~llsothe simpler intran~1ti~ fbilystQPf so still ~ight be anadver~ like sileniTyintilde-fiieystood silenty Since there is no distinct form srilly the latter is hard to rule out For It shone white we can compare the formally adjectivallt shone brighr again there are both transforms (Ir shone Ir was white) But It shone brighr is c10se in meaning to the formaUy adverbial Ir shone brighry could white be an adverb in default of or as the commoner altemative to whirely Blending may aIso be found in idioms For example it is fruitless to ask if doggo is an adjective or an adverb in He is Iying doggo

For the circumstantial case both transforms are necessary thus [7] He arriuacuteiid sober has the triexcliexclntildeiiiacuteormsmiddotiexcliexcluacuteli-iexcliexclved andHe wasectSoacutebe Wewoacuteuumllifiliso ixpeeacutetthilUumlheveromiddotantildedmiddotildjectTe-shouId befreeOi collocationaI restrictions so He arrived sober He left sober He Jeft satisjied He arrived satisfied and so on But it is very hard to say when such a requirement iacutes meto One does not say for example They stood noisy or They sroodpeacefuJ on that evidence They stood sient might be classed as complex intransitive But neither is one likely to say They arrived noisy or They arrived kind Is that too a matter of collocational restrictions so that [7] is also intensive Or is it merely that NOISY and KIND are ill suIacuteted 10 this construction7 At this point jt is tempting to distinguish degrees of circumstantiality The extreme case would be represented by such sentences as [16]

[16] They stood there exhausted

(Iikewise They have arrived quite sober) where the adjective and verb are marked as separate Beside [16] the construction in [7] is less clearly circumstantial in They stood sient or They stoodfidgering it is perhaps even r less so But this last might stilJ be seen as less intensive than for example

iexcl They stood amazed Likewise They feJl exhausted is less clearly intensi ve than 1 They fell sick since it involves no special sense of FALL

~

f lrOacutel p1lI1riHmD ~ amires f0tr eompiex trlmSitive fu Tlieyfbuntlliim~

guilry there is a special sense OfPIND as ofMAKE in They mode it green In TIwy rrun Juacutem JOber tbat IacuteoS DO spcciiexcll SCDSII of)lEET~ by tbat cS ~ is more eircumsumlial BUl onc la unlikely lO say for eumple They me hlm meditative

4 Finally there is an obvious gradience between the coxnP-1ex intransitive ~nct the simple ascriptj~ With TURN 01 GROW there are~-selecUumlonal restrictions as we have seen With SBJlli or SIhV tney are far fewer

[48J

P H Matthews

neverthelesson~canI1Q~~yfordmr_~ordfmplelfil_sectil1Ied chairmqf1-ltcompareH~ stayelt chairman Qr1fsectJjiquest_riquest~cordfirmordfl1) or It srays obvious that (compare It seemsobvious that or It remainsobvious that ) With REMAIN it is hard to find any but at least the intransitive exists He remained) and their senses can be related Wth BECOMB that evidence too is lacking He became drunk can be distinguish-ed(rontildei1lieasgiptiYlt1g lu7ntl1k onlyJ~iiui~s from jts resultative meaning -_-

This merging has ied grammarians to treat the constructions together But we can do this only by assimi)ating BE to the mode) of verb complementation (as in GCE) not by assimilating TURN and so on to the model of a copula likethecpmplexrordfnsectitiy~nl_e compleimrap~W~i~ ayoor ca~~idatefltY-l~LIl~Jlt~IQ~-ordf_~~rnelltructllr~middot

M

~_

Page 30: in - UGR · (III). 11-70 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1171 Note [a] The ... In addition, we shall use where necessary the suffixes 'ph' (for

~ltgt ~~~1~ 1 -~ Adjective complementation 1227

1226 Complementation of verbs and adjectives iexcl

After adjectives of Type [E3a] there may also occur an infinitive wh-clause 1 was uncertain (oi) what to do This is preferable to the finite c1ause in cases illustrated by [1-3] aboye since the subject can remain unexpressed in the reduced nonfinite version

[E4] Adjective complementation by a than-clause 1674 There is an unusual construction in which a noncomparative adjective is

foIlowed by a comparative than-clause as complementation Different is the only adjective which fits into this pattero and even then there is a tradition which regards the use of than here as impropero There is however no felicitous alternative to the different than construction in examples such as

Shes quite a different girl than she wasfilie years ago [11 The various styliacutestic variants of and alteroatives to the than-clause after different are examined in 1566 Note lb] When the c1ause is reduceacuted to a noun phrase it becomes possible to usefrom as an alternative to than

The unions are taking a very different attitude ~ the employers

When the noun phrase folIowing thanffrom cannot be derived by ellipsis from a c1ause than is decidedly less acceptable thanfrom

The main languages of southern India are totaIly different In origin

~~~ those ofthe northern partofthe country

Note [al On differenlrom and different 10 1669 Note [dI [bj It is aloo possible for a Ihan-c1ause to be used after he adverb difilrently

In the west of the country they pronounce their vowels quite aifferently han (they do) in the easl

The same prescriptive objections are made to differenlly Ihan as to different Ihan

[E5] Adjective complementation by a to-infinitive clause [675 We distinguish seven kinds of construction in which an adjective is foIlowed

by a to-infinitive c1ause They are exemplified in the following sentences which are superficially alike

Bob is splendid to wait (ii) Bob is slow to react

(iii) Bob is sorry to hear it (iv) Bob is hesitant to agree with yOU (v) Bob is hard to convince

(vi) The food is ready to eat (vii) lt is important to be accurate

In Types (i-iv) the subject of the main clause (Bob) is also the subject of the infinitive c1ause We can therefore always have a direct object in the infinitive clause if its verb is transitive Por example if we replace intransitive wait by transitive build in (i) we can have Bob is splendid to build this house

Por Types (v-vii) on the other hand the subject of the infinitive is unspecified although the contextoften makes clear which subject is intended

In these types it is possible to insert a subject preceded by for eg in Type (vi) The food is ready (jOr Ihe children) to eat

Infinitive complementation following adjectives modified by lOO and enQugh is discussed eIse Note where in 1S73

(ES(i)) Bob is Iplendid to wait Type (i) has an analogue in a construction involving extraposition (cf1833)1676 1t is splendid of Bob lo wait This type OC construction also permits a head noun between the adjective and the infinitive

Bob must be a spiendid craftsman ~ ~~bUilt this house

As this example shows the infinitive may be perfective We may also compare constructions in which an evaluative noun with its determiner

replaces the adjective

ffoolishYourelafool to spend so mucho

WOnderfUl Youre 1 to walt for me anange

Adjectives in this group are evaluative of human beha~iour They inelude

careful crazy mad silly wise careless greedy nice unwise wrong

These adjectives can also occur with anticipatory il and an of-phrase as additional complementation (cf1682)

It was foolish of you to spend so mucho

IE5(Hraquo) Bob is IOW to react In Type (ii) the sentence corresponds to one in which the adjective becomes 1677 an adverbwhile the infinitive becomes the finite verb

Bob is slow to react - Bob reacts slowlyc

In another analogue the adjective is followed by in and an -ing participle Bob is slow in reacting The infinitive verb phrase must be simple for example unlike the inftnitive phrase in [E5(i)] it cannot be perfective Bob is slow ItJ have reacted Other adjectives in this small group are quick and prompt

There is also a partial adverbial analogue (e8127ff) for Type (i) but in Type (i) unlike Type Note (ii) the perfective infinitive andeven the get-passive (e366) can be used

loan was wise to resigno ~ loan wisely resigned loan was careless to get beaten - loan carelessly got beaten

loan is careless to have got beaten

IES(iuumlraquo) Bob is 10rry lo hear it In Type (iexcliexcli) the head of the adjective phrase is an emotive adjective 1678 (commonly a participial adjective) and the infinitive clause expresses

causation

1679

1228 Complementation of verbs end adjectives

Im sorry to have kept you waiting [rm sorry because I have kept you waiting]

1 was exeited to be there [- To be there exeited me]

Adjectives in this group correspond c10sely to the adjectives followed by a that-clause in 1671 (Type [E2a(iii)D

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

afraid angry ashamed content furious glad

happy impatient indignant jubilant thankful

annoyed astonished bored coneerned delighted depressed

disgusted dissatisfied embarrassed fasemated frightened interested

overwhelmed perturbed puzzled relieved surprised worried

disappointed overjoyed

IE5(ivraquo) Boh is heaitant to agree withyou In Type (iv) the head of the adjective phrase expresses volitional meaning or a modal meaning such as ability possibility or liability Examples are

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

able keen determined anxious Iiable disposed apt Iikely [E2b] fated[E2b] eertain [E2b] loath inclined curious powerless poiseddue prone prepared eager ready [E5] (all) set eligible reluetant unqualified fit [ES] sure [E2b] free [ES] unable greedy weleome hesitant willing impotent worthy

The adjectives marked [E2b] occur with a corresponding construction with extraposition of a that-clause

JilI is likely to attend - It is likely that JiU will attend

Those marked [E5] are capable of occurring with an infinitive construction of passive meaning ie with an indefinite implied subject and a coreferential implied object

Theyare not fit to eat = They are not tit to be eaten

Some ofthe most common adjectives in this list have a tendency to coalesce with the preceding copula 10 form a semimiddotauxiliary verb (ef3A7) be able to be willing to be sure to In addition to modal and volitional adjectives some adjectives ofaspectual meaning such as aeeustomed and wont may be placed here

Adjective complementation 1229

We are aecustomedto take teaon the terrace (formal) He was wont to leave the office at 5 pm (formal archaic)

(ES(vraquo) Bob is lard to convince 1680 In Type (v) the subject of the sentence is identified with the unexpressed

object of the infinitive clause which must therefore have a transitive verb hence the unacceptable Bob Is hard to arrive There is an analogous construction in which the adjective is complement to an infinitive c1ause acting as (extraposed) subject (ef 1836)

- To convince Bob is hard Bob IS hard to convmce It is hard to convince Bob

Adjeeacutetives so used refer 10 degrees of ease or comfort and iexclnclude

awkward hard tough (informal) eonvenient impossible trieky (informal) difficult niee (informal) unpleasant easy pleasant

Unless there is ellipsis we cannot omit the infinitive c1ause and so there is no semantic implication between (say) The bread was hard to bake and The bread was hard Unlike the preceding types Type (v) permitsfor + subject to be inserted at the beginning of the infinitive clause Those darts are trieky (for a beginner) to use Where the infinitive has no overt subject its implicit subject is understood to have an indefinite meanihg

Jack is easy 10 fool =Jack is easy for anyone to foo

Note With some adjectives in this group such as nice or unpleasant the entailment relation between be + adjective ro V and be + adjective is less easy lO avoid eg Jenny is nice lo know iacutemplies that Jenny is nice

IE5(viraquo) Thefood is ready to eat 1681 Again in this type the subject of the main clause is identified with the object

of the intinitive c1ause But unlike Type (v) Typemiddot(vi) has no analogous construction with an infinitive clause subject

The food is ready to eat To eat the food is ready

Also we can generally (a) omit the infinitive clause or (b) substitute a passive infinitive clause without change ofmeaning

Are these cups available (to use) = Are these cups available (to be used)

Some adjectives of this type such as availablefitfree ready and suffieient belong additionally 10 Type (iv) so that a sentence like The lamb ia ready to eat is ambiguous in one sense (the most accessible) being equivalent to the passive The lamb is ready to be eaten Then there is a wider set of adjectives which often occur without complementation at all

The air isfrosty (to breathe) Its fur is soft (to touch)

1230 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

In both Type (v) and Type (vi) the subjectofthe main clause can be equated with the prepositional object of the infinitive clause so that the infinitive c1ause ends with a deferred preposition

She is pleasant to talk to (-It is pleasant to talk to her) This paper is terribly flimsy to write on Is the cloth sufficient to make a dress out ol

In Type (vi) as well as in Type (v)for + subjeet may be inserted before the infinitive verb Are these books free (for visitors) to borrow Are these books available to borrow]

(E5(vii)J Jt is important to he accurate 1682 We saw in 1672 that a that-clause following an adjeetive may prove to be a

subjeet postponed by extraposition (ef1833) A to-infinitive clause following an adjeetive may have the same oouree

It is essential to spray the trees every year - To spray the trees every year is essential

The infinitive clause can also be introduced by for + subjeet

It is vital (for the ehildren) to be properly cIad It will be strange (for us) to be living alone

Adjectives ofTypes (ji) and (iii) in 1672 ([E2b]) may have this construction importantJortunate lueky surprising etc Possible also belongs te this group

An addiacutetional group of adjeetives oeeurring after anticipatory it are those adjeetives (ehiefly naming evaluative attributes of persons) whieh occur in pattern [E5(i)] (ef 1676) The adjeetive in this group is often followed byan of-phrase identifying the persones) being discussed

It was wrong (of him) to teIllies iexcli

It is niee ofyou to phone

[E6] Adjective complementation by an -ing participle cfause [683 A number of sub-types ofthis pattem may be mentioned

(i) Busy is followed by an -ing participle clause without subject

Margery is busy writiacuteng Ietters

Worth and worthwhile on the other hand oceur both with and without subjeet

It is seareely worth(while) (youyour) going home

Here worth(while) follows preparatory it and the participle clause is an extraposed subjeet (ef1834) Other adjectives ofthis pattern are pointless and useless (Its pointless buying so mueh food) and adjectives of Type [E2b(iiacutei)J (efl6 72) also sometimes have this complementation absurd awkwardJortunate annoying etc

EIsewhere worth and worthwhile accompany an -ing participle elause without subjeet but with a passive meaning comparable to tbat of the infinitive elause in pattern [E5(v)] (ef1680)

Complementation of abstract nouns 1231

The cartons are worth(while) saving ( Its worth(while) saving the cartens)

(iv) There is a variant eonstruction in whieh a preposition oecurs between the adjective and the participle clause In some cases the preposition is optional (cf(i) aboye)

Im busy (with) getting the house redeeorated Werefortunate (in) having Aunt Mary as a baby-sitter

In other cases the preposition is obligatory We are used to not having a car (cf1669 Note [e]) Im hopeless at keeping the garden tidy Shes not capable oflooking after herself

Note [al The adjectival constructions in (ii) above may be compared in some cases with nominal constructionsof equivalent meaning

ts 110 goaduse telling him anything Theres 110 point (in) telling him anything

8uch constructions are introduced either by anticipatory il (el 1833) or by eltistential there (el 184$) AmE also hu Theres no use telling him anythlng (b) Worthwhlle is sometimes spelled as two words The vacillation between the spellings worthwhile and worth while reflects an unclarity about the status of this sequence which may altematively be regarded as the preposition worth (eI96) followed by a noun Compare

lts not worth your whife staying lts not worlhh whh~e (your) staying worl w 1

Complementation of abstract nouns

1684 In this coneluding section we will show as a conneeting link between this chapter and the next how the pattems of complementation described for verbs and adjectives in 1620-83 are aloo to be found with abstraet nouns which are morphologieally related to those verbs and adjectives (ef nominalization 1751ff and appositional constructions 1726 1735) For example the noun likelihood is derived from and semantically related to the adjective likely It is therefore not surprising that a construction associated with the adjeetive Is found with the corresponding noun

It is likely that Joan will get married [1]

The likelihood is that loan will get married [21 the likelihood that Joan will get married [31

But the assumption of eorrespondence eannot be automatie for it may faiacutel in both direetions

loan is likely to get married Joan s likelihood to get married

It is likely of J oans getting married the likelihood of Joans getting married

------__shyiacute1 11

COMPLEX INTRANSITIVE CONSTRUCTIONS p H MATIHEWS

1 Introduction

In sentences such as [1J

ArR C~Iltiacuteltmiddotli N ([1J Th~deitgreen ~

he construct~oEJ~QLordf JJP~ that GCE850ff describes as 9QMfLEX JRANSITIV~ Ofthe elements in questionit and made are related a~Jn tQllt ~imple transitive

j [2J They made it

YihiJe ir and green a~_~latelasinasimple_ltQI1llar_sentence ( [3] lt is green (- lt

~f the type that following Lyons (l977469ff) raquoe will call ASCRIPTIVE raquouacutet greacuteen- also standsJna direcueJordf9lsJIacuteIL ordm~_iii~de the object and adjective exemplifying a single I2atteIILof VERB COMllEMe~nrJ91 This paUCIDl can be sajd torepresenta IJJS10N (G e E 850) ofJ~ltsimpler transitiv iexcll~J~Jjpiexcly_e_tjPes - _shy

IH~~_sfiE~~Ve can be fused with th~~~tY_e_(lri~alsoP~ fused with theintransitixe1 Insentildetentildeces SUChas[4] -

MI It turned green

~construc~~~~~]y idmtifkQyaacuteth th~ of l3J in both examples the

l]

~ ~ ~ ENGLISH GRAMMAR

verb is described as copularor in the terminology of GCE820f as taking intensive complementation But neither description is quite appropriate to1 both cases In the~ptive sentence there i indeed no mor~than~pYhL~

1 2ampffiMical iP~ betwe~ the adjective and its subject~ plainly this ~ ~ is not true of [4] whose verb TURN has its own specific meaning lf turned~ iacute I is a full verb it must then be the govemor of green as made is in (1) in that

iexcl ~ sense there is cornplernentatjon But we express nothing by assigning such a complernentation to the copula A solution is to c1ass I4] as a COMPLBX

IITMNSITIVE iL~onsect_trJltiordmL being an extension of th~simpleJmransiUacutelLe _shy~ i I5] It turned

j precisely as that of (1) is extended from that of [2)iexcl

2 Fused constructions

Let us take our cue from GCEs referenee to fusionlo the simpl~L =nfu~~~_~~~~~~~)t1ecltgtnstVf1ionconsistso(asingJULeAicJ~tQI(lgde) which in a dependency ana~is has both the subject and the object as its dependents or to adapt G CEs term has both a subjeet and an oJkltt asit complementation lnJhaL~se (2) has a _K1U~~~_~ruetion (Lyons i977) w1jch cannotJiexclJLr~s~Cl9JUnQ(lt_e~mentary relationships of ptediCJJQJkSo too has the simple intransitive (5] vi1ihidepeiioenforior forming the complementation of tumed So too has the simple aseriptive [3] its predicator on the analysis ofLyons and others is the adjective green One reason for relatlng the subject to the adjective is that the elements are jointly subject to selectional restrictions A reason for not relating either to the copula is that the latter stands aside (rom these restrictions adding none ofitsown

In a fused construction the pattem ls neither strictly kernel nor straightforwardly non-kemellnJhegmplex transitive [lL1oth1tan41~Y are again direct ~cngents of made these relatio~_elQ~ the words in FigJbx direC1~ltaI~_uacutela~~I~Qordf-ordfl9blleiexcl)Uumlnamp21uacuteward frollLthe

~d

(aJiquest-Fig 1

[42]

P H Matthew$

p~ed~~ So is green arc el this too being supported by selectional restrictions We are therefore dealing with a single clause rooted in made of which each word is a distinct element But green js a1soapredicator in iexclelation to il (are d)J that wav we are dealing with two kernelp~QlS th~ fuurtermclauseinfQmQrating bothtM_~tuet~[IDJr~JlsitiYlljh~ twoshytenn a~-middot -_shy

In Fig 1 we have diagrammed what any grammarian will propose provided that his terminology or his notational apparatus allow him to say it Iut similar reasonjng applies to the construction which we have called the ~IpJex ln~~-ordfEsitive Of the relationships showninf1g --~~t~~~~_

it turned green

aAacutebJ Fig2

to ir (arcc)_isagainasintheascripJjy~ and needs no further cornment But the final element is clearly suJiexcliect to ru19jtional resr=l~ordmI~ tlTlJRI_ im~~tordm-~~it~~rAUQj~9iY_I9U~l~~ed noun (He turned pink He turned kings eVidence) iQ~~~1lined phrase is exCiuacuteded (He turned arog)

tDle~sthe p~e~~i0rl~lJ9rtn is ~~jordmntildei[qiireifitetuumlmed iexclnto a frog) ~itt G-ordm-1h exdusi(m is abgolule one cannot even say He went into a criminal

f [he adjeqtive is also Iimlted to specific collocations For example one can say It turned sour or Ir went sour but it is harder to accept Ir grew sour 1 Conversely one can say He grew od but not He went od On that evidence

j we may establish a relationship of dependency between green and tumedj (arc b) The verb too can then be related to the subject (arc a)

1 Epgth o~2am~ thefe is one terro ir lVhich is a9~de~~~~t1 theascriptile anCITlieletbalk~m~1 (Fig 1 ares b and d Fig 2 ares a and c) The fusion is then effected by a further link (Fig 1 arc e Fig 2 are b) in which ond of the two predicators een is ineo orat~a~_ ordf d~RendenlO(th~ I re atlon that uirk an4hl~ COU~_~ampI~s-1 jn the case of th complex intransitille hall app1ied the Iean intlaquo=nsve

mmplementatio~gly describe he yaleruLQ(IUN or iexcl l otIllBNinthisuseJuh~int~siYeint[ansitivx But the insight intildeaacute I

alsQ be extended to the complex transitiye In that spirit MAKE or MAKE as

used in sentences such as W might appropriatelL be described ~~_~n_ i ~ntensive transitive -J -bull_--------shy

[43)

ENGLISH GRAMMAR

3 Distinctions between tbe complex intransitive and other partly similar constructions

For a three-term construction Fig 2 shows the maximum number of interconnections with each term related to each of the others The miacutenimum isone thus for the ascriptive (3) we have adopted the structure shown i~

L with l~~E2nd te~~Il2= tlliacuten amaroe~ ordmrS1PP9~g~lexn~~ ~eLClatiacute9D~t~~~~t~first an~~~hir~ But this leaves five other possibilities which in theory might be realized ust as the second element_lt~p~ltmark(r ordfs inEig 3bullKlJQQmgordmHhetordm-iriexcl in thatJ~SiquestOillY

iacutet is green

Fig3

1he_verb vQ1lld_be a predicatorrwithonl)l1he_~ygtject related 10 it This structure does not seem to be realized at least not in away whiacuteCh is -relevant to our analysis Asecond_possibil~iuhatJmly the verb a~ ~~~iexcltiY~L iquestnjgl~~_rell~q in that ca~e bot~redicatoS_w-ordmyldIgt~ impersonal-vUh lh~su~ject a me~m~ce-filler This structure might conceivably be suggested for exampIacuteesmiddotSuumlch as [6]

[6] It got mistier

with a so-called ambient it But although it may indeed be ambient with respect to mistier it need not follow that it is ambient with respect to got

In the remaining cases no element is a marker but there are only two instead of three interconnections Ir there wem no link betw-IlJhe subject ~YMh(Ejg 2 are a) the verb1tSelf would agajn be impersmordf-~ I~ transformational terms its surface subject would be derived by raising (Postal 1974) from a subordinate adjectival clause lf th3ewere no intensiye lipk between the first and second predicators (Fg 2 arWJUlt verb would be a simple intransitive taking just t~_S)lbject as its complementation th~on of tbe adjec1iYtLL~ then be uumlMrn-~0n[7] forexample --- -_~

Eacutel He arrived saber J (~ eacute cc L f ~ 2 f

grammars do not establish an intensive or copular use of ARIUVB Finally

[44]

1 P H Marrhew$

if the ascriQive lik wer~~2ken iacuteEiKbJ~~ f)hHordmjlti~~ment woulordm-no longer bJlta predicaQ~ltiexclHQle wQuldin~teadb~ADVJllqt~iexcl as in 8)

(8) He ran fa~t

There is no doubt that the intensive construction is distinct from the adverbial and that sober in [7] is at least more circumstantial than green in It turned green But the subject-verb relation is more problematic in that a raising transformation has been proposed for one at least of the G C E s intensive verbs Let us therefore take that distinction first

31 Ofthe twenty or so most common intensive verbs (GCE821) SEEM and APPEAR particularly lend themselves to transformational analysis On the evidence of sentences such as [9]

(2) It seemed that they wereamp~e~

_U~naIlJral lo establish an underlying ~~ct~~

J~sIhey were green]~ seemed

irlYhIacutetEw~4)srelate(L1ot to they J~Q9green indhiOacute1lally but to the yiole ascri2tive kernelrom the same structure a sentence such as [10)

[10] They seemed to be green

can then be derived by further transformations of subject raising and infinitive formation Froro the structure reaJized by [Io]lIleare n3tllcalli

~m~ed to derive the comple~_~transiti~euacutell

[u) They seemed gre~

by a further transformation deleting the copuiacutea For SEEM the rules deriving [10] and [u] would both be optional But for

other verbs such as TURN or GO We could make them obligatory so It turned green could be the only realization of an underlying sUr was greenls turned the ambient Ir got misrier - [6] aboye - a realization of say s[mistier]s gorand so on If the obligatory rules were then restricted to the copula we would also ensure that any other form of embedded structure (g[he eft]s turned or g[he kissed her]s grew) was filtered out By such means a treatment which is widely accepted for SEEM and for which the evidence is at first compelling could be extended if it were thought appropriate to the entire intensive intransitive class

There are good reasons for not thinking it appropriate In a sentence such as [12]

[12] Harry got drunk

Qn~JsllQIacuteli~ply talking of a_~ate tha~ reslllttI s~o t~a~ ~~rry vs (45)

ENGLISH GRAMMAR

drunk or Harrys drunkenness happened) Nor is Harrya mere theme or tliexclfc (Aacute~-to-KarryQruniexcliquestenneacuteSs-l1ippened to him) tlamp11tbject iexclS1

potentia1lt-at-l~st--alMl~tgh-ge~~amp9run_~ wassoID1hiiL~hatJIal did The--verb mayaccordiacutentilde-gly take a subject adjunct (O CE 466]) thus I delibera tey got drunk or He foo(lshy turned traitor It may also supply the complement of a conative verb (1 did try to get drunk) may appear in the imperative (Dont get drunk ) and so on For sorne collocations this potentiacuteality is doubtless harder to realize (compare He delibera tey turned bue with He delibera tey turned nasty or He tried ro grow oder with He tried ro grow farter) but that is precisely the case for subjects and predicators generally lt is this semantic role that justifies the first link shown in Fig 2

which an impersonal structure as in (b)

(b) s[Harry was drunkls got

would relegate to the surface If (b) is wrong for Harry got drunk a transformationalist should consider

more carefully w hether a similar structure is correct for Harry seemed drunk Let us assume that it is correct for the construction with a that-clause (It seemed that Harry was dhmk) for SEEM and APPEAR a c1ausal complement does form one possibility Let us also accept that SBBM has a constant sense in all its constructions But for other current intensives (G eE 820 f) the evidence is more complexo With SOUNO a that-clause can be forced for example if a dative is inserted (lt sounds ro me that (hey arent coming) There is also an impersonal construction with as if

[131 It sounds as ifthey were green

which might be thought to derive from the same source The construction of [13] is also acceptable witb LOOK (lt ooks as ifthey arent coming) But between it and the complex intransitive we can find clear disparities in meaning In [13] the judgment is based on indirect clues what sounds or appears from audible information is indeed the whole proposition they were green But in the complex intransitive [14]

[141 They sound drunk

it is based on sounds that they are making For that reason it is harder 10 make sense of They sound green Likewise They [ook drunk means that they from their appearance are so But in It loob as ifthey are drunk the speaker does not even imply that he has seen them (Compare Prom what you say it ooks as if rhey are drunk) Ir we wanted a complex source it would be tempting 10 relate [14] not 10 the impersonal [13] with raising but rather to the personal [Is1

[IS] They sound as iexclfthey are drunk

with the second they deleted

[46]

P H Marthews

Personal and impersonal are often hard to separate as Palmer (1972) and before him Bolinger(l96la) have shown Ofthis group ofintensives TASTE

and 5MBLL are the most restricted in meaning and it is with these that the impersonal construction as in [91 and [131 is least acceptable With TASTE

neither seems likely Ir rasres to me that the soup is saty It tastes to me as if they are sweer If the second example can be interpreted it is by virtue of a blending with the personal construction (compare It tasres as ifit ) With SMELL the construction of [131 may be more acceptable (Ir smells ro me as if dinner is ready) but the blending remains With PEEL a non-tactile sense is possible (Ir fees Iikey) but is less established than the broader senses of LOOK or SOUNO (compare Ir ooks likey II sounds likey) It is in this case that my judgment is least secure would one say for example It fees (or Ir fees to me) as if they were green With SOUNO and LOOK the general sense is well established as in [131 or Ir sounds likely but there is still a sensory meaning as in [14] and [Isl which inhibits the pure impersonal with that With SEEM and APPEAR we are at the end of the continuum both having general senses only Hence the construction of[91 alongside the impersonal with as if (Ir seems as if they were green) Hence perhaps the infinitive construction of [101 with SOUNO and the others this too is awkward (They ooked ro have arrived Or Ir tastes ro me to be sweer) But it does not follow that the semantical1y general They seem drunk differs in syntax from the specifically sensory They sound drunk or They smell drunk We can even force an active interpretation of the subject thus They tried lO appear drunk or I deliberarey seemed irrftated

32 As [11] with SEEM Hes on a gradience between personal and impersonal so there are others which raise problems in distinguishing intensive from adverbial and circumstantial constructions For there is no criterion which is both sufficient and necessary

The obvious step is to tesectt for simpler transforms Thus J9r [12] Harl~ qrunk ~e can comp~jiexcleJgtimple a~ve Harry was drul~ TRANSFORM in that firstIy it is a a d secondly the predicator

-ORUNK hasnot a tq~ sense s no intraiiSIuvetrans[oacuterintilde ~stiiis~se of G BI is oot ~ble Nor has 4 r tumeirgeacute-iexcl an intransitive transform It turned since this involves a different sense oC TURN Ir there~~ an ascriptive transform but n9-Wn~itive the JhirdeiacuteeDlen t mult be a complementi so [41 and [12] must be complex intransitive Ir there is neither transform it MA y be complement but the col~of verb and adjective mjgbt rCaSantildea be classed as idiomatic Thus The roses have run wild has no transform The roses ve iiOr-aacuteoes it strictly match The rOSes are wild But WILO is at least an adiecti~ must stand in sorne relationship to the verb therefore R UN WILO is right1y

chmldw-rresultintensive (O eE) ---shy-- -_--g ~ _---_bull ~ shy

[471

ENOLISH ORAMMAR

If there is a simple intransitive but no ascriptive transr2ffil--_~~~ coacutentildeSffiiClioacutentilde-intildeuumlSt]ie iexcljdve(J2iacuteaIYlIacuteustrivialIy He ran iexcliuieacutekly has no ascriptive tiexclansfo~ He was quickly less trivially He travelled light does not match He was ight But what if we find both rlJgJQQordf~tillha$ordflJ ascriEtive _~ran~f~rrlJ~eYI1Jer~_~~ ~sectmL1aY-J~_a~~plement circumstantjallik~iilelltjnThey-sJoQdsilent ordfytlb~~j~llsothe simpler intran~1ti~ fbilystQPf so still ~ight be anadver~ like sileniTyintilde-fiieystood silenty Since there is no distinct form srilly the latter is hard to rule out For It shone white we can compare the formally adjectivallt shone brighr again there are both transforms (Ir shone Ir was white) But It shone brighr is c10se in meaning to the formaUy adverbial Ir shone brighry could white be an adverb in default of or as the commoner altemative to whirely Blending may aIso be found in idioms For example it is fruitless to ask if doggo is an adjective or an adverb in He is Iying doggo

For the circumstantial case both transforms are necessary thus [7] He arriuacuteiid sober has the triexcliexclntildeiiiacuteormsmiddotiexcliexcluacuteli-iexcliexclved andHe wasectSoacutebe Wewoacuteuumllifiliso ixpeeacutetthilUumlheveromiddotantildedmiddotildjectTe-shouId befreeOi collocationaI restrictions so He arrived sober He left sober He Jeft satisjied He arrived satisfied and so on But it is very hard to say when such a requirement iacutes meto One does not say for example They stood noisy or They sroodpeacefuJ on that evidence They stood sient might be classed as complex intransitive But neither is one likely to say They arrived noisy or They arrived kind Is that too a matter of collocational restrictions so that [7] is also intensive Or is it merely that NOISY and KIND are ill suIacuteted 10 this construction7 At this point jt is tempting to distinguish degrees of circumstantiality The extreme case would be represented by such sentences as [16]

[16] They stood there exhausted

(Iikewise They have arrived quite sober) where the adjective and verb are marked as separate Beside [16] the construction in [7] is less clearly circumstantial in They stood sient or They stoodfidgering it is perhaps even r less so But this last might stilJ be seen as less intensive than for example

iexcl They stood amazed Likewise They feJl exhausted is less clearly intensi ve than 1 They fell sick since it involves no special sense of FALL

~

f lrOacutel p1lI1riHmD ~ amires f0tr eompiex trlmSitive fu Tlieyfbuntlliim~

guilry there is a special sense OfPIND as ofMAKE in They mode it green In TIwy rrun Juacutem JOber tbat IacuteoS DO spcciiexcll SCDSII of)lEET~ by tbat cS ~ is more eircumsumlial BUl onc la unlikely lO say for eumple They me hlm meditative

4 Finally there is an obvious gradience between the coxnP-1ex intransitive ~nct the simple ascriptj~ With TURN 01 GROW there are~-selecUumlonal restrictions as we have seen With SBJlli or SIhV tney are far fewer

[48J

P H Matthews

neverthelesson~canI1Q~~yfordmr_~ordfmplelfil_sectil1Ied chairmqf1-ltcompareH~ stayelt chairman Qr1fsectJjiquest_riquest~cordfirmordfl1) or It srays obvious that (compare It seemsobvious that or It remainsobvious that ) With REMAIN it is hard to find any but at least the intransitive exists He remained) and their senses can be related Wth BECOMB that evidence too is lacking He became drunk can be distinguish-ed(rontildei1lieasgiptiYlt1g lu7ntl1k onlyJ~iiui~s from jts resultative meaning -_-

This merging has ied grammarians to treat the constructions together But we can do this only by assimi)ating BE to the mode) of verb complementation (as in GCE) not by assimilating TURN and so on to the model of a copula likethecpmplexrordfnsectitiy~nl_e compleimrap~W~i~ ayoor ca~~idatefltY-l~LIl~Jlt~IQ~-ordf_~~rnelltructllr~middot

M

~_

Page 31: in - UGR · (III). 11-70 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1171 Note [a] The ... In addition, we shall use where necessary the suffixes 'ph' (for

1679

1228 Complementation of verbs end adjectives

Im sorry to have kept you waiting [rm sorry because I have kept you waiting]

1 was exeited to be there [- To be there exeited me]

Adjectives in this group correspond c10sely to the adjectives followed by a that-clause in 1671 (Type [E2a(iii)D

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

afraid angry ashamed content furious glad

happy impatient indignant jubilant thankful

annoyed astonished bored coneerned delighted depressed

disgusted dissatisfied embarrassed fasemated frightened interested

overwhelmed perturbed puzzled relieved surprised worried

disappointed overjoyed

IE5(ivraquo) Boh is heaitant to agree withyou In Type (iv) the head of the adjective phrase expresses volitional meaning or a modal meaning such as ability possibility or liability Examples are

NONPARTICIPIAL PARTICIPIAL

able keen determined anxious Iiable disposed apt Iikely [E2b] fated[E2b] eertain [E2b] loath inclined curious powerless poiseddue prone prepared eager ready [E5] (all) set eligible reluetant unqualified fit [ES] sure [E2b] free [ES] unable greedy weleome hesitant willing impotent worthy

The adjectives marked [E2b] occur with a corresponding construction with extraposition of a that-clause

JilI is likely to attend - It is likely that JiU will attend

Those marked [E5] are capable of occurring with an infinitive construction of passive meaning ie with an indefinite implied subject and a coreferential implied object

Theyare not fit to eat = They are not tit to be eaten

Some ofthe most common adjectives in this list have a tendency to coalesce with the preceding copula 10 form a semimiddotauxiliary verb (ef3A7) be able to be willing to be sure to In addition to modal and volitional adjectives some adjectives ofaspectual meaning such as aeeustomed and wont may be placed here

Adjective complementation 1229

We are aecustomedto take teaon the terrace (formal) He was wont to leave the office at 5 pm (formal archaic)

(ES(vraquo) Bob is lard to convince 1680 In Type (v) the subject of the sentence is identified with the unexpressed

object of the infinitive clause which must therefore have a transitive verb hence the unacceptable Bob Is hard to arrive There is an analogous construction in which the adjective is complement to an infinitive c1ause acting as (extraposed) subject (ef 1836)

- To convince Bob is hard Bob IS hard to convmce It is hard to convince Bob

Adjeeacutetives so used refer 10 degrees of ease or comfort and iexclnclude

awkward hard tough (informal) eonvenient impossible trieky (informal) difficult niee (informal) unpleasant easy pleasant

Unless there is ellipsis we cannot omit the infinitive c1ause and so there is no semantic implication between (say) The bread was hard to bake and The bread was hard Unlike the preceding types Type (v) permitsfor + subject to be inserted at the beginning of the infinitive clause Those darts are trieky (for a beginner) to use Where the infinitive has no overt subject its implicit subject is understood to have an indefinite meanihg

Jack is easy 10 fool =Jack is easy for anyone to foo

Note With some adjectives in this group such as nice or unpleasant the entailment relation between be + adjective ro V and be + adjective is less easy lO avoid eg Jenny is nice lo know iacutemplies that Jenny is nice

IE5(viraquo) Thefood is ready to eat 1681 Again in this type the subject of the main clause is identified with the object

of the intinitive c1ause But unlike Type (v) Typemiddot(vi) has no analogous construction with an infinitive clause subject

The food is ready to eat To eat the food is ready

Also we can generally (a) omit the infinitive clause or (b) substitute a passive infinitive clause without change ofmeaning

Are these cups available (to use) = Are these cups available (to be used)

Some adjectives of this type such as availablefitfree ready and suffieient belong additionally 10 Type (iv) so that a sentence like The lamb ia ready to eat is ambiguous in one sense (the most accessible) being equivalent to the passive The lamb is ready to be eaten Then there is a wider set of adjectives which often occur without complementation at all

The air isfrosty (to breathe) Its fur is soft (to touch)

1230 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

In both Type (v) and Type (vi) the subjectofthe main clause can be equated with the prepositional object of the infinitive clause so that the infinitive c1ause ends with a deferred preposition

She is pleasant to talk to (-It is pleasant to talk to her) This paper is terribly flimsy to write on Is the cloth sufficient to make a dress out ol

In Type (vi) as well as in Type (v)for + subjeet may be inserted before the infinitive verb Are these books free (for visitors) to borrow Are these books available to borrow]

(E5(vii)J Jt is important to he accurate 1682 We saw in 1672 that a that-clause following an adjeetive may prove to be a

subjeet postponed by extraposition (ef1833) A to-infinitive clause following an adjeetive may have the same oouree

It is essential to spray the trees every year - To spray the trees every year is essential

The infinitive clause can also be introduced by for + subjeet

It is vital (for the ehildren) to be properly cIad It will be strange (for us) to be living alone

Adjectives ofTypes (ji) and (iii) in 1672 ([E2b]) may have this construction importantJortunate lueky surprising etc Possible also belongs te this group

An addiacutetional group of adjeetives oeeurring after anticipatory it are those adjeetives (ehiefly naming evaluative attributes of persons) whieh occur in pattern [E5(i)] (ef 1676) The adjeetive in this group is often followed byan of-phrase identifying the persones) being discussed

It was wrong (of him) to teIllies iexcli

It is niee ofyou to phone

[E6] Adjective complementation by an -ing participle cfause [683 A number of sub-types ofthis pattem may be mentioned

(i) Busy is followed by an -ing participle clause without subject

Margery is busy writiacuteng Ietters

Worth and worthwhile on the other hand oceur both with and without subjeet

It is seareely worth(while) (youyour) going home

Here worth(while) follows preparatory it and the participle clause is an extraposed subjeet (ef1834) Other adjectives ofthis pattern are pointless and useless (Its pointless buying so mueh food) and adjectives of Type [E2b(iiacutei)J (efl6 72) also sometimes have this complementation absurd awkwardJortunate annoying etc

EIsewhere worth and worthwhile accompany an -ing participle elause without subjeet but with a passive meaning comparable to tbat of the infinitive elause in pattern [E5(v)] (ef1680)

Complementation of abstract nouns 1231

The cartons are worth(while) saving ( Its worth(while) saving the cartens)

(iv) There is a variant eonstruction in whieh a preposition oecurs between the adjective and the participle clause In some cases the preposition is optional (cf(i) aboye)

Im busy (with) getting the house redeeorated Werefortunate (in) having Aunt Mary as a baby-sitter

In other cases the preposition is obligatory We are used to not having a car (cf1669 Note [e]) Im hopeless at keeping the garden tidy Shes not capable oflooking after herself

Note [al The adjectival constructions in (ii) above may be compared in some cases with nominal constructionsof equivalent meaning

ts 110 goaduse telling him anything Theres 110 point (in) telling him anything

8uch constructions are introduced either by anticipatory il (el 1833) or by eltistential there (el 184$) AmE also hu Theres no use telling him anythlng (b) Worthwhlle is sometimes spelled as two words The vacillation between the spellings worthwhile and worth while reflects an unclarity about the status of this sequence which may altematively be regarded as the preposition worth (eI96) followed by a noun Compare

lts not worth your whife staying lts not worlhh whh~e (your) staying worl w 1

Complementation of abstract nouns

1684 In this coneluding section we will show as a conneeting link between this chapter and the next how the pattems of complementation described for verbs and adjectives in 1620-83 are aloo to be found with abstraet nouns which are morphologieally related to those verbs and adjectives (ef nominalization 1751ff and appositional constructions 1726 1735) For example the noun likelihood is derived from and semantically related to the adjective likely It is therefore not surprising that a construction associated with the adjeetive Is found with the corresponding noun

It is likely that Joan will get married [1]

The likelihood is that loan will get married [21 the likelihood that Joan will get married [31

But the assumption of eorrespondence eannot be automatie for it may faiacutel in both direetions

loan is likely to get married Joan s likelihood to get married

It is likely of J oans getting married the likelihood of Joans getting married

------__shyiacute1 11

COMPLEX INTRANSITIVE CONSTRUCTIONS p H MATIHEWS

1 Introduction

In sentences such as [1J

ArR C~Iltiacuteltmiddotli N ([1J Th~deitgreen ~

he construct~oEJ~QLordf JJP~ that GCE850ff describes as 9QMfLEX JRANSITIV~ Ofthe elements in questionit and made are related a~Jn tQllt ~imple transitive

j [2J They made it

YihiJe ir and green a~_~latelasinasimple_ltQI1llar_sentence ( [3] lt is green (- lt

~f the type that following Lyons (l977469ff) raquoe will call ASCRIPTIVE raquouacutet greacuteen- also standsJna direcueJordf9lsJIacuteIL ordm~_iii~de the object and adjective exemplifying a single I2atteIILof VERB COMllEMe~nrJ91 This paUCIDl can be sajd torepresenta IJJS10N (G e E 850) ofJ~ltsimpler transitiv iexcll~J~Jjpiexcly_e_tjPes - _shy

IH~~_sfiE~~Ve can be fused with th~~~tY_e_(lri~alsoP~ fused with theintransitixe1 Insentildetentildeces SUChas[4] -

MI It turned green

~construc~~~~~]y idmtifkQyaacuteth th~ of l3J in both examples the

l]

~ ~ ~ ENGLISH GRAMMAR

verb is described as copularor in the terminology of GCE820f as taking intensive complementation But neither description is quite appropriate to1 both cases In the~ptive sentence there i indeed no mor~than~pYhL~

1 2ampffiMical iP~ betwe~ the adjective and its subject~ plainly this ~ ~ is not true of [4] whose verb TURN has its own specific meaning lf turned~ iacute I is a full verb it must then be the govemor of green as made is in (1) in that

iexcl ~ sense there is cornplernentatjon But we express nothing by assigning such a complernentation to the copula A solution is to c1ass I4] as a COMPLBX

IITMNSITIVE iL~onsect_trJltiordmL being an extension of th~simpleJmransiUacutelLe _shy~ i I5] It turned

j precisely as that of (1) is extended from that of [2)iexcl

2 Fused constructions

Let us take our cue from GCEs referenee to fusionlo the simpl~L =nfu~~~_~~~~~~~)t1ecltgtnstVf1ionconsistso(asingJULeAicJ~tQI(lgde) which in a dependency ana~is has both the subject and the object as its dependents or to adapt G CEs term has both a subjeet and an oJkltt asit complementation lnJhaL~se (2) has a _K1U~~~_~ruetion (Lyons i977) w1jch cannotJiexclJLr~s~Cl9JUnQ(lt_e~mentary relationships of ptediCJJQJkSo too has the simple intransitive (5] vi1ihidepeiioenforior forming the complementation of tumed So too has the simple aseriptive [3] its predicator on the analysis ofLyons and others is the adjective green One reason for relatlng the subject to the adjective is that the elements are jointly subject to selectional restrictions A reason for not relating either to the copula is that the latter stands aside (rom these restrictions adding none ofitsown

In a fused construction the pattem ls neither strictly kernel nor straightforwardly non-kemellnJhegmplex transitive [lL1oth1tan41~Y are again direct ~cngents of made these relatio~_elQ~ the words in FigJbx direC1~ltaI~_uacutela~~I~Qordf-ordfl9blleiexcl)Uumlnamp21uacuteward frollLthe

~d

(aJiquest-Fig 1

[42]

P H Matthew$

p~ed~~ So is green arc el this too being supported by selectional restrictions We are therefore dealing with a single clause rooted in made of which each word is a distinct element But green js a1soapredicator in iexclelation to il (are d)J that wav we are dealing with two kernelp~QlS th~ fuurtermclauseinfQmQrating bothtM_~tuet~[IDJr~JlsitiYlljh~ twoshytenn a~-middot -_shy

In Fig 1 we have diagrammed what any grammarian will propose provided that his terminology or his notational apparatus allow him to say it Iut similar reasonjng applies to the construction which we have called the ~IpJex ln~~-ordfEsitive Of the relationships showninf1g --~~t~~~~_

it turned green

aAacutebJ Fig2

to ir (arcc)_isagainasintheascripJjy~ and needs no further cornment But the final element is clearly suJiexcliect to ru19jtional resr=l~ordmI~ tlTlJRI_ im~~tordm-~~it~~rAUQj~9iY_I9U~l~~ed noun (He turned pink He turned kings eVidence) iQ~~~1lined phrase is exCiuacuteded (He turned arog)

tDle~sthe p~e~~i0rl~lJ9rtn is ~~jordmntildei[qiireifitetuumlmed iexclnto a frog) ~itt G-ordm-1h exdusi(m is abgolule one cannot even say He went into a criminal

f [he adjeqtive is also Iimlted to specific collocations For example one can say It turned sour or Ir went sour but it is harder to accept Ir grew sour 1 Conversely one can say He grew od but not He went od On that evidence

j we may establish a relationship of dependency between green and tumedj (arc b) The verb too can then be related to the subject (arc a)

1 Epgth o~2am~ thefe is one terro ir lVhich is a9~de~~~~t1 theascriptile anCITlieletbalk~m~1 (Fig 1 ares b and d Fig 2 ares a and c) The fusion is then effected by a further link (Fig 1 arc e Fig 2 are b) in which ond of the two predicators een is ineo orat~a~_ ordf d~RendenlO(th~ I re atlon that uirk an4hl~ COU~_~ampI~s-1 jn the case of th complex intransitille hall app1ied the Iean intlaquo=nsve

mmplementatio~gly describe he yaleruLQ(IUN or iexcl l otIllBNinthisuseJuh~int~siYeint[ansitivx But the insight intildeaacute I

alsQ be extended to the complex transitiye In that spirit MAKE or MAKE as

used in sentences such as W might appropriatelL be described ~~_~n_ i ~ntensive transitive -J -bull_--------shy

[43)

ENGLISH GRAMMAR

3 Distinctions between tbe complex intransitive and other partly similar constructions

For a three-term construction Fig 2 shows the maximum number of interconnections with each term related to each of the others The miacutenimum isone thus for the ascriptive (3) we have adopted the structure shown i~

L with l~~E2nd te~~Il2= tlliacuten amaroe~ ordmrS1PP9~g~lexn~~ ~eLClatiacute9D~t~~~~t~first an~~~hir~ But this leaves five other possibilities which in theory might be realized ust as the second element_lt~p~ltmark(r ordfs inEig 3bullKlJQQmgordmHhetordm-iriexcl in thatJ~SiquestOillY

iacutet is green

Fig3

1he_verb vQ1lld_be a predicatorrwithonl)l1he_~ygtject related 10 it This structure does not seem to be realized at least not in away whiacuteCh is -relevant to our analysis Asecond_possibil~iuhatJmly the verb a~ ~~~iexcltiY~L iquestnjgl~~_rell~q in that ca~e bot~redicatoS_w-ordmyldIgt~ impersonal-vUh lh~su~ject a me~m~ce-filler This structure might conceivably be suggested for exampIacuteesmiddotSuumlch as [6]

[6] It got mistier

with a so-called ambient it But although it may indeed be ambient with respect to mistier it need not follow that it is ambient with respect to got

In the remaining cases no element is a marker but there are only two instead of three interconnections Ir there wem no link betw-IlJhe subject ~YMh(Ejg 2 are a) the verb1tSelf would agajn be impersmordf-~ I~ transformational terms its surface subject would be derived by raising (Postal 1974) from a subordinate adjectival clause lf th3ewere no intensiye lipk between the first and second predicators (Fg 2 arWJUlt verb would be a simple intransitive taking just t~_S)lbject as its complementation th~on of tbe adjec1iYtLL~ then be uumlMrn-~0n[7] forexample --- -_~

Eacutel He arrived saber J (~ eacute cc L f ~ 2 f

grammars do not establish an intensive or copular use of ARIUVB Finally

[44]

1 P H Marrhew$

if the ascriQive lik wer~~2ken iacuteEiKbJ~~ f)hHordmjlti~~ment woulordm-no longer bJlta predicaQ~ltiexclHQle wQuldin~teadb~ADVJllqt~iexcl as in 8)

(8) He ran fa~t

There is no doubt that the intensive construction is distinct from the adverbial and that sober in [7] is at least more circumstantial than green in It turned green But the subject-verb relation is more problematic in that a raising transformation has been proposed for one at least of the G C E s intensive verbs Let us therefore take that distinction first

31 Ofthe twenty or so most common intensive verbs (GCE821) SEEM and APPEAR particularly lend themselves to transformational analysis On the evidence of sentences such as [9]

(2) It seemed that they wereamp~e~

_U~naIlJral lo establish an underlying ~~ct~~

J~sIhey were green]~ seemed

irlYhIacutetEw~4)srelate(L1ot to they J~Q9green indhiOacute1lally but to the yiole ascri2tive kernelrom the same structure a sentence such as [10)

[10] They seemed to be green

can then be derived by further transformations of subject raising and infinitive formation Froro the structure reaJized by [Io]lIleare n3tllcalli

~m~ed to derive the comple~_~transiti~euacutell

[u) They seemed gre~

by a further transformation deleting the copuiacutea For SEEM the rules deriving [10] and [u] would both be optional But for

other verbs such as TURN or GO We could make them obligatory so It turned green could be the only realization of an underlying sUr was greenls turned the ambient Ir got misrier - [6] aboye - a realization of say s[mistier]s gorand so on If the obligatory rules were then restricted to the copula we would also ensure that any other form of embedded structure (g[he eft]s turned or g[he kissed her]s grew) was filtered out By such means a treatment which is widely accepted for SEEM and for which the evidence is at first compelling could be extended if it were thought appropriate to the entire intensive intransitive class

There are good reasons for not thinking it appropriate In a sentence such as [12]

[12] Harry got drunk

Qn~JsllQIacuteli~ply talking of a_~ate tha~ reslllttI s~o t~a~ ~~rry vs (45)

ENGLISH GRAMMAR

drunk or Harrys drunkenness happened) Nor is Harrya mere theme or tliexclfc (Aacute~-to-KarryQruniexcliquestenneacuteSs-l1ippened to him) tlamp11tbject iexclS1

potentia1lt-at-l~st--alMl~tgh-ge~~amp9run_~ wassoID1hiiL~hatJIal did The--verb mayaccordiacutentilde-gly take a subject adjunct (O CE 466]) thus I delibera tey got drunk or He foo(lshy turned traitor It may also supply the complement of a conative verb (1 did try to get drunk) may appear in the imperative (Dont get drunk ) and so on For sorne collocations this potentiacuteality is doubtless harder to realize (compare He delibera tey turned bue with He delibera tey turned nasty or He tried ro grow oder with He tried ro grow farter) but that is precisely the case for subjects and predicators generally lt is this semantic role that justifies the first link shown in Fig 2

which an impersonal structure as in (b)

(b) s[Harry was drunkls got

would relegate to the surface If (b) is wrong for Harry got drunk a transformationalist should consider

more carefully w hether a similar structure is correct for Harry seemed drunk Let us assume that it is correct for the construction with a that-clause (It seemed that Harry was dhmk) for SEEM and APPEAR a c1ausal complement does form one possibility Let us also accept that SBBM has a constant sense in all its constructions But for other current intensives (G eE 820 f) the evidence is more complexo With SOUNO a that-clause can be forced for example if a dative is inserted (lt sounds ro me that (hey arent coming) There is also an impersonal construction with as if

[131 It sounds as ifthey were green

which might be thought to derive from the same source The construction of [13] is also acceptable witb LOOK (lt ooks as ifthey arent coming) But between it and the complex intransitive we can find clear disparities in meaning In [13] the judgment is based on indirect clues what sounds or appears from audible information is indeed the whole proposition they were green But in the complex intransitive [14]

[141 They sound drunk

it is based on sounds that they are making For that reason it is harder 10 make sense of They sound green Likewise They [ook drunk means that they from their appearance are so But in It loob as ifthey are drunk the speaker does not even imply that he has seen them (Compare Prom what you say it ooks as if rhey are drunk) Ir we wanted a complex source it would be tempting 10 relate [14] not 10 the impersonal [13] with raising but rather to the personal [Is1

[IS] They sound as iexclfthey are drunk

with the second they deleted

[46]

P H Marthews

Personal and impersonal are often hard to separate as Palmer (1972) and before him Bolinger(l96la) have shown Ofthis group ofintensives TASTE

and 5MBLL are the most restricted in meaning and it is with these that the impersonal construction as in [91 and [131 is least acceptable With TASTE

neither seems likely Ir rasres to me that the soup is saty It tastes to me as if they are sweer If the second example can be interpreted it is by virtue of a blending with the personal construction (compare It tasres as ifit ) With SMELL the construction of [131 may be more acceptable (Ir smells ro me as if dinner is ready) but the blending remains With PEEL a non-tactile sense is possible (Ir fees Iikey) but is less established than the broader senses of LOOK or SOUNO (compare Ir ooks likey II sounds likey) It is in this case that my judgment is least secure would one say for example It fees (or Ir fees to me) as if they were green With SOUNO and LOOK the general sense is well established as in [131 or Ir sounds likely but there is still a sensory meaning as in [14] and [Isl which inhibits the pure impersonal with that With SEEM and APPEAR we are at the end of the continuum both having general senses only Hence the construction of[91 alongside the impersonal with as if (Ir seems as if they were green) Hence perhaps the infinitive construction of [101 with SOUNO and the others this too is awkward (They ooked ro have arrived Or Ir tastes ro me to be sweer) But it does not follow that the semantical1y general They seem drunk differs in syntax from the specifically sensory They sound drunk or They smell drunk We can even force an active interpretation of the subject thus They tried lO appear drunk or I deliberarey seemed irrftated

32 As [11] with SEEM Hes on a gradience between personal and impersonal so there are others which raise problems in distinguishing intensive from adverbial and circumstantial constructions For there is no criterion which is both sufficient and necessary

The obvious step is to tesectt for simpler transforms Thus J9r [12] Harl~ qrunk ~e can comp~jiexcleJgtimple a~ve Harry was drul~ TRANSFORM in that firstIy it is a a d secondly the predicator

-ORUNK hasnot a tq~ sense s no intraiiSIuvetrans[oacuterintilde ~stiiis~se of G BI is oot ~ble Nor has 4 r tumeirgeacute-iexcl an intransitive transform It turned since this involves a different sense oC TURN Ir there~~ an ascriptive transform but n9-Wn~itive the JhirdeiacuteeDlen t mult be a complementi so [41 and [12] must be complex intransitive Ir there is neither transform it MA y be complement but the col~of verb and adjective mjgbt rCaSantildea be classed as idiomatic Thus The roses have run wild has no transform The roses ve iiOr-aacuteoes it strictly match The rOSes are wild But WILO is at least an adiecti~ must stand in sorne relationship to the verb therefore R UN WILO is right1y

chmldw-rresultintensive (O eE) ---shy-- -_--g ~ _---_bull ~ shy

[471

ENOLISH ORAMMAR

If there is a simple intransitive but no ascriptive transr2ffil--_~~~ coacutentildeSffiiClioacutentilde-intildeuumlSt]ie iexcljdve(J2iacuteaIYlIacuteustrivialIy He ran iexcliuieacutekly has no ascriptive tiexclansfo~ He was quickly less trivially He travelled light does not match He was ight But what if we find both rlJgJQQordf~tillha$ordflJ ascriEtive _~ran~f~rrlJ~eYI1Jer~_~~ ~sectmL1aY-J~_a~~plement circumstantjallik~iilelltjnThey-sJoQdsilent ordfytlb~~j~llsothe simpler intran~1ti~ fbilystQPf so still ~ight be anadver~ like sileniTyintilde-fiieystood silenty Since there is no distinct form srilly the latter is hard to rule out For It shone white we can compare the formally adjectivallt shone brighr again there are both transforms (Ir shone Ir was white) But It shone brighr is c10se in meaning to the formaUy adverbial Ir shone brighry could white be an adverb in default of or as the commoner altemative to whirely Blending may aIso be found in idioms For example it is fruitless to ask if doggo is an adjective or an adverb in He is Iying doggo

For the circumstantial case both transforms are necessary thus [7] He arriuacuteiid sober has the triexcliexclntildeiiiacuteormsmiddotiexcliexcluacuteli-iexcliexclved andHe wasectSoacutebe Wewoacuteuumllifiliso ixpeeacutetthilUumlheveromiddotantildedmiddotildjectTe-shouId befreeOi collocationaI restrictions so He arrived sober He left sober He Jeft satisjied He arrived satisfied and so on But it is very hard to say when such a requirement iacutes meto One does not say for example They stood noisy or They sroodpeacefuJ on that evidence They stood sient might be classed as complex intransitive But neither is one likely to say They arrived noisy or They arrived kind Is that too a matter of collocational restrictions so that [7] is also intensive Or is it merely that NOISY and KIND are ill suIacuteted 10 this construction7 At this point jt is tempting to distinguish degrees of circumstantiality The extreme case would be represented by such sentences as [16]

[16] They stood there exhausted

(Iikewise They have arrived quite sober) where the adjective and verb are marked as separate Beside [16] the construction in [7] is less clearly circumstantial in They stood sient or They stoodfidgering it is perhaps even r less so But this last might stilJ be seen as less intensive than for example

iexcl They stood amazed Likewise They feJl exhausted is less clearly intensi ve than 1 They fell sick since it involves no special sense of FALL

~

f lrOacutel p1lI1riHmD ~ amires f0tr eompiex trlmSitive fu Tlieyfbuntlliim~

guilry there is a special sense OfPIND as ofMAKE in They mode it green In TIwy rrun Juacutem JOber tbat IacuteoS DO spcciiexcll SCDSII of)lEET~ by tbat cS ~ is more eircumsumlial BUl onc la unlikely lO say for eumple They me hlm meditative

4 Finally there is an obvious gradience between the coxnP-1ex intransitive ~nct the simple ascriptj~ With TURN 01 GROW there are~-selecUumlonal restrictions as we have seen With SBJlli or SIhV tney are far fewer

[48J

P H Matthews

neverthelesson~canI1Q~~yfordmr_~ordfmplelfil_sectil1Ied chairmqf1-ltcompareH~ stayelt chairman Qr1fsectJjiquest_riquest~cordfirmordfl1) or It srays obvious that (compare It seemsobvious that or It remainsobvious that ) With REMAIN it is hard to find any but at least the intransitive exists He remained) and their senses can be related Wth BECOMB that evidence too is lacking He became drunk can be distinguish-ed(rontildei1lieasgiptiYlt1g lu7ntl1k onlyJ~iiui~s from jts resultative meaning -_-

This merging has ied grammarians to treat the constructions together But we can do this only by assimi)ating BE to the mode) of verb complementation (as in GCE) not by assimilating TURN and so on to the model of a copula likethecpmplexrordfnsectitiy~nl_e compleimrap~W~i~ ayoor ca~~idatefltY-l~LIl~Jlt~IQ~-ordf_~~rnelltructllr~middot

M

~_

Page 32: in - UGR · (III). 11-70 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1171 Note [a] The ... In addition, we shall use where necessary the suffixes 'ph' (for

1230 Complementation of verbs and adjectives

In both Type (v) and Type (vi) the subjectofthe main clause can be equated with the prepositional object of the infinitive clause so that the infinitive c1ause ends with a deferred preposition

She is pleasant to talk to (-It is pleasant to talk to her) This paper is terribly flimsy to write on Is the cloth sufficient to make a dress out ol

In Type (vi) as well as in Type (v)for + subjeet may be inserted before the infinitive verb Are these books free (for visitors) to borrow Are these books available to borrow]

(E5(vii)J Jt is important to he accurate 1682 We saw in 1672 that a that-clause following an adjeetive may prove to be a

subjeet postponed by extraposition (ef1833) A to-infinitive clause following an adjeetive may have the same oouree

It is essential to spray the trees every year - To spray the trees every year is essential

The infinitive clause can also be introduced by for + subjeet

It is vital (for the ehildren) to be properly cIad It will be strange (for us) to be living alone

Adjectives ofTypes (ji) and (iii) in 1672 ([E2b]) may have this construction importantJortunate lueky surprising etc Possible also belongs te this group

An addiacutetional group of adjeetives oeeurring after anticipatory it are those adjeetives (ehiefly naming evaluative attributes of persons) whieh occur in pattern [E5(i)] (ef 1676) The adjeetive in this group is often followed byan of-phrase identifying the persones) being discussed

It was wrong (of him) to teIllies iexcli

It is niee ofyou to phone

[E6] Adjective complementation by an -ing participle cfause [683 A number of sub-types ofthis pattem may be mentioned

(i) Busy is followed by an -ing participle clause without subject

Margery is busy writiacuteng Ietters

Worth and worthwhile on the other hand oceur both with and without subjeet

It is seareely worth(while) (youyour) going home

Here worth(while) follows preparatory it and the participle clause is an extraposed subjeet (ef1834) Other adjectives ofthis pattern are pointless and useless (Its pointless buying so mueh food) and adjectives of Type [E2b(iiacutei)J (efl6 72) also sometimes have this complementation absurd awkwardJortunate annoying etc

EIsewhere worth and worthwhile accompany an -ing participle elause without subjeet but with a passive meaning comparable to tbat of the infinitive elause in pattern [E5(v)] (ef1680)

Complementation of abstract nouns 1231

The cartons are worth(while) saving ( Its worth(while) saving the cartens)

(iv) There is a variant eonstruction in whieh a preposition oecurs between the adjective and the participle clause In some cases the preposition is optional (cf(i) aboye)

Im busy (with) getting the house redeeorated Werefortunate (in) having Aunt Mary as a baby-sitter

In other cases the preposition is obligatory We are used to not having a car (cf1669 Note [e]) Im hopeless at keeping the garden tidy Shes not capable oflooking after herself

Note [al The adjectival constructions in (ii) above may be compared in some cases with nominal constructionsof equivalent meaning

ts 110 goaduse telling him anything Theres 110 point (in) telling him anything

8uch constructions are introduced either by anticipatory il (el 1833) or by eltistential there (el 184$) AmE also hu Theres no use telling him anythlng (b) Worthwhlle is sometimes spelled as two words The vacillation between the spellings worthwhile and worth while reflects an unclarity about the status of this sequence which may altematively be regarded as the preposition worth (eI96) followed by a noun Compare

lts not worth your whife staying lts not worlhh whh~e (your) staying worl w 1

Complementation of abstract nouns

1684 In this coneluding section we will show as a conneeting link between this chapter and the next how the pattems of complementation described for verbs and adjectives in 1620-83 are aloo to be found with abstraet nouns which are morphologieally related to those verbs and adjectives (ef nominalization 1751ff and appositional constructions 1726 1735) For example the noun likelihood is derived from and semantically related to the adjective likely It is therefore not surprising that a construction associated with the adjeetive Is found with the corresponding noun

It is likely that Joan will get married [1]

The likelihood is that loan will get married [21 the likelihood that Joan will get married [31

But the assumption of eorrespondence eannot be automatie for it may faiacutel in both direetions

loan is likely to get married Joan s likelihood to get married

It is likely of J oans getting married the likelihood of Joans getting married

------__shyiacute1 11

COMPLEX INTRANSITIVE CONSTRUCTIONS p H MATIHEWS

1 Introduction

In sentences such as [1J

ArR C~Iltiacuteltmiddotli N ([1J Th~deitgreen ~

he construct~oEJ~QLordf JJP~ that GCE850ff describes as 9QMfLEX JRANSITIV~ Ofthe elements in questionit and made are related a~Jn tQllt ~imple transitive

j [2J They made it

YihiJe ir and green a~_~latelasinasimple_ltQI1llar_sentence ( [3] lt is green (- lt

~f the type that following Lyons (l977469ff) raquoe will call ASCRIPTIVE raquouacutet greacuteen- also standsJna direcueJordf9lsJIacuteIL ordm~_iii~de the object and adjective exemplifying a single I2atteIILof VERB COMllEMe~nrJ91 This paUCIDl can be sajd torepresenta IJJS10N (G e E 850) ofJ~ltsimpler transitiv iexcll~J~Jjpiexcly_e_tjPes - _shy

IH~~_sfiE~~Ve can be fused with th~~~tY_e_(lri~alsoP~ fused with theintransitixe1 Insentildetentildeces SUChas[4] -

MI It turned green

~construc~~~~~]y idmtifkQyaacuteth th~ of l3J in both examples the

l]

~ ~ ~ ENGLISH GRAMMAR

verb is described as copularor in the terminology of GCE820f as taking intensive complementation But neither description is quite appropriate to1 both cases In the~ptive sentence there i indeed no mor~than~pYhL~

1 2ampffiMical iP~ betwe~ the adjective and its subject~ plainly this ~ ~ is not true of [4] whose verb TURN has its own specific meaning lf turned~ iacute I is a full verb it must then be the govemor of green as made is in (1) in that

iexcl ~ sense there is cornplernentatjon But we express nothing by assigning such a complernentation to the copula A solution is to c1ass I4] as a COMPLBX

IITMNSITIVE iL~onsect_trJltiordmL being an extension of th~simpleJmransiUacutelLe _shy~ i I5] It turned

j precisely as that of (1) is extended from that of [2)iexcl

2 Fused constructions

Let us take our cue from GCEs referenee to fusionlo the simpl~L =nfu~~~_~~~~~~~)t1ecltgtnstVf1ionconsistso(asingJULeAicJ~tQI(lgde) which in a dependency ana~is has both the subject and the object as its dependents or to adapt G CEs term has both a subjeet and an oJkltt asit complementation lnJhaL~se (2) has a _K1U~~~_~ruetion (Lyons i977) w1jch cannotJiexclJLr~s~Cl9JUnQ(lt_e~mentary relationships of ptediCJJQJkSo too has the simple intransitive (5] vi1ihidepeiioenforior forming the complementation of tumed So too has the simple aseriptive [3] its predicator on the analysis ofLyons and others is the adjective green One reason for relatlng the subject to the adjective is that the elements are jointly subject to selectional restrictions A reason for not relating either to the copula is that the latter stands aside (rom these restrictions adding none ofitsown

In a fused construction the pattem ls neither strictly kernel nor straightforwardly non-kemellnJhegmplex transitive [lL1oth1tan41~Y are again direct ~cngents of made these relatio~_elQ~ the words in FigJbx direC1~ltaI~_uacutela~~I~Qordf-ordfl9blleiexcl)Uumlnamp21uacuteward frollLthe

~d

(aJiquest-Fig 1

[42]

P H Matthew$

p~ed~~ So is green arc el this too being supported by selectional restrictions We are therefore dealing with a single clause rooted in made of which each word is a distinct element But green js a1soapredicator in iexclelation to il (are d)J that wav we are dealing with two kernelp~QlS th~ fuurtermclauseinfQmQrating bothtM_~tuet~[IDJr~JlsitiYlljh~ twoshytenn a~-middot -_shy

In Fig 1 we have diagrammed what any grammarian will propose provided that his terminology or his notational apparatus allow him to say it Iut similar reasonjng applies to the construction which we have called the ~IpJex ln~~-ordfEsitive Of the relationships showninf1g --~~t~~~~_

it turned green

aAacutebJ Fig2

to ir (arcc)_isagainasintheascripJjy~ and needs no further cornment But the final element is clearly suJiexcliect to ru19jtional resr=l~ordmI~ tlTlJRI_ im~~tordm-~~it~~rAUQj~9iY_I9U~l~~ed noun (He turned pink He turned kings eVidence) iQ~~~1lined phrase is exCiuacuteded (He turned arog)

tDle~sthe p~e~~i0rl~lJ9rtn is ~~jordmntildei[qiireifitetuumlmed iexclnto a frog) ~itt G-ordm-1h exdusi(m is abgolule one cannot even say He went into a criminal

f [he adjeqtive is also Iimlted to specific collocations For example one can say It turned sour or Ir went sour but it is harder to accept Ir grew sour 1 Conversely one can say He grew od but not He went od On that evidence

j we may establish a relationship of dependency between green and tumedj (arc b) The verb too can then be related to the subject (arc a)

1 Epgth o~2am~ thefe is one terro ir lVhich is a9~de~~~~t1 theascriptile anCITlieletbalk~m~1 (Fig 1 ares b and d Fig 2 ares a and c) The fusion is then effected by a further link (Fig 1 arc e Fig 2 are b) in which ond of the two predicators een is ineo orat~a~_ ordf d~RendenlO(th~ I re atlon that uirk an4hl~ COU~_~ampI~s-1 jn the case of th complex intransitille hall app1ied the Iean intlaquo=nsve

mmplementatio~gly describe he yaleruLQ(IUN or iexcl l otIllBNinthisuseJuh~int~siYeint[ansitivx But the insight intildeaacute I

alsQ be extended to the complex transitiye In that spirit MAKE or MAKE as

used in sentences such as W might appropriatelL be described ~~_~n_ i ~ntensive transitive -J -bull_--------shy

[43)

ENGLISH GRAMMAR

3 Distinctions between tbe complex intransitive and other partly similar constructions

For a three-term construction Fig 2 shows the maximum number of interconnections with each term related to each of the others The miacutenimum isone thus for the ascriptive (3) we have adopted the structure shown i~

L with l~~E2nd te~~Il2= tlliacuten amaroe~ ordmrS1PP9~g~lexn~~ ~eLClatiacute9D~t~~~~t~first an~~~hir~ But this leaves five other possibilities which in theory might be realized ust as the second element_lt~p~ltmark(r ordfs inEig 3bullKlJQQmgordmHhetordm-iriexcl in thatJ~SiquestOillY

iacutet is green

Fig3

1he_verb vQ1lld_be a predicatorrwithonl)l1he_~ygtject related 10 it This structure does not seem to be realized at least not in away whiacuteCh is -relevant to our analysis Asecond_possibil~iuhatJmly the verb a~ ~~~iexcltiY~L iquestnjgl~~_rell~q in that ca~e bot~redicatoS_w-ordmyldIgt~ impersonal-vUh lh~su~ject a me~m~ce-filler This structure might conceivably be suggested for exampIacuteesmiddotSuumlch as [6]

[6] It got mistier

with a so-called ambient it But although it may indeed be ambient with respect to mistier it need not follow that it is ambient with respect to got

In the remaining cases no element is a marker but there are only two instead of three interconnections Ir there wem no link betw-IlJhe subject ~YMh(Ejg 2 are a) the verb1tSelf would agajn be impersmordf-~ I~ transformational terms its surface subject would be derived by raising (Postal 1974) from a subordinate adjectival clause lf th3ewere no intensiye lipk between the first and second predicators (Fg 2 arWJUlt verb would be a simple intransitive taking just t~_S)lbject as its complementation th~on of tbe adjec1iYtLL~ then be uumlMrn-~0n[7] forexample --- -_~

Eacutel He arrived saber J (~ eacute cc L f ~ 2 f

grammars do not establish an intensive or copular use of ARIUVB Finally

[44]

1 P H Marrhew$

if the ascriQive lik wer~~2ken iacuteEiKbJ~~ f)hHordmjlti~~ment woulordm-no longer bJlta predicaQ~ltiexclHQle wQuldin~teadb~ADVJllqt~iexcl as in 8)

(8) He ran fa~t

There is no doubt that the intensive construction is distinct from the adverbial and that sober in [7] is at least more circumstantial than green in It turned green But the subject-verb relation is more problematic in that a raising transformation has been proposed for one at least of the G C E s intensive verbs Let us therefore take that distinction first

31 Ofthe twenty or so most common intensive verbs (GCE821) SEEM and APPEAR particularly lend themselves to transformational analysis On the evidence of sentences such as [9]

(2) It seemed that they wereamp~e~

_U~naIlJral lo establish an underlying ~~ct~~

J~sIhey were green]~ seemed

irlYhIacutetEw~4)srelate(L1ot to they J~Q9green indhiOacute1lally but to the yiole ascri2tive kernelrom the same structure a sentence such as [10)

[10] They seemed to be green

can then be derived by further transformations of subject raising and infinitive formation Froro the structure reaJized by [Io]lIleare n3tllcalli

~m~ed to derive the comple~_~transiti~euacutell

[u) They seemed gre~

by a further transformation deleting the copuiacutea For SEEM the rules deriving [10] and [u] would both be optional But for

other verbs such as TURN or GO We could make them obligatory so It turned green could be the only realization of an underlying sUr was greenls turned the ambient Ir got misrier - [6] aboye - a realization of say s[mistier]s gorand so on If the obligatory rules were then restricted to the copula we would also ensure that any other form of embedded structure (g[he eft]s turned or g[he kissed her]s grew) was filtered out By such means a treatment which is widely accepted for SEEM and for which the evidence is at first compelling could be extended if it were thought appropriate to the entire intensive intransitive class

There are good reasons for not thinking it appropriate In a sentence such as [12]

[12] Harry got drunk

Qn~JsllQIacuteli~ply talking of a_~ate tha~ reslllttI s~o t~a~ ~~rry vs (45)

ENGLISH GRAMMAR

drunk or Harrys drunkenness happened) Nor is Harrya mere theme or tliexclfc (Aacute~-to-KarryQruniexcliquestenneacuteSs-l1ippened to him) tlamp11tbject iexclS1

potentia1lt-at-l~st--alMl~tgh-ge~~amp9run_~ wassoID1hiiL~hatJIal did The--verb mayaccordiacutentilde-gly take a subject adjunct (O CE 466]) thus I delibera tey got drunk or He foo(lshy turned traitor It may also supply the complement of a conative verb (1 did try to get drunk) may appear in the imperative (Dont get drunk ) and so on For sorne collocations this potentiacuteality is doubtless harder to realize (compare He delibera tey turned bue with He delibera tey turned nasty or He tried ro grow oder with He tried ro grow farter) but that is precisely the case for subjects and predicators generally lt is this semantic role that justifies the first link shown in Fig 2

which an impersonal structure as in (b)

(b) s[Harry was drunkls got

would relegate to the surface If (b) is wrong for Harry got drunk a transformationalist should consider

more carefully w hether a similar structure is correct for Harry seemed drunk Let us assume that it is correct for the construction with a that-clause (It seemed that Harry was dhmk) for SEEM and APPEAR a c1ausal complement does form one possibility Let us also accept that SBBM has a constant sense in all its constructions But for other current intensives (G eE 820 f) the evidence is more complexo With SOUNO a that-clause can be forced for example if a dative is inserted (lt sounds ro me that (hey arent coming) There is also an impersonal construction with as if

[131 It sounds as ifthey were green

which might be thought to derive from the same source The construction of [13] is also acceptable witb LOOK (lt ooks as ifthey arent coming) But between it and the complex intransitive we can find clear disparities in meaning In [13] the judgment is based on indirect clues what sounds or appears from audible information is indeed the whole proposition they were green But in the complex intransitive [14]

[141 They sound drunk

it is based on sounds that they are making For that reason it is harder 10 make sense of They sound green Likewise They [ook drunk means that they from their appearance are so But in It loob as ifthey are drunk the speaker does not even imply that he has seen them (Compare Prom what you say it ooks as if rhey are drunk) Ir we wanted a complex source it would be tempting 10 relate [14] not 10 the impersonal [13] with raising but rather to the personal [Is1

[IS] They sound as iexclfthey are drunk

with the second they deleted

[46]

P H Marthews

Personal and impersonal are often hard to separate as Palmer (1972) and before him Bolinger(l96la) have shown Ofthis group ofintensives TASTE

and 5MBLL are the most restricted in meaning and it is with these that the impersonal construction as in [91 and [131 is least acceptable With TASTE

neither seems likely Ir rasres to me that the soup is saty It tastes to me as if they are sweer If the second example can be interpreted it is by virtue of a blending with the personal construction (compare It tasres as ifit ) With SMELL the construction of [131 may be more acceptable (Ir smells ro me as if dinner is ready) but the blending remains With PEEL a non-tactile sense is possible (Ir fees Iikey) but is less established than the broader senses of LOOK or SOUNO (compare Ir ooks likey II sounds likey) It is in this case that my judgment is least secure would one say for example It fees (or Ir fees to me) as if they were green With SOUNO and LOOK the general sense is well established as in [131 or Ir sounds likely but there is still a sensory meaning as in [14] and [Isl which inhibits the pure impersonal with that With SEEM and APPEAR we are at the end of the continuum both having general senses only Hence the construction of[91 alongside the impersonal with as if (Ir seems as if they were green) Hence perhaps the infinitive construction of [101 with SOUNO and the others this too is awkward (They ooked ro have arrived Or Ir tastes ro me to be sweer) But it does not follow that the semantical1y general They seem drunk differs in syntax from the specifically sensory They sound drunk or They smell drunk We can even force an active interpretation of the subject thus They tried lO appear drunk or I deliberarey seemed irrftated

32 As [11] with SEEM Hes on a gradience between personal and impersonal so there are others which raise problems in distinguishing intensive from adverbial and circumstantial constructions For there is no criterion which is both sufficient and necessary

The obvious step is to tesectt for simpler transforms Thus J9r [12] Harl~ qrunk ~e can comp~jiexcleJgtimple a~ve Harry was drul~ TRANSFORM in that firstIy it is a a d secondly the predicator

-ORUNK hasnot a tq~ sense s no intraiiSIuvetrans[oacuterintilde ~stiiis~se of G BI is oot ~ble Nor has 4 r tumeirgeacute-iexcl an intransitive transform It turned since this involves a different sense oC TURN Ir there~~ an ascriptive transform but n9-Wn~itive the JhirdeiacuteeDlen t mult be a complementi so [41 and [12] must be complex intransitive Ir there is neither transform it MA y be complement but the col~of verb and adjective mjgbt rCaSantildea be classed as idiomatic Thus The roses have run wild has no transform The roses ve iiOr-aacuteoes it strictly match The rOSes are wild But WILO is at least an adiecti~ must stand in sorne relationship to the verb therefore R UN WILO is right1y

chmldw-rresultintensive (O eE) ---shy-- -_--g ~ _---_bull ~ shy

[471

ENOLISH ORAMMAR

If there is a simple intransitive but no ascriptive transr2ffil--_~~~ coacutentildeSffiiClioacutentilde-intildeuumlSt]ie iexcljdve(J2iacuteaIYlIacuteustrivialIy He ran iexcliuieacutekly has no ascriptive tiexclansfo~ He was quickly less trivially He travelled light does not match He was ight But what if we find both rlJgJQQordf~tillha$ordflJ ascriEtive _~ran~f~rrlJ~eYI1Jer~_~~ ~sectmL1aY-J~_a~~plement circumstantjallik~iilelltjnThey-sJoQdsilent ordfytlb~~j~llsothe simpler intran~1ti~ fbilystQPf so still ~ight be anadver~ like sileniTyintilde-fiieystood silenty Since there is no distinct form srilly the latter is hard to rule out For It shone white we can compare the formally adjectivallt shone brighr again there are both transforms (Ir shone Ir was white) But It shone brighr is c10se in meaning to the formaUy adverbial Ir shone brighry could white be an adverb in default of or as the commoner altemative to whirely Blending may aIso be found in idioms For example it is fruitless to ask if doggo is an adjective or an adverb in He is Iying doggo

For the circumstantial case both transforms are necessary thus [7] He arriuacuteiid sober has the triexcliexclntildeiiiacuteormsmiddotiexcliexcluacuteli-iexcliexclved andHe wasectSoacutebe Wewoacuteuumllifiliso ixpeeacutetthilUumlheveromiddotantildedmiddotildjectTe-shouId befreeOi collocationaI restrictions so He arrived sober He left sober He Jeft satisjied He arrived satisfied and so on But it is very hard to say when such a requirement iacutes meto One does not say for example They stood noisy or They sroodpeacefuJ on that evidence They stood sient might be classed as complex intransitive But neither is one likely to say They arrived noisy or They arrived kind Is that too a matter of collocational restrictions so that [7] is also intensive Or is it merely that NOISY and KIND are ill suIacuteted 10 this construction7 At this point jt is tempting to distinguish degrees of circumstantiality The extreme case would be represented by such sentences as [16]

[16] They stood there exhausted

(Iikewise They have arrived quite sober) where the adjective and verb are marked as separate Beside [16] the construction in [7] is less clearly circumstantial in They stood sient or They stoodfidgering it is perhaps even r less so But this last might stilJ be seen as less intensive than for example

iexcl They stood amazed Likewise They feJl exhausted is less clearly intensi ve than 1 They fell sick since it involves no special sense of FALL

~

f lrOacutel p1lI1riHmD ~ amires f0tr eompiex trlmSitive fu Tlieyfbuntlliim~

guilry there is a special sense OfPIND as ofMAKE in They mode it green In TIwy rrun Juacutem JOber tbat IacuteoS DO spcciiexcll SCDSII of)lEET~ by tbat cS ~ is more eircumsumlial BUl onc la unlikely lO say for eumple They me hlm meditative

4 Finally there is an obvious gradience between the coxnP-1ex intransitive ~nct the simple ascriptj~ With TURN 01 GROW there are~-selecUumlonal restrictions as we have seen With SBJlli or SIhV tney are far fewer

[48J

P H Matthews

neverthelesson~canI1Q~~yfordmr_~ordfmplelfil_sectil1Ied chairmqf1-ltcompareH~ stayelt chairman Qr1fsectJjiquest_riquest~cordfirmordfl1) or It srays obvious that (compare It seemsobvious that or It remainsobvious that ) With REMAIN it is hard to find any but at least the intransitive exists He remained) and their senses can be related Wth BECOMB that evidence too is lacking He became drunk can be distinguish-ed(rontildei1lieasgiptiYlt1g lu7ntl1k onlyJ~iiui~s from jts resultative meaning -_-

This merging has ied grammarians to treat the constructions together But we can do this only by assimi)ating BE to the mode) of verb complementation (as in GCE) not by assimilating TURN and so on to the model of a copula likethecpmplexrordfnsectitiy~nl_e compleimrap~W~i~ ayoor ca~~idatefltY-l~LIl~Jlt~IQ~-ordf_~~rnelltructllr~middot

M

~_

Page 33: in - UGR · (III). 11-70 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1171 Note [a] The ... In addition, we shall use where necessary the suffixes 'ph' (for

------__shyiacute1 11

COMPLEX INTRANSITIVE CONSTRUCTIONS p H MATIHEWS

1 Introduction

In sentences such as [1J

ArR C~Iltiacuteltmiddotli N ([1J Th~deitgreen ~

he construct~oEJ~QLordf JJP~ that GCE850ff describes as 9QMfLEX JRANSITIV~ Ofthe elements in questionit and made are related a~Jn tQllt ~imple transitive

j [2J They made it

YihiJe ir and green a~_~latelasinasimple_ltQI1llar_sentence ( [3] lt is green (- lt

~f the type that following Lyons (l977469ff) raquoe will call ASCRIPTIVE raquouacutet greacuteen- also standsJna direcueJordf9lsJIacuteIL ordm~_iii~de the object and adjective exemplifying a single I2atteIILof VERB COMllEMe~nrJ91 This paUCIDl can be sajd torepresenta IJJS10N (G e E 850) ofJ~ltsimpler transitiv iexcll~J~Jjpiexcly_e_tjPes - _shy

IH~~_sfiE~~Ve can be fused with th~~~tY_e_(lri~alsoP~ fused with theintransitixe1 Insentildetentildeces SUChas[4] -

MI It turned green

~construc~~~~~]y idmtifkQyaacuteth th~ of l3J in both examples the

l]

~ ~ ~ ENGLISH GRAMMAR

verb is described as copularor in the terminology of GCE820f as taking intensive complementation But neither description is quite appropriate to1 both cases In the~ptive sentence there i indeed no mor~than~pYhL~

1 2ampffiMical iP~ betwe~ the adjective and its subject~ plainly this ~ ~ is not true of [4] whose verb TURN has its own specific meaning lf turned~ iacute I is a full verb it must then be the govemor of green as made is in (1) in that

iexcl ~ sense there is cornplernentatjon But we express nothing by assigning such a complernentation to the copula A solution is to c1ass I4] as a COMPLBX

IITMNSITIVE iL~onsect_trJltiordmL being an extension of th~simpleJmransiUacutelLe _shy~ i I5] It turned

j precisely as that of (1) is extended from that of [2)iexcl

2 Fused constructions

Let us take our cue from GCEs referenee to fusionlo the simpl~L =nfu~~~_~~~~~~~)t1ecltgtnstVf1ionconsistso(asingJULeAicJ~tQI(lgde) which in a dependency ana~is has both the subject and the object as its dependents or to adapt G CEs term has both a subjeet and an oJkltt asit complementation lnJhaL~se (2) has a _K1U~~~_~ruetion (Lyons i977) w1jch cannotJiexclJLr~s~Cl9JUnQ(lt_e~mentary relationships of ptediCJJQJkSo too has the simple intransitive (5] vi1ihidepeiioenforior forming the complementation of tumed So too has the simple aseriptive [3] its predicator on the analysis ofLyons and others is the adjective green One reason for relatlng the subject to the adjective is that the elements are jointly subject to selectional restrictions A reason for not relating either to the copula is that the latter stands aside (rom these restrictions adding none ofitsown

In a fused construction the pattem ls neither strictly kernel nor straightforwardly non-kemellnJhegmplex transitive [lL1oth1tan41~Y are again direct ~cngents of made these relatio~_elQ~ the words in FigJbx direC1~ltaI~_uacutela~~I~Qordf-ordfl9blleiexcl)Uumlnamp21uacuteward frollLthe

~d

(aJiquest-Fig 1

[42]

P H Matthew$

p~ed~~ So is green arc el this too being supported by selectional restrictions We are therefore dealing with a single clause rooted in made of which each word is a distinct element But green js a1soapredicator in iexclelation to il (are d)J that wav we are dealing with two kernelp~QlS th~ fuurtermclauseinfQmQrating bothtM_~tuet~[IDJr~JlsitiYlljh~ twoshytenn a~-middot -_shy

In Fig 1 we have diagrammed what any grammarian will propose provided that his terminology or his notational apparatus allow him to say it Iut similar reasonjng applies to the construction which we have called the ~IpJex ln~~-ordfEsitive Of the relationships showninf1g --~~t~~~~_

it turned green

aAacutebJ Fig2

to ir (arcc)_isagainasintheascripJjy~ and needs no further cornment But the final element is clearly suJiexcliect to ru19jtional resr=l~ordmI~ tlTlJRI_ im~~tordm-~~it~~rAUQj~9iY_I9U~l~~ed noun (He turned pink He turned kings eVidence) iQ~~~1lined phrase is exCiuacuteded (He turned arog)

tDle~sthe p~e~~i0rl~lJ9rtn is ~~jordmntildei[qiireifitetuumlmed iexclnto a frog) ~itt G-ordm-1h exdusi(m is abgolule one cannot even say He went into a criminal

f [he adjeqtive is also Iimlted to specific collocations For example one can say It turned sour or Ir went sour but it is harder to accept Ir grew sour 1 Conversely one can say He grew od but not He went od On that evidence

j we may establish a relationship of dependency between green and tumedj (arc b) The verb too can then be related to the subject (arc a)

1 Epgth o~2am~ thefe is one terro ir lVhich is a9~de~~~~t1 theascriptile anCITlieletbalk~m~1 (Fig 1 ares b and d Fig 2 ares a and c) The fusion is then effected by a further link (Fig 1 arc e Fig 2 are b) in which ond of the two predicators een is ineo orat~a~_ ordf d~RendenlO(th~ I re atlon that uirk an4hl~ COU~_~ampI~s-1 jn the case of th complex intransitille hall app1ied the Iean intlaquo=nsve

mmplementatio~gly describe he yaleruLQ(IUN or iexcl l otIllBNinthisuseJuh~int~siYeint[ansitivx But the insight intildeaacute I

alsQ be extended to the complex transitiye In that spirit MAKE or MAKE as

used in sentences such as W might appropriatelL be described ~~_~n_ i ~ntensive transitive -J -bull_--------shy

[43)

ENGLISH GRAMMAR

3 Distinctions between tbe complex intransitive and other partly similar constructions

For a three-term construction Fig 2 shows the maximum number of interconnections with each term related to each of the others The miacutenimum isone thus for the ascriptive (3) we have adopted the structure shown i~

L with l~~E2nd te~~Il2= tlliacuten amaroe~ ordmrS1PP9~g~lexn~~ ~eLClatiacute9D~t~~~~t~first an~~~hir~ But this leaves five other possibilities which in theory might be realized ust as the second element_lt~p~ltmark(r ordfs inEig 3bullKlJQQmgordmHhetordm-iriexcl in thatJ~SiquestOillY

iacutet is green

Fig3

1he_verb vQ1lld_be a predicatorrwithonl)l1he_~ygtject related 10 it This structure does not seem to be realized at least not in away whiacuteCh is -relevant to our analysis Asecond_possibil~iuhatJmly the verb a~ ~~~iexcltiY~L iquestnjgl~~_rell~q in that ca~e bot~redicatoS_w-ordmyldIgt~ impersonal-vUh lh~su~ject a me~m~ce-filler This structure might conceivably be suggested for exampIacuteesmiddotSuumlch as [6]

[6] It got mistier

with a so-called ambient it But although it may indeed be ambient with respect to mistier it need not follow that it is ambient with respect to got

In the remaining cases no element is a marker but there are only two instead of three interconnections Ir there wem no link betw-IlJhe subject ~YMh(Ejg 2 are a) the verb1tSelf would agajn be impersmordf-~ I~ transformational terms its surface subject would be derived by raising (Postal 1974) from a subordinate adjectival clause lf th3ewere no intensiye lipk between the first and second predicators (Fg 2 arWJUlt verb would be a simple intransitive taking just t~_S)lbject as its complementation th~on of tbe adjec1iYtLL~ then be uumlMrn-~0n[7] forexample --- -_~

Eacutel He arrived saber J (~ eacute cc L f ~ 2 f

grammars do not establish an intensive or copular use of ARIUVB Finally

[44]

1 P H Marrhew$

if the ascriQive lik wer~~2ken iacuteEiKbJ~~ f)hHordmjlti~~ment woulordm-no longer bJlta predicaQ~ltiexclHQle wQuldin~teadb~ADVJllqt~iexcl as in 8)

(8) He ran fa~t

There is no doubt that the intensive construction is distinct from the adverbial and that sober in [7] is at least more circumstantial than green in It turned green But the subject-verb relation is more problematic in that a raising transformation has been proposed for one at least of the G C E s intensive verbs Let us therefore take that distinction first

31 Ofthe twenty or so most common intensive verbs (GCE821) SEEM and APPEAR particularly lend themselves to transformational analysis On the evidence of sentences such as [9]

(2) It seemed that they wereamp~e~

_U~naIlJral lo establish an underlying ~~ct~~

J~sIhey were green]~ seemed

irlYhIacutetEw~4)srelate(L1ot to they J~Q9green indhiOacute1lally but to the yiole ascri2tive kernelrom the same structure a sentence such as [10)

[10] They seemed to be green

can then be derived by further transformations of subject raising and infinitive formation Froro the structure reaJized by [Io]lIleare n3tllcalli

~m~ed to derive the comple~_~transiti~euacutell

[u) They seemed gre~

by a further transformation deleting the copuiacutea For SEEM the rules deriving [10] and [u] would both be optional But for

other verbs such as TURN or GO We could make them obligatory so It turned green could be the only realization of an underlying sUr was greenls turned the ambient Ir got misrier - [6] aboye - a realization of say s[mistier]s gorand so on If the obligatory rules were then restricted to the copula we would also ensure that any other form of embedded structure (g[he eft]s turned or g[he kissed her]s grew) was filtered out By such means a treatment which is widely accepted for SEEM and for which the evidence is at first compelling could be extended if it were thought appropriate to the entire intensive intransitive class

There are good reasons for not thinking it appropriate In a sentence such as [12]

[12] Harry got drunk

Qn~JsllQIacuteli~ply talking of a_~ate tha~ reslllttI s~o t~a~ ~~rry vs (45)

ENGLISH GRAMMAR

drunk or Harrys drunkenness happened) Nor is Harrya mere theme or tliexclfc (Aacute~-to-KarryQruniexcliquestenneacuteSs-l1ippened to him) tlamp11tbject iexclS1

potentia1lt-at-l~st--alMl~tgh-ge~~amp9run_~ wassoID1hiiL~hatJIal did The--verb mayaccordiacutentilde-gly take a subject adjunct (O CE 466]) thus I delibera tey got drunk or He foo(lshy turned traitor It may also supply the complement of a conative verb (1 did try to get drunk) may appear in the imperative (Dont get drunk ) and so on For sorne collocations this potentiacuteality is doubtless harder to realize (compare He delibera tey turned bue with He delibera tey turned nasty or He tried ro grow oder with He tried ro grow farter) but that is precisely the case for subjects and predicators generally lt is this semantic role that justifies the first link shown in Fig 2

which an impersonal structure as in (b)

(b) s[Harry was drunkls got

would relegate to the surface If (b) is wrong for Harry got drunk a transformationalist should consider

more carefully w hether a similar structure is correct for Harry seemed drunk Let us assume that it is correct for the construction with a that-clause (It seemed that Harry was dhmk) for SEEM and APPEAR a c1ausal complement does form one possibility Let us also accept that SBBM has a constant sense in all its constructions But for other current intensives (G eE 820 f) the evidence is more complexo With SOUNO a that-clause can be forced for example if a dative is inserted (lt sounds ro me that (hey arent coming) There is also an impersonal construction with as if

[131 It sounds as ifthey were green

which might be thought to derive from the same source The construction of [13] is also acceptable witb LOOK (lt ooks as ifthey arent coming) But between it and the complex intransitive we can find clear disparities in meaning In [13] the judgment is based on indirect clues what sounds or appears from audible information is indeed the whole proposition they were green But in the complex intransitive [14]

[141 They sound drunk

it is based on sounds that they are making For that reason it is harder 10 make sense of They sound green Likewise They [ook drunk means that they from their appearance are so But in It loob as ifthey are drunk the speaker does not even imply that he has seen them (Compare Prom what you say it ooks as if rhey are drunk) Ir we wanted a complex source it would be tempting 10 relate [14] not 10 the impersonal [13] with raising but rather to the personal [Is1

[IS] They sound as iexclfthey are drunk

with the second they deleted

[46]

P H Marthews

Personal and impersonal are often hard to separate as Palmer (1972) and before him Bolinger(l96la) have shown Ofthis group ofintensives TASTE

and 5MBLL are the most restricted in meaning and it is with these that the impersonal construction as in [91 and [131 is least acceptable With TASTE

neither seems likely Ir rasres to me that the soup is saty It tastes to me as if they are sweer If the second example can be interpreted it is by virtue of a blending with the personal construction (compare It tasres as ifit ) With SMELL the construction of [131 may be more acceptable (Ir smells ro me as if dinner is ready) but the blending remains With PEEL a non-tactile sense is possible (Ir fees Iikey) but is less established than the broader senses of LOOK or SOUNO (compare Ir ooks likey II sounds likey) It is in this case that my judgment is least secure would one say for example It fees (or Ir fees to me) as if they were green With SOUNO and LOOK the general sense is well established as in [131 or Ir sounds likely but there is still a sensory meaning as in [14] and [Isl which inhibits the pure impersonal with that With SEEM and APPEAR we are at the end of the continuum both having general senses only Hence the construction of[91 alongside the impersonal with as if (Ir seems as if they were green) Hence perhaps the infinitive construction of [101 with SOUNO and the others this too is awkward (They ooked ro have arrived Or Ir tastes ro me to be sweer) But it does not follow that the semantical1y general They seem drunk differs in syntax from the specifically sensory They sound drunk or They smell drunk We can even force an active interpretation of the subject thus They tried lO appear drunk or I deliberarey seemed irrftated

32 As [11] with SEEM Hes on a gradience between personal and impersonal so there are others which raise problems in distinguishing intensive from adverbial and circumstantial constructions For there is no criterion which is both sufficient and necessary

The obvious step is to tesectt for simpler transforms Thus J9r [12] Harl~ qrunk ~e can comp~jiexcleJgtimple a~ve Harry was drul~ TRANSFORM in that firstIy it is a a d secondly the predicator

-ORUNK hasnot a tq~ sense s no intraiiSIuvetrans[oacuterintilde ~stiiis~se of G BI is oot ~ble Nor has 4 r tumeirgeacute-iexcl an intransitive transform It turned since this involves a different sense oC TURN Ir there~~ an ascriptive transform but n9-Wn~itive the JhirdeiacuteeDlen t mult be a complementi so [41 and [12] must be complex intransitive Ir there is neither transform it MA y be complement but the col~of verb and adjective mjgbt rCaSantildea be classed as idiomatic Thus The roses have run wild has no transform The roses ve iiOr-aacuteoes it strictly match The rOSes are wild But WILO is at least an adiecti~ must stand in sorne relationship to the verb therefore R UN WILO is right1y

chmldw-rresultintensive (O eE) ---shy-- -_--g ~ _---_bull ~ shy

[471

ENOLISH ORAMMAR

If there is a simple intransitive but no ascriptive transr2ffil--_~~~ coacutentildeSffiiClioacutentilde-intildeuumlSt]ie iexcljdve(J2iacuteaIYlIacuteustrivialIy He ran iexcliuieacutekly has no ascriptive tiexclansfo~ He was quickly less trivially He travelled light does not match He was ight But what if we find both rlJgJQQordf~tillha$ordflJ ascriEtive _~ran~f~rrlJ~eYI1Jer~_~~ ~sectmL1aY-J~_a~~plement circumstantjallik~iilelltjnThey-sJoQdsilent ordfytlb~~j~llsothe simpler intran~1ti~ fbilystQPf so still ~ight be anadver~ like sileniTyintilde-fiieystood silenty Since there is no distinct form srilly the latter is hard to rule out For It shone white we can compare the formally adjectivallt shone brighr again there are both transforms (Ir shone Ir was white) But It shone brighr is c10se in meaning to the formaUy adverbial Ir shone brighry could white be an adverb in default of or as the commoner altemative to whirely Blending may aIso be found in idioms For example it is fruitless to ask if doggo is an adjective or an adverb in He is Iying doggo

For the circumstantial case both transforms are necessary thus [7] He arriuacuteiid sober has the triexcliexclntildeiiiacuteormsmiddotiexcliexcluacuteli-iexcliexclved andHe wasectSoacutebe Wewoacuteuumllifiliso ixpeeacutetthilUumlheveromiddotantildedmiddotildjectTe-shouId befreeOi collocationaI restrictions so He arrived sober He left sober He Jeft satisjied He arrived satisfied and so on But it is very hard to say when such a requirement iacutes meto One does not say for example They stood noisy or They sroodpeacefuJ on that evidence They stood sient might be classed as complex intransitive But neither is one likely to say They arrived noisy or They arrived kind Is that too a matter of collocational restrictions so that [7] is also intensive Or is it merely that NOISY and KIND are ill suIacuteted 10 this construction7 At this point jt is tempting to distinguish degrees of circumstantiality The extreme case would be represented by such sentences as [16]

[16] They stood there exhausted

(Iikewise They have arrived quite sober) where the adjective and verb are marked as separate Beside [16] the construction in [7] is less clearly circumstantial in They stood sient or They stoodfidgering it is perhaps even r less so But this last might stilJ be seen as less intensive than for example

iexcl They stood amazed Likewise They feJl exhausted is less clearly intensi ve than 1 They fell sick since it involves no special sense of FALL

~

f lrOacutel p1lI1riHmD ~ amires f0tr eompiex trlmSitive fu Tlieyfbuntlliim~

guilry there is a special sense OfPIND as ofMAKE in They mode it green In TIwy rrun Juacutem JOber tbat IacuteoS DO spcciiexcll SCDSII of)lEET~ by tbat cS ~ is more eircumsumlial BUl onc la unlikely lO say for eumple They me hlm meditative

4 Finally there is an obvious gradience between the coxnP-1ex intransitive ~nct the simple ascriptj~ With TURN 01 GROW there are~-selecUumlonal restrictions as we have seen With SBJlli or SIhV tney are far fewer

[48J

P H Matthews

neverthelesson~canI1Q~~yfordmr_~ordfmplelfil_sectil1Ied chairmqf1-ltcompareH~ stayelt chairman Qr1fsectJjiquest_riquest~cordfirmordfl1) or It srays obvious that (compare It seemsobvious that or It remainsobvious that ) With REMAIN it is hard to find any but at least the intransitive exists He remained) and their senses can be related Wth BECOMB that evidence too is lacking He became drunk can be distinguish-ed(rontildei1lieasgiptiYlt1g lu7ntl1k onlyJ~iiui~s from jts resultative meaning -_-

This merging has ied grammarians to treat the constructions together But we can do this only by assimi)ating BE to the mode) of verb complementation (as in GCE) not by assimilating TURN and so on to the model of a copula likethecpmplexrordfnsectitiy~nl_e compleimrap~W~i~ ayoor ca~~idatefltY-l~LIl~Jlt~IQ~-ordf_~~rnelltructllr~middot

M

~_

Page 34: in - UGR · (III). 11-70 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1171 Note [a] The ... In addition, we shall use where necessary the suffixes 'ph' (for

~ ~ ~ ENGLISH GRAMMAR

verb is described as copularor in the terminology of GCE820f as taking intensive complementation But neither description is quite appropriate to1 both cases In the~ptive sentence there i indeed no mor~than~pYhL~

1 2ampffiMical iP~ betwe~ the adjective and its subject~ plainly this ~ ~ is not true of [4] whose verb TURN has its own specific meaning lf turned~ iacute I is a full verb it must then be the govemor of green as made is in (1) in that

iexcl ~ sense there is cornplernentatjon But we express nothing by assigning such a complernentation to the copula A solution is to c1ass I4] as a COMPLBX

IITMNSITIVE iL~onsect_trJltiordmL being an extension of th~simpleJmransiUacutelLe _shy~ i I5] It turned

j precisely as that of (1) is extended from that of [2)iexcl

2 Fused constructions

Let us take our cue from GCEs referenee to fusionlo the simpl~L =nfu~~~_~~~~~~~)t1ecltgtnstVf1ionconsistso(asingJULeAicJ~tQI(lgde) which in a dependency ana~is has both the subject and the object as its dependents or to adapt G CEs term has both a subjeet and an oJkltt asit complementation lnJhaL~se (2) has a _K1U~~~_~ruetion (Lyons i977) w1jch cannotJiexclJLr~s~Cl9JUnQ(lt_e~mentary relationships of ptediCJJQJkSo too has the simple intransitive (5] vi1ihidepeiioenforior forming the complementation of tumed So too has the simple aseriptive [3] its predicator on the analysis ofLyons and others is the adjective green One reason for relatlng the subject to the adjective is that the elements are jointly subject to selectional restrictions A reason for not relating either to the copula is that the latter stands aside (rom these restrictions adding none ofitsown

In a fused construction the pattem ls neither strictly kernel nor straightforwardly non-kemellnJhegmplex transitive [lL1oth1tan41~Y are again direct ~cngents of made these relatio~_elQ~ the words in FigJbx direC1~ltaI~_uacutela~~I~Qordf-ordfl9blleiexcl)Uumlnamp21uacuteward frollLthe

~d

(aJiquest-Fig 1

[42]

P H Matthew$

p~ed~~ So is green arc el this too being supported by selectional restrictions We are therefore dealing with a single clause rooted in made of which each word is a distinct element But green js a1soapredicator in iexclelation to il (are d)J that wav we are dealing with two kernelp~QlS th~ fuurtermclauseinfQmQrating bothtM_~tuet~[IDJr~JlsitiYlljh~ twoshytenn a~-middot -_shy

In Fig 1 we have diagrammed what any grammarian will propose provided that his terminology or his notational apparatus allow him to say it Iut similar reasonjng applies to the construction which we have called the ~IpJex ln~~-ordfEsitive Of the relationships showninf1g --~~t~~~~_

it turned green

aAacutebJ Fig2

to ir (arcc)_isagainasintheascripJjy~ and needs no further cornment But the final element is clearly suJiexcliect to ru19jtional resr=l~ordmI~ tlTlJRI_ im~~tordm-~~it~~rAUQj~9iY_I9U~l~~ed noun (He turned pink He turned kings eVidence) iQ~~~1lined phrase is exCiuacuteded (He turned arog)

tDle~sthe p~e~~i0rl~lJ9rtn is ~~jordmntildei[qiireifitetuumlmed iexclnto a frog) ~itt G-ordm-1h exdusi(m is abgolule one cannot even say He went into a criminal

f [he adjeqtive is also Iimlted to specific collocations For example one can say It turned sour or Ir went sour but it is harder to accept Ir grew sour 1 Conversely one can say He grew od but not He went od On that evidence

j we may establish a relationship of dependency between green and tumedj (arc b) The verb too can then be related to the subject (arc a)

1 Epgth o~2am~ thefe is one terro ir lVhich is a9~de~~~~t1 theascriptile anCITlieletbalk~m~1 (Fig 1 ares b and d Fig 2 ares a and c) The fusion is then effected by a further link (Fig 1 arc e Fig 2 are b) in which ond of the two predicators een is ineo orat~a~_ ordf d~RendenlO(th~ I re atlon that uirk an4hl~ COU~_~ampI~s-1 jn the case of th complex intransitille hall app1ied the Iean intlaquo=nsve

mmplementatio~gly describe he yaleruLQ(IUN or iexcl l otIllBNinthisuseJuh~int~siYeint[ansitivx But the insight intildeaacute I

alsQ be extended to the complex transitiye In that spirit MAKE or MAKE as

used in sentences such as W might appropriatelL be described ~~_~n_ i ~ntensive transitive -J -bull_--------shy

[43)

ENGLISH GRAMMAR

3 Distinctions between tbe complex intransitive and other partly similar constructions

For a three-term construction Fig 2 shows the maximum number of interconnections with each term related to each of the others The miacutenimum isone thus for the ascriptive (3) we have adopted the structure shown i~

L with l~~E2nd te~~Il2= tlliacuten amaroe~ ordmrS1PP9~g~lexn~~ ~eLClatiacute9D~t~~~~t~first an~~~hir~ But this leaves five other possibilities which in theory might be realized ust as the second element_lt~p~ltmark(r ordfs inEig 3bullKlJQQmgordmHhetordm-iriexcl in thatJ~SiquestOillY

iacutet is green

Fig3

1he_verb vQ1lld_be a predicatorrwithonl)l1he_~ygtject related 10 it This structure does not seem to be realized at least not in away whiacuteCh is -relevant to our analysis Asecond_possibil~iuhatJmly the verb a~ ~~~iexcltiY~L iquestnjgl~~_rell~q in that ca~e bot~redicatoS_w-ordmyldIgt~ impersonal-vUh lh~su~ject a me~m~ce-filler This structure might conceivably be suggested for exampIacuteesmiddotSuumlch as [6]

[6] It got mistier

with a so-called ambient it But although it may indeed be ambient with respect to mistier it need not follow that it is ambient with respect to got

In the remaining cases no element is a marker but there are only two instead of three interconnections Ir there wem no link betw-IlJhe subject ~YMh(Ejg 2 are a) the verb1tSelf would agajn be impersmordf-~ I~ transformational terms its surface subject would be derived by raising (Postal 1974) from a subordinate adjectival clause lf th3ewere no intensiye lipk between the first and second predicators (Fg 2 arWJUlt verb would be a simple intransitive taking just t~_S)lbject as its complementation th~on of tbe adjec1iYtLL~ then be uumlMrn-~0n[7] forexample --- -_~

Eacutel He arrived saber J (~ eacute cc L f ~ 2 f

grammars do not establish an intensive or copular use of ARIUVB Finally

[44]

1 P H Marrhew$

if the ascriQive lik wer~~2ken iacuteEiKbJ~~ f)hHordmjlti~~ment woulordm-no longer bJlta predicaQ~ltiexclHQle wQuldin~teadb~ADVJllqt~iexcl as in 8)

(8) He ran fa~t

There is no doubt that the intensive construction is distinct from the adverbial and that sober in [7] is at least more circumstantial than green in It turned green But the subject-verb relation is more problematic in that a raising transformation has been proposed for one at least of the G C E s intensive verbs Let us therefore take that distinction first

31 Ofthe twenty or so most common intensive verbs (GCE821) SEEM and APPEAR particularly lend themselves to transformational analysis On the evidence of sentences such as [9]

(2) It seemed that they wereamp~e~

_U~naIlJral lo establish an underlying ~~ct~~

J~sIhey were green]~ seemed

irlYhIacutetEw~4)srelate(L1ot to they J~Q9green indhiOacute1lally but to the yiole ascri2tive kernelrom the same structure a sentence such as [10)

[10] They seemed to be green

can then be derived by further transformations of subject raising and infinitive formation Froro the structure reaJized by [Io]lIleare n3tllcalli

~m~ed to derive the comple~_~transiti~euacutell

[u) They seemed gre~

by a further transformation deleting the copuiacutea For SEEM the rules deriving [10] and [u] would both be optional But for

other verbs such as TURN or GO We could make them obligatory so It turned green could be the only realization of an underlying sUr was greenls turned the ambient Ir got misrier - [6] aboye - a realization of say s[mistier]s gorand so on If the obligatory rules were then restricted to the copula we would also ensure that any other form of embedded structure (g[he eft]s turned or g[he kissed her]s grew) was filtered out By such means a treatment which is widely accepted for SEEM and for which the evidence is at first compelling could be extended if it were thought appropriate to the entire intensive intransitive class

There are good reasons for not thinking it appropriate In a sentence such as [12]

[12] Harry got drunk

Qn~JsllQIacuteli~ply talking of a_~ate tha~ reslllttI s~o t~a~ ~~rry vs (45)

ENGLISH GRAMMAR

drunk or Harrys drunkenness happened) Nor is Harrya mere theme or tliexclfc (Aacute~-to-KarryQruniexcliquestenneacuteSs-l1ippened to him) tlamp11tbject iexclS1

potentia1lt-at-l~st--alMl~tgh-ge~~amp9run_~ wassoID1hiiL~hatJIal did The--verb mayaccordiacutentilde-gly take a subject adjunct (O CE 466]) thus I delibera tey got drunk or He foo(lshy turned traitor It may also supply the complement of a conative verb (1 did try to get drunk) may appear in the imperative (Dont get drunk ) and so on For sorne collocations this potentiacuteality is doubtless harder to realize (compare He delibera tey turned bue with He delibera tey turned nasty or He tried ro grow oder with He tried ro grow farter) but that is precisely the case for subjects and predicators generally lt is this semantic role that justifies the first link shown in Fig 2

which an impersonal structure as in (b)

(b) s[Harry was drunkls got

would relegate to the surface If (b) is wrong for Harry got drunk a transformationalist should consider

more carefully w hether a similar structure is correct for Harry seemed drunk Let us assume that it is correct for the construction with a that-clause (It seemed that Harry was dhmk) for SEEM and APPEAR a c1ausal complement does form one possibility Let us also accept that SBBM has a constant sense in all its constructions But for other current intensives (G eE 820 f) the evidence is more complexo With SOUNO a that-clause can be forced for example if a dative is inserted (lt sounds ro me that (hey arent coming) There is also an impersonal construction with as if

[131 It sounds as ifthey were green

which might be thought to derive from the same source The construction of [13] is also acceptable witb LOOK (lt ooks as ifthey arent coming) But between it and the complex intransitive we can find clear disparities in meaning In [13] the judgment is based on indirect clues what sounds or appears from audible information is indeed the whole proposition they were green But in the complex intransitive [14]

[141 They sound drunk

it is based on sounds that they are making For that reason it is harder 10 make sense of They sound green Likewise They [ook drunk means that they from their appearance are so But in It loob as ifthey are drunk the speaker does not even imply that he has seen them (Compare Prom what you say it ooks as if rhey are drunk) Ir we wanted a complex source it would be tempting 10 relate [14] not 10 the impersonal [13] with raising but rather to the personal [Is1

[IS] They sound as iexclfthey are drunk

with the second they deleted

[46]

P H Marthews

Personal and impersonal are often hard to separate as Palmer (1972) and before him Bolinger(l96la) have shown Ofthis group ofintensives TASTE

and 5MBLL are the most restricted in meaning and it is with these that the impersonal construction as in [91 and [131 is least acceptable With TASTE

neither seems likely Ir rasres to me that the soup is saty It tastes to me as if they are sweer If the second example can be interpreted it is by virtue of a blending with the personal construction (compare It tasres as ifit ) With SMELL the construction of [131 may be more acceptable (Ir smells ro me as if dinner is ready) but the blending remains With PEEL a non-tactile sense is possible (Ir fees Iikey) but is less established than the broader senses of LOOK or SOUNO (compare Ir ooks likey II sounds likey) It is in this case that my judgment is least secure would one say for example It fees (or Ir fees to me) as if they were green With SOUNO and LOOK the general sense is well established as in [131 or Ir sounds likely but there is still a sensory meaning as in [14] and [Isl which inhibits the pure impersonal with that With SEEM and APPEAR we are at the end of the continuum both having general senses only Hence the construction of[91 alongside the impersonal with as if (Ir seems as if they were green) Hence perhaps the infinitive construction of [101 with SOUNO and the others this too is awkward (They ooked ro have arrived Or Ir tastes ro me to be sweer) But it does not follow that the semantical1y general They seem drunk differs in syntax from the specifically sensory They sound drunk or They smell drunk We can even force an active interpretation of the subject thus They tried lO appear drunk or I deliberarey seemed irrftated

32 As [11] with SEEM Hes on a gradience between personal and impersonal so there are others which raise problems in distinguishing intensive from adverbial and circumstantial constructions For there is no criterion which is both sufficient and necessary

The obvious step is to tesectt for simpler transforms Thus J9r [12] Harl~ qrunk ~e can comp~jiexcleJgtimple a~ve Harry was drul~ TRANSFORM in that firstIy it is a a d secondly the predicator

-ORUNK hasnot a tq~ sense s no intraiiSIuvetrans[oacuterintilde ~stiiis~se of G BI is oot ~ble Nor has 4 r tumeirgeacute-iexcl an intransitive transform It turned since this involves a different sense oC TURN Ir there~~ an ascriptive transform but n9-Wn~itive the JhirdeiacuteeDlen t mult be a complementi so [41 and [12] must be complex intransitive Ir there is neither transform it MA y be complement but the col~of verb and adjective mjgbt rCaSantildea be classed as idiomatic Thus The roses have run wild has no transform The roses ve iiOr-aacuteoes it strictly match The rOSes are wild But WILO is at least an adiecti~ must stand in sorne relationship to the verb therefore R UN WILO is right1y

chmldw-rresultintensive (O eE) ---shy-- -_--g ~ _---_bull ~ shy

[471

ENOLISH ORAMMAR

If there is a simple intransitive but no ascriptive transr2ffil--_~~~ coacutentildeSffiiClioacutentilde-intildeuumlSt]ie iexcljdve(J2iacuteaIYlIacuteustrivialIy He ran iexcliuieacutekly has no ascriptive tiexclansfo~ He was quickly less trivially He travelled light does not match He was ight But what if we find both rlJgJQQordf~tillha$ordflJ ascriEtive _~ran~f~rrlJ~eYI1Jer~_~~ ~sectmL1aY-J~_a~~plement circumstantjallik~iilelltjnThey-sJoQdsilent ordfytlb~~j~llsothe simpler intran~1ti~ fbilystQPf so still ~ight be anadver~ like sileniTyintilde-fiieystood silenty Since there is no distinct form srilly the latter is hard to rule out For It shone white we can compare the formally adjectivallt shone brighr again there are both transforms (Ir shone Ir was white) But It shone brighr is c10se in meaning to the formaUy adverbial Ir shone brighry could white be an adverb in default of or as the commoner altemative to whirely Blending may aIso be found in idioms For example it is fruitless to ask if doggo is an adjective or an adverb in He is Iying doggo

For the circumstantial case both transforms are necessary thus [7] He arriuacuteiid sober has the triexcliexclntildeiiiacuteormsmiddotiexcliexcluacuteli-iexcliexclved andHe wasectSoacutebe Wewoacuteuumllifiliso ixpeeacutetthilUumlheveromiddotantildedmiddotildjectTe-shouId befreeOi collocationaI restrictions so He arrived sober He left sober He Jeft satisjied He arrived satisfied and so on But it is very hard to say when such a requirement iacutes meto One does not say for example They stood noisy or They sroodpeacefuJ on that evidence They stood sient might be classed as complex intransitive But neither is one likely to say They arrived noisy or They arrived kind Is that too a matter of collocational restrictions so that [7] is also intensive Or is it merely that NOISY and KIND are ill suIacuteted 10 this construction7 At this point jt is tempting to distinguish degrees of circumstantiality The extreme case would be represented by such sentences as [16]

[16] They stood there exhausted

(Iikewise They have arrived quite sober) where the adjective and verb are marked as separate Beside [16] the construction in [7] is less clearly circumstantial in They stood sient or They stoodfidgering it is perhaps even r less so But this last might stilJ be seen as less intensive than for example

iexcl They stood amazed Likewise They feJl exhausted is less clearly intensi ve than 1 They fell sick since it involves no special sense of FALL

~

f lrOacutel p1lI1riHmD ~ amires f0tr eompiex trlmSitive fu Tlieyfbuntlliim~

guilry there is a special sense OfPIND as ofMAKE in They mode it green In TIwy rrun Juacutem JOber tbat IacuteoS DO spcciiexcll SCDSII of)lEET~ by tbat cS ~ is more eircumsumlial BUl onc la unlikely lO say for eumple They me hlm meditative

4 Finally there is an obvious gradience between the coxnP-1ex intransitive ~nct the simple ascriptj~ With TURN 01 GROW there are~-selecUumlonal restrictions as we have seen With SBJlli or SIhV tney are far fewer

[48J

P H Matthews

neverthelesson~canI1Q~~yfordmr_~ordfmplelfil_sectil1Ied chairmqf1-ltcompareH~ stayelt chairman Qr1fsectJjiquest_riquest~cordfirmordfl1) or It srays obvious that (compare It seemsobvious that or It remainsobvious that ) With REMAIN it is hard to find any but at least the intransitive exists He remained) and their senses can be related Wth BECOMB that evidence too is lacking He became drunk can be distinguish-ed(rontildei1lieasgiptiYlt1g lu7ntl1k onlyJ~iiui~s from jts resultative meaning -_-

This merging has ied grammarians to treat the constructions together But we can do this only by assimi)ating BE to the mode) of verb complementation (as in GCE) not by assimilating TURN and so on to the model of a copula likethecpmplexrordfnsectitiy~nl_e compleimrap~W~i~ ayoor ca~~idatefltY-l~LIl~Jlt~IQ~-ordf_~~rnelltructllr~middot

M

~_

Page 35: in - UGR · (III). 11-70 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1171 Note [a] The ... In addition, we shall use where necessary the suffixes 'ph' (for

ENGLISH GRAMMAR

3 Distinctions between tbe complex intransitive and other partly similar constructions

For a three-term construction Fig 2 shows the maximum number of interconnections with each term related to each of the others The miacutenimum isone thus for the ascriptive (3) we have adopted the structure shown i~

L with l~~E2nd te~~Il2= tlliacuten amaroe~ ordmrS1PP9~g~lexn~~ ~eLClatiacute9D~t~~~~t~first an~~~hir~ But this leaves five other possibilities which in theory might be realized ust as the second element_lt~p~ltmark(r ordfs inEig 3bullKlJQQmgordmHhetordm-iriexcl in thatJ~SiquestOillY

iacutet is green

Fig3

1he_verb vQ1lld_be a predicatorrwithonl)l1he_~ygtject related 10 it This structure does not seem to be realized at least not in away whiacuteCh is -relevant to our analysis Asecond_possibil~iuhatJmly the verb a~ ~~~iexcltiY~L iquestnjgl~~_rell~q in that ca~e bot~redicatoS_w-ordmyldIgt~ impersonal-vUh lh~su~ject a me~m~ce-filler This structure might conceivably be suggested for exampIacuteesmiddotSuumlch as [6]

[6] It got mistier

with a so-called ambient it But although it may indeed be ambient with respect to mistier it need not follow that it is ambient with respect to got

In the remaining cases no element is a marker but there are only two instead of three interconnections Ir there wem no link betw-IlJhe subject ~YMh(Ejg 2 are a) the verb1tSelf would agajn be impersmordf-~ I~ transformational terms its surface subject would be derived by raising (Postal 1974) from a subordinate adjectival clause lf th3ewere no intensiye lipk between the first and second predicators (Fg 2 arWJUlt verb would be a simple intransitive taking just t~_S)lbject as its complementation th~on of tbe adjec1iYtLL~ then be uumlMrn-~0n[7] forexample --- -_~

Eacutel He arrived saber J (~ eacute cc L f ~ 2 f

grammars do not establish an intensive or copular use of ARIUVB Finally

[44]

1 P H Marrhew$

if the ascriQive lik wer~~2ken iacuteEiKbJ~~ f)hHordmjlti~~ment woulordm-no longer bJlta predicaQ~ltiexclHQle wQuldin~teadb~ADVJllqt~iexcl as in 8)

(8) He ran fa~t

There is no doubt that the intensive construction is distinct from the adverbial and that sober in [7] is at least more circumstantial than green in It turned green But the subject-verb relation is more problematic in that a raising transformation has been proposed for one at least of the G C E s intensive verbs Let us therefore take that distinction first

31 Ofthe twenty or so most common intensive verbs (GCE821) SEEM and APPEAR particularly lend themselves to transformational analysis On the evidence of sentences such as [9]

(2) It seemed that they wereamp~e~

_U~naIlJral lo establish an underlying ~~ct~~

J~sIhey were green]~ seemed

irlYhIacutetEw~4)srelate(L1ot to they J~Q9green indhiOacute1lally but to the yiole ascri2tive kernelrom the same structure a sentence such as [10)

[10] They seemed to be green

can then be derived by further transformations of subject raising and infinitive formation Froro the structure reaJized by [Io]lIleare n3tllcalli

~m~ed to derive the comple~_~transiti~euacutell

[u) They seemed gre~

by a further transformation deleting the copuiacutea For SEEM the rules deriving [10] and [u] would both be optional But for

other verbs such as TURN or GO We could make them obligatory so It turned green could be the only realization of an underlying sUr was greenls turned the ambient Ir got misrier - [6] aboye - a realization of say s[mistier]s gorand so on If the obligatory rules were then restricted to the copula we would also ensure that any other form of embedded structure (g[he eft]s turned or g[he kissed her]s grew) was filtered out By such means a treatment which is widely accepted for SEEM and for which the evidence is at first compelling could be extended if it were thought appropriate to the entire intensive intransitive class

There are good reasons for not thinking it appropriate In a sentence such as [12]

[12] Harry got drunk

Qn~JsllQIacuteli~ply talking of a_~ate tha~ reslllttI s~o t~a~ ~~rry vs (45)

ENGLISH GRAMMAR

drunk or Harrys drunkenness happened) Nor is Harrya mere theme or tliexclfc (Aacute~-to-KarryQruniexcliquestenneacuteSs-l1ippened to him) tlamp11tbject iexclS1

potentia1lt-at-l~st--alMl~tgh-ge~~amp9run_~ wassoID1hiiL~hatJIal did The--verb mayaccordiacutentilde-gly take a subject adjunct (O CE 466]) thus I delibera tey got drunk or He foo(lshy turned traitor It may also supply the complement of a conative verb (1 did try to get drunk) may appear in the imperative (Dont get drunk ) and so on For sorne collocations this potentiacuteality is doubtless harder to realize (compare He delibera tey turned bue with He delibera tey turned nasty or He tried ro grow oder with He tried ro grow farter) but that is precisely the case for subjects and predicators generally lt is this semantic role that justifies the first link shown in Fig 2

which an impersonal structure as in (b)

(b) s[Harry was drunkls got

would relegate to the surface If (b) is wrong for Harry got drunk a transformationalist should consider

more carefully w hether a similar structure is correct for Harry seemed drunk Let us assume that it is correct for the construction with a that-clause (It seemed that Harry was dhmk) for SEEM and APPEAR a c1ausal complement does form one possibility Let us also accept that SBBM has a constant sense in all its constructions But for other current intensives (G eE 820 f) the evidence is more complexo With SOUNO a that-clause can be forced for example if a dative is inserted (lt sounds ro me that (hey arent coming) There is also an impersonal construction with as if

[131 It sounds as ifthey were green

which might be thought to derive from the same source The construction of [13] is also acceptable witb LOOK (lt ooks as ifthey arent coming) But between it and the complex intransitive we can find clear disparities in meaning In [13] the judgment is based on indirect clues what sounds or appears from audible information is indeed the whole proposition they were green But in the complex intransitive [14]

[141 They sound drunk

it is based on sounds that they are making For that reason it is harder 10 make sense of They sound green Likewise They [ook drunk means that they from their appearance are so But in It loob as ifthey are drunk the speaker does not even imply that he has seen them (Compare Prom what you say it ooks as if rhey are drunk) Ir we wanted a complex source it would be tempting 10 relate [14] not 10 the impersonal [13] with raising but rather to the personal [Is1

[IS] They sound as iexclfthey are drunk

with the second they deleted

[46]

P H Marthews

Personal and impersonal are often hard to separate as Palmer (1972) and before him Bolinger(l96la) have shown Ofthis group ofintensives TASTE

and 5MBLL are the most restricted in meaning and it is with these that the impersonal construction as in [91 and [131 is least acceptable With TASTE

neither seems likely Ir rasres to me that the soup is saty It tastes to me as if they are sweer If the second example can be interpreted it is by virtue of a blending with the personal construction (compare It tasres as ifit ) With SMELL the construction of [131 may be more acceptable (Ir smells ro me as if dinner is ready) but the blending remains With PEEL a non-tactile sense is possible (Ir fees Iikey) but is less established than the broader senses of LOOK or SOUNO (compare Ir ooks likey II sounds likey) It is in this case that my judgment is least secure would one say for example It fees (or Ir fees to me) as if they were green With SOUNO and LOOK the general sense is well established as in [131 or Ir sounds likely but there is still a sensory meaning as in [14] and [Isl which inhibits the pure impersonal with that With SEEM and APPEAR we are at the end of the continuum both having general senses only Hence the construction of[91 alongside the impersonal with as if (Ir seems as if they were green) Hence perhaps the infinitive construction of [101 with SOUNO and the others this too is awkward (They ooked ro have arrived Or Ir tastes ro me to be sweer) But it does not follow that the semantical1y general They seem drunk differs in syntax from the specifically sensory They sound drunk or They smell drunk We can even force an active interpretation of the subject thus They tried lO appear drunk or I deliberarey seemed irrftated

32 As [11] with SEEM Hes on a gradience between personal and impersonal so there are others which raise problems in distinguishing intensive from adverbial and circumstantial constructions For there is no criterion which is both sufficient and necessary

The obvious step is to tesectt for simpler transforms Thus J9r [12] Harl~ qrunk ~e can comp~jiexcleJgtimple a~ve Harry was drul~ TRANSFORM in that firstIy it is a a d secondly the predicator

-ORUNK hasnot a tq~ sense s no intraiiSIuvetrans[oacuterintilde ~stiiis~se of G BI is oot ~ble Nor has 4 r tumeirgeacute-iexcl an intransitive transform It turned since this involves a different sense oC TURN Ir there~~ an ascriptive transform but n9-Wn~itive the JhirdeiacuteeDlen t mult be a complementi so [41 and [12] must be complex intransitive Ir there is neither transform it MA y be complement but the col~of verb and adjective mjgbt rCaSantildea be classed as idiomatic Thus The roses have run wild has no transform The roses ve iiOr-aacuteoes it strictly match The rOSes are wild But WILO is at least an adiecti~ must stand in sorne relationship to the verb therefore R UN WILO is right1y

chmldw-rresultintensive (O eE) ---shy-- -_--g ~ _---_bull ~ shy

[471

ENOLISH ORAMMAR

If there is a simple intransitive but no ascriptive transr2ffil--_~~~ coacutentildeSffiiClioacutentilde-intildeuumlSt]ie iexcljdve(J2iacuteaIYlIacuteustrivialIy He ran iexcliuieacutekly has no ascriptive tiexclansfo~ He was quickly less trivially He travelled light does not match He was ight But what if we find both rlJgJQQordf~tillha$ordflJ ascriEtive _~ran~f~rrlJ~eYI1Jer~_~~ ~sectmL1aY-J~_a~~plement circumstantjallik~iilelltjnThey-sJoQdsilent ordfytlb~~j~llsothe simpler intran~1ti~ fbilystQPf so still ~ight be anadver~ like sileniTyintilde-fiieystood silenty Since there is no distinct form srilly the latter is hard to rule out For It shone white we can compare the formally adjectivallt shone brighr again there are both transforms (Ir shone Ir was white) But It shone brighr is c10se in meaning to the formaUy adverbial Ir shone brighry could white be an adverb in default of or as the commoner altemative to whirely Blending may aIso be found in idioms For example it is fruitless to ask if doggo is an adjective or an adverb in He is Iying doggo

For the circumstantial case both transforms are necessary thus [7] He arriuacuteiid sober has the triexcliexclntildeiiiacuteormsmiddotiexcliexcluacuteli-iexcliexclved andHe wasectSoacutebe Wewoacuteuumllifiliso ixpeeacutetthilUumlheveromiddotantildedmiddotildjectTe-shouId befreeOi collocationaI restrictions so He arrived sober He left sober He Jeft satisjied He arrived satisfied and so on But it is very hard to say when such a requirement iacutes meto One does not say for example They stood noisy or They sroodpeacefuJ on that evidence They stood sient might be classed as complex intransitive But neither is one likely to say They arrived noisy or They arrived kind Is that too a matter of collocational restrictions so that [7] is also intensive Or is it merely that NOISY and KIND are ill suIacuteted 10 this construction7 At this point jt is tempting to distinguish degrees of circumstantiality The extreme case would be represented by such sentences as [16]

[16] They stood there exhausted

(Iikewise They have arrived quite sober) where the adjective and verb are marked as separate Beside [16] the construction in [7] is less clearly circumstantial in They stood sient or They stoodfidgering it is perhaps even r less so But this last might stilJ be seen as less intensive than for example

iexcl They stood amazed Likewise They feJl exhausted is less clearly intensi ve than 1 They fell sick since it involves no special sense of FALL

~

f lrOacutel p1lI1riHmD ~ amires f0tr eompiex trlmSitive fu Tlieyfbuntlliim~

guilry there is a special sense OfPIND as ofMAKE in They mode it green In TIwy rrun Juacutem JOber tbat IacuteoS DO spcciiexcll SCDSII of)lEET~ by tbat cS ~ is more eircumsumlial BUl onc la unlikely lO say for eumple They me hlm meditative

4 Finally there is an obvious gradience between the coxnP-1ex intransitive ~nct the simple ascriptj~ With TURN 01 GROW there are~-selecUumlonal restrictions as we have seen With SBJlli or SIhV tney are far fewer

[48J

P H Matthews

neverthelesson~canI1Q~~yfordmr_~ordfmplelfil_sectil1Ied chairmqf1-ltcompareH~ stayelt chairman Qr1fsectJjiquest_riquest~cordfirmordfl1) or It srays obvious that (compare It seemsobvious that or It remainsobvious that ) With REMAIN it is hard to find any but at least the intransitive exists He remained) and their senses can be related Wth BECOMB that evidence too is lacking He became drunk can be distinguish-ed(rontildei1lieasgiptiYlt1g lu7ntl1k onlyJ~iiui~s from jts resultative meaning -_-

This merging has ied grammarians to treat the constructions together But we can do this only by assimi)ating BE to the mode) of verb complementation (as in GCE) not by assimilating TURN and so on to the model of a copula likethecpmplexrordfnsectitiy~nl_e compleimrap~W~i~ ayoor ca~~idatefltY-l~LIl~Jlt~IQ~-ordf_~~rnelltructllr~middot

M

~_

Page 36: in - UGR · (III). 11-70 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1171 Note [a] The ... In addition, we shall use where necessary the suffixes 'ph' (for

ENGLISH GRAMMAR

drunk or Harrys drunkenness happened) Nor is Harrya mere theme or tliexclfc (Aacute~-to-KarryQruniexcliquestenneacuteSs-l1ippened to him) tlamp11tbject iexclS1

potentia1lt-at-l~st--alMl~tgh-ge~~amp9run_~ wassoID1hiiL~hatJIal did The--verb mayaccordiacutentilde-gly take a subject adjunct (O CE 466]) thus I delibera tey got drunk or He foo(lshy turned traitor It may also supply the complement of a conative verb (1 did try to get drunk) may appear in the imperative (Dont get drunk ) and so on For sorne collocations this potentiacuteality is doubtless harder to realize (compare He delibera tey turned bue with He delibera tey turned nasty or He tried ro grow oder with He tried ro grow farter) but that is precisely the case for subjects and predicators generally lt is this semantic role that justifies the first link shown in Fig 2

which an impersonal structure as in (b)

(b) s[Harry was drunkls got

would relegate to the surface If (b) is wrong for Harry got drunk a transformationalist should consider

more carefully w hether a similar structure is correct for Harry seemed drunk Let us assume that it is correct for the construction with a that-clause (It seemed that Harry was dhmk) for SEEM and APPEAR a c1ausal complement does form one possibility Let us also accept that SBBM has a constant sense in all its constructions But for other current intensives (G eE 820 f) the evidence is more complexo With SOUNO a that-clause can be forced for example if a dative is inserted (lt sounds ro me that (hey arent coming) There is also an impersonal construction with as if

[131 It sounds as ifthey were green

which might be thought to derive from the same source The construction of [13] is also acceptable witb LOOK (lt ooks as ifthey arent coming) But between it and the complex intransitive we can find clear disparities in meaning In [13] the judgment is based on indirect clues what sounds or appears from audible information is indeed the whole proposition they were green But in the complex intransitive [14]

[141 They sound drunk

it is based on sounds that they are making For that reason it is harder 10 make sense of They sound green Likewise They [ook drunk means that they from their appearance are so But in It loob as ifthey are drunk the speaker does not even imply that he has seen them (Compare Prom what you say it ooks as if rhey are drunk) Ir we wanted a complex source it would be tempting 10 relate [14] not 10 the impersonal [13] with raising but rather to the personal [Is1

[IS] They sound as iexclfthey are drunk

with the second they deleted

[46]

P H Marthews

Personal and impersonal are often hard to separate as Palmer (1972) and before him Bolinger(l96la) have shown Ofthis group ofintensives TASTE

and 5MBLL are the most restricted in meaning and it is with these that the impersonal construction as in [91 and [131 is least acceptable With TASTE

neither seems likely Ir rasres to me that the soup is saty It tastes to me as if they are sweer If the second example can be interpreted it is by virtue of a blending with the personal construction (compare It tasres as ifit ) With SMELL the construction of [131 may be more acceptable (Ir smells ro me as if dinner is ready) but the blending remains With PEEL a non-tactile sense is possible (Ir fees Iikey) but is less established than the broader senses of LOOK or SOUNO (compare Ir ooks likey II sounds likey) It is in this case that my judgment is least secure would one say for example It fees (or Ir fees to me) as if they were green With SOUNO and LOOK the general sense is well established as in [131 or Ir sounds likely but there is still a sensory meaning as in [14] and [Isl which inhibits the pure impersonal with that With SEEM and APPEAR we are at the end of the continuum both having general senses only Hence the construction of[91 alongside the impersonal with as if (Ir seems as if they were green) Hence perhaps the infinitive construction of [101 with SOUNO and the others this too is awkward (They ooked ro have arrived Or Ir tastes ro me to be sweer) But it does not follow that the semantical1y general They seem drunk differs in syntax from the specifically sensory They sound drunk or They smell drunk We can even force an active interpretation of the subject thus They tried lO appear drunk or I deliberarey seemed irrftated

32 As [11] with SEEM Hes on a gradience between personal and impersonal so there are others which raise problems in distinguishing intensive from adverbial and circumstantial constructions For there is no criterion which is both sufficient and necessary

The obvious step is to tesectt for simpler transforms Thus J9r [12] Harl~ qrunk ~e can comp~jiexcleJgtimple a~ve Harry was drul~ TRANSFORM in that firstIy it is a a d secondly the predicator

-ORUNK hasnot a tq~ sense s no intraiiSIuvetrans[oacuterintilde ~stiiis~se of G BI is oot ~ble Nor has 4 r tumeirgeacute-iexcl an intransitive transform It turned since this involves a different sense oC TURN Ir there~~ an ascriptive transform but n9-Wn~itive the JhirdeiacuteeDlen t mult be a complementi so [41 and [12] must be complex intransitive Ir there is neither transform it MA y be complement but the col~of verb and adjective mjgbt rCaSantildea be classed as idiomatic Thus The roses have run wild has no transform The roses ve iiOr-aacuteoes it strictly match The rOSes are wild But WILO is at least an adiecti~ must stand in sorne relationship to the verb therefore R UN WILO is right1y

chmldw-rresultintensive (O eE) ---shy-- -_--g ~ _---_bull ~ shy

[471

ENOLISH ORAMMAR

If there is a simple intransitive but no ascriptive transr2ffil--_~~~ coacutentildeSffiiClioacutentilde-intildeuumlSt]ie iexcljdve(J2iacuteaIYlIacuteustrivialIy He ran iexcliuieacutekly has no ascriptive tiexclansfo~ He was quickly less trivially He travelled light does not match He was ight But what if we find both rlJgJQQordf~tillha$ordflJ ascriEtive _~ran~f~rrlJ~eYI1Jer~_~~ ~sectmL1aY-J~_a~~plement circumstantjallik~iilelltjnThey-sJoQdsilent ordfytlb~~j~llsothe simpler intran~1ti~ fbilystQPf so still ~ight be anadver~ like sileniTyintilde-fiieystood silenty Since there is no distinct form srilly the latter is hard to rule out For It shone white we can compare the formally adjectivallt shone brighr again there are both transforms (Ir shone Ir was white) But It shone brighr is c10se in meaning to the formaUy adverbial Ir shone brighry could white be an adverb in default of or as the commoner altemative to whirely Blending may aIso be found in idioms For example it is fruitless to ask if doggo is an adjective or an adverb in He is Iying doggo

For the circumstantial case both transforms are necessary thus [7] He arriuacuteiid sober has the triexcliexclntildeiiiacuteormsmiddotiexcliexcluacuteli-iexcliexclved andHe wasectSoacutebe Wewoacuteuumllifiliso ixpeeacutetthilUumlheveromiddotantildedmiddotildjectTe-shouId befreeOi collocationaI restrictions so He arrived sober He left sober He Jeft satisjied He arrived satisfied and so on But it is very hard to say when such a requirement iacutes meto One does not say for example They stood noisy or They sroodpeacefuJ on that evidence They stood sient might be classed as complex intransitive But neither is one likely to say They arrived noisy or They arrived kind Is that too a matter of collocational restrictions so that [7] is also intensive Or is it merely that NOISY and KIND are ill suIacuteted 10 this construction7 At this point jt is tempting to distinguish degrees of circumstantiality The extreme case would be represented by such sentences as [16]

[16] They stood there exhausted

(Iikewise They have arrived quite sober) where the adjective and verb are marked as separate Beside [16] the construction in [7] is less clearly circumstantial in They stood sient or They stoodfidgering it is perhaps even r less so But this last might stilJ be seen as less intensive than for example

iexcl They stood amazed Likewise They feJl exhausted is less clearly intensi ve than 1 They fell sick since it involves no special sense of FALL

~

f lrOacutel p1lI1riHmD ~ amires f0tr eompiex trlmSitive fu Tlieyfbuntlliim~

guilry there is a special sense OfPIND as ofMAKE in They mode it green In TIwy rrun Juacutem JOber tbat IacuteoS DO spcciiexcll SCDSII of)lEET~ by tbat cS ~ is more eircumsumlial BUl onc la unlikely lO say for eumple They me hlm meditative

4 Finally there is an obvious gradience between the coxnP-1ex intransitive ~nct the simple ascriptj~ With TURN 01 GROW there are~-selecUumlonal restrictions as we have seen With SBJlli or SIhV tney are far fewer

[48J

P H Matthews

neverthelesson~canI1Q~~yfordmr_~ordfmplelfil_sectil1Ied chairmqf1-ltcompareH~ stayelt chairman Qr1fsectJjiquest_riquest~cordfirmordfl1) or It srays obvious that (compare It seemsobvious that or It remainsobvious that ) With REMAIN it is hard to find any but at least the intransitive exists He remained) and their senses can be related Wth BECOMB that evidence too is lacking He became drunk can be distinguish-ed(rontildei1lieasgiptiYlt1g lu7ntl1k onlyJ~iiui~s from jts resultative meaning -_-

This merging has ied grammarians to treat the constructions together But we can do this only by assimi)ating BE to the mode) of verb complementation (as in GCE) not by assimilating TURN and so on to the model of a copula likethecpmplexrordfnsectitiy~nl_e compleimrap~W~i~ ayoor ca~~idatefltY-l~LIl~Jlt~IQ~-ordf_~~rnelltructllr~middot

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Page 37: in - UGR · (III). 11-70 Complementation of verbs and adjectives Types of verb complementation 1171 Note [a] The ... In addition, we shall use where necessary the suffixes 'ph' (for

ENOLISH ORAMMAR

If there is a simple intransitive but no ascriptive transr2ffil--_~~~ coacutentildeSffiiClioacutentilde-intildeuumlSt]ie iexcljdve(J2iacuteaIYlIacuteustrivialIy He ran iexcliuieacutekly has no ascriptive tiexclansfo~ He was quickly less trivially He travelled light does not match He was ight But what if we find both rlJgJQQordf~tillha$ordflJ ascriEtive _~ran~f~rrlJ~eYI1Jer~_~~ ~sectmL1aY-J~_a~~plement circumstantjallik~iilelltjnThey-sJoQdsilent ordfytlb~~j~llsothe simpler intran~1ti~ fbilystQPf so still ~ight be anadver~ like sileniTyintilde-fiieystood silenty Since there is no distinct form srilly the latter is hard to rule out For It shone white we can compare the formally adjectivallt shone brighr again there are both transforms (Ir shone Ir was white) But It shone brighr is c10se in meaning to the formaUy adverbial Ir shone brighry could white be an adverb in default of or as the commoner altemative to whirely Blending may aIso be found in idioms For example it is fruitless to ask if doggo is an adjective or an adverb in He is Iying doggo

For the circumstantial case both transforms are necessary thus [7] He arriuacuteiid sober has the triexcliexclntildeiiiacuteormsmiddotiexcliexcluacuteli-iexcliexclved andHe wasectSoacutebe Wewoacuteuumllifiliso ixpeeacutetthilUumlheveromiddotantildedmiddotildjectTe-shouId befreeOi collocationaI restrictions so He arrived sober He left sober He Jeft satisjied He arrived satisfied and so on But it is very hard to say when such a requirement iacutes meto One does not say for example They stood noisy or They sroodpeacefuJ on that evidence They stood sient might be classed as complex intransitive But neither is one likely to say They arrived noisy or They arrived kind Is that too a matter of collocational restrictions so that [7] is also intensive Or is it merely that NOISY and KIND are ill suIacuteted 10 this construction7 At this point jt is tempting to distinguish degrees of circumstantiality The extreme case would be represented by such sentences as [16]

[16] They stood there exhausted

(Iikewise They have arrived quite sober) where the adjective and verb are marked as separate Beside [16] the construction in [7] is less clearly circumstantial in They stood sient or They stoodfidgering it is perhaps even r less so But this last might stilJ be seen as less intensive than for example

iexcl They stood amazed Likewise They feJl exhausted is less clearly intensi ve than 1 They fell sick since it involves no special sense of FALL

~

f lrOacutel p1lI1riHmD ~ amires f0tr eompiex trlmSitive fu Tlieyfbuntlliim~

guilry there is a special sense OfPIND as ofMAKE in They mode it green In TIwy rrun Juacutem JOber tbat IacuteoS DO spcciiexcll SCDSII of)lEET~ by tbat cS ~ is more eircumsumlial BUl onc la unlikely lO say for eumple They me hlm meditative

4 Finally there is an obvious gradience between the coxnP-1ex intransitive ~nct the simple ascriptj~ With TURN 01 GROW there are~-selecUumlonal restrictions as we have seen With SBJlli or SIhV tney are far fewer

[48J

P H Matthews

neverthelesson~canI1Q~~yfordmr_~ordfmplelfil_sectil1Ied chairmqf1-ltcompareH~ stayelt chairman Qr1fsectJjiquest_riquest~cordfirmordfl1) or It srays obvious that (compare It seemsobvious that or It remainsobvious that ) With REMAIN it is hard to find any but at least the intransitive exists He remained) and their senses can be related Wth BECOMB that evidence too is lacking He became drunk can be distinguish-ed(rontildei1lieasgiptiYlt1g lu7ntl1k onlyJ~iiui~s from jts resultative meaning -_-

This merging has ied grammarians to treat the constructions together But we can do this only by assimi)ating BE to the mode) of verb complementation (as in GCE) not by assimilating TURN and so on to the model of a copula likethecpmplexrordfnsectitiy~nl_e compleimrap~W~i~ ayoor ca~~idatefltY-l~LIl~Jlt~IQ~-ordf_~~rnelltructllr~middot

M

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