Imran Hartal Introduction

7/30/2019 Imran Hartal Introduction

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Introduction

The right to expression of views, including dissent, through public demonstrations and social

mobilization is a democratic right enshrined in international law and practiced throughout the

world -- from demonstrating against multilateral trade regimes, to rallying for the protection of

the environment, to protesting against illegitimate regimes. The voicing of differing views and

political debate over policies is a healthy feature of any modern democracy. As the Human

Development Report 2002 notes:

Changes in the world have shifted human development priorities and made political freedom,

participation and collective action much more important as public policy issues.... Open space

for free political debate and the diverse ways in which people can express their views are the

essence democratic life and are what make decision making work in democracies

In this context, the right to call a hartal -- a particular form of protest used in Bangladesh and in

other parts of South Asia -- could be viewed is a legitimate democratic right. However, when this

right impinges on the rights of individuals to earn a living and to go about their daily lives in

peace and security, a situation of conflict of competing rights arises. Hartals are often called in

the name ofthe people, but it is ordinary people whose movements are restricted, property

endangered, and progress curbed. Children miss school, the sick miss treatment, and business

miss targets. In addition, the reality in Bangladesh is that the success of hartals often rests on

coercion, or even the use of payment to hired hands by hartal organisers to mobilise support.

At the same time, hartals can also be viewed a symptom of the frustration of opposition parties

at the lack of space for them to play a constructive role in democratic dialogue and the winner

takes all style of successive Governments. In this respect, promoting a more constructive role

for opposi tion in Parliament, and enabling greater freedom of expression through peaceful

demonstrations and through the media could take away much of the impetus for hartals .


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Background of the Research

It is a matter of debate about the impact of hartal on poor people in Bangladesh. Because there is

no previous specific research about this matter. Most people believe that hartal has a negative

impact on poor people. But some other think it can also increase the income of low income

people like rickshaw pullers because most other vehicles stop at hartal day. We always say that

hartal creates insecurity, reduce income level and changes lifestyle but we have not found any

research that which factors play the vital role in reducing the income of low income people,

creating insecurity, changing lifestyle. These contradictory matters, assumptions help me to

select this research problem.

Objectives of the Research

The purpose of the study is to find the impact of hartal on low-income people. The study will find out how much the poor are in favor or against the hartal. The study will help to get a clear idea which helps the government and political party to

remake their policy.

The study will help to create a consciousness among people about hartal. The study will give a proved document to those who always against the hartal.


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DEFINITION OF HARTAL

The literal translation of the word hartal, derived from Gujarati, is closing down shops or

lockingdoors. However, in Bangladesh today hartals are usually associated with the stoppage

of vehicular traffic and closure of markets, shops and offices for a specific period of time to

articulate agitation (Huq, 1992). In todays context of contentious politics hartals can be

described as:

The temporary suspension of work in business premises, offices and educational

institutions and movement of vehicular traffic nationally , regionally or locally as a mark of

protest against actual or perceived grievances called by a political party or parties or otherdemand groups.

The description above captures the essential features of hartal and is the working definition of

hartal used in this paper. As noted in other sections of the paper -- people involved in staging

hartals are often hired to demonstrate and citizens who participate in the hartal may be doing

so more out of coercion or fear of violence than from genuine belief in the issue for which the

hartal is being called.

The History of Hartals

This chapter provides a historical analysis of hartals in Bangladesh, examining their changing

patterns from the colonial period until today. It tallies the frequency of hartals in different

periods of Bangladeshs political history, noting the causes forwhich they were called and who

they were called by. It also examines the social basis for the legitimacy of hartals in the past and

their present decline. The data for this chapter come from both primary and secondary

sources. Dasgupta (2001) has painstakingly prepared a database of hartals in Bangladesh from

1947 to 2000. This has been used as a basis, but for the purpose of this paper that data has been

revised by adding information for 2001-2002,

.


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THE ORIGINS OF HARTALS AS A FORM OF

PEACEFUL PROTEST

Protest movements are part of the historical process through which democracy has been

strengthened in South Asia. Hartals emerged as a key instrument of political protest in response

to colonial rule in India, and generally speaking, have been a feature of anti-colonial struggles

and pro-democracy movements.

Hartals should therefore be considered within the broader spectrum of protest movements

that mushroomed during the colonial period. A common form of protest in this period was

the boycott. A decisive historical moment was 7 August1905, when a boycott was called to

protest thepartition of Bengal by Lord Curzon (Tripathy2000). Boycotts were also deployed in

the militantnationalist movement that followed.

The political culture of protest in India persistedover time. A full-blown nationalist movement

over time. A full-blown nationalist movement was spearheaded by Mohandas K. Gandhi, who

devisedsatyagraha, or non-violent resistance, as a form satyagraha, or non-violent resistance, as

a form political protest against the Black Act in South Africa in September 1906 (Erikson, 1969).

This was used in India in 1918, and a year later Gandhi called a day of fasting and hartals to

protest against the Rowlatt Bill , an act passed by the Imperial Legislative Council in 1919

to curb terrorism (Hardgrave, 1980). This is possibly the first instance of the use of hartals in

modern India.

When Gandhi called for a total boycott of British goods and institutions, it was similar to a hartal

and in 1921, when he called for a boycott of the visit of the Prince of Wales, in most towns and

the Prince cities only saw closed shutters (Bose and Jalal, 1999: 141).

For Gandhi hartals were an important instrument of passive resistance. He called off the non

cooperation movement, however, after a police station was attacked, set ablaze and policemen

killed at Chauri Chaura. Gandhi again began a Civil Disobedience memovent with the famous

Salt March on 12 March 1930 to defy the Salt Law andwith a view to achieving independence

but againhalted the movement amidst escalating violence(Majumdar, 1996). What Gandhi did

achieve was the fruitful use of an extremely innovativeinstrument of non-violent

political protest. However, as noted above, from the 1930s it wasoften the case that sporadic

violence occurred andit was not possible even for a leader like Gandhi tosteer it above the


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turbulent waves of violence.

THE CONTINUATION OF THE HARTAL

PHENOMENON IN SOUTH ASIA

In the postcolonial period hartals have persisted and even escalated in most countries of South

Asia. It is not an exaggeration to suggest that South Asia is a theater of hartals, orbandhs , as

the phenomenon is known in some areas. They have become an inexorable part of the political

culture of South Asia. In India, strikes, hartals and student unrest increased over three successive

decades. In the early phase of benign democracy under Nehru from 1952 to 1963, work days lost

to strikes and hartals amounted to 5.26 million a year. For the next 11 years, under Shastri and

Indira Gandhi, there was what Rudolph and Rudolph call the growth of demand politics,

spearheaded by different political groups and leading to a sharp rise in strikes and bandhs(1987). As a result, there was a more than threefold increase in lost workdays, averaging

18.16 million days a year during this period. During the two years of emergency rule under

Indira Gandhi this figure declined a little, to 17.35 million days per year but during the eight

years of Desai and Indira Gandhi, the number of work days lost nearly doubled, to 33.06

million days each year on average (ibid.).

Although comparable data were not available for more recent periods, various reports suggest

that bandhs are still a significant feature of political life in India. In West Bengal, the ruling Left

Front has repeatedly called bandhs: there were three bandhs in the province within the first sixmonths of 2002 (Bandh Blues, 2002).

A report in 2002 pointed out that bandhs arespreading like wildfire. A most ominous

development in recent times is the state sponsoredbandh. If the establishment which is

supposed toprevent a bandh itself organizes one for its politicalwell-being, we are in serious

trouble (Nadkarni2002). Even the police have called bandhs in India.

Perhaps the Indian situation can be best described in the words of Myron Weiner, an

authoritative source on Indian politics

Indians have perfected the art of protest, and asone journalist wrote, Indians have as

manynative words for protest as Eskimos have for snow. There can be satyagraha, or civil

disobedience;gherao, or forcibly locking an official in his office; dharna, or general strike;


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morcha, ormarch; and there can be fasts, black flag demon-

strations, work stoppages across the state... (Weiner, 1987: 53).

Nepal also suffers from frequent bandhs. Between February 1990 and December 2000, nearly

50 bandhs were called in Nepal and only twice did the organizers withdraw them. Only 16 of

the strikes were limited to Kathmandu Valley (The Kathmandu Post, 2000)

HISTORICAL PATTERN OF HARTALS

IN BANGLADESH

The analysis of the data on hartals shows that between 1947 and 2002, an estimated 1172 hartal

were observed in the country -- Figure 2.1 shows the geographical distribution of regional orlocal hartals as per division of Bangladesh.

The trend over time in the frequency of calling hartals is mapped out in Figure 2.2. As can be

seen from Figure 2.2 during the first three years that Bangladesh was part of Pakistan, there was

only one hartal. It was called by Tamaddun Majlish and the East Pakistan Muslim Student

League on 11 March 1948 to demand the recognition of Bangla as a state language. Although it

was called to take effect all over the country, the hartal was only observed in some of the major

cities and towns, which suggests that hartals had yet to become a popular vehicle of protest.

0 50 100 150 200 250 300

Dhaka

Chittagong

Rajshahi

Khulna

Syhlet

Barisal

290

283

238

168

94

94

Figure: Resonal and Local Hartal in

Bangladesh By Division: 1947-2002

Dhaka

Chittagong

Rajshahi

Khulna

Syhlet

Barisal


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The Language Movement of 1952 triggered a number of hartals. In 1952, a hartal was

observed for a longer period, from 22 to 24 February. Another hartal was observed on 21

February 1953, in response to a call by the Central Language Parishad. There were no hartals

during the next few years while the country was under the governors rule. During the

twenty years Bangladesh was part of Pakistan, only 29 hartals took place; the number peaked

during the mass movements of 1969. The month of March 1971 was marked by almost

continuous hartals until thecrackdown of the Pakistani army.

Far from what might be expected, the number of hartals has not decreased since the ushering in

of Independence in 1971. Although there were relatively few hartals in the early years

following Independence, the number of hartals began to escalate sharply from 1979,

particularly during the Ershad period. There were about 100 hartals between 1979 and 1986.

The number of hartals rose sharply after 1987 with some 245 hartals between 1987 and 1990.

Since 1990, during parliamentary democracy, the number of hartals have continued

to rise steadily, with the latest period for which data are available experiencing some 332 hartals(1999-2002). Thus, the democratic period of thecountry has experienced by far the largest

numberof hartals.

1 516

1 6

38 36

1

48 52

245

216229

332

0

50

100

150

200

250

300

350

Figure: Hartal in Bangladesh: 1947-2002


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Figure 2.3 titled The Landscape of Hartaldetails the locations where regional and local hartals

were called during three historical periods: 1947-1971 (pre-Independence), 1972-1990 (post-

Independence) and 1991-2001 (Parliamentary democracy). It indicates that the largest number

of hartals --142-- took place in Chittagong, followed by Dhaka and Sylhet. Barisal had the lowest

incidence. Jessore with 48 hartals had nearly as many hartals as Khulna, a metropolitan city,

and Rajshahi with 33 was close to Bogra in the number of hartals.

When one looks into demand groups that called or participated in hartals it is clear that political

parties together have called or supported the largest number of hartals -- in the period 1991-2002(see Figure 2.4)

0 5 10 15

Jubo Dol

Jubo League

Jamat

Other Parties

Left Parties

Freedom Fighter Association

Chatra Shibir

Chatra Dol

Jatiya Party

Trade Unions

Other Students Parties

Chatra League

Local Parties

Alliance Led By AL

Uncentered

Alliance Led By BNP

Civic / Business/ Consumer

BNP

AL

1

1

1

2

2

2

2

4

3

3

6

5

7

7

9

10

1212

12

Jubo Dol

Jubo League

Jamat

Other Parties

Left Parties

Freedom Fighter

AssociationChatra Shibir

Chatra Dol

Jatiya Party

Trade Unions

Other Students

PartiesChatra League

Local Parties

Alliance Led By AL


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The bulk of hartals were called by the two major political parties -- the Awami League and the

Bangladesh Nationalist Party, who both account for 12% of all hartals called. The students or

student groups, which constitute a major demand group have also called a large number of

hartals and in total account for 17% of hartals. Consumer groups civic groups, business and trade

organizations have been associated with 12% of hartals. Labour unions, employee associations

and trade unions observed about 3% hartals. This data, however, should be used with caution due

to the complex nature of hartals as often a hartal is called by one group and subsequently backed

up by one or other groups nevertheless the data gives a clear indication of the politics of hartals.

5

7

37

13

16

28

62

14452

154

212

1572

48

101

56

55

8

42

37

22

57

0 50 100 150 200 250

Laguage Movement

Anti-Ayub Call

Anti-Ershad Call

Anti-BNP Call

Anti-Jamat Call

Anti-AL Call

Demand for Services

Law and Order/ Human SecurityAdministrative Re-arrangement

Inter Party / Intra Party Conflict

Political Killing

Religious Issues

Demand for Better Governance

Economic Demands

Protest for Withdrawl of Cases

Election Related Issues

Protest against Legislature

International Issues

Education Related Issues

Price IssuesPreservation of National Resources

Caretaker Government Issue

Others

Figure: Reasons for Calling in Bangladesh:1947-

2002


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Figure 2.5 illustrates the reasons for which hartals were called. Hartals are called to protest

many issues, and often a single hartal is called for multiple reasons. An assessment of the

primary issues driving hartals over the period 1947-2002 shows that the single most common

issue, especially at the local level, was political killings (212 hartals). Inter-party and intra-

party conflicts were the reasons for 154 hartals. The third most frequent set of issues underlying

hartals were law and order and the human security situation vis--vis the law enforcement

agencies (144 hartals). A demand for better governance and public utilities and services were the

reasons for 134 hartals. These figures suggest that improvement in respect for human rights,

governance, law and order, and public service delivery could be crucial in reducing frequency

of hartals.

HARTALS AND DEMOCRATIC TRANSITIONIN BANGLADESH

The continuing use of hartals in India, Nepal and Bangladesh underscores that nations in the

midst of transition to democracy experience many difficulties, obstacles and reversals. The

process is inevitably intertwined with the broader process of modernization, which gives rise to

a variety of contradictory social and political forces. While our understanding of this complex

process is far from adequate, it is not difficult to recognize that the pervasiveness of hart al s

in a country like Bangladesh is an obstacle to democracy and that their persistence is related

to the way political mobilization takes place and political demands are articulated .

Mobilization politicsgives rise to what Rudolph and Rudolph call demand groups, in contrast to

interest groups, in institutionalized democracy (1987). Business groups, trade unions,

professional organizations, or citizens banding together to pursue a particular cause or issue

are examples of interest groups (Berry, 1995). In a stable democracy demands are articulated by

such interest groups on the basis of professional expertise and lobbying skills within defined

areas of public policy. They are used to influence or promote specific policies. Demand groups

rely more on symbolic protests and agitation. Sanctioned by indigenous political tradition, suchgroups tend to operate in the politica l space outside the boundaries of institutional

politics. Demand groups assume that there is no institutional mechanism for the redress of their

grievances, and believe they must stage great spectacles of protest to bring about regime or

pol icy changes. Str ikes in educational institutions, hartals and bandhs are the preferred

forms of protest by demand groups. Self-immolation in India, which caused the deaths of

1451 people in 2000 alone, is a tragic example of such protest and demand articulation


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(Venkatesan 2002). This simple analytical framework can fruitfully explain the pervasiveness

of hartals in Bangladesh.

Historically, Bangladesh emerged as a Westminster type of democracy at the end of British rule in

1947 type of democracy at the end of British rule in 1947. But an immediate transition to

institutionalized democracy did not occur. Rather, an illiberal democracy dominated by a

bureaucratic, military oligarchy slumped into an authoritarian polity under Ayub Khan within

about a decade. It led to what has been called internal colonialism between the western

provinces of Pakistan and Bangladesh in the east and fueled the War of Liberation. Thus,

from the very beginning of the Pakistani era, political forces in Bangladesh took the shape of

mobilization politics, first surfacing in the Language Movement of 1952, which actually started

in 1948, and becoming critical in the mass movements of 1969 to 1971.

In 1971 Bangladesh began its journey towards democracy as a new nation. However, the

period between 1971 and 1990 was marked by both democratic and authoritarian regimes. A

massive popular movement in 1990 finally caused the overthrow of the authoritarian regime

of General Ershad and signaled a new stage of democratic transition for Bangladesh. The

following are some critical difficulties the country faces in its process of deepening of

democracy.

The countrys political culture still containsmany authoritarian features, embodied in the

behavior of its political leaders and actors .Personalities still dominate the political scene.A

pervas ive pat te rn of pa tron-c li entrelationships remains an active force in thepolitical

parties and affects theirbureaucracies. The continuing strength of patron-client

relationships in particular gives rise to widespread factionalism and conflict in the political

terrain and a deep-rooted crisis of governance.

The two major political parties of the country-- the Bangladesh National Party and the AwamiLeague -- and their political allies seem to be locked into a pattern of antagonisticdialogue

that does not al low poli tical differences to be settled on the basis of dialogueand negotiation

among competing politicalactors, but rather tends to perpetuate the old political fault lines.

As a consequence of this antagonistic dialogue and polarized political situation, astrong


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tradition of mobilization politics remains in place and continues to shapepolitical

behavior. The party in power often uses coercion to contain the opposition. Theopposition, in

turn, resorts to mobilization politics, which in turn escalates political conflict.

Given all these factors, hartals are perceived by many to be the best instrument for the

articulation of the perceived grievances and various claims of demand groups. Although

Bangladesh is a formal democracy, it still suffers from this legacy of authoritarianism and, at

the same time, retains a strong tradition of protest. This has led to the perpetuation of hartals as

a major characteristic ofthe nations political culture.

CHANGING VIEWS ON THE LEGITIMACY

OF HARTALS

Although hartals found spontaneous support among people during anti -colonial, anti

authoritarian movements, concerned citizens all over South Asia have begun to raise their voice

against their unjustified and unnecessary use. TheDaily Chasi underscored this demand as early

as 1956 and its words are even more relevant today.

The Englishmen, it is true, were driven out, butthe hartal has remained in this country....It is

undeniable that our leaders of different parties have been skilled in imposing hartals, if not inanything else. If anything does not suit theinterests of a political party, there is no escape.

The public has become convinced that as a consequence, they will certainly enforce a hartal.

We advise the leaders to articulate discontent orprotest in alternate forms. There is no lack of

open fields in Dhaka....they can assemble people andvoice all their discontent there. We request

themnot to stop the sources of daily income for theinnocent laborers and disrupt the livelihood

of people by deploying the weapon of hartal (TheDaily Chashi, 30 September 1956 cited in

Dasgupta, 2001: 26).

A survey conducted byDaily Bhorer Kagaj found that 51% of respondents did not support the

hartal called at that time (9 March 1995). About 13% had no opinion. In 1999 Prothom Alo

conducted another survey of 7370 people from all walks of life and more than 63% of the

respondents did not support the call for the resignation of the government through hartals

(23 September 1999). A little over 11% had no opinion. An opinion poll done byNews Network


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in 2000 showed that over 80% of the respondents thought that under the present socio-economic

condition of the country, there was no need to call hartals. Over 88% of them held that frequent

hartals contributed to the deteriorating law and order situation in the country (News Network,

2000). In the most recent opinion poll carried out for this publication in early 2003 70% of

respondents said that they believed there are constructive alternatives to hartals and preferred

more peaceful means of protest.

The press has been particularly active in advocacy against hartals. A large number of editorials

and letters to the editor reflect the growing public outrage against hartals. A large number of

editorials and letters to the editor reflect the growing public outrage against hartal.

An editorial in The Daily Sangbadin 1998 pointed out:

Once hartal was the climax of politicalmovement. When movements reached the peak

then only hartals were called to force the government to accept the demands. Political

parties used to call hartals on the basis of popularsupport, by associating mass with it and

bringing them along with it. The workers anleaders of political parties used to be on the streets

as well as masses on many occasions.

Nowadays political parties do not at all considerif there is any popular support for or popular

participation in hartal. It is now the easiest thingto call a hartal. It does not require any preparation at all. There is no need for popularsupport or popular participation. The

preparationfor the hartal can be taken by simply announcingthe program, giving press

statement and sendingnews to the BBC.

The hartal takes place due to throwing of bombsat main points before the day of hartal and on

the morning of hartal....All groups move on tothe streets with their arms and bombs. Now hartal

means getting engaged in violent conflicts.

We appeal to the political parties, please quit thisviolent path of hartal....[It] does not help

politics,rather damages it. It ruins the economy of ademocratic society and results in the

death ofinnocent people (Sangbad, 12 November 1998)


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A similar view was voiced by A.K. Azad Chowdhury, at the time the Vice-Chancellor of

Dhaka University, in a seminar entitled WhyHartals?, held on 10 November 1997.

We must free ourselves from revengefulness andintolerance. The lack of tolerance has created

thetendency for calling hartals. The distance betweenbeing in power and not being in power has

beenthe cause of hartals. These activities are due tothe psychologically conditioned conflicts of

ourpolitical parties (cited in Hannan, 2000: 643).

When an injunction was sought against Mamta Banerjees call for a bandh in West Bengal

on 7 June 2002, the Calcutta High Court, seeing no point in it as the injunction could not be

Enforced, made the scathing comment that protests without purpose and the philosophy

of no work were the twin contributions of Bengal (Bandh Blues, The Times of India, 17

October2002)

CHANGING THE COURSE OF HISTORY?

In this age of globalization, hartals are not only economically damaging to the country but

politically ineffective and are hardly enjoy any popular support. The end of hartals demands a

new vision and the commitment of the political elite. Escalating public pressure is a key element

inachieving this goal. Also important is improvingthe state of governance in the country,

whichwould reduce the killings, conflicts, and violence -which is a major source of hartals,especially at the local level.

The consequences of hartals in terms of economicsocial and political costs are huge. While

thenegative economic consequences of hartals draw agreat deal of attention, its social

consequences should not be overlooked. According to Dasgupta (2001), over a period of 52

years from 1947, about 250 deaths during hartals could be identified from newspaper reports.

Over 13,000 people were injured and 10,000 arrested and most often it is the poor who are

victims of these conflicts.

The historic pattern of hartal thus far exposes the paradox of increasing hartals and the continued

polarization of politics ever since the formal establishment of a democratic regime in Bangladesh

The author of this chapter would like to conclude by posing the question will Bangladesh

continueto take this destructive path, or is it time for someone to change the course of history?


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Research Methodology:

Factor analysis has been used to analyze the data of this research. The other matters are

given below:

Area of Research: The selected area of research is Dhaka city.

Techniques of data collection:

(a)Primary source:

Face to face interview scheduling has been the conducted in collecting primary data from

respondents. Primary information is provided directly by the selected different professionals in

the Dhaka area. Primary data is collect by means of standardized used in interviewing the samplerespondents. It is acquire through direct interviews.

(b)Secondary source:Secondary data is collected through various sources, such as-literature and publications available

in national and international documents, publications, NGOs, different types journal,

newspaper, magazines, books, internet etc. The information collect through the interviewschedule survey has been compiled for analysis through a standard data entry form.

Sampling procedure and sample design: At first, It has been used the cluster sampling in this

research. Then a systematic sampling is conducted in the selected clusters. The area of low

income people of Dhaka city is divided into 20 clusters. Then 2 cluster is selected randomly from

the clusters. Then a systematic sampling is conducted in these 2 cluster. The sample personwould be the main earning people of a family

Factor Analysis Basic Concept:

Factor analysis is general name denoting a class of procedure primarily used for data reduction

and summarization. In research, there may be a large number of variables, most of which are


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correlated and which must be reduced to a manageable level. Relationship among sets of

interrelated variables are examined and represented in terms of a few underlying factors.

In analysis of variance, multiple regression, and discriminate analysis one variable is considered

as the dependent or criterion variable, and the others as independent or predictor variables.

However, no such distinction is made in factor analysis. Rather, factor analysis is an

interdependence technique in that an entire set of interdependent relationship is examined.

(Malhotra, 2010)

Terminology Associated with Factor Analysis:

(a) Barletts test of sphericity: Barletts test of sphericity is a test statistic used to examine the

hypothesis that the variables aer uncorrelated in the population. In other words, the population

correlation matrix is an identity matrix; each variables correlates perfectly with itself (r=1) but

has no correlation with other variables (r=0).

(b)Correlation matrix: A correlation matrix is a lower triangle showing the simple

correlations,r, between all possible pairs of variables included in the analysis. The diagonal

elements, which are all 1, are usually omitted.

(c)Communality: Communality is the amount of variance a variables shares all the other

variables being considered. This is also the populations of variance explained by the common

factors.

(d)Eigenvalue: The eigenvalue represents the total variance explained by each factor.

(e)Factor loadings: Factor loadings are simple correlations between the variables and the

factors.

(f)Factor loading plot: A factor loading plot is a plot of original variables using the factor

loadings as coordinates.


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(g) Factor matrix: A factor matrix contains the factor loading of all variables on all the factors

extracted.

(h)Factor scores: Factor scores are composite scores estimated for each respondent on the

derived factors.

(i) Factor scores coefficient matrix: The matrix contains the weights, or factor score

coefficients, used to combine the standardized variables to obtain factor scores.

(j) Kaiser-Mayer-Olkin (KMO) measure of sampling adequacy: The Kaiser-Mayer-Olkin

(KMO) Measure of sampling adequacy is an index used to examine the appropriateness of factor

analysis. High values (between 0.5 and 1.0) indicate factor analysis is appropriate. Values below

0.5 imply that factor analysis may not be appropriate.

(k) Percentage of variance: This is the percentage of total variance attribute to each factor.

(l) Residuals: Residuals are difference between the observed correlations, as given in the input

correlation matrix, and the reproduced correlations, as estimated from the factor matrix.

(m) Scree plot: A scree plot is a plot of the eigenvalues against the number of factors in order

extraction.

(Malhotra, 2010)

Factor Analysis Model:

Mathematically, factor analysis is somewhat similar to multiple regression analyses, in that each

variable is expressed as a linear combination of underlying factors. The amount variance a

variable shares with all variables included in the analysis is referred to as communality. The

covariation among the variables is described in terms of a small number of common factor plus a

unique factor for each variable. These factors are not overtly observed. If the variables are

standardized, the factor model may be represented as:


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Xi = ai1F1 +

where

=ith standardized variable

= standardized multiple regression coefficient of variable i on common factor j

F= common factor

=standardized regression coefficient of I on unique factor i

= the unique factor for for variable i

=number of common factors

The unique factors are uncorrelated with each other and with common factors. The common

factors themselves can be expressed as linear combinations of the observed variables.

Where

= estimate for ith factor

= weight or factor score coefficient

K= number of variables

It is possible to select weights or factor score coefficients so that the factor explains the largest

portion of the total variance. Then a second set of weights can be selected, so that the second

factor accounts for most of the residual variance, subject to be uncorrelated with the first factor.

The same principle could be applied to selecting additional weights for additional factors. Thus

the factors can be estimated so that their factor scores, unlike the values of original variables, are

not correlated. Furthermore, the first factor accounts for the highest variance in the data, the

second factor the second highest, and so on. Several statistics are associated with factor analysis.

(Malhotra, 2010)

Conducting Factor Analysis:

The steps involved in conducting factor analysis are given in the following figure:


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Formulate the problem

Construct the correlation matrix

Determine the method of factor analysis

Rotate the factor

Interpret the factor

Calculate the Select the

Factor surrogate

Scores variables

Determining the model fit

(Malhotra,2010)


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Formulate the problem:

Problem formulation includes several tasks. First, the objectives of factor analysis should be

identified. The variables to be included in the factor analysis should be specified based on past

research, theory, and judgment of the researcher. It is important that the variables be

appropriately measured on an interval or ratio scale. An appropriate sample size should be used.

As a rough guideline, there should be at least four or five times as many observations (sample

size) as there are variables. In many research situations, the sample size is small and the ratio is

considerably lower. In these cases, the result should be interpreted cautiously. (Malhotra,2010)

Construct the Correlation Matrix:

The analytical process is based on a matrix of correlations between the variables. Valuable

insights can be gained from an examination of this matrix. For the the factor analysis to be

appropriate, the variables must be correlated. In practice, this is usually the case. If the

correlations between all variables are small, factor analysis may not be appropriate. We should

except the variables that are highly correlated with each other would also highly correlate with

the same factor or factors.

Formal statistics are available for testing the appropriateness of factor model. Barletts test of

spericity can be used to test the null hypothesis that the variables are uncorrelated in the

population; in other words, the population correlation matrix is an identity matrix. In an identity

matrix, all diagonal terms are 1, and all off- diagonal terms are 0. The test statistic for spricity is

based on a chi- square transformation of the determinant of the correlation matrix. A large value

test statistic will favor of rejection of the null hypothesis. If the hypothesis cannot be rejected,then the appropriateness of factor analysis should be questioned. Another useful statistic is the

Kaiser- Meyer-Olkin (KMO) measure of sampling adequacy. This index compares the

magnitudes of the observed correlation coefficients to the magnitudes of the partial correlation

coefficients. Small values of the KMO statistic indicate that the correlations between pairs of


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variables cannot be explained by other variables and that factor analysis may not be appropriate.

Generally, a value greater than 0.5 is desirable. (Malhotra, 2010)

Determine the Method of Factor Analysis:

There various method of factor analysis. The two basic approaches are principle component

analysis and common factor analysis .In principle component analysis, the total variance in data

is considered. Principle components analysis is recommended when the primary concern is to

determine the minimum number of factors that will account for maximum variance in the data

for use in subsequent multivariate analysis. The factors are called principle components. In

common factor analysis, the factors are estimated based only on the common variance. Thismethod is appropriate when the primary concern is to identify the underlying dimensions and the

common variance is of interest. This method is also known as principle axis factoring. (Malhotra,

2010)

Determine the Number of factors:

Several procedures are have been suggested for determining the number of factors. These are

given below:

A PRIORI DETERMINATION: Sometimes because of prior knowledge, the researcher

knows how many factors to expect and thus can specify the number of factors to be

extracted beforehand.

DETERMINATION BASED ON EIGENVALUES: In this approach, only factors with

eigenvalues greater than 1.0 are retained; the other factors are not included in the model.


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DETERMINATION BASED ON SCREE PLOT: A scree plot is a plot of the eigenvalues

against the number of factor in other extraction. This shape of plot is used to determine

the number of factors.

DETERMINE BASED ON PERCENTAGE OF VARIABLES: In this approach, the

number of factors extracted is determined so that the cumulative percentage of variance

extracted by the factors reaches a satisfactory level.

DETERMINATION BASED ON SPLIT-HALF RELIABILITY: The sample is split in

half and factor analysis is performed on each half. Only factors with high correspondence

of factor loading across the subsample are retained.

DETERMINATION BASED ON SIGNIFICANCE TEST: It is possible to determine thestatistical significance of the separate eigenvalues and retain only those factors that are

statistically significant. A drawback is that with large samples (size greater than 200),

many factors are likely to be statistically significant, although from a practical viewpoint

many of these account only a small portion of total variance. (Malhotra, 2010)

Rotate Factors:

An important output from factor analysis is factor matrix, also called the factor pattern matrix.

The factor matrix contains the coefficients used to express the standardized variables in terms of

the factors. These coefficients, the factor loadings, represent the correlation between the factors

and the variables. A coefficient of the factor matrix can be used to interpret the factors

The rotation is called orthogonal rotation if the axes are maintained at right angles. The mostcommonly used method for rotation is the varimax procedure. This is an orthogonal method of

rotation that minimizes the number of variables with high loading on a factor, thereby enhancing

the interpretability of the factors. Orthogonal rotation results in factors that are uncorrelated. The

rotation is called oblique rotation when the axes are not maintained at right angles, and the

factors are correlated. Sometimes, allowing for correlations among factors can simply the factor


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pattern matrix. Oblique rotation should be used when factors in the population are likely to be

strongly correlated. (Malhotra, 2010)

Interpret factors:

Interpretation is facilitated by identifying the variables that have large loading on the same

factor. The factor can then be interpreted in terms of variables that load high on it. Another

useful aid in interpretation is to plot the variables using the factors loading as coordinates.

Variables at the end of an axis are those that have high loading on only that factor, and hence

describe the factor. Variables near to origin have small loading on both the factors. Variables that

are not near any of the axes are related to both the factors. If a factor cannot be clearly defined interms of the original variables, it should be labeled as an undefined or a general factor.

(Malhotra, 2010)

Calculate Factor Scores:

Following interpretation, factor scores can be calculated, if necessary. Factor analysis has its own

state-alone value. However, if the goal of factor analysis is to reduce the origin set of variables to

a smaller set of composite variables (factor) for use in subsequent multivariate analysis, it is

useful to compute factor scores for each respondent. A factor is simply a linear combination of

original variables .The factor scores for ith factor may be estimated as follows:

The weights, or factor score coefficients, used to combine the standardized variables are obtained

from the factor score coefficient matrix. Most computer programs allow you to request factor

scores. Only in the case of principle components analysis, these scores are uncorrelated. In

common factor analysis, estimates of these scores are obtained, and there is no guarantee that the

factors will be uncorrelated with each other. (Malhotra, 2010)


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Determine the model fit:

The final step in factor analysis involves the determination of model fit. A basic assumption

underlying factor analysis is that the observed correlation between variables can be attributed to

common factors. Hence, the correlation between the variables can be deduced or reproduced

from estimated correlations between the variables and the factors. The differences between the

observed correlations (as given in the input correlation matrix) and the reproduced correlations

(as estimated from the factor matrix) can be examined to determine the model fit. These

differences are called residuals. If there are many large residuals, the factor model does not

provide a good fit to the data and the model should be reconsidered.(Malhotra,2010)


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References

Malhotra, Naressh K. & Dash, Satyabhushan,Marketing Research, New Delhi, DorlingKindersley (India) Pvt, Ltd.

Kothari,C.R.,Research Methodology, New Delhi, New Age International Publishers,2012

Islam,Aminul The history of hartal,The University Journal, Dhaka, October, 2010, p.76

Tazeen,murshid, Political parties and civil society: Restoring, Dhaka, Panjaree

Publications Pvt. Ltd.,2010.

Mohammad,Zayed & Hossain,Manzoor,Hartals and the law, University Press Pvt.Ltd.,2011.

Ahmed,Iraz & Mortoza,Golam, The Anatomy of Hartals, Dhaka, Bangla Academy, 2012

Chawdhury,Dr.Haider, A survey on the impact of hartal on the poor of Dhaka city,The

Desh, Dhaka, September, 2009, p.123

UNDPS report, Beyond hartals:towards democracy in bangladesh- The

Independent July 15, 2011

January 5, 2009,The daily star Thought on Hartal

July 5, 2011, Daily Sun-Hartal Pushes up vegetable price sharply in capital

September 2, 2002, Prothom Alo But why this destructive hartal?

December 15, 2003, The Daily star All terns to Hartal stunt uplift

www.wikipedia.org/wiki/hartal

www.weeklybitz.net
http://www.wikipedia.org/wiki/hartalhttp://www.wikipedia.org/wiki/hartalhttp://www.weeklybitz.net/http://www.weeklybitz.net/http://www.weeklybitz.net/http://www.wikipedia.org/wiki/hartal


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Appendix1:

Questionnaires

(1)Name:

(2)Age:

(3)Sex: Male \Female:

(4)Marital status: Married Unmarried Divorce Widow

(5)Religion: Islam Hindu Christian Others

(6)Education:

a. Illiterate

b. Literate

c. Primary

d. Secondary

e. Higher secondary

(7)Occupation:

(8)Family size:(9)No. of dependents:

(10)No. of earning member in family:

(11)What is your income per day

a. 100-300 Taka

b. 300-600 Taka

c. 600-800 Taka

d. Others

(12) Where are you living?

a. Slum b. Relative House c. Rent House d. Others


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(13)Attitude measurement by Likert-Scale:

Strongly

Disagree

Disagree Not

Sure

Agree Strongly

Agree

Factors of reducing income:

(a) In hartal day day labors do not getany work.

(b)At hartal , farmers cannot send theirvegetables to Dhaka market and as a

result that are damaged.

(c)At hartal , the hawkers cannot get outfor their business.

(d)At hartal , the poor footpath vendorcannot carry on their business.

(e)Small shopkeepers, groceries cannotopen their shop at hartal.

Insecurity creating factors:(f) In hartal , tokai , slum dwellers,

floating people are used in picketing

which falls lives in danger.

(g)Hartal causes damaging of publicproperty.

(h)Hartal is the reason for lot of injuriesand disablement of people.

(i) Hartal is the reason of financial lossin terms of increase expenditure and

decrease in income.

(j) Hartal spreads conflict amongsociety.

(k)Hartal creates violence.(l) Patients cannot go to hospital at

hartal.

(m)Hartal causes price hike of goods dueto short supply.

(n)Hartal delays/obstruct educationsystem.

Lifestyle changing factors:(o)Hartal renders persons adverse to the

work.

(p)Hartal increases laziness amongpeople.

(q)Hartal enhances inefficiency inpeople.


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(r) Hartal makes student inattentive instudy.

(s) Hartal is reason of postponement ofexam.

(t) Hartal increases the tendency ofgetting anything without any labor.

(u)Hartal enhances on businessman thetendency to stock.

(v)Hartal makes person cost centered.Hortal as a right of political party:

(w)Hartal is a political right of politicalparty.

(x)Hartal is a effective tool of politicalparty to realization of their demand.

(y)Hartal creates public awarenessamong people about public interest.

(z)Hartal is the protest of governmentsunjust action.Releasing from hartal:

(aa) I support hartal.(bb) Political party should find out

alternatives line of actions of hartal.

(cc) Hartal should be banned by legislation.

Documents

Imran Hartal Introduction