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DOI: 10.1177/1088767910381864 2010 14: 436Homicide Studies

Charles E. Reasons, Teresa Francis and David KimThe Ideology of Homicide Detectives: A Cross-National Study

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1Central Washington University, Ellensburg2Washington State University, Pullman

Corresponding Author:Charles E. Reasons, Department of Law and Justice, Central Washington University, Ellensburg, WA 98926-7580 [email protected]

The Ideology of Homicide Detectives: A Cross-National Study

Charles E. Reasons1, Teresa Francis1, and David Kim2

Abstract

Ideologies help guide our behavior and thought processes and have been largely neglected when studying crime and criminal justice professionals. Intensive interviews were conducted with homicide detectives in Seattle, Washington and Vancouver, British Columbia to provide a view of their working beliefs and opinions concerning a number of issues. The areas questioned included (a) working environment, (b) causes of homicide, (c) television portrayal of homicide work, and (d) the death penalty. Within each area several questions were asked. Although homicide detectives in both cities and countries gave similar responses to many questions, they differed significantly in terms of the role of guns, particularly handguns, in homicide rates, the death penalty, and their relationship to the prosecutor/crown. Therefore, although their constellation of beliefs (ideologies) surrounding the above noted topics were in many ways similar, there were distinct differences. The areas of difference can be understood within the larger legal and cultural context.

Keywords

comparative homicide, ideology, homicide detectives, causes of homicide, police work

An ideology is an organized collection of ideas. All societies have an ideology that is the basis of common sense or public opinion. It often appears neutral. A natural given set of assumptions not often challenged. For example, the notions that the United


Reasons et al. 437

States is the best country in the world; democracy as we practice it is the best form of government; government control of the economy is bad; what ever is good for the pri-vate sector is good for all. Although we are all socialized with an ideology, those who conduct the study of crime often eschew the term ideology and ignore its role in the study of crime. The criminologist is often viewed as insulated from ideology because of his or her methodological strictures.

In his classic work Ideology and Crime, Sir Leon Radzinowicz (1966) details how explanations of crime have changed with changes in society over many centu-ries. Although most criminology and criminal justice texts outline the changes in ways of explaining crime from demological to classical neoclassical, positivist and critical explanations, the role of ideology is largely ignored. Explanations of crime are presented as a linear, cumulative progression in our understanding of crime. If one looks at current textbooks, rarely is there a notation for ideology in the index. This omission is due in part to the largely normal science of criminology and its emersion in positivism and scientism. A cursory review of major criminol-ogy and criminal justice journals provides evidence for this dominance of scientism and positivism.

In the Professional Ideology of Social Pathologists, sociologist C.W. Mills (1943) observed that social scientists and academics share collective ideas and ways of thinking (ideologies) in the study of crime and deviance related to their backgrounds and biases. More recently Kelleher (2001) provides an update to Mills argument by arguing that contemporary students of social problems have a liberal bias in their work. In the Sociology of Nuts, Sluts, and Perverts, Liazos (1972) discusses this in terms of the focus of criminological study. In the Social Reality of Crime, Quinney (1970) provided a break with the positivist tradition in emphasizing how both law and crime are socially created and pursued based on factors of race, class, and other biases.

Although we all have ideologies, lay people and social scientists, most research by criminologists on ideologies and beliefs has been on the offenders and/or employees of the criminal justice system. In a significant, but now largely ignored, article Ideology and Criminal Justice Policy, Walter B. Miller (1973) provides an excellent starting point for addressing the role ideology plays in the criminal justice system. He identi-fies ideological positions on the left and right and summarizes crusading issues and general assumptions. These are presented generally, and then he discusses four pro-fessional groups. (a) Academic Criminologists (b) Judiciary and Courts (c) the Police, and (d) Corrections in terms of the left/right positions. He concludes,

If, as it is here contended, many of those involved in the tasks of planning and executing the major policies and procedures of our criminal justice system are subject to the influence of pervasive ideological assumptions which are largely implicit and unexamined, the question than arises What are the consequences of this phenomenon? (Miller, 1973, p. 150)


438 Homicide Studies 14(4)

Police Ideology

In discussing the ideology of the police, Miller (1973) notes that most have working class backgrounds and most fit into the right classification ideologically although there are variations in region of the country, size of department, age, and rank differ-ences. This is largely confirmed in the classic research on the working personality of the police decades ago. However, Walker and Katz observe in their more recent text Police in America (2008), the attitudes and culture of police are more complex today given the dramatic changes in the rank and file over recent decades (Women, African Americans, Hispanics, gay and lesbian officers, higher education level). Nonetheless, there are ways of thinking among police today.

Little research has been conducted on detectives, generally, and less on homicide detectives. Walker and Katz (2008) point out that detective work is surrounded by myths largely because of movies and television police shows. Some of these myths are that detective work is exciting, glamorous, and dangerous; detectives possess excep-tional courage and skills and solve all crime. Although these myths are empirically unsubstantiated, they produce harmful consequences, such as unrealistic expectations from victims and the public, and thus frustration and dissatisfaction.

The most extensive and comprehensive research on detective work was completed by Canadian criminologist Richard Erickson (1981), who wrote a book entitled Making Crime: A Study of Detective Work. He studied detectives in Toronto, Ontario. Through interviews, observations, and related analysis, Erickson provides a rich elaboration of detective work in the context of organization, occupational environment, modus ope-randi, and ideology.

In the ranking of detective work, homicide detective work traditionally occupies the highest status, followed by robbery and sexual assault detectives. This is because of the fact that more serious crimes carry more social and moral significance. Therefore, more resources are given to these types of crimes. As noted in the early book Detective Work: A Study of Criminal Investigation (Sanders, 1977), homicide units generally have the smallest workload and the highest clearance rate. At the other end of the detective spectrum, property crime units (burglary and larceny) have the highest workloads and lowest clearance rates.

MethodDuring the 2005-2006 academic year, the researcher visited both the Seattle and Vancouver Police Departments numerous times, meeting with the respective homi-cide units. Both the Seattle and Vancouver homicide units have 18 officers. The Seattle homicide unit consisted of three squads of six officers. Each squad has a Sgt. and five detectives. The five detectives consist of two pairs who work together plus a 5th wheel who investigates felony assaults and is periodically called to help with a homicide. The Vancouver Homicide Squad is composed of two teams of


Reasons et al. 439

eight detectives each, with a Sgt. leading each team. As in Seattle, the officers work in two person units.

In the Summer of 2005, prior to the extensive field work, a homicide interview schedule was constructed based on previous research and the current researchers interests. It included demographic information, opinions regarding homicide work, views of the factors related to homicide, and opinions on the death penalty, among other issues. From September through December 2005, interviews were conducted with detectives in both Homicide Units. In Seattle, 16 of the 18 homicide officers were interviewed, while in Vancouver, 14 were interviewed, for a total of 30 interviews of homicide officers.

The interviews were conducted individually with each detective in a separate room in the homicide unit. Each interview took approximately 1.5 hr although they varied from 1 to 2 hr. The officers were assured anonymity and that identifying information would be removed before data were distributed to others. On completion of the 30 interviews, a coding form was devised to provide more uniform data. The interviews were coded and provided the following results.

ResultsDetective Characteristics

The first general category of responses concerned the officers experience and charac-teristics. All detectives, except one in the Seattle unit, have at least 11 or more years of police experience. In terms of time in the homicide unit, it is evident from Table 1 that most detectives in both departments have 3 years or less experience, while the Seattle homicide unit has a much larger number with 9 or more years. In terms of formal edu-cation, Seattle homicide detectives are much more likely to have a college/university degree (75%) than Vancouver detectives (46%). Regarding their prior police experience, homicide detectives disproportionately have been detectives in robbery or sex crime units prior to homicide.

Working EnvironmentThe next set of questions dealt with aspects of the job of the homicide detectives. When asked why they applied to be homicide detectives, Table 2 shows that they real-ized it was the top of the heap in terms of detective investigation work. Seattle detectives also emphasized that it was interesting and challenging, while Vancouver detectives stressed they always wanted to go into it and there are more resources.

Table 3 provides their opinions on the best aspects of being a homicide detective. In terms of the best aspects of the job, using ones brain, and the challenge and excite-ment, were noted by half in both departments homicide units. Working through the entire case and having the best resources and personnel were mentioned by at least a 40% average for both departments, while locking up bad guys was mentioned by about



one fourth of detectives. There appears to be more satisfaction in the Seattle unit with resources and overtime pay, compared to the Vancouver unit.

Regarding the worst aspects of the job, the Seattle unit noted the hours/pagers going off in the middle of the night as the worst thing, while the Vancouver units most fre-quent complaint is case failures due to technicalities. According to Table 4, another noticeable difference is Seattle detectives were more likely to cite child victims as a worst aspect of work, while Vancouver detectives noted strong personalities/egos.

When asked what are the most important skills for a homicide detective, both units listed people skills as the top one, as shown in Table 5. Being organized and inter-viewing skills were next although these were noted more frequently by Seattle detec-tives. The next question dealt with the degree of dangerousness of being a homicide

Table 1. Detective Characteristics

Seattle Vancouver Combined

Years in the department 0-10 Years 1-6% 0-0% 1-3% 11+ Years 15-94% 14-100% 29-97%Years in homicide 0-3 Years 7-44% 7-50% 14-47% 4-8 Years 4-25% 6-43% 10-33% 9+ Years 5-31% 1-7% 6-20%Education High School 0-0% 3-23% 3-10% Some College/university 4-25% 5-31% 9-30% Complete College/university 12-75% 6-46% 18-62%Previous positions Patrol 16-100% 14-100% 30-100% Robbery 5-31% 6-43% 11-37% Sex crimes 3-19% 7-50% 10-33% Strike force 0-0% 6-11% 6-20%

Table 2. Why Go Into Homicide?a


Top of heap/peak of investigation 8-50% 6-43% 14-47%Interesting/challenge 9-56% 3-21% 12-40%Always wanted to 4-25% 7-50% 11-37%More resources 1-6% 4-29% 5-17%Other 7-44% 2-14% 9-30%

a. Many respondents gave more than one answer.


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detective. As Table 6 shows, it is the least dangerous job in policing, while patrol is the most dangerous according to homicide detectives.

The next question dealing with working conditions concerned the relationship with the prosecutor/crown. This aspect of detective work is often overlooked by researchers,

Table 3. Best Part of Working Homicidea


Use Brain/exciting/challenging 9-56% 7-50% 16-53%Work through entire case 6-38% 8-57% 14-47%Best people and resources 7-44% 5-36% 12-40%Jail bad guys 4-25% 3-21% 7-23%Freedom/leadership 3-19% 3-21% 6-20%Overtime pay 3-19% 0-0% 3-10%Other 3-19% 4-29% 7-23%

a. Many respondents gave more than one answer.

Table 4. Worst Part of Working Homicide


Hours/pagers 9-56% 3-21% 12-40%Case fails because of technicalities 4-25% 5-36% 9-30%Child victims 4-25% 1-7% 5-17%Strong personalities/ego 0-0% 3-21% 3-10%No lab 0-0% 1-7% 1-3%Other 4-25% 7-50% 11-37%

Table 5. Most Important Skills as a Homicide Detectivea


People skills 8-50% 5-36% 13-43%Organized 5-31% 3-21% 8-27%Interviewing skills 6-38% 2-14% 8-27%Detail skills 3-19% 1-7% 4-13%Patience 2-13% 2-14% 4-13%Writing skills 1-6% 2-14% 3-10%Tenacity 0-0% 2-14% 2-7%Flexibility 0-0% 2-14% 2-7%Other 8-50% 6-43% 14-47%

a. Many respondents gave multiple answers.



Table 6. Dangerousness


Patrol most dangerous 13-81% 9-64% 22-73%Homicide least dangerous of police work 9-56% 10-71% 19-63%Strike force/ERT most dangerous 0-0% 2-14% 2-7%Other 4-25% 0-0% 4-13%

Table 7. Relationship With Prosecutor/Crown


Good 13-81% 6-46% 19-65%Not so good 1-6% 5-38% 6-21%Bad 2-13% 3-15% 5-14%

Table 8. The Clearance Rate for Homicide Has Decreased Over the Last Several Decades, How Would You Explain That?a


Legal rules/courts/technicalities 1-6% 12-86% 13-43%More organized/gang homicides 7-44% 5-36% 12-40%Stranger homicides 5-31% 0-0% 5-17%Other 5-31% 5-36% 10-33%

a. Respondents gave multiple answers.

but is a significant part of their job. As observed in Table 7, the most frequent response in both units was a good relationship; however, such a response was noted by signifi-cantly more Seattle homicide detectives.

Finally, research has indicated a decline in the clearance rate of homicide over the last several decades in Canada and the United States. Homicide detectives were asked how they would explain this decline. Nearly all of the Vancouver detectives identified legal rules/courts/technicalities, whereas only one Seattle detective provided this explanation in Table 8. The major factors identified by Seattle detectives were more organized/gang homicides and stranger homicide. Vancouver detectives also noted organized/gang homicides but not stranger homicides.

Factors/Causes of HomicideThe next series of questions dealt with the detectives opinions concerning the types of factors that produce homicide. It is basically their views of the etiology of homicide.


Reasons et al. 443

The first question was a general one, Why do you think people kill each other? As evident from Table 9, the largest response was emotional/anger/situational, followed by premeditated/planned/gang, and drugs/money. Next the homicide detectives were asked if a number of factors were related to homicide. In Table 10, the responses are noted by the respective factors. Over three quarters of detectives (80%). identified inequality/poverty as a factor.

Table 10. Factors Related to Homicide


Inequality/poverty Yes 13-81% 11-79% 24-80% No 3-19% 3-21% 6-20%Mental illness Yes 12-75% 8-57% 20-67% No 4-25% 6-43% 10-33%Alcohol Yes 14-88% 12-86% 26-87% No 2-12% 2-14% 4-13%Illegal drugs Yes 16-100% 14-100% 30-100% No 0-0% 0-0% 0-0%Gangs Yes 15-93% 14-100% 29-97% No 1-7% 0-0% 1-3%Race/ethnicity Yes 15-94% 13-93% 28-93% No 1-6% 1-7% 2-7%Availability of gunsespecially handguns Yes 11-69% 14-100% 25-83% No 5-31% 0-0% 5-17%

Table 9. Why Do You Think People Kill Each Other?a


Emotional/anger/situational 13-81% 11-79% 24-80%Premeditated/planned/gang 7-44% 7-50% 14-47%Drugs/money 5-31% 7-50% 12-40%Criminal lifestyle 3-19% 0-0% 3-10%Other 6-38% 5-36% 11-37%




Most detectives identified mental illness as a factor although it was more frequently noted by Seattle detectives (75%) compared to Vancouver (57%). Detectives from both departments estimated only about 5% of all homicides are related to mental illness. Alcohol is identified by detectives in both departments as a primary factor in homicide. Homicide detectives in both departments are unanimous that illegal drugs are a factor in homicide. However, when explaining how illegal drugs affect homicide, they emphasize the business/gang aspect, not the effects of the illegal drugs on individuals.

Detectives in both homicide squads identified gangs as a factor in homicides. However, the proportion of homicides that are gang related has been declining since the mid-1990s in Seattle, while increasing in Vancouver during the same period. Over 90% of detec-tives identified race/ethnicity as a factor in the gang involvement. The complexion of the issue differs in each city. In Vancouver, where 49% of the population are people of color, Asians are noted, while in Seattle it is African Americans followed by Asians.

The last factor addressed in Table 10 is availability of gunsespecially handguns. While all Vancouver homicide detectives believe this is a factor, only about two thirds of Seattle detectives view this as a factor. In the next question, detectives were presented with the fact that the homicide rate in Canada is one third that of the United States and were asked to provide their opinion of why there is such a discrepancy. As Table 11 shows, gun availability is the top reason in both homicide units, but many more Canadian homicide detectives (35%) cite this compared to American homicide detectives (28%). Detectives in both departments are similar in noting the more violent nature of the United States and the fact that there is more inequality in the United States than in Canada. Vancouver detectives also identify that Canadians are more polite, have less of a drug problem and a better safety net, while Seattle detectives identify Canadians having a bet-ter family structure.

Television, Homicide, and the Death PenaltySince media crime and violence are popular, particularly in the United States, the next question concerned the portrayal of homicide and homicide detectives in television

Table 11. Why Does the United States Have a Higher Rate and Canada a Lower Rate?a


U.S. has more guns available 6-35% 11-79% 17-57%U.S. more violent historically & now via war etc. 5-31% 4-29% 9-30%More inequality in the United States 4-25% 5-36% 9-30%United States has more racism/racial conflict 4-25% 3-21% 7-23%Canadians more polite, not as uptight/driven 1-6% 3-21% 4-13%Less drug problems in Canada 1-6% 3-21% 4-13%Family Structure 3-19% 0-0% 3-10%Canada has better safety net 0-0% 2-14% 2-7%Other 5-31% 3-21% 8-27%



Reasons et al. 445

crime shows. As Table 12 shows, the great majority of homicide detectives in both departments view them as unrealistic.

Since Washington State, like most states, has the death penalty, whereas Canada and most advanced industrial nations do not, the next question addressed the death penalty. Although the detectives do not believe in the general deterrent effect of the death pen-alty, many support the death penalty. As per Table 13, homicide detectives in both departments overwhelming do not view the death penalty as a general deterrent. However, there is a major difference between the homicide units in terms of support for the death penalty. Nearly all (93%) of Seattle detectives support it, while a slim major-ity (57%) of Vancouver detectives support the death penalty.

DiscussionThe characteristics of homicide detectives in both departments were quite similar. They have at least 10 years police experience and are disproportionately drawn from previ-ous work in robbery and sex crimes. The only major difference was that the Seattle homicide detectives were largely graduates of college/university (75%), compared to their Vancouver counterparts (46%).Although homicide units portrayed on TV are often diverse in terms of gender, race, and ethnicity, these units were made up of largely White males. In the Vancouver homicide unit there were two women detectives and one Black male detective. Although Vancouver is nearly half Asian, there were no Asian homicide detectives. Asians, particularly East Indians, have a heavy involvement in the drug/gang business and as offenders and victims of homicide. At the time of my

Table 12. There Are a Lot of Crime Shows on TV and They Often Portray Homicide and Homicide Detectives, Do You Think They Are Realistic?


Yes 4-27% 3-15% 7-23%No 12-73% 11-85% 23-77%

Table 13. Death Penalty as Deterrent and Death Penalty Support


Death penalty as deterrent Yes 2-13% 3-21% 5-17% No 14-87% 11-79% 25-83%Support the death penalty Yes 15-93% 8-57% 23-77% No 1-7% 6-43% 7-23%



interviews, Seattle homicide unit had one Hispanic male detective, two Japanese American male detectives, and one women detective. There were no African American homicide detectives although nearly half of Seattle homicide offenders and victims are African American. The Vancouver homicide detectives noted that language differences often arise in their investigation although they point out that there are several officers on the force who provide translation for them. Therefore, although the two cities are diverse, particularly Vancouver, the homicide units are largely White male.

Our analysis of interviews with homicide detectives in Vancouver, British Columbia and Seattle, Washington provides a window to the working ideology of these homicide detectives. Their views and opinions were assessed in the following four areas (a) work-ing environment, (b) causes of homicide, (c) television portrayal of homicide work, and (d) the death penalty.

Working EnvironmentIn terms of working environment, homicide detectives in both departments sought this job because of its high status, better resources, interesting and challenging work. This confirms previous research regarding homicide detectives as the most prestigious type of detective, with fewer cases and more resources than other detectives. In terms of departmental differences, Seattle detectives were more likely to note the interesting and challenging nature of homicide work, whereas Vancouver detectives focused on the fact of more resources.

The next part of the work environment addressed was the best and worst aspect of being a homicide detective. The top response regarding the best aspect was working through the entire case and having the best personnel and resources. There is more satisfaction in the Seattle unit with resources and overtime pay than in the Vancouver unit. In terms of the worst aspects of the job, Seattle detectives were most likely to state the hours/pagers going off in the middle of the night. In both departments, certain detec-tives are on call/up for the next homicide and will receive the 3 a.m. call. Homicide, of course, does not conform to an 8 a.m. to 5 p.m. work schedule. The most frequently mentioned bad part according to Vancouver detectives was case failures due to tech-nicalities. This is understandable, since Canada only recently passed a constitution (1985) providing expanded rights to the accused similar to the U.S. Bill of Rights. It takes several decades to settle case law regarding these rights and, as we know in the United States, these rights change over time with case law. The Canadian Case law over the last decade has tightened the rules of police, generally, and homicide detectives, specifically. Another noticeable difference is Seattle detectives were more likely to cite child victims as one of the worst aspects, whereas Vancouver detectives noted strong personalities/egos. This reflects the fact that Vancouver has fewer small children as victims than Seattle, while the Vancouver unit was undergoing a great deal of change in leadership and much stress.

People skills were noted most frequently by homicide detectives as the most impor-tant skills needed for the job. This makes sense, since detectives must converse with


Reasons et al. 447

potential witnesses from all walks of life, victims families/friends/acquaintances/patrol officers, forensic people, prosecutors, crime lab investigators, and suspects. As one detective noted regarding suspects never ask a person if they killed someone. It is like a sales school, lead them to the car, or another observed you have to be nice to child molesters/murderers and put aside your revulsion. Being organized and inter-viewing skills were next most frequent although these were more likely mentioned by Seattle detectives. Obviously these are significant abilities, given the amount of mate-rial, number of people, forms, contacts, and so on needed for each case.

One of the biggest myths perpetrated by television and other media is that being a homicide detective is very dangerous. Homicide detectives rated their job as the least dangerous in their police careers. As one said, When you are called out to a homicide scene it is the safest place on earth. You show up and the victim is dead, perp gone, and ten cops with their hands in their pockets. Only danger is spilling hot coffee on your-self. Most detectives noted that if they have a dangerous suspect to arrest, they would use the SWAT squad or a similar unit. Thus, like the research shows, policing is a rela-tively safe occupation compared to others, such as construction, mining, and fishing, and within policing, being a homicide detective is very safe (Kappeler & Potter, 2005). When you look at the actual job of homicide detectives, about 80% of the job takes place in the office, while only about 20% is being on the street, usually regarding wit-nesses, crime scenes, informants, courts, for example, and so on.

The relationship with the prosecutor/crown was the next question. This aspect of detective work is often overlooked by researchers, but it is a key part of their job. The most frequent response was a good relationship in both units, although, Seattle detectives were significantly more satisfied than Vancouver detectives. This differ-ence is largely due to their different social and legal environment. In Seattle, a new program had been instituted in recent years whereby specific prosecutors are assigned to a case from crime scene through trial. In Vancouver (and Canada) there is a tradi-tion of more separation of the Crown and the police. Also, given the recent emergence of more established Constitutional Rights for accused in Canada, Crown attorneys are policing more carefully the work of homicide detectives. It appears that there is less likely to be the continuity of a single Crown counsel from the homicide to arrest to adjudication, as in Seattle.

Finally, success in homicide work is largely measured by clearance of cases, as part of the work environment. Although homicide has the highest rate of clearances for crimes, since the 1970s homicide clearance rates have declined in both the United States and Canada. When asked their opinions on why this has occurred, Vancouver detectives were most likely to cite legal rules/courts/technicalities, while only one Seattle detective gave this response. The major factor noted by Seattle detectives was that there were more organized/gang homicides and stranger homicides. Some Vancouver detec-tives noted organized gang homicides but not stranger homicide. The above noted factors, types of legal changes, plus resources, police/prosecutor relationships, and political environment may all play a role in clearance rates. (Special Issue: Criminal Justice Responses to Homicide, 2007).



Causes of Homicide

Most people have a set of opinions (ideology) regarding why people commit crime generally, and homicide, specifically. Of course, members of the criminal justice sys-tem also have a professional ideology regarding the causes of crime. When asked the global question, Why do you think people kill each other? the large majority of homicide detectives identified emotional/anger/situational factors as prominent. This is the major reason for homicide cited by academics in both Canada (Gomme, 2002) and the United States (Miethe & Regoeczi, 2004). These motives are prominent in homicide throughout the world. The next most frequent response was premeditated/planned/gang homicide.

Homicide detectives identified a number of specific factors associated with the occur-rence of homicides. Inequality/poverty was noted by the large majority of detectives. As one Seattle detective observed, When I was first in the department, I thought every-one could make it, but in poor neighborhoods there is a lack of direction, drugs and alcohol. According to a Vancouver detective, It seems poor people do more risky things in their lives to make ends meet, such as prostitution/theft/murder. This struc-tural factor has been identified as a cause of homicide by researchers around the world. The majority of detectives in both cities identified mental illness with homicide in about 5% of cases, with Seattle homicide detectives more frequently citing this cause. According to one Seattle detective, they get off meds and already have a drug prob-lem, while a Vancouver detective places this factor in a policy context, Especially since the 1990s when the Provinces closed beds, they go off meds and commit homi-cide and get killed by officers (suicide by cop). While mental illness plays a relatively small role in homicides, the media overemphasizes these few cases. (Kappeler & Potter, 2005). Since Canada generally, and Vancouver specifically, has a more adequate social safety net, including mental health services, this might explain the more frequent response by Seattle homicide detectives.

Drugs were identified by detectives in both departments as a major factor in homicide. However, their casual relationship to homicide was distinguished by the detectives. The legal drug alcohol was viewed as a primary factor in causing homicide due to the loos-ening of inhibition, bravado, anger, particularly in domestic and nightclub/party homi-cides. As one Seattle detective pointedly observed, Yes, if there were no alcohol or drugs we would be out of business. In Vancouver, a detective relates that it is signifi-cant, we get domestic and club shootings-drinking. They all note that alcohol takes away inhibitions, and brings out Machismo. Although all homicide detectives viewed illegal drugs as a factor in homicide, their understanding of the casual relationship differs from that of alcohol. In terms of illegal drugs, the large majority of homicide detectives explain that they are related to the business/trade/market in illegal drugs, not the physiological effect of illegal drugs. A Seattle detective summarizes this point, most homicides are related to traffic/trade, not caused by the effect of illegal drugs. In Vancouver, a homicide detective observes it is the money making aspect-business that leads to homicide-not taking drugs. This difference has long been noted by


Reasons et al. 449

researchers. Alcohol is our most dangerous drug in terms of producing violence, gener-ally, and homicide, specifically.

Gangs and race/ethnicity were identified by the large majority of homicide detec-tives as significant factors. Seattle detectives commented that gangs had decreased in the past decade. This confirms United States national data (Miethe & Regeozi, 2004) In Vancouver, while homicide rates have been decreasing over the last decade like Seattle, the proportion of homicides that are gang related has been increasing since 2000. Since 2000, Vancouver has a much higher proportion of gang/drug homicide than Seattle (Reasons, 2008).

Over 90% of detectives in both cities identified race/ethnicity as factors in homi-cide. This was also noted in terms of gangs being disproportionately made up of racial/ethnic minorities. In Vancouver, Indo-Canadian (East Indian) and Chinese minorities were noted, while in Seattle, Blacks were primarily identified, with Asians to a lesser degree. As a detective in Vancouver noted, Huge Indo-Canadian gang problem. In Seattle, where Blacks are about 10% of the population, they make up nearly half of the victims and offenders in homicide cases. The relationship of race and class is in a Seattle homicide detectives observation rates are higher in poor, black, minority communities. The Vancouver population is 49% visible minorities, compared to 18% visible minorities in Seattle. Homicide offenders and victims are disproportionately ethnic/racial minorities in Canada, United States, England, and other Western countries. This largely is due to their being economically disadvantaged (Miethe & Regeoczi, 2004). Criminologists have long identified race/ethnicity and immigration with gangs (Thrasher, 1925).

The last specific factor addressed was availability of guns, especially handguns. Here we find a major difference between Vancouver and Seattle homicide detectives. While all Vancouver detectives view this as a factor, only about two-thirds of Seattle detectives had the same view. This undoubtedly reflects the fact that guns, particularly handguns, are not easily available in Canada, consisting of less than 30% of the homi-cides. The history of the United States and the 2nd Amendment, the fact that the United States has more guns in private citizens homes per capita than any other country in the world, and that two thirds of homicides in the United States are by guns explains this difference in the Ideology of guns. The taken for granted nature of guns and the ideology of guns and self protection and individualism, is not obvious to most people in the United States, but those in other countries readily identify this as a cause of homi-cide in the United States.

In the last question concerning the factors/causes of homicide, the detectives were cited the fact that the United States has 3 times the rate of homicide as Canada and asked for their opinion why there is this difference. While gun availability is the most identified factor in both homicide units, twice as many Canadian homicide detec-tives cite this compared to their American colleagues. Both homicide detective units next point to the more violent history and the greater inequality in the United States. International research shows a positive correlation between levels of firearm owner-ship and homicide rates (Dandurand, 1998). Inequality differences between Canada



and the United States and within each country is also a factor in homicide (Daly, Wilson, & Vasdev, 2001). Generally, increased inequality coupled with perceptions of illegitimacy in developed nations increases homicide rates (Chamblin & Cockran, 2006; Jacobs & Richardson, 2008).

Television and the Death PenaltyThe large majority of homicide detectives believe television shows depicting homi-cide and homicide detective work are unrealistic. The shows tend to ham up dangerousness and glamour/CSI is totally distorted, according to one Vancouver detective. Homicide detectives spend about 80% of their time in the office, and rarely draw, much less use, their weapon, and are not all young, attractive, and well dressed as on TV. A Seattle detective observes that they are generally unrealistic in their portrayal of detectives. The only show meriting some reality on both sides of the border was Homicide: Life on the Streets, largely for the personalities and interpersonal relations. As we already know from extensive research, the portrayal of crime and criminal justice in the media generally, and on television specifically, has little to do with the reality of crime and criminal justice (Kappeler & Potter, 2005; Surette, 2007).

While Canada abolished the death penalty in 1976, the majority of states, including Washington, have the death penalty. The overwhelming majority of detectives in both departments do not view the death penalty as a general deterrent. This is based on their own experience that most homicides are situational/emotional and most killers do not believe they will be caught. This, of course, is supported by a long line of empirical research showing that death penalty is not a general deterrent.

However, there are major differences between the two cities when it came to support for the death penalty. A slight majority of Vancouver detectives support it, while nearly all Seattle detectives support it. Supporters from both departments view it in terms of retribution. The nearly half of Vancouver homicide detectives who do not support the death penalty noted that the state should respect life and the issue of wrongful convic-tions. The issue of wrongful conviction for murder has been documented in the United States and in Canada.

ConclusionThe ideology (belief/opinions) of homicide detectives in Seattle, Washington and Vancouver, British Columbia are generally similar. The only areas of major differences concerned the role guns play in homicide and their views on the death penalty.

While availability of guns, particularly handguns, is singled out by homicide detec-tives as a factor in homicide by detectives in both cities, there is a major difference in its significances. Only about two thirds of Seattle detectives cite this, while all Vancouver detectives view guns as a major factor. This difference was further high-lighted when they were asked to explain why the U.S. homicide rate is three times the


Reasons et al. 451

Canadian homicide rate. Twice as many Canadian detectives identified gun availably as a significant factor compared to Seattle detectives.

Homicide detectives in both departments do not view the death penalty as a gen-eral deterrent. However, Seattle detectives overwhelmingly support the death penalty as a form of retribution, while a slim majority of Vancouver detectives have this view. Nearly half of Vancouver detectives are against the death penalty, citing respect for life and wrongful convictions.

The similarities and differences found among homicide detectives in Seattle and Vancouver reflect the nature of homicide work, the causes of homicide, police organi-zational characteristics, and the legal and cultural context of homicide.

Acknowledgment

The authors greatly appreciate the cooperation of the Seattle and Vancouver police departments, particularly former Seattle Chief Gil Kerlikowski.

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the authorship and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) received no financial support for the research and/or authorship of this article.

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Bios

Charles E. Reasons is professor and chair of the Department of Law and Justice at Central Washington University. He received his PhD in sociology from Washington State University in 1972 and his LLB in 1992 from the University of British Columbia Law School. He practiced law in Vancouver, British Columbia in the 1990s. He has published nine books and scores of articles and book chapters on social and legal problems in the United States and Canada, while teaching in both countries.

David Kim just completed his MS degree in criminal justice at Washington State University and is working in Olympia, Washington. He is a 2007 graduate of the Department of Law and Justice at Central Washington University.

Teresa Francis is an assistant professor in the Department of Law and Justice at Central Washington University. She is a lawyer with a JD from Mississippi College School of Law and an LLM specializing in criminal law from the State University of New York at Buffalo School of Law. She specializes in criminal and civil law and procedure, family law, and correctional law.


Documents

Homicide Studies 2010 Reasons 436 52