Hiatus Resolving In Chitumbuka - BUFScms.bufs.ac.kr/yslee/research/papers/10_hiatus in chitumbuka.pdf · of hiatus . resolving in Chitumbuka will be discussed. ... Ika-I . or . la-I

Hiatus Resolving In Chitumbuka

Lee Yong-Sung lt

1 Introduction

Chitumbuka has a very simple syllabic structure as shown in (1)

(1) Chitumbuka syllable structure

a

~ (C) (C) v I J I

A vowel can be preceded by maximum two consonants and if there are two consonants in

the same syllable the second one must be a glide Notice also that all the syllables are V-final

There is no coda element in this language Since all the syllables end with vowels and consonants

optionally appear before vowel we may expect to see that there may be some cases where two

vowels can get together However general observations about the Chitumbuka pronunciation seem

to reveal different characteristic of its sound system

(2) Each vowel should be separated by one or more consonants

This is not because there is no example of two consecutive vowels in Chitumbuka

accidentally Consider the types of Chitumbuka morpheme structures

(3) a All the prefixes are V-final

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b All the suffixes are V-initial c Some of the stems are V-initial andor V-final

We can immediately see that vowels can come together through prefixation or suffixation to

stems Given the two observations (2) and (3) we are expect to see that there may be certain

phonological precesses in Chitumbuka that take two consecutive adjacent vowels as inputs and

produce outputs that confirm to the observation in (2)

I will call them hiatus resolving processes In this paper different strategies of hiatus resolving in Chitumbuka will be discussed Generally three different operations are noticeable

(4) a The first of two consecutive vowels becomes a glide b The first vowel is lost or deleted c A glide appears between the two vowels

In section 2 data of vowel clashes observed in various morpheme concatenation processes

will be presented and strategies of resolving hiatus will be discussed employing linear segmental

approach It will be seen that there are some problems in this analysis and the nature of the

problems will also be discussed

Section 3 presents another analysis of the same data from a different angle using moraic

syllable structure It will also be shown that the syllable-based approach can provide solution to

some of the problems posed in section 2

The data used in this paper have two different sources one from the transcriptions that I got

with the help of the native Chitumbuka speaker Mr Wongani Katundu And some of them are

from Tumbuka-Tonga- English dictionary I got the necessary words and checked them with the

informant and screen them to use only those which are in his vocabulary

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3 Hiatus Resolving in Chitumbuka

2 Vowel clashes

In Chitumbuka the sequence of two vowels in a word is not allowed as shown in (5)

(5) a mu (AGR) - ova (beer) --gt muova b ka (past) - imba (sing) --gt kaimba

As a first approximation we will just assume that there is principled prohibition of vowel

clashes which can be expressible as in (6)

(6) Well-formedness condition No two vowels can be adjacent without intervening consonant(s)

Though there may be problems with this condition this may suffice to begin the discussion

And more constrained condition will be introduced in 31 In spite of this condition we can

immediately see that through morpheme concatenation or even in the base form or underlying

representation vowels can come together Three different types of changes are witnessed in

Chitumbuka to conform to (6) First we can see the glide formation (henceforth GF) as in (7)

(7) a ku (V-marker) -Ii (eat) - eNge (future) --gt kulyeNge (will eat immediately) b mu (AGR) - ana (female) --gtmwana (a girl)

As shown in (7) the first of the two consequent vowels becomes a glide And since the

glide is not a vowel the hiatus is resolved

Secondly we can see the case of vowel deletion (henceforth VD) operation as in (8)

(8) a ka (past) - imb (sing) - a (FV) --gt kimba (to sing) b ku (V-marker) - och (burn) - a (FV) --gt kocha (to burn)

Finally a glide may be inserted (GI glide insertion) between two vowels as in (9)

1 )IlN the capitaln in the transcription represents the velar nasal [Q ] 2)FV means final vowel The morphological meaning of this affix is not fully investigated

In general the -a means indicative mood since it can be used with the past tense marker Ika-I or la-I and the future-tense marker Izamu-I but not compatible with subjunctive mood ending I-el or next-time point (future) marker I-eNgel

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(9) a ku (V-marker) - end (walk) - a (FV) --gt kuyenda (to walk) b ka (past) - amb (start) - a (FV) --gt kayamba (to start)

Some of the forms may take more than one resolving processes resulting in variations of

different forms as in (10)

(10) a ku (V-marker) - op (fear) - a (FV) --gt kopa (VD) kuwopa (GI) b ka (past) - im (stand) +a (FV) --gt kima (VD) kayima (GI)

In this section data of two consecutive vowels are presented and the changes of different

types will be discussed

21 Morpheme-internal and between stems and suffixes

First we will begin with morpheme internal vowel clashes and also the case where a stem

ends in a vowel and the following suffix begins with another vowel

(11)Morpheme internal vowel sequence ex~mple GF VD GI gloss

a imue imwe (you-pI) b niama nyama (meat) c ku-puan-a ku-pwan-a (to shatter) d uoko woko (arm) e nai nayi (four) f chi-mai chimayi (knife) g ku-iouoi-a ku-yowoy-a (to speak)

(12)V-final stem and V-initial suffix a ku-Ii - esx+a kulyesxa (to eat) b c

ku-temu - a Ii - eNge

kutemwa lyeNge

(to love) (will eat)

d ku-mani - eka kumanyeka (to know)

The interesting thing readily noticeable in above data is the lack of variation Each of the

examples shows either GF or GI but not both and no example of VD is witnessed Ivith (11) I

think that the absence of vowel deletion process is only natural because if vowel deletion is applied

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Hiatus Resolving in Chitumbuka 5

within a morpheme it is usually unrecoverable And therefore the native speakers will take the

form with vowel deletion change if any as the underlying form

This explanation gives rise to a possibility that there may not be any process at all be it GF

or GI in (11) For example we may say that the underlying form of (11b) is just nyumba or

Ijumba for that matter My assumption that the underlying base forms have vowels is based on

the following considerations Positing underlying vowels instead of glides does not make wrong

predictions In other words it never produces wrong phonetic forms and it does not fail to

produces all the correct forms as will be clearly illustrated in the course of the discussion In the

mean time this assumption gets rid of three possible phonemes Iy Iwl and IJ1 without losing any

explanatory power and thereby achieves the economy of phonological system

Of course the cost here is to posit GF rule The phonemic inventory is simplified at the

cost of complicating the rule component There is no clear judgement criterion But as will be

discussed in 31 GF rule may not be a costly rule to explain the specific cases as in (11) but a

natural consequence of the syllabification Further this reveals some characteristics of

syllabification in this language

In (12) we can see that there are restrictions in the range of data First we can see that all

the stem final vowels are high vowels and all the suffix-initial vowels are non-round vowels

Further there are suffixes with unspecified vowels such as IVkl (a passive marker) IVrl (an

applicative marker) IVsxl (a causative or an efferential marker) The unspecified vowels are realized

as lei if the preceding vowel is [-high -low] and as Iii if the preceding vowel is [ahigh -alow]

But if the stem ends in a vowel the unspecified vowel is realized as lei in spite of the fact that stem

3) I ran through Diocese of Mzuzu (1970) and all the data I have but there are no examples of morphemes of these kinds

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final vowels are always [s-high -low] as shown in (13)

(13) a ku (V-marker) -Ii (eat) - Vk (passive) - a (FV) --gt kulyeka (to be eaten) b ku(V-marker) - mu(drink) - Vsxtcausative) - a(FV) --gt kumwesxa (to make drink)

(13) ensures that the initial vowel of the suffix is always of greater sonority Therefore

stem final vowels are always less sonorous than the suffix initial vowels Now we can find one

thing in common between the data of (11) and (12) except (12f) and (12g)

We may therefore posit the following informal glide formation rule

(14) Glide formation (GF) Vl --gt [-syllabic]_V2

(condition V2 is not less sonorous than V1 )41

Now lets turn to (12f) and (12g) In these cases V1 is more sonorous than V2 Given

condition (6) and rule (14) on the one hand and the absence of vowel deletion on the other the

only way to resolve the ill-formed form seems to insert a glide in between two vowels At this

point it is not clear whether the inserted glide is y or w Though we only have the examples of

y-insertion the rule will be formulated to accomodate w so that we can use GI for discussions in

the following subsections

(15) Glide insertion (GI)

o --gt [~~~~~~~J

VI V2 [a round]

a round (Condition V1 is more sonorous than V2)

This rule inserts y before e and a and w before 051 One problem that should be

4)1 simply followed Jesperson (1932 191) to say that open vowels are more sonorous than closed vowels

5) Chitumbuka has five vowel system Its phonemic vowels are le iI lui lei 101

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pointed out now is the nature of the inserted segment y or WI These are not in the phonemic

inventory of Chitumbuka as discussed earlier Insertion of sounds which are not phonemic is the

characteristic of the phonetic rules that do not participate in the phonological derivation This may

mean that there should be glides in the phonemic inventory contrary to the basic assumption here

or that GI is formulated in the wrong way We will postpone the discussion to 31 and stick to GI

rule for the purpose of discussion in the present section

The GF in (14) and GI in (15) can take care of all the data of morpheme-internal vowel

clashes as well as the vowel sequence cause by the morpheme concatenation of V-final stems and V-

initial affixes

22 Between V-final affixes and V-initial stems

Another very productive source of vowel clashes is the concatenation of agreement markers

with V-initial stems In Chitumbuka nouns adjectives and verbs carry agreement markers and all

the agreement markers are V-final

(16) Agreement marker and V-initial nouns a mn shy ini mwini (owner) b mu - anice mwanice (child) c vi - aro vyaro (lands) d In - izsa Iwizxa (economy) e chi - aro charo (land) f va - ana vana (kids) g mn - ono mono mnwono (creel) h mn shy ova mova (beer)

(17) Agreement marker and possessive pronouns a vi - ane vyane (mine) b u - ane wane (mine) c tu - ako twako (yours-sg) d li - ake lake (hishers) e zi - awo zawo (theirs) f va - ithu vithu (ours) g va - ako vako (hishers)

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h li - inu inu (yours-pl)

Before going into any detail I should say that (16g) and (16h) may be problematic GF can

be applied but (16h) does not show the form with a glide Vail (197240) observed that mu-

alternates with m or syllabic m I will simply assume that this morphemic alternation is

responsible for the variations in (16g)61 It is not the application of different rules but the

coexistence of mu- and m- form that results in the two different surface forms in (16g)

We can make very interesting observations here the given data except for (16g) are similar

to (11) and (12) in that there is no variant form and in that there is a glide formation process One

difference is that no case of VD is witnessed in (11) and (12) while the data in (16) and (17)

presents very productive use of VD and do not show any instances of GI

All the examples presented show that when VI and V2 get together it is always the VI that

is deleted V2 remains undeleted This may not necessary mean that V2 triggers vowel deletion To

go deeper into VD phenomenon lets first consider environments for vowel deletion

(18) Vowel deletion environments a VI is less sonorous than V2 (16e) (16h) (l7d) (17e) b VI is more sonorous than V2 (17f) c VI andVj are identical (16f) (17g) (17h)

Apparently (18) covers almost all the possible combinations except i-u and u-i

sequences First of all we can see that (18a) shares similar environments with GF in (14) And

actually GF applies to such examples as in (16c) (16d) (17b) and (17e) Just saying that both GF

and VD are optional (cf Mphande (1989121)) and that they share same the same environments

6) I think that m- might have come from mu- through u-deletion This may be a historical change since it is very difficult to find the synchronic evidence that m- is related to mu- as in the case of mpaka (until) Then we may conclude that both forms are available for (16g) but only mshy is available for (16h)

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does not explain why there is no variation

One may say that the difference in boundary type results in the application of the different

rules and add the boundary in the rule-description accordingly This can be illustrated as in (19)

(19) a ku - Ii - a --gt kulya b Ii - ake --gt lake

Though (19a) and (19b) shows the same sequence of i-a IIi in (19a) is a stem while it is

a prefix in (19b) And lal in (19a) is a grammatical suffix and lal in (19b) is a part of a lexical

morpheme In other words (19a) is suffixation and (19b) is prefixation By assigning different

boundaries we can explain why we have GI only in (11) and (12) and not in (16) and (17)

One example of the boundary functioning in conditioning rules may be found in English g-

deletion as in Hyman (1976197) According to them there are two different I-erl suffixes in

English The first one is introduced with word boundary as in singer Another is introduced

with morpheme boundary + as in long-er and English has a g-deletion rule that goes as under

(20) g-deletion in English g --gt 0N_ (N a velar nasal)

This rule with the boundary differentiation and with the specification of the boundary type

deletes IgI in singer but not in longer

The same strategy can be employed here We may assume that the stems are introduced

with one type of boundary say and the suffixes with another + we may represent (19) as

(21)7

7)1 will simply assume that suffixes are introduced with + boundary and prefixes are introduced with boundary But I will continue to use - to mark the morpheme break The boundary differentiation according to Aronoff (1976) means that suffixation preceded prefixation

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(21) aku li + a b li aka

Now we can formulate the following VD rule

(22) Vowel deletion Vi --gt 0 I Vz

This seems to be a reasonable approach I believe this may be partly true for (17) cases

But we need something else This does not help explaining (16) because we have to explain why

GF instead of VD is applied to such examples as (16a) to (16d) and (17a) to (17c)

One way out from this dilemma is to stick to glide formation for (16) then make a rule that

deletes the glide What is meant by this is that it is not VD but GF followed by GD in (16) as

shown in (23)

(23) li - ake --(GF)--gt lyake --(GD)--gt lake

This process is motivated by the fact that in all the cases of VD in GF environments Iii is

preceded by a coronal consonant as shown in (16e) (17d) and (17e) Notice also that the recent

works on features such as Sagey (1986) McCarthy (1988) and many others claim that palatal

glides have [coronal] feature Given this we may formulate the following GD rule

(24) Glide Deletion [+coronal] --gt 0 I [+ coronal]

The rule is maximally generalized We dont have to specify whether the sound deleted is a

glide The syllable structure given in section 1 will naturally predict that it is a glide since in C1C2

consequence the Cz must be a glide But still the boundary is necessary to prevent GD to such

words as ku li + a

Now lets take a look at (17) cases Here again we find that the environment of VD is

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very similar to GI in (15) We will have to resort to the boundary distinction as proposed in

discussion with the sonority condition as in (25)

(25) Vowel deletion V1--gt0_V2 (conditionV1 is not less sonorous than V2)

The condition does not necessarily require a higher sonority for the first vowel This

reflects an effort to explain (17g) (17h) cases together with (17f) This approach however has

one immediate problem of explaining (16a) and (16d) VD as in (25) can apply to these cases but

mini and Tizxa are ill-formed One major observational difference of the examples to which

VD is applied is the roundness feature of the two vowels When two vowels have the same

roundness feature and the same height the first one deletes And GF applies when the two vowels

are of the same height (and therefore the same sonority) but differ in roundness This problem can

be solved by adding roundness agreement condition to VD as in (26)81

(26) Vowel deletion - revised VI __ gt 0 __ V2

[a round] [a round] (conditionVIis not less sonorous than V2)

23 Between V-final affixes and V-initial Verbs

There are five different types of verb prefixes They are Iku-I Iliku-I Ngu Izamu-I Ika-I

and le-I I called these prefixes not agreement markers The reason is two-fold first they have their

own meanings These prefixes express tenses or aspects of the verb And unlike agreement

8 lAnother possibility that is imposing roundness disagreement condition on the GF rule makes a wrong prediction that lyenge in (12c) and kumanyeka in (12d) should not undergo GF which is contradictory with the given data

9 )The followings are the general meaning of these prefixes a ku- Present tense present progressive or habitual aspect of the present

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12 7j-iilfHl ~1lyenlt(1993 2)

markers in 21 or 22 they do not carry grammatical information Further we find that agreement

markers are added before these prefixes in the sentences

Lets begin the discussion by looking at the following data

(27) Prefixes with final lui and V-initial verbs a ku shy amba kwamba kuyamba (to start) b ku - ambuka kwambuka kuyambuka (to cross) c ku - ata kwata kuyata (to create) d ku shy enda kwenda kuyenda (to walk) e ku shy eNga kweNga kuyeNga (to melt) f ku - imba kwimba kuyimba (to sing) g ku - ima kwima kuyima (to stand) h ku - iba kwiba (to steal) I ku - iza kw iza (to come) J ku shy ocha kocha kuwocha (to burn) k l

ku - opa ku - ona

kopa ku wopaku tJY(1Y~- Hu

(to fear) in ~f~Ofmiddot

ffi ku -ma KU wura (to fear) n ku - umba kuwurnba (to mold something) o ku - undira kuwundira (to bury)

(28)Tense or aspect marker and V-initial verbs a ka - imba kimba kayimba (sang) b ka - iba kiba (stole) c ka - enda kenda kayenda (walked) d ka - opa kawopa (feared) e ka - ona kawona (saw) f ka - undira kawundira (buried) g ka - amba kamba kayamba (started)

The first thing readily noticeable in the given data is the existence of different alternatives in

b liku- Perfective the state of verb or the result of activity in the past is carried on to the present

c zamu- Future tense d ka- distant past (activity in the past) e kaNgu-habitual activity in the past f a- Activity in the immediate past g aNgu- Duration of activity that ended in the immediate past

lO)Though all the examples given here have Iku-I prefix the exactly same phonological changes are observed with all other prefixes that end in lui such as INgu-l liku-j and zamu-z All the V-initial verbs elicited so far are given here

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most of the cases Lets first begin with the apparently exceptional cases that do not have

variations Our Chitumbuka informant was not sure whether the stems of (27h) and (27i) begin

with Iii or not On a couple of occasions he said that to steal is kuba And even when he

pronounced kwiba he still maintained that the stem is Ibal instead of iba Though without any

sufficient supporting data I take this as the evidence that the root form of to steal has lost the

alternations and fossilized into kwiba and the same might be true for (27i)

Next it is very strange that only (271) shows different behavior in comparison with the two

preceding examples (27j) and (27k) It may be extremely difficult to assume that (271) has lost the

alternations and fossilized into kuwona form Intuitively if it is to be fossilized the form should

have been kona a phonologically simpler form I suggest that the base form of to see is uon shy

a GF is applied to this to produce Iwonal and then there is no vowel clash when Iku-I is added

failing to meet the VD environment

(27m) (27n) and (270) look quite exceptional in that VD does not apply to theses examples

though they are in VD environments I do not have systematic explanation for these There may he

some historical change in these words III or the underlying forms may begin with luul and the GF

changes the first lui into glide before tense or aspect markers are added 121 or they are just

exceptional At this point I will leave this as an open question

The GF and VD are quite straight forward There is no need to revise the rules Now we

will have to think about GI cases GI rule given in (15) does not explain the examples given in this

11)For example their friend in Chitumbuka is munyawo or rnunyalo Here we sec the alternations hetween Iwland iraquo] The same thing might have happened in (27m) (27n) and (270) words we may speculate that historically those stems begin with lraquo] And the sound weakened into the glide Iw

12)50 far no two same segments have been found to be adjacent morpheme internally However given the GF rule environment I think this idea may not be totally speculative

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subsection the sonority condition is not satisfied

One possible linear phonology approach may be to resort to the rule ordering We may

eliminate the sonority condition of GI and simply order GI after GF Further GI should not be

applied in (16) and (17) and therefore VD should be placed before GI hence the following order

(29) Rule ordering 1 Glide formation 2 Vowel deletion 3 Glide insertion

The major problem with this approach is the nature of the rule The data (27) (28) indicate

that all the three rules are optional But even though they are optional there is no option of not

applying any of the rules and therefore the last rule (GI) should be obligatory Further the data

(11) tells us a different story GF seems to be obligatory Otherwise we may have to say that

(1Ia) can be realized either as imwe (GF) or as imuye (GI) Moreover (17) shows that VD is

obligatory to prevent the operation of GI Here is the paradox A rule is optional for certain group

of words and obligatory for the rest This may suggest that rule based linear approach may not be

suitable for the explanation of hiatus resolving in Chitumbuka Further theoretical investigation will

be made in 32

24 Subject agreement marker and past imperfective marker la-I

All the prefixes introduced in 21 and some other personal agreement markers are used in

the sentence to satisfy the subject agreement Meanwhile there is one V-initial tense marker in

chitumbuka a- And therefore here again we expect to find vowel clashes The representative

data are given in (30)

13) If any of the rule is obligatory then we should not see the variations in the data given in (27) and (28)

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(30) Subject agreement marker and past imperfective marker a ni - aluta naluta (I walked) b u - aluta waluta (you walked) c wa - aluta waluta (he walked) d ti - aluta taluta (we went) e li - aluta laluta (It went) f vi - aluta (vyaluta) valuta (They went)

Superficially the data given here looks like those in (17) There is no GI example And the

choice between GF and VD seems to be determined by the relative sonority of the vowels

However (30f) shows that there is something different here (30) may not be the extension of

examples given in (17) The reason is twofold first the examples given here are not lexical The

agreement marker assignment should refer to the syntactic category the subject Secondly there is

an independent process of i-deletion in chitumbuka Consider following examples

(31) i-deletion and complex segment formation a ni (copula) -litali (big) --gt nilitali or nditali laquoit) is big) b ni (subject agreement)- kulya --gt nikulya or Nkhulya laquol) eat)

Here again i is deleted though it is not followed by another vowel I will tentatively

formulate the i-deletion rule as in (32)

(32) i-deletion i --gt 0_ [ (where [ is a morphological word domain)

This rule as (31a) (31 b) and (30f) shows is optional Then what if the option is not taken

in (30) examples We might expect to see nyaluta in case of example (30a) Notice that the

14 )The irrelevant morpheme breaks are not shown here aluta can be further divided into a (past imperfective) -Iut (go)- a (FV)

15 )The form in the parenthesis means that it may be used by some But the other form is far more widely used and the informant prefers to use valuta

16 )Further investigation of phonological word derivation based on the syntactic information and morphological words should be made Here only the difference of phonological and morphological words is used without mentioning how different they are

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morphological word domain contains boundary and that the agreement markers begin with

coronal sounds If GF applies then GD in (24) will eliminate nyaluta

25 Unresolved vowel clashes

Not all the vowel sequences are resolved in Chitumbuka Some representative examples are

given in (33) and (34)

(33) V-final nouns and determiners a khuni Ili --gt khuni (y)ili khunyili khunili

tree this b buku ilo --gt buku (y)ilo bukwilo

book that c chipinda ico --gt chipinda (y)ico chipindico

room this

(34) Pronominal objects and V-initial verbs 171

a u-ku-mu-at-a --gt wakumu(y)ata wakumwata (you created him)

b wa-ku-ti-at-a --gt wakuti (y)ata wakutyata (He created you)

c ni-ku-tu-och-a --gt nikuku(w)ocha nikukocha nikukwocha (I roasted them)

d mu-ku-ka-eNg-a --gt mukuka(y)eNga muku (I melted it)

This seems to tell us that the main domain of hiatus resolving is within phonological words

GF and VD do not operate on this level and only G1 optionally shows up For further discussion

the phonological word boundaries are represented with parentheses in (35)

17 )The detailed breakdowns of the strings are as under

(yOU) ~u (him) tt (create)tni (me) ku + 11 (~e) + och (bake) + a (FV) wa (heher ka (It) Ng (melt)

u (them) verb stem

subject verb pronominal agreement tense objects

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(35) a (khuni) (ili) b (niku) (tu) (ocha) c (nikuwocha) (tuyuni)

One very interesting observation here is the change in the phonological word domains

(35b) and (35c) are semantically same The object in (35b) is pronominal while (35c) has a noun

object As a result of movement two phonological words are broken into three phonological

words This is not an arbitrary boundary just to explain the lack of hiatus resolving We may find

a very similar situation in English Intonational Phrase parsing

(36) a (As you know) (the tall boy is a genius) b (The tall boy) (as you know) (is a genius)

Nespor and Vogels (1986189) intonational phrase formation rule produces (36a) as well

as (36b) The syntax dependency of the phonological word formation is partly responsible for the

difference between (35b) and (35c)

Further hiatus is not the only rule sensitive to boundary difference in Chitumbuka We can

find that i-deletion and complex segment formation discussed in the preceding subsection shows

the same phenomenon Consider the following example (parentheses indicate the phonological

word domain)

(37) a (niku) (mu) (temwa) I love him Nkhu

b (uku) (ni)(temwa) You love me nthe

c (khunilClllno) the tree here mpha

One final observation is that our rules so far can not explain why glides can be inserted in

the examples of (33) and (34) We have already pointed out the problem of GI in 21 The

additional complication is that even if we posit glides as a phoneme we still have to revise GIor

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make another one to explain post-lexical GL This will be addressed in 32

3 Syllable phonology of hiatus resol ving

In the discussion in section 2 some of the problems in the linear analysis were detected

(What are they ) In this section I will go over them and reanalyze the data with the help

of syllable structure to see whether we can answer some of the questions left open McCarthy and

Prince (1986) style of moraic syllable structure will be employed for our discussion in this section

The basic syllable structure of Chitumbuka is given in (38)

(38) Syllable structure in Chitumbuka a a b a c a

~~((r r1T ( (I I 1 All the syllables are mora final 2 All the syllables are mono-moraic

This is not the template that is required in the underlying form as will be discussed

Therefore the non-moraic tier may not have to be satisfied In other words though the structure

shows two pre-moraic consonant slots these can be left empty The two branches simple mean the

maximum number of consonants that can come before a vowel

18)1n the post lexical level this structural condition may not hold In Chitumbuka vowels in the stressed syllable is lengthened The long vowel is represented with bimoraic syllable structure It is not uncommon that some of the rules or conditions are applied only on the lexical level but not on the post lexical level such as extrametricality stress assignment and even VD and GF we talked about in the preceding section

- 342-shy


31 Syllabification

Contrary to the claim that all the segments are already syllabified in the base form (cf

Selkirk (1982raquo I assume that syllable structure is assigned through the syllabification process

The syllabification principles in Chitumbuka are given under

(39) Syllabification in Chitumbuka i) Morafication A segment projects a mora if it is more sonorous than the following

segrnent ii) Syllable projection Each mora projects a syllable node iii) Segment incorporation Unsyllabified segments are incorporated into syllables

Now lets take a look at the following sample syllabification

(40) a

0 0 00

I (iii)I(ii) --(i) f1 f1 f1 f1 ~ rlrOI I

~

I I n i u mb a n 1 u mb a n 1 u mb a n i u mb a

b

0 o 0 0 o 0

I I I (iW (~Of1 f1 f1 f1 ~ ~ I I r~r I I I I I ch i m a i ch i m a ch i m a ch i m a i

Notice that we do not need GF as a rule the same result of GF application is achieved as a

19)1 suppose that morafication principle is universally dependent upon the sonority hierarchy There are three different strategies in using sonority in syllabifications

i) y is moraic in xy if it is more sonorous than x ii) y is moraic in yz if it is more sonorous than z iii) y is moraic if its sonority is greater than N

The language in the world employ one or two all all of these in the syllabification and language may slightly vary in setting up the value of N in (iii)

-- 343shy

natural consequence of syllabification In 21 we obtain the simplicity of phonemic inventory at

the cost of introducing GF thereby complicating the rule component The environment of GF is

reflected in the syllabification principle Of course syllabification can not be an additional burden

the language needs syllable structure anyhow for example for the application of many phonological

rules and even for utterance

The nature of glide sounds are clearly reflected in the syllable structure If a vowel is

dominated by a mora it will be interpreted as a full vowel But if it is dominated by the syllable

node directly it will surface as a glide

32 Syllabification domain

The syllabification principles introduced in 31 have presupposed that the string of segments

are not syllabified in the underlying representation Suppose every morpheme is syllabified in the

deep structure and consider the following example of word formation

(41)

a aa a

~ (I (noa k 0 V 1 a k 0

Now we will have to make a rule for mora deletion which will be almost the repetition of

the syllabification principle Syllabification process in the course of derivation can get rid of the

redundant repetition of syllable structural description as well as save the later-on application of mora

deletion

I assume that the syllabification takes place in the first derived domain In other words

segments are syllabified after the initial word formation process Before going into the detailed

-344shy


discussion consider the following English stress data (from Inkelas (1989132))

(42)a parent parental b nation national origin original federal federalist miracle miraculize national nationalize diplomat diplomacy intimate intimacy

We can easily see that (42a) words show stress changes when suffixes are added while

(42b) words do not have such alternation Inkelas (1989 132) attributes the difference of (42a) and

(42b) words to the difference of the morphological structure In short the left column of (42a)

words are underived (one morpheme) while the words in the left column of (42b) can be broken

into the combination of morphemes

This indicates that English stress domain is a derived word domain When the affixes are

added to (42a) words the stems are without stress and the stress is assigned taking the whole

string into account along with other necessary conditions such as heavyflight distinction and

extrametricality Though not explicitly explained in Inkelas(1989) it may be safe to assume that

underived words also should go through stress assignment in some later stage

Now returning to Chitumbuka we can make the similar claim underived words are

syllabified later and the first syllabification takes place when the morphemes are combined together

through word formation process for the first time Therefore the syllabification domain correspond

to (16) and (17)

After VD and syllabification in the relevant domain there is one optional operation called

Onset creation (OC)

(43) Onset Creation (OC)

a a I~

I1 ~ ~ I (R segmental root) I

R R R

~~ 345~

This rule creates onset to the mora-initial syllable The created segment is thought to be

maximally underspecified and the relevant features are filled by spreading from the following

vowel This segment will therefore be realized either as [w] or as [y] according to the feature

contents of the vowel as shown in (44)

(44) Feature spreading

rr a

R RI [labial]

Without going into details of the feature geometry I will simply assume that the [round] or

[labial] feature is spread onto the newly created root to make a round glide [w] If there is no

feature like that in the vowel (if it is underspecified) the default feature filling rule will assign [shy

round] and therefore the segment will appear as [y]

OC is the replacement of GI Notice that it does not require intervocalic position in the

structural description of the rule environment nor the sonority condition Now we have three rules

to explain the hiatus as in (45)

(45) a Vowel Deletion (=VD) b Syllabification (=Syll) c Onset Creation (=OC)

OC is intrinsically ordered after Syll since it operates on the syllable structure And VD is

thought to be ordered before syllabification because it needs specific morphological boundary

information

Now lets see how this words with sample derivations Consider ku och + a A

-346shy


assumed in 22 (cf fn 7) suffixation takes place earlier and loch + al is the first derived domain

VD does not apply And syllabification produces (0)0 (chaj OC mayor may not be applied to

this structure If applied we get (wo)o(cha)o if not (0)0 (chaj On the next level of word

formation either of the two forms can be the input First if the input is (wo (chaj the

syllabification on the next level will result in (ku)o (wo)o(cha)o and if (o)o(cha)o is taken VD

applies to produce (ko)a(cha)a

But in case of the form mu opal OC can not be applied Since it is the first affixation

the entire string is the domain of sy llabification The outcome of the syllabification is (moj Cpa)o

With VD within segmental framework we have to say that VD is optional in ku och + al and

obligatory in mu opal Again we were unable to explain why GI is obligatory in mu opal but

not in ku och +a Notice also that resorting to boundary in VD and GI does not help at all The

two examples have same boundary between two same vowel sequence u - 0

33 Word-level well-formedness condition

We have seen that syllable-based approach to hiatus resolving in Chitumbuka solves the

majority of the problems discussed in the preceding section One final question is what happens to

underived words As implicitly assumed by Inkelas (1989) I will posit a word-level default

syllabification The reason is simple all the lexical words must be syllabified before they leave the

lexicon It6 (1986 3) expressed this idea in her Prosodic Licensing condition I suppose that there

are two different types of word-level well-formedness condition

(46) Well-formedness condition a Prosodic Licencing

All the segments should be incorporated into syllables b Non-moraic Adjacency

No two moraic segments should be segmentally adjacent

~347-

(46a) is universally important without this condition we can easily see that all kinds of

imaginable abnormal phenomena may happen thereby making phonological theories virtually

useless Therefore this condition is an absolute prerequisite of (46b) (46b) is the simple repetition

of well-formedness condition in (6) This underlies all our discussion so far

Now we will pick up one minor point left unexplained If OC is optional we might expect

that Inail (four) may have two different syllable structure (na)o (i)o or (na)o (yi)o nai does not

have boundary between al and Iii Therefore it does not undergo VD and clearly (naj is

wrong We can not make OC obligatory because if we do so we can not explain the two different

forms of verbs that have V-initial stems

The well-formedness conditions given in (46) is the answer Figuratively speaking these

conditions are janitors on duty at the exit of lexicon Both (naj (i)o and (na)o (yi)o will be

generated But the conditions allow the second form to go out from the lexicon onto the postshy

lexical level But the ill-formed structure (na)o (i)o is not released from the lexicon and will be

discarded

4 Conclusion

So far we have seen many different types of vowel clashes and discussed what kinds of

processes are used to resolve the hiatus to meet the well-formedness condition

The segmental analyses given in section 2 pose some problems in such area as GF rule

formulation the rule nature of GF GI and VD and the nature of the segment inserted by GL GI

inserts glide but there is no glide in the phonemic inventory of Chitumbuka Of course there arc

non-phonemic sound insertions and changes into non-phonemic sounds in natural languages But

--348shy


all these rules which Chomsky and Halle (1968) called phonetic implementation rules are quite

automatic in nature and ordered after all the phonological rules Since GI interacts with other

phonological rules We can not say that it is a phonetic implementation rule

We may say that the inserted sounds are vowels This may give birth to an unlimited

sequence of vowels it is iterative Though we claim that vowel insertion is non-iterative the

inserted vowel should undergo GF rule This GI - GF ordering contradicts with the ordering

proposed in (29)

The same data were reanalyzed again using moraic syllable structure This syllable-based

approach provides answers to all the problems that segmental level analyses suffered from

Three major rule VD SyII and OC are introduced Within this framework GF does not

participate as a rule It is shown that syllabification produces the same results as GF GI is

replaced by OC which is an optional rule on the syllable domain One of the problems of GI was

that this optional rule should be obligatorily applied if other optional rule is not applied Here VD is

always obligatory and the optional nature of VD is explained by DC that bleeds VD on the next level

of (re-)syllabification

The created onset root is assumed to be maximally underspecified and the spreading or lack

of spreading of relevant feature from the vowel in the same syllable correctly produces glides

without digressing into the problem of the phonemic status of the glide Truly in the moraic

syllable structure as given in the section 3 does not make any distinction between vowels and

consonants only their relative sonority is thought to be important

It was also seen that in some cases the vowel clashes are tolerated Vowel clashes across

the phonological boundaries are left unresolved while they are resolved it happened across

morphological word boundary within a phonological word

Still there are some problems which were not addressed in this paper First apparently

-349shy

26 7~~ ~1lyenJjC1993 2)

irregular behavior ofu-initial vowel stems (cf (27m) (27n) and (270)) was not explained though

a couple of speculations were made Secondly the distinction between morphological and

phonological word was not fully investigated It is simply assumed that there might be differences

But since the difference is of crucial importance Further findings of rules that makes use of this

distinction may help clarify the nature of the difference In addition the environements of GD or

the GO rule itself may also be problematic This rule needs boundary information and clearly is

lexical Coronal sounds are thought to be less marked and the feature [coronal] is usually

underspecified in many languages Still GD as proposed in this paper needs specified [coronal]

feature in the relatively early level of phonological derivation This might be an indication that

something is wrong with the rule formulation

-350shy


References

Aronoff Mark (1976) Word Formation in Generative Grammar Linguistic Inquiry monograph 1 Cambridge Mass MIT press

Chomsky N amp Morris Halle (1968) The Sound Pattern ofEnglish New York Harper amp row

Diocese of Mzuzu (1970) Tumbuka Grammar

Hyman Larry (1976) Phonology Theory andAnalysis New York Holt Rinehart and Winston

Jesperson Otto (1932) Lehrbuch der Phonetik (5th edition) Leipzig and Berlin

Inkelas Sharon (1989) Prosodic Constituency in the Lexicon PhD dissertation Stanford University Stanford California

It6 Junko (1986) Syllable Theories in Prosodic Phonology PhD dissertation University of Massachusetts Amherst Also published by Garland (1988) New York amp London

Lupenga Mphande (1989) A Phonological Analysis ofIdeophones in Chitumbuka PhD dissertation University of Texas Austin

McCarthy John J (1988) Feature Geometry and dependency A review Phonetica 43 84-108

McCarthy 1 1 and A Prince (1986) Prosodic Morphology manuscript University of Massachusetts Amherst and Brandeis University

Nespor M and I Vogel (1986) Prosodic phonology DordrechtForis

Sagey Elizabeth C (1986) The Representation ofFeatures and Relations in Non-linear Phonology PhD dissertation MIT

Selkirk E O (1982) The syllable In van der Hulst and Smith (eds) The Stucture of Phonological Representations Part II Dordrecht Foris

Turner William Y (1952) Tumbuka - Tonga - English Dictionary Blantyre Malawi Church of Scotland Mission

Vail H Leroy (1971) Noun classes of Tumbuka African Studies 3035 - 59

-351shy

~-yen-7o-j(Chitumbuka) u~Jf- ~~ J TL~ 7gt1JL 3J~y Jif TLojIA~ 2il 2g cl

ltj~iic~ --L 7SJf-~ 71II1ii BJ-f-o-j(Bantu languagesr s] ~iJJl 11~ 7lt1JL 3J4 lt3] 0]

ltdo-j o]l1 cJ ~2] ~7](Glide formation) 2g ~i2f(Vowel deletion) sr= olncJ~2J AJOJ

(Glide insertion) ~ E1 Tflt~l ltgt1] E1 ii9 2 E1 oj Sl1 ~ ~ degB -8- ~H-c] 3J q

~JL iA~ 2ltJ-ojIA~ 0~t-i7lt] _2g~ ~AJ-~ ~~ii~ ~ -8-~(Segmental phonology)

~oJ AJ~ AV]iiJL olt-1~ -n-~E1 ~H)-~5 2g ~~ AJ~ii )01 poundJEtTLojIA~ o]ncJ

~2J~ ~5 AJ7jlt5~O]ii -i-AJ-AjE1 -rAil -n-~ ~--il -n-~ rA~ u~7Joj1 31o-jA~E1 AJ-~2r

51 -i[-Ai] rJdeg] 3Jg ~ -ti14 3ltJ-ojlA~ 2~oj1A~ -tdeg~T 2g ~ sectjgt11E1 Al1 ~AJ- g ~ -8-~

(Syllable phonolohyr-sl JHJo11A~ 2t-(mora)~ pounddegJiic~ lt5~~~ A]poundiii1q o]ncJ ~2] ~71

~AJ-~ g ltJsect)- Jl7jE1 AoL~cj 1Jl0J~ -tc]JL o]ncJ ~2J AJOJ ElAl Jsect)-E1 Tg ~ltj Jl

ltj~5 i2J iii14 2 ~i2flt sr=~ -T- lt]ltjJlltjoJ gt~--51A1 ii~ ~Jlltgt11 ut~- o~Jl(Filter)5

12J ~ T- 3l g -ti1 q

olt-i~ 11~ Jlltjoj1A~ U-2g~5 Al~~-i- o-j7JE1 01~ ~A-~ AJ~iiJ~1ltgt11 3Jo-jA~E1-i[shy

(PrJ L 2JJL g -8-~lt~ ~o-j (Phonological word) 9+ lt5J Ell ~~ ~o-j (Morphological word) E1 Aj E17

~71 ii~5 ii9 J-]~i- -i[- Ai17 ~gt] ii~y i-JLE1 0j ~ 8-iio~ -yen-7o-jE1 2~

-352shy

b All the suffixes are V-initial c Some of the stems are V-initial andor V-final

We can immediately see that vowels can come together through prefixation or suffixation to

stems Given the two observations (2) and (3) we are expect to see that there may be certain

phonological precesses in Chitumbuka that take two consecutive adjacent vowels as inputs and

produce outputs that confirm to the observation in (2)

I will call them hiatus resolving processes In this paper different strategies of hiatus resolving in Chitumbuka will be discussed Generally three different operations are noticeable

(4) a The first of two consecutive vowels becomes a glide b The first vowel is lost or deleted c A glide appears between the two vowels

In section 2 data of vowel clashes observed in various morpheme concatenation processes

will be presented and strategies of resolving hiatus will be discussed employing linear segmental

approach It will be seen that there are some problems in this analysis and the nature of the

problems will also be discussed

Section 3 presents another analysis of the same data from a different angle using moraic

syllable structure It will also be shown that the syllable-based approach can provide solution to

some of the problems posed in section 2

The data used in this paper have two different sources one from the transcriptions that I got

with the help of the native Chitumbuka speaker Mr Wongani Katundu And some of them are

from Tumbuka-Tonga- English dictionary I got the necessary words and checked them with the

informant and screen them to use only those which are in his vocabulary

-326shy


2 Vowel clashes



















-327shy














kutemwa lyeNge






-328shy
























-329shy
















o --gt [~~~~~~~J

VI V2 [a round]





-330shy










initial affixes







-331shy




















-332~



















(21)7


-- 333shy









shown in (23)










words as ku li + a


-334~





















-335shy






ku - opa ku - ona









-336shy























-- 337shy














be made in 32







-338shy


















-339shy









room this











u (them) verb stem


-340shy















word domain)







-341shy















- 342-shy


31 Syllabification







(40) a

0 0 00


~


b

0 o 0 0 o 0






-- 343shy













(41)

a aa a

~ (I (noa k 0 V 1 a k 0




deletion



-344shy

















to (16) and (17)


Onset creation (OC)


a a I~


R R R

~~ 345~






rr a

R RI [labial]











information


-346shy
























~347-














discarded

4 Conclusion







--348shy








proposed in (29)


















-349shy

26 7~~ ~1lyenJjC1993 2)











-350shy


References
















-351shy












12J ~ T- 3l g -ti1 q




-352shy


2 Vowel clashes



















-327shy














kutemwa lyeNge






-328shy
























-329shy
















o --gt [~~~~~~~J

VI V2 [a round]





-330shy










initial affixes







-331shy




















-332~



















(21)7


-- 333shy









shown in (23)










words as ku li + a


-334~





















-335shy






ku - opa ku - ona









-336shy























-- 337shy














be made in 32







-338shy


















-339shy









room this











u (them) verb stem


-340shy















word domain)







-341shy















- 342-shy


31 Syllabification







(40) a

0 0 00


~


b

0 o 0 0 o 0






-- 343shy













(41)

a aa a

~ (I (noa k 0 V 1 a k 0




deletion



-344shy

















to (16) and (17)


Onset creation (OC)


a a I~


R R R

~~ 345~






rr a

R RI [labial]











information


-346shy
























~347-














discarded

4 Conclusion







--348shy








proposed in (29)


















-349shy

26 7~~ ~1lyenJjC1993 2)











-350shy


References
















-351shy












12J ~ T- 3l g -ti1 q




-352shy














kutemwa lyeNge






-328shy
























-329shy
















o --gt [~~~~~~~J

VI V2 [a round]





-330shy










initial affixes







-331shy




















-332~



















(21)7


-- 333shy









shown in (23)










words as ku li + a


-334~





















-335shy






ku - opa ku - ona









-336shy























-- 337shy














be made in 32







-338shy


















-339shy









room this











u (them) verb stem


-340shy















word domain)







-341shy















- 342-shy


31 Syllabification







(40) a

0 0 00


~


b

0 o 0 0 o 0






-- 343shy













(41)

a aa a

~ (I (noa k 0 V 1 a k 0




deletion



-344shy

















to (16) and (17)


Onset creation (OC)


a a I~


R R R

~~ 345~






rr a

R RI [labial]











information


-346shy
























~347-














discarded

4 Conclusion







--348shy








proposed in (29)


















-349shy

26 7~~ ~1lyenJjC1993 2)











-350shy


References
















-351shy












12J ~ T- 3l g -ti1 q




-352shy
























-329shy
















o --gt [~~~~~~~J

VI V2 [a round]





-330shy










initial affixes







-331shy




















-332~



















(21)7


-- 333shy









shown in (23)










words as ku li + a


-334~





















-335shy






ku - opa ku - ona









-336shy























-- 337shy














be made in 32







-338shy


















-339shy









room this











u (them) verb stem


-340shy















word domain)







-341shy















- 342-shy


31 Syllabification







(40) a

0 0 00


~


b

0 o 0 0 o 0






-- 343shy













(41)

a aa a

~ (I (noa k 0 V 1 a k 0




deletion



-344shy

















to (16) and (17)


Onset creation (OC)


a a I~


R R R

~~ 345~






rr a

R RI [labial]











information


-346shy
























~347-














discarded

4 Conclusion







--348shy








proposed in (29)


















-349shy

26 7~~ ~1lyenJjC1993 2)











-350shy


References
















-351shy












12J ~ T- 3l g -ti1 q




-352shy
















o --gt [~~~~~~~J

VI V2 [a round]





-330shy










initial affixes







-331shy




















-332~



















(21)7


-- 333shy









shown in (23)










words as ku li + a


-334~





















-335shy






ku - opa ku - ona









-336shy























-- 337shy














be made in 32







-338shy


















-339shy









room this











u (them) verb stem


-340shy















word domain)







-341shy















- 342-shy


31 Syllabification







(40) a

0 0 00


~


b

0 o 0 0 o 0






-- 343shy













(41)

a aa a

~ (I (noa k 0 V 1 a k 0




deletion



-344shy

















to (16) and (17)


Onset creation (OC)


a a I~


R R R

~~ 345~






rr a

R RI [labial]











information


-346shy
























~347-














discarded

4 Conclusion







--348shy








proposed in (29)


















-349shy

26 7~~ ~1lyenJjC1993 2)











-350shy


References
















-351shy












12J ~ T- 3l g -ti1 q




-352shy










initial affixes







-331shy




















-332~



















(21)7


-- 333shy









shown in (23)










words as ku li + a


-334~





















-335shy






ku - opa ku - ona









-336shy























-- 337shy














be made in 32







-338shy


















-339shy









room this











u (them) verb stem


-340shy















word domain)







-341shy















- 342-shy


31 Syllabification







(40) a

0 0 00


~


b

0 o 0 0 o 0






-- 343shy













(41)

a aa a

~ (I (noa k 0 V 1 a k 0




deletion



-344shy

















to (16) and (17)


Onset creation (OC)


a a I~


R R R

~~ 345~






rr a

R RI [labial]











information


-346shy
























~347-














discarded

4 Conclusion







--348shy








proposed in (29)


















-349shy

26 7~~ ~1lyenJjC1993 2)











-350shy


References
















-351shy












12J ~ T- 3l g -ti1 q




-352shy




















-332~



















(21)7


-- 333shy









shown in (23)










words as ku li + a


-334~





















-335shy






ku - opa ku - ona









-336shy























-- 337shy














be made in 32







-338shy


















-339shy









room this











u (them) verb stem


-340shy















word domain)







-341shy















- 342-shy


31 Syllabification







(40) a

0 0 00


~


b

0 o 0 0 o 0






-- 343shy













(41)

a aa a

~ (I (noa k 0 V 1 a k 0




deletion



-344shy

















to (16) and (17)


Onset creation (OC)


a a I~


R R R

~~ 345~






rr a

R RI [labial]











information


-346shy
























~347-














discarded

4 Conclusion







--348shy








proposed in (29)


















-349shy

26 7~~ ~1lyenJjC1993 2)











-350shy


References
















-351shy












12J ~ T- 3l g -ti1 q




-352shy



















(21)7


-- 333shy









shown in (23)










words as ku li + a


-334~





















-335shy






ku - opa ku - ona









-336shy























-- 337shy














be made in 32







-338shy


















-339shy









room this











u (them) verb stem


-340shy















word domain)







-341shy















- 342-shy


31 Syllabification







(40) a

0 0 00


~


b

0 o 0 0 o 0






-- 343shy













(41)

a aa a

~ (I (noa k 0 V 1 a k 0




deletion



-344shy

















to (16) and (17)


Onset creation (OC)


a a I~


R R R

~~ 345~






rr a

R RI [labial]











information


-346shy
























~347-














discarded

4 Conclusion







--348shy








proposed in (29)


















-349shy

26 7~~ ~1lyenJjC1993 2)











-350shy


References
















-351shy












12J ~ T- 3l g -ti1 q




-352shy









shown in (23)










words as ku li + a


-334~





















-335shy






ku - opa ku - ona









-336shy























-- 337shy














be made in 32







-338shy


















-339shy









room this











u (them) verb stem


-340shy















word domain)







-341shy















- 342-shy


31 Syllabification







(40) a

0 0 00


~


b

0 o 0 0 o 0






-- 343shy













(41)

a aa a

~ (I (noa k 0 V 1 a k 0




deletion



-344shy

















to (16) and (17)


Onset creation (OC)


a a I~


R R R

~~ 345~






rr a

R RI [labial]











information


-346shy
























~347-














discarded

4 Conclusion







--348shy








proposed in (29)


















-349shy

26 7~~ ~1lyenJjC1993 2)











-350shy


References
















-351shy












12J ~ T- 3l g -ti1 q




-352shy





















-335shy






ku - opa ku - ona









-336shy























-- 337shy














be made in 32







-338shy


















-339shy









room this











u (them) verb stem


-340shy















word domain)







-341shy















- 342-shy


31 Syllabification







(40) a

0 0 00


~


b

0 o 0 0 o 0






-- 343shy













(41)

a aa a

~ (I (noa k 0 V 1 a k 0




deletion



-344shy

















to (16) and (17)


Onset creation (OC)


a a I~


R R R

~~ 345~






rr a

R RI [labial]











information


-346shy
























~347-














discarded

4 Conclusion







--348shy








proposed in (29)


















-349shy

26 7~~ ~1lyenJjC1993 2)











-350shy


References
















-351shy












12J ~ T- 3l g -ti1 q




-352shy






ku - opa ku - ona









-336shy























-- 337shy














be made in 32







-338shy


















-339shy









room this











u (them) verb stem


-340shy















word domain)







-341shy















- 342-shy


31 Syllabification







(40) a

0 0 00


~


b

0 o 0 0 o 0






-- 343shy













(41)

a aa a

~ (I (noa k 0 V 1 a k 0




deletion



-344shy

















to (16) and (17)


Onset creation (OC)


a a I~


R R R

~~ 345~






rr a

R RI [labial]











information


-346shy
























~347-














discarded

4 Conclusion







--348shy








proposed in (29)


















-349shy

26 7~~ ~1lyenJjC1993 2)











-350shy


References
















-351shy












12J ~ T- 3l g -ti1 q




-352shy























-- 337shy














be made in 32







-338shy


















-339shy









room this











u (them) verb stem


-340shy















word domain)







-341shy















- 342-shy


31 Syllabification







(40) a

0 0 00


~


b

0 o 0 0 o 0






-- 343shy













(41)

a aa a

~ (I (noa k 0 V 1 a k 0




deletion



-344shy

















to (16) and (17)


Onset creation (OC)


a a I~


R R R

~~ 345~






rr a

R RI [labial]











information


-346shy
























~347-














discarded

4 Conclusion







--348shy








proposed in (29)


















-349shy

26 7~~ ~1lyenJjC1993 2)











-350shy


References
















-351shy












12J ~ T- 3l g -ti1 q




-352shy














be made in 32







-338shy


















-339shy









room this











u (them) verb stem


-340shy















word domain)







-341shy















- 342-shy


31 Syllabification







(40) a

0 0 00


~


b

0 o 0 0 o 0






-- 343shy













(41)

a aa a

~ (I (noa k 0 V 1 a k 0




deletion



-344shy

















to (16) and (17)


Onset creation (OC)


a a I~


R R R

~~ 345~






rr a

R RI [labial]











information


-346shy
























~347-














discarded

4 Conclusion







--348shy








proposed in (29)


















-349shy

26 7~~ ~1lyenJjC1993 2)











-350shy


References
















-351shy












12J ~ T- 3l g -ti1 q




-352shy


















-339shy









room this











u (them) verb stem


-340shy















word domain)







-341shy















- 342-shy


31 Syllabification







(40) a

0 0 00


~


b

0 o 0 0 o 0






-- 343shy













(41)

a aa a

~ (I (noa k 0 V 1 a k 0




deletion



-344shy

















to (16) and (17)


Onset creation (OC)


a a I~


R R R

~~ 345~






rr a

R RI [labial]











information


-346shy
























~347-














discarded

4 Conclusion







--348shy








proposed in (29)


















-349shy

26 7~~ ~1lyenJjC1993 2)











-350shy


References
















-351shy












12J ~ T- 3l g -ti1 q




-352shy









room this











u (them) verb stem


-340shy















word domain)







-341shy















- 342-shy


31 Syllabification







(40) a

0 0 00


~


b

0 o 0 0 o 0






-- 343shy













(41)

a aa a

~ (I (noa k 0 V 1 a k 0




deletion



-344shy

















to (16) and (17)


Onset creation (OC)


a a I~


R R R

~~ 345~






rr a

R RI [labial]











information


-346shy
























~347-














discarded

4 Conclusion







--348shy








proposed in (29)


















-349shy

26 7~~ ~1lyenJjC1993 2)











-350shy


References
















-351shy












12J ~ T- 3l g -ti1 q




-352shy















word domain)







-341shy















- 342-shy


31 Syllabification







(40) a

0 0 00


~


b

0 o 0 0 o 0






-- 343shy













(41)

a aa a

~ (I (noa k 0 V 1 a k 0




deletion



-344shy

















to (16) and (17)


Onset creation (OC)


a a I~


R R R

~~ 345~






rr a

R RI [labial]











information


-346shy
























~347-














discarded

4 Conclusion







--348shy








proposed in (29)


















-349shy

26 7~~ ~1lyenJjC1993 2)











-350shy


References
















-351shy












12J ~ T- 3l g -ti1 q




-352shy















- 342-shy


31 Syllabification







(40) a

0 0 00


~


b

0 o 0 0 o 0






-- 343shy













(41)

a aa a

~ (I (noa k 0 V 1 a k 0




deletion



-344shy

















to (16) and (17)


Onset creation (OC)


a a I~


R R R

~~ 345~






rr a

R RI [labial]











information


-346shy
























~347-














discarded

4 Conclusion







--348shy








proposed in (29)


















-349shy

26 7~~ ~1lyenJjC1993 2)











-350shy


References
















-351shy












12J ~ T- 3l g -ti1 q




-352shy


31 Syllabification







(40) a

0 0 00


~


b

0 o 0 0 o 0






-- 343shy













(41)

a aa a

~ (I (noa k 0 V 1 a k 0




deletion



-344shy

















to (16) and (17)


Onset creation (OC)


a a I~


R R R

~~ 345~






rr a

R RI [labial]











information


-346shy
























~347-














discarded

4 Conclusion







--348shy








proposed in (29)


















-349shy

26 7~~ ~1lyenJjC1993 2)











-350shy


References
















-351shy












12J ~ T- 3l g -ti1 q




-352shy













(41)

a aa a

~ (I (noa k 0 V 1 a k 0




deletion



-344shy

















to (16) and (17)


Onset creation (OC)


a a I~


R R R

~~ 345~






rr a

R RI [labial]











information


-346shy
























~347-














discarded

4 Conclusion







--348shy








proposed in (29)


















-349shy

26 7~~ ~1lyenJjC1993 2)











-350shy


References
















-351shy












12J ~ T- 3l g -ti1 q




-352shy

















to (16) and (17)


Onset creation (OC)


a a I~


R R R

~~ 345~






rr a

R RI [labial]











information


-346shy
























~347-














discarded

4 Conclusion







--348shy








proposed in (29)


















-349shy

26 7~~ ~1lyenJjC1993 2)











-350shy


References
















-351shy












12J ~ T- 3l g -ti1 q




-352shy






rr a

R RI [labial]











information


-346shy
























~347-














discarded

4 Conclusion







--348shy








proposed in (29)


















-349shy

26 7~~ ~1lyenJjC1993 2)











-350shy


References
















-351shy












12J ~ T- 3l g -ti1 q




-352shy
























~347-














discarded

4 Conclusion







--348shy








proposed in (29)


















-349shy

26 7~~ ~1lyenJjC1993 2)











-350shy


References
















-351shy












12J ~ T- 3l g -ti1 q




-352shy














discarded

4 Conclusion







--348shy








proposed in (29)


















-349shy

26 7~~ ~1lyenJjC1993 2)











-350shy


References
















-351shy












12J ~ T- 3l g -ti1 q




-352shy








proposed in (29)


















-349shy

26 7~~ ~1lyenJjC1993 2)











-350shy


References
















-351shy












12J ~ T- 3l g -ti1 q




-352shy

26 7~~ ~1lyenJjC1993 2)











-350shy


References
















-351shy












12J ~ T- 3l g -ti1 q




-352shy


References
















-351shy












12J ~ T- 3l g -ti1 q




-352shy












12J ~ T- 3l g -ti1 q




-352shy

Documents

Hiatus Resolving In Chitumbuka - BUFScms.bufs.ac.kr/yslee/research/papers/10_hiatus in chitumbuka.pdf · of hiatus . resolving in Chitumbuka will be discussed. ... Ika-I . or . la-I