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The GorgonAuthor(s): Furio JesiSource: East and West, Vol. 10, No. 1/2 (MARCH-JUNE 1959), pp. 88-93Published by: Istituto Italiano per l'Africa e l'Oriente (IsIAO)Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/29754081Accessed: 30-04-2016 02:26 UTC
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^^^^^^ ^^^^^^^^V J^^^^^k
| |w f ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ f ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ j ^ B
Head of Gorgon, from a Corinthian crater.
Go//. Dr. S. Schweizer Basel
The Gorgon
Notes and documents
relating to the
66 Prolegomena zu einer historischen
Gestaltlehre
by Leo Frobenius
The amphora of Nessus in the Archaeological
Museum of Athens (1) has preserved for us
one of the traditional images of the Gorgon.
The monster, fitted out with two great wings,
is represented in the customary posture of the
ritual race (corsa in ginocchio) found in many
of the designs coming from Western Asia, in
which Frobenius identified the solar motif of
the swastica (2).
The Gorgon's head is broad and flattened
and ends in a kind of conventionalised mane.
The enormous mouth with prominent fangs
and protruding tongue, wide nostrils and round
staring eyes, give the head a bestial expression.
An image closely resembling this is painted on
a scyphus decorated with black patterns belong?
ing to the Robinson collection (3).
Frobenius identifies in this portrayal of the
Gorgon the motifs of the lion, the eagle, the
serpent and the bird, pertaining to the arche?
typal imagery of prehistoric Europe and of
Africa fused together in the mythical concep?
tion corresponding to related emotions, in
conformity with the characteristic features of
the rhythmological environment. The correct?
ness of these observations becomes more
evident if the image described above be com?
pared to that on a large amphora coming from
the necropolis of Eleusis (4). The conventio?
nal head of the monster is roundish in shape,
flattened at the poles and divided into two
halves by the horizontal line of the mouth in
which the teeth are suggested. The eyes are
drawn obliquely at the upper ends of the head,
and a stepped triangle represents the nose.
Immediately above it, and running the whole
length of the triangle, is a circle of small deco?
rative patterns.
This strange head is fixed to a rather long
neck, on either side of which rise a couple of
serpents with lowered heads, two other ser?
pents occupy the corresponding position on
a level with the mouth.
While we have a frontal view of the head,
the body of the Gorgon is seen in profile.
The chest is square with rounded corners and
the arms are stretched forwards.
The only clothing worn by the monster is
a long skirt, tied at the waist, falling over the
leg drawn back as she steps.
The solar symbolism of the frontal view of
the lion is evidently found again in the Gor?
gon; but it would perhaps be unduly restric?
tive in an Asian work to attribute this meaning
to the fontal view only, although this frontal
view expresses very clearly the characteristic
features of that symbol. That same motif that
Frobenius noted also in the representation of
an astral phenomenon commonly known as
that of the plunderer (predatore) may indeed
lend itself to such an interpretation, if we
also take into account the fact that examples
exist of a frontal view of predatory animals.
I should like to note in this connection a
Byzantine basrelief embedded in the rear wall
of the Ancient Metropolis of Athens, repre?
senting a frontal view of a felid (a lion)
attacking an animal that looks like a deer (?).
The representations of the frontal view of
lions, mentioned by Frobenius, have much in
common with the felid in this basrelief.
I may therefore speak of solar symbolism
both in the case of representations of felids
seen in a frontal position and for those seen
in profile in special designs, and this state?
ment is justified by the alternation of frontal
88
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and profile views as well as by the analogy
between these positions and those of the repre?
sentatives of the predatory animals. But it is
in the Corinthian ceramics that we find quite
frequently images of more or less fantastic
animals with a frontal view of a lion's face,
matched by representations of roaring lions
seen in profile.
An olpe preserved in the Etruscan museum
in Florence (5) is decorated with animals
arranged in four rows (registri). We find
there examples of both modes of representa?
tion. We would mention as prototypes of
fontal representation, the aryballoi of the
Louvre (E 436) and of the University of
Dunedin, an amphora in the Art Gallery of
Yale University, some goblets and ampho
riskoi. Some of the aryballoi of Florence and
famous alabaster belonging to Yale Univer?
sity (6) are decorated with felids presented in
profile.
This parallelism found in the decorations
of Corinthian ceramics once more offers
indirect evidence for the identification of the
meaning of the representations on the strength
of which both may possibly belong to an epoch
even more remote than that of the mythical
age, a reflex of which may be noted even in
the later iconographical developments I have
referred to, in which almost all trace of the
original meanings and consequently of the
original emotions had been lost.
On the other hand, a singular documentary
proof is offered by the so-called (< Stone of the
lions ?, Arslan-tash, at Hailan-Veli in Phry
gia (7) It is a basrelief on which two lions
rampart, facing one another, are represented,
both seen in profile, and between them is an
image presumably related to the betilic cult.
The composition is almost identical to that of
the Gate of the Lions; only at Mycaenae the
faces of the lions are seen in the frontal
position. In this case the parallelism is more
than ever evident. The identity in meaning
of the frontal and profile representations is
thus once more confirmed.
A more thorough examination of this same
motif of predatory animals, the study of which
has enabled me to come to these conclusions,
may lead us to enlarge somewhat the horizon
directly connected with the Gorgon.
Indeed, the study of a large number of these
representations shows that the predatory qua?
druped (the lion) may easily be replaced by a
bird.
In some of the ceramics from Susa and in
many goblets from Cyprus belonging to the
Mycaenaean age, often ascribed to the so-called
Bull Painter of Enkomi, the animal is clearly
a bird of prey.
One of these is in the British Museum (8).
It shows a bull with lowered head about to
charge, while a bird attacks it, fastening its
beak on the bull's neck and stretching out its
claws. The scene is repeated twice on the
goblet without any noticeable alteration in the
composition. The only changes are in the
ornamental marks which fill the threefold
divisions of the bull's body. A similar scene
is found on two other goblets from Klavdia,
now in the British Museum. Lastly, an
amphoroid goblet, discovered by the Swedish
Mission at Enkomi, is decorated with a design
of eight bulls all intent on driving off a flock
of birds who have attacked them (9).
The interpretation of representations of this
kind offered by Karagheorghis might perhaps
be valid, but only if the scene of the bull and
the birds were an exclusive feature of the
Mycaenaean ceramics from Cyprus, and if the
Lion by profile, from a Corinthian alabaster. Art Gallery,
Yale University
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I
t
t
f
f
f
r
r
r
r
r
r
r
r
Lion, front view, from a Corinthian alabaster. University
bird of prey were not found in the iconography
of other civilisations. The Greek archaeologist
believes that the artist was probably inspired
when composing his design by a scene of
common occurrence in the countryside of
Cyprus where herds of bulls are often tormen?
ted by swarms of insects which are generally
eaten by magpies, who thus deliver the herds
from their tormentors. But in doing so the
birds have to peck the bulls who, annoyed by
this, try to drive them off.
A comparison with the ceramics from Susa
justifies me in seeing in the design I have just
described a representation closely resembling
the decorations on those ceramics and which
must therefore be one of the many predatory
m otifs.
The image referred to by Karagheorghis
should be considered as an occasional way of
expressing a different motif: it can be explain?
ed by the usual mechanism of the theory of
archetypal connections.
of Amsterdam
The possibility of making use sometimes of
the lion and sometimes of the bird in repre?
senting the predatory motif is matched
moreover by the frequency with which some
fanciful animal such as a griffin is used to re?
present the bird of prey, In the griffin, indeed,
the characteristic features of the lion and of
the bird are combined, one or other alternately
taking the leading part.
In the great Etruscan candelabrum of Cor
tona (10) the Gorgon's head is surrounded by
a circle of designs representing the beasts of
prey: on one side a bull is attacked by a f elid
(a lion), and on the other by a characteristic
winged griffin.
A deer (?) attacked by two winged griffins
with the characteristic features of a bird and
of a lion, is represented on a silver amphora
coming from Nikopolis in South Russia (11),
part of which is gilded.
Lastly, another example of a griffin as a
predatory animal is offered by a mosaic of the
4th century B.C. now in the Museum of
Corinth 12).
The possibility of replacing the lion by a
bird in the predatory motif, presupposes a
marked affinity ? if not identity ? of mean?
ing attached to the two animals in the idea
Lion, front view, from a Corinthian amphora. Art Gallery,
Yale University
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Figuration of the ? piun- ?^?- ^/g^^^^^ XH^IHIk ^EBR
derer?. Ancient Metro- ^^^^^HHg^^^^Afc - -^J^fifl
underlying the transformations introduced
into the Gorgon motif.
In addition to this, we have come across a
special demoniacal figure belonging to Etruscan
mythology, usually portrayed in a way which
may give rise to some further considerations
on the same subject.
The image of a winged demon has been
preserved in the tomb of the Ogre at Tarqui
nia. It has a large beak which it has thrust
into a broad flat face of relatively anthropo?
morphic shape. The head is crowned by wiry
hair out of which two serpents arise while
another serpent is coiled round the arm of the
demon. An inscription above the figure gives
its name: Tuchulcha (13).
The (haracteristcs of the bird as an expres?
sion of the daimon are very clearly indicated.
The special care taken in depicting them,
points to a marked interest in the morbidly
terrifying developments of which the image
was susceptible. Here again, as in the figures
of the Gorgon, the serpent plays a specific part
and, taken as a whole and considered from
the iconographic standpoint only, the two
images seem closely akin.
We can at least recognize in them motifs
held in common by both and indeed the whole
purpose of this study is to prove the existence
of certain archetypal motifs which authorise
one to speak of a special symbolism, motifs
which intermingle, are assimilated and identi?
fied in the mythical unconscience of each of
the individuals who have created them. Thus
what may be described as a rhythmological
determination of a biotype common to both is
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obtained, as far as the original emotions
underlying each myth are concerned. And
each image ? in this case images of animals ?
is found to be linked to another. This gives
rise to a reciprocal relation between them, due
to the existence of an archetypal connection,
and therefore each image may be considered
as expressing the meaning and the reason of
the other, and viceversa.
The connection in question ? to state it in
the terms of my theory of the archetypal
connections in the origin of myths ? is seen
to be the result of a quite special emotional
phenomenon. This phenomenon is, indeed,
an unconscious one, of which the connection
is the conscious manifestation. The passage
of this connection from potential to effective
as the result of the occurrence of an uncon?
scious phenomenon, is conditioned by the
special features of the rhythmological envi?
ronment.
Demoniacal image. S. Petronio, Cappella dei Re Magt.
Bologna
The characteristics of the bird, which can
be noted also in many representations of the
Gorgon, are found again in an image akin to
it coming from New Zealand. It is one of the
usual hei-tiki figures, carved in this case on
the facade of a house (14). The body of the
monster is intentionally distorted and contrac?
ted on conventional lines. The lower part of
the head consists of an enormous mouth,
strangely resembling that of the corresponding
representation of the Gorgon, with protruding
tongue; the upper lip so folded as to suggest
a beak. Above the mouth are flat, animal?
like nostrils, and the diagonally shaped eyes
under two very high eyebrows emphasise the
demoniacal expression. Two little flakes of
mother o'pearl imitate in a masterly way the
pupils of the eyes, staring straight ahead. In
Head of Gorgon, Amphora of the Gorgon. Museum of Eleusis
this image we find the same features as in that
of the Gorgon, except for the serpent. From
New Zealand comes also a toki hohupu made
of jade with an image, no less demoniacal in
character, resembling in part the griffins of
Etruscan iconography to which we have already
referred. It is also designed in conformity
with the conventions characteristic of the art
of the Maoris.
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The anthropomorphic features are always
present in these demoniacal compositions;
indeed, all the theriomorphic features are
fused and dramatised in an anthropomophic
design in which the corresponding human
features are presented with demoniacal defor?
mations. Attention must be called to this fact
if we wish to have a full understanding of the
importance of the Gorgon as shown by two
representations of kindred divinities. The first
is that of the god Bes, who occupies a special
place in the Egyptian Pantheon, and who may
have been introduced into it in a very remote
age (15). He is represented in the charac?
teristic shape of a deformed dwarf, and this
leads us to suspect an African origin, a sup?
position confirmed by some iconographic
features of which we will now speak.
His head which, as he is the protector of
many objects in common use is frequently
represented, comes within the number of de?
moniacal images related to that of the Gorgon,
displaying more or less leonine features. Here,
however, the anthromorphic features prevail,
though the face often recalls the frontal view
of a lion; the tongue hangs out of the large
mouth and the expression is that of a brute
beast.
The face of the god of the Mahalbis (16),
Edschu, resembles that of Bes, though more
decisively anthropomorphic. The fact that it
is placed beside and above the images of the
Universe leads us to suppose that a meaning
similar to that assigned to the Gorgon was
attributed to it, and this supposition is con?
firmed by iconographic resemblances.
It would thus seem that all the mythical
archetypal motifs (lion, bird, serpent, etc.),
reveal reciprocal relations existing between all
of them, arising from archetypal connections,
which, with the subsequent changes in the
meaning given them, were transmitted right
down the Middle Ages without losing their
essential characteristics. One need only observe
the leonine patterns woven into some materials
dating back to the early Middle Ages, the
demoniacal motifs dear to Gothic iconography,
etc., to confirm this. But along with these
shapes we always find the human image (17)
which indeed is frequently the predominant
feature, for all the theromorphic features are
modified to bring them within its scope.
The representation of the divinity with its
universal attributes is confined within the
limits of an image which is generically that of
a human being.
Hei tiki, of Uriwera Tribe, New Zealand. Pigorini Museum,
Rome
This is a fact of special importance for the
history of religions, as it throws light on the
reciprocal relations existing between the mean?
ings attributed to the images of animals and
to the representations of the human figure, as
conceived in most of the rhythmological
environments.
Furio Jesi
NOT S
(1) An Attic Pithos of the 6th century B.C.
(2) Frobenius, Kulturgeschichte Afrikas. Prolegomena zu
einer historischen Gestaltlehre, Italian translation by C. Bo
vero, (Turin, 1950) p. 144.
(3) Robinson, American Journal of Archaeology, LX, 1,
(1956) 1-27, Tab. 13, figg. 61-62.
(4) Description given in the Guide to Eleusis, in Greek,
by Kourouniotis, (Athens 1924).
(5) Benson, American Journal of Archaeology, LX, 3
(1956), 219-231, Tab. 70, fig. 11-12.
(6) Idem, Tab. 71-73.
(7) A photograph of a bas-relief, taken from the Journ.
of Hell Stud, and reproduced in Springer's a Handbook of
the History of Art ? in the Italian translation by A. Delia
Seta, Vol. 1, fig. 167.
(8) Karagheorghis, American Journal of Archaeology, LX,
2, (1956) 95-102, Tab. 56, fig. 3-4.
(9) Sj?qvist, Problems of the late Cypriote Bronze Age,
fig. 21.
(10) Museum of Cortona, N. 10332.
(11) Springer, op. cit. p. 222, fig. 392.
(12) Comes from the excavations carried out by the
Mission of the American School of Classical Studies at
Athens; described in the Guide to the Museum, 1935.
(13) The fresco dates back to the Vth century B.C.
(14) Grottanelli, La figura umana nelVarte dei primi
tivi, (Florence, 1956), fig. 41.
(15) Erman, Die Religion der Aegypter. Ihr Werden und
Vergehen in vier Jahrtausenden, (Berlin und Leipzig, 1934);
Cfr. Vandier, La religion egyptienne, (Paris, 1949), pp. 220
221; Jesi, ? Bes initiateur. Elements destitutions prehis
toriques dans le culte et dans la magie de l'ancienne Egypte?,
V. Internationaler Kongress f?r Vor- und Fr?hgeschichte,
(Hamburg, 1958).
(16) Frobenius, op. cit. p. 236, fig. 122-123.
(17) An example of possible human representations in
wich the essential features are identifiable with those of
theromorphic images, is offered by the well-known type of
terracotta idols coming from Troy. See K?hn, Abstrakte
Kunst der Vohrzeit, (Hanover, 1957).
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