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This article was downloaded by: [Middle Tennessee State University]On: 10 September 2013, At: 17:44Publisher: RoutledgeInforma Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registeredoffice: Mortimer House, 37-41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK
PeacebuildingPublication details, including instructions for authors andsubscription information:http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rpcb20
Gender, agency and political violenceMaria O'Reilly aa King's College London, UKPublished online: 18 Feb 2013.
To cite this article: Maria O'Reilly (2013) Gender, agency and political violence, Peacebuilding, 1:1,165-167, DOI: 10.1080/21647259.2013.756284
To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21647259.2013.756284
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BOOK REVIEWS
Gender, agency and political violence, edited by Linda Ahall and Laura J. Shepherd,
Basingstoke, Palgrave Macmillan, 2012, 272 pp., £57.50 (hbk), ISBN 978-0230293908
Gender, agency and political violence is a thought-provoking contribution to feminist
debates around issues of political violence, agency/resistance and conflict resolution. It
builds upon and develops existing contributions within feminist international relations
(IR) on women’s involvement in nationalist armed struggles, civil wars and ‘terrorism’/
suicide bombing, on the role of gendered language, myths and symbols in conceptualising
and legitimising violence and on the construction of gendered subjects and agents in
conflicted and post-conflict settings. The volume enriches these debates by exploring how
gender is implicated in diverse acts of violence and (in)security emanating from
individuals, resistance movements, private military and security companies (PMSCs) and
the state. It highlights the highly gendered, racialised and sexualised practices of
representation at work in accounts of conflict and political violence within academic
scholarship, the media and popular culture.
Laura Shepherd introduces the discussion by focusing on how violence functions ‘to
(re)produce not only legitimacy, authority and (institutional) capacity but also to (re)
produce the subjects deemed to have perpetrated such acts’ (pp. 1–2). She outlines a
poststructural framework for analysing gender, agency and political violence, showing
how power is productive of gender identity, and how gender can be understood as
performative, as a regulative ideal and as produced through myriad practices. This allows
her to explore the constitution of gendered subjects through violence, and to spotlight how
particular understandings of violence and gender impact on the types of agency a subject
can (legitimately) perform or inhabit. Shepherd outlines how cultural frameworks or
‘matrices of intelligibility’ (p. 6) constitute some acts (of agency, violence or resistance) as
understandable, rational or legitimate, while others are rendered shocking, irrational or
deplorable. She then analyses a wall mural painted in Baghdad re-presenting torture in
Abu Ghraib as a ‘triptych of violence’ (p. 9) that raises crucial questions about the kinds of
violence and subjects legitimised in the contemporary world.
The volume then proceeds in three sections. The first explores violent subjects/
subjectivities. Lori Crowe’s chapter explores the relationship between masculinities,
militarism and popular culture, revealing how idealised, superhero masculinities depicted
in Hollywood movies are not only ‘tied to normative understandings of gender that
reproduce a legitimized political culture of violence’ (p. 20) but are also ‘simultaneously a
site of contestation and a reproduction of militarized logics’ (p. 22). Joachim and
Schneiker’s contribution uncovers the strategies of masculinisation, feminisation and
pathologisation that PMSCs deploy to differentiate themselves from mercenaries as
professional, protective and caring security sector actors. Gonzales Vaillant et al. compare
gender relations in the 1960s Tupamaros/MLN guerrilla movement in Uruguay, the
contemporary Naxal movement in India and white supremacist movements in the United
States. Focusing on gender norms/ideologies, embodied practices and future hopes, the
q 2013 Taylor & Francis
Peacebuilding, 2013
Vol. 1, No. 1, 165–171, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21647259.2013.756284
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gender dynamics within each movement are shown to be conditioned by historical/cultural
context, movement ideologies and organisational forms.
The second section looks at reason/rationality. Tanya Narozhna discusses how the
seemingly ‘objective’ notion of rationality found in mainstream Western scholarship
depoliticises female suicide bombers as emotional, irrational and powerless actors,
dismissing their agency and autonomy despite their strong political convictions. These
portrayals mean that scholars are unable to acknowledge the complex reasons why women
undertake suicide bombings and ‘effectively exempt women from accountability for the
acts of violence they perform’ (p. 94). Cerwyn Moore adopts a narrative approach to
examine how the Chechen ‘other’ was depicted as infantile, barbaric and irrational, in
fictional film representations of female snipers and ‘black widow’ suicide bombers during
the Russo-Chechen wars. Sungju Park-Hang employs fiction writing as methodology to
explore the gendered agency of a female secret agent who bombed a South Korean
aeroplane in mysterious circumstances. Claudia Brunner then spotlights how the medieval
legend of assassins (and their virgins) in the Middle East continues to be drawn upon in
mainstream terrorism research in spite of the contradictions and inconsistencies this mode
of ‘explanation’ throws up.
The third investigates emotion/emotionality. Hutchison and Bleiker’s chapter
underlines the importance of recognising the emotional nature of political violence.
Emotions, they argue, are often sidelined but should be worked through – by
deconstructing traditional associations of emotionality with femininity and rationality
with masculinity, by acknowledging their role in constituting identity and community
and by recognising emotions as types of judgement and insight – so that traumatic
legacies of violence can be overcome. Linda Ahall highlights how associations of
femininity with life giving rather than life taking are made through representations of
the female subject as emotional objects of political violence, or as abjected beings
who transgress the boundaries of ‘appropriate’ feminine behaviour. The first
representation denies women perpetrators agency whereas the second provokes
feelings of confusion, fear and disgust, rendering the violent act and perpetrator as
unintelligible. Lisa White then shifts the spotlight onto the relationship between
violence, victimisation and masculinity by exploring testimonies of state violence
experienced by male former detainees in Northern Ireland. Essentialist and normative
understandings of ‘manhood’ are shown to structure men’s testimonies of
victimisation – victimhood is often associated with feelings of shame, vulnerability
and weakness, emotions which many men either keep private or reconceptualise as
evidence of their strength and resistance to the extreme brutalisation they experienced.
Finally, Elina Penttinen employs an ‘orthogonal approach’ to study agency and
political violence, using the children’s film Stormheart to provoke new insights into
familiar issues of violence and exploitation. An ‘orthogonal approach’ entails ‘taking
a different and perhaps unexpected angle at a familiar issue’ (p. 200). It enables
Penttinen to highlight how agency and subjectivity, resilience and creativity is
demonstrated even by those who have experienced loss and abuse, that agency can be
articulated in ways that exceed the limits imposed by society, opening up space for
positivity and empowerment.
The volume is an invaluable contribution to existing scholarship, providing both new
empirical insights and novel methods for understanding the gendered nature of violence,
both in its perpetration and subsequent (re)interpretations. Gendered relations of power are
Book Reviews166
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revealed as constructed and reproduced through violent acts, whether physical or
epistemic, in a variety of institutional, historical and cultural contexts.
Maria O’Reilly
King’s College London, UK
E-mail: maria.o’[email protected]
q 2013, Maria O’Reilly
Peacebuilding and local ownership: post-conflict consensus-building, by Timothy
Donais, Abingdon, Routledge, 2012, 192 pp., £80.00 (hbk), ISBN 978-0415588744
Local ownership has been a key topic of discussion in Peace and Conflict Studies since the
mid-1990swhen the limitations of donor-centric peacebuilding became evident. In addition
to theoretical discussions which emphasise the necessity of fostering local ownership that
are effective, accountable and inclusive,1 various proposals have been made for developing
the capacity of local actors in war-torn societies for re-building and enhancing their own
ways of promoting peace.2 Donais’s book – Peacebuilding and local ownership: post-
conflict consensus-building – is a new useful reference in this academic debate.
In addition to the introduction and conclusion chapters, this volume consists of two
different parts. The first three chapters present conceptual and theoretical discussions related
with local ownership. Chapter two identifies how the issue of local ownership has been
understood and interpretedwithinmainstream liberal peacebuilding discussions, and presents
a number of strengths and weaknesses of the liberal peace critique. This is followed by
discussions on two distinctive forms of ownership: elite ownership and societal
ownership. Chapter three presents that, based on the concept of representative democracy,
international peace interventionists considered the local elites who were recognised as
legitimate leaders through elections as local owners. Such an assumption however
marginalised themajority of the groups/societieswho have had less voice in their governance
through the social reconstruction process. In chapter four, the author also recognises that the
democratic process for achieving a consensus within civil society is extremely difficult since
civil society itself is by no means a coherent, unified unit. Nevertheless, he also presents a
1Fanthorpe, Richard, ‘On the Limits of Liberal Peace: Chiefs and Democratic Decentralization inPost-War Sierra Leone’, Africa Affairs 105 (2005): 27–49; Richmond, Oliver, ‘The Romanticisationof the Local: Welfare, Culture and Peacebuilding’, International Spectator 44 (2009): 149–69; MacGinty, Roger, International Peacebuilding and Local Resistance: Hybrid Forms of Peace,(Houndmills: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009); Futamura, Madoka, Edward Newman and ShahrbanouTadjbakhsh, Towards a Human Security Approach to Peacebuilding – Research Brief (Tokyo: UNUniversity, 2010).2Ropers, Nobert, ‘Systemic Conflict Transformation: Reflections on the Conflict and Peace Processin Sri Lanka,’ in A Systemic Approach to Conflict Transformation: Exploring Strengths andLimitations, ed. D. Korppen, B. Schmelzle and O. Wil (Berlin: Berghof Research Center forConstructive Conflict Management, 2008), 11–41; Sommers, Marc, Children, Education and War:Reaching Education for All (EFA) Objectives in Countries Affected by Conflict (Washington, DC:World Bank, 2002); Harris, Ian, ‘Peace Education Theory,’ Journal of Peace Education 1 (2004): 5–20; Reich, Hannah, ‘Local Ownership’ in Conflict Transformation Projects: Partnership,Participation or Patronage? Berghof Occasional Paper No. 27 (Berlin: Berghof Research Centerfor Constructive Conflict Management, 2006).
Peacebuilding 167
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