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Personality Characteristics ofSelf Martyrs/Suicide Bombers and

Organizers of Suicide Attacks

ARIEL MERARI, ILAN DIAMANT, AND ARIE BIBI

Department of Psychology, Tel Aviv University, Tel Aviv, Israel

YOAV BROSHI

Bar Ilan University, Ramat-Gan, Israel

GIORA ZAKIN

Department of Psychology, Tel Aviv University, Tel Aviv, Israel

This is a report of a direct psychological examination of suicide, or martyrdomterrorists and of organizers of martyrdom attacks. Assessments of the personalityof self-martyrs have so far relied on biographical material drawn from secondarysources. In the absence of direct psychological examinations, the debate on theexistence of distinctive personality factors among suicide terrorists has so farremained at the hypothetical level. This study subjected failed Palestinian suicide

terrorists, a control group of non-suicide terrorists, and a group of organizers ofsuicide attacks, to clinical psychological interviews and tests. Significant differenceswere found between suicide and non-suicide terrorists and between these two groupsand the organizers of martyrdom attacks. Two main personality styles were foundamong the would-be suicides. Members of this group had a significantly lower levelof ego strength than the organizers of martyrdom attacks. Most of the would-bemartyrs displayed a dependent and avoidant personality style, a profile that madethem more amenable to group, leader, and public influence. Others were assessedas having an impulsive and emotionally unstable style. Some of the would-be martyrs

Ariel Merari is a retired professor of psychology at Tel Aviv University. He has studiedterrorism and political violence for more than 30 years and has published widely on these

subjects. Ilan Diamant is a clinical psychologist in private practice. He holds a Ph.D. degreein clinical psychology from the University of London and teaches at the Department ofPsychology, Tel Aviv University. Arie Bibi is a clinical psychologist in private practice. Heholds a Ph.D. degree in clinical psychology from Tel Aviv University, where he also teachesat the Department of Psychology and the School of Social Work. Yoav Broshi is a clinicalpsychologist in private practice. He received an M.A. degree in clinical psychology from TelAviv University and is currently a doctoral student at Bar Ilan University. Giora Zakin is aclinical psychologist in private practice. He holds a Ph.D. degree in clinical psychology fromTel Aviv University where he also teaches at the Department of Psychology.

This article includes excerpts from the first authors forthcoming book, Driven to Death:Psychological and Social Aspects of Suicide Terrorism (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010).

The authors wish to thank to Baruch Zadik, Ilan Baruch, and Haim Aharoni, whoparticipated in conducting clinical interviews and tests and to Eran Shadach, who participated

in assessing tests results.Address correspondence to Ariel Merari, Department of Psychology, Tel Aviv

University, Tel Aviv 69978, Israel. E-mail: [email protected]

Terrorism and Political Violence, 22:87101, 2010Copyright # Taylor & Francis Group, LLCISSN: 0954-6553 print=1556-1836 onlineDOI: 10.1080/09546550903409312

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but none of the control and organizers groups participants displayed sub-clinical sui-cidal tendencies. Significantly more martyr than control group members displayedsymptoms of depression.

Keywords organizers, perpetrators, personality characteristics, self-martydom,

suicide bombers, suicide terrorism

The Significance of Terrorist Suicide Attacks

Suicide attacks are the most salient tactic of present-day terrorism. More than any

other form of attack, they convey terrorists willingness to kill indiscriminately

and to sacrifice themselves for their cause. In Israel, suicide attacks have by far been

the most deadly form of terrorism. Whereas they have constituted less than one

percent of the total number of attacks during the second intifada, suicide attacks

have caused more than 50 percent of the fatalities.1

The U.S. National Counterter-rorism Centers report for 2007 found that whereas suicide attacks constituted only

3.3% of the total number of terrorist attacks around the globe, they resulted in 25.3%

of the fatalities.2 Most of the casualties have been civilians.

Campaigns of suicide attacks have, in some cases, had far reaching strategic-

political consequences. The obvious example has been the September 11, 2001,

attacks in the United States, which resulted in a massive change in U.S. global

policy. Other cases in point are the withdrawal of the Multi-National Force from

Lebanon in 1984, following a series of suicide attacks, and the suicide bombing cam-

paign in Israel in the 1990s, which has effectively undermined the Israeli-Palestinian

peace process.

The frequency of suicide attacks has increased considerably in recent years. A

simple count of these attacks around the globe is shown in Figure 1. Of the 2,622

Figure 1. Number of worldwide suicide attacks by year, 19812008.

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martyrdom attacks that were carried out around the world in the period of 1981through 2008, 2,218 attacks (84.5%) took place in the recent five years (20042008). Most martyrdom attacks have been carried out in countries where an acuteviolent conflict has been taking place. The decline in the global number of martyrdom

attacks in 2008 (469 attacks, compared to 608 in 2007) was due mainly to a reductionin the number of attacks in Iraq. Yet, there has been a considerable rise in the numberof countries where suicide attacks have taken place17 countries in the period of19812000, compared to 32 in the period of 20012008.

Definition of Suicide Terrorist Attacks

Several definitions of martyrdom, or suicide terrorist attacks, have been used in theliterature. For the purpose of this study we defined a suicide terrorist attack as anassault, intended to achieve a political objective, performed outside the context of

a conventional war, in which the assailant intentionally kills himself for the purposeof killing others. Presumably, the self-destruction element makes this form ofterrorism different in its psychological foundations from other terrorist attacks thatinvolve high risk for the perpetrators.

The Importance of Personality Factors

Suicide attacks, in almost all cases, are organized by groups. The decision to use thistactic has been made by the group leaders, and group commanders recruited themartyrdom bombers, instructed them, determined the target and the time of attack,and made the necessary logistical preparations.3 Still, the suicide bombers are a select

group of people. In the Palestinian case, for example, public support for martyrdomattacks has reached more than 70 percent during the recent Intifada,4 but only asmall minority of those that support this kind of action have been willing toimplement it in their person. Thus, there are, presumably, some personalities orother motivating factors that induce or facilitate a persons readiness to volunteeror be recruited for a martyrdom mission.

The numerous descriptions of the psychological characteristics of suicidebombers offered so far have been speculative, conjecturing from biographical orcircumstantial details.5 In a few cases authors who were not psychologists and didnot use psychological tests interviewed would-be suicide bombers and reported that

they seemed normal.6

Here we report a direct psychological study of martyrdomterrorists and of organizers of martyrdom attacks (persons who planned, prepared,and supervised the attacks), which utilized clinical interviews, as well as standardpsychological tests.7

Method

Subjects

Three groups of jailed Palestinian terrorists were included in the study: (a) would-besuicide bombers, (b) a control group of terrorists arrested for participation in non-

suicide missions, and (c) organizers of suicide operations.The suicides sample included fifteen men, who had been arrested in the process

of trying to carry out a suicide attack. Four of them were caught at the intended site

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of attack, as the explosive charges they were carrying failed to detonate because of atechnical defect. Ten of the other eleven were caught carrying the explosive charge onthe way to the target, where they intended to explode themselves, and one wascaught a day before he was supposed to carry out the suicide attack, having already

been videotaped in the final ritual before dispatching. Of all suicide candidates in jailat that time, these fifteen men were the closest to implementing their suicide mission.Five of the would-be suicides in the sample were sent by Hamas, five by thePalestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ), and five by Fatahs al-Aqsa Martyrs Brigades. Thesegroups comprise the three main Palestinian organizations that have perpetratedmartyrdom operations. On average, the attempted suicide attack (and date of arrest)took place 7.5 months prior to the time of interviews and testing (range: 216).

The mean age of the suicide group at the time of arrest was 19.8 (range: 1623).All of them were unmarried. Two of them had only partial elementary school educa-tion, five had partial high school education, seven had full high school education,and one had partial university education.

The control sample included 12 men, who had been tried and jailed for participa-tion in various political violence activities, ranging from stone throwing to armedassaults. An attempt was made to match the controls with the would-be martyrsas to age, marital status, education, and organizational affiliation. The average dateof arrest of control group subjects took place 13 months prior to the time of theinterviews (range: 443 months).

The mean age of control group subjects at the time of arrest was 19.6 (range:1623) and all of them were unmarried. One of them had partial elementary schooleducation, one had full elementary school education, six had partial high schooleducation, three full high school, and one had partial university education.

The organizers sample included fourteen who had been jailed for commandingand coordinating suicide attacks. Five of them were Hamas members, five werePIJ members, and four were members of Fatahs al-Aqsa Martyrs Brigades. Theywere responsible for organizing 19 martyrdom attacks each (including unsuccessfulattacks), an average of 3.7 attacks per organizer. The participating organizers hadbeen sentenced to long prison terms, ranging between 18 years and 35 cumulative lifesentences. At the time of the interviews they had already been in prison for anaverage of 35.6 months (range: 9118 months).

All Palestinian martyrdom operations have been organized by a group. The deci-sion to carry out a suicide attack and its preparation were done by the local leadershipof the military arm of the organization (e.g., Hamas military leader in the Tul Karemarea, or PIJ leader in the town of Jenin). Typically, several persons were involved inthe preparation of a suicide attack, having a variety of roles: making the explosivedevice, identifying and recruiting a potential candidate for the mission, collectinginformation on security forces routines, and escorting the martyrdom candidate tothe target. These preparations are orchestrated by the local leader of the organization,who makes the operational decisions and sometimes also produces the explosive device.This person is called here the organizer of the attack. The suicide candidate is usuallybrought to the organizer for approval, and the organizer is commonly present at thevideotaping ritual of the candidate before he is dispatched on his mission.

The organizers mean age at the time of arrest was 27.6 (range: 2136). Seven

of them were single. The other seven were married, of whom all but one had children(13). Three of the organizers had full university training (two of them had bachelorsdegrees in engineering and one in religion studies); three had partial university

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training, five had full high school education and three only partial high schooleducation. There were conspicuous differences in education between the groups.Whereas all Hamas organizers had at least partial university education (three haduniversity degrees and two were students), none of the Fatah organizers had

university educationtwo had completed high school and two had only partial highschool education. PIJ organizers fell in the middle: three had completed high school,one had only partial high school education, and one was a university student.

Tools and Procedure

In planning this study, a major concern was the willingness of the Palestinianprisoners to cooperate with Israeli researchers in the interviews and tests. Comparedto rank-and-file members of the groups, who had no reservations about participatingin the interviews and undertaking psychological tests, the organizers were much morecautious. The first organizer refused to participate unless three other members of theprisoners leadership, including their elected leader (Emir), would join the discussion.He insisted that the decision about participating in the study had to be taken jointlyby the four of them. We therefore summoned the other prisoners, of whom three wereHamas commanders and the fourtha Fatah organizer of martyrdom attacks, andexplained to them the studys aims. We told them that the study was designed toinvestigate the personality characteristics, motivations, and decision-making ofcommanders and rank-and-file members of insurgent groups. We explained that wewere particularly interested in what makes people sacrifice themselves for a cause,what motivates them to carry out martyrdom missions, and how they were selectedand prepared for these missions. We also said that we were interested in their traits

as leaders, their interaction with their subordinates, and the way they coped withproblems that they had to confront. We added that this was the first study of its kindbut we hoped that researchers in other countries would carry out similar studies, so asto discover to what extent there are similarities in personality characteristics of insur-gent groups leaders and members across different cultures and contexts. A discussiondeveloped following this introduction. The three Hamas leaders (all of them had aca-demic degrees) asked many questions on our credentials and background, who werethe other researchers on the team, and about the nature and course of development ofnational liberation movements. One of the organizers asked to see a sample of the firstauthors publications (which were delivered to him a few days later). After a couple ofhours of lively discussion the four leaders decided to cooperate with the researchteam. Their consent was instrumental in obtaining other participants cooperation.In general, members of the organizers group displayed much more interest in thestudy than members of the would-be martyr and control groups. The latter, althoughthey were willing to participate in the study, did not express much interest in it.

The participants were interviewed in jail, in comfortable offices. Four senior clinicalpsychologists, fluent in Arabic, interviewed the participants and tested them in individualsessions (one interviewer and one interviewee at a time). Each session was composed of acomprehensive clinical semi-structured interview aiming at getting the biographicalbackground, significant events in life, adjustment to change, and coping with crises.The semi-structured interviews were followed by a series of psychological tests. The

set of tests included: Rorschach test,8

TAT (Thematic Apperception Test),9

House-Tree-Person drawings,10 and an adapted version of the California Personality Inventory(CPI)11 comprised of 300 questions (CHPI),12 which had been translated into Arabic.



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Administration of the semi-structured interview lasted two hours on average andadministration of the psychological tests took about four hours.

The participants were informed that they were invited to take part in anacademic research aimed at understanding the motivations, decision-making, and

psychological characteristics of persons involved in an armed national struggle. Withthe exception of one PIJ organizer, all participants agreed to being interviewed andalmost all of them also agreed to take the whole battery of psychological tests. Oneparticipant in the control group refused to take part in the tests. Also in the controlgroup one Rorschach protocol was not valid because of an insufficient number ofresponses. The CHPI (Adjusted CPI) protocols included 14 protocols in themartyrdom group. One subject failed to fill in half of the questionnaire on accountof feeling fatigue and four protocols were found non valid, due to answering in abiased style on account of extremely weak consistency between answers (scale:Identical) and extremely strong efforts to please (scale: Good Impression). Wedecided to refrain from analyzing the CHPI results on account of too small samplesize (N9), weak validity of three more protocols and dubious interpretation of thevalidity scales (Identical, Good Impression). In retrospect, the problems encounteredwith the CHPI highlight the importance of using projective assessment techniques,such as the Rorschach and the TAT, in testing the would-be martyrs.

All psychologists were asked to report their psychological assessment based onall material regarding the following categories: a general clinical assessment of egostrength (classified into low, intermediate, and high levels based on Bellak andKernbergs schemes), suicidal tendencies, depressive features, post-traumatic stressdisorder, psychopathic deviations, and personality style. Three senior clinicalpsychologists, specializing in psychopathological assessment, analyzed these reports

and the tests data and achieved a mutual accordance upon each category. Anadditional senior clinical specialist, ignorant of the group to which the participantswere assigned, and who analyzed all interview and tests materials independently,did a blind reliability check. Inter-rater reliability achieved expected standardrequirements (81% for the general clinical assessment of ego strength and personalitystyle, 77% for suicidal tendencies, 85% for depressive features, and 92% for psycho-pathic deviations).

The Rorschach test was analyzed separately as advised by Exner.13 Two seniorclinical specialists coded the test independently. Inter-rater reliability achievedexpected standard requirements (mutual accordance of 94%).

Results

In the absence of previous empirical psychological research on martyrdom bombers,our null hypothesis was that there were no differences between the suicide and thecontrol groups. We assumed, however, that the main relevant personality factorsto be explored were: ego-strength, suicidal tendencies, depressive tendencies, post-traumatic stress disorder, and psychopathic tendencies.

Ego Strength

The concept of Ego is generally referred to as a central personality process thatorganizes and integrates both internal and external realms, hence critical to the modeand quality of ones healthy and adaptive functioning.14

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Ego strength is a concept that captures the persons ability to efficiently copewith external and internal stress, and to regulate ones emotions and need states.It has an active quality and direct bearing on ones capacity to act independentlywith self control, to establish and maintain focus and attention, to actualize

pre-conceived plans, to think logically, and to prevent intrusion of primary thinkingand impulse derivatives, holding good reality testing and sense.15 Kernbergs struc-tural diagnosis of personality organization16 follows Bellacks and adds the matrix ofobject relations integration as the bedrock of ego strength development and levels. InKernbergs approach personality organization can be classified into three broadlevels of ego functioning (strength): low (psychotic), intermediate (borderline),and high (normal).17 In the present study we use Kernbergs model to assess ego-strength levels.

Levels of Ego Strength

The majority of participants in the martyr group were found as having an intermedi-ate level of ego strength, whereas most participants in the organizers group werefound as having a high level of ego strength. No participant was found as havinga low level (psychotic) of ego strength. Chi-square analysis revealed a significantdifference among groups (value 6.245, df1, a .04). Comparison between thesuicide and control groups did not show significant differences. Post-hoc com-parisons showed significant differences for the suicide and organizer groups(Mann-Whitney U 57.5, Z 2.405, a .037), but not for the suicide and controlgroups. Table 1 presents the frequencies of levels of ego strength of the suicide, thecontrol, and the organizers groups.

In general, the martyrdom bombers were found as having lower personal resourcesthat are an important facet of ego strength. These resources affect the capacity forself-direction, stress tolerance, and self-control. Furthermore, they show weakercapacities to comprehend the relations among events. They are less achievementoriented and less capable in pre-planning and establishing self-objectives.

Rorschach scores, according to Exners comprehensive analysis,18 were alsoutilized to further explore ego strength differences between the martyr and the orga-nizers groups. The Rorschach scores add support to the notion that the organizershave more resources to cope with stress. Because of their weaker ego resources,

Table 1. Frequencies and percentages of levels of ego strength

Group

Ego strength levels

High Intermediate Total

Suicide 5 (33.3%) 10 (66.7%) 15 (100%)Control 5 (45.5%) 6 (54.5%) 11 (100%)

Organizers 11 (78.6%) 3 (21.4%) 14 (100%)

Total 20 (50%) 20 (50%) 40 (100%)

One participant in the control group was assessed as undefined because of insufficient dataand was therefore excluded from the statistical analysis.



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the martyr groups participants tend to function best in relatively limited and unde-manding circumstances, in which routine is the order of the day and neither carefulanalysis nor higher-level concept formation is required. Their social perception is lessaccurate and they are more likely to form unrealistic impressions of people and inter-

personal events.The results of this study suggest that a major difference between the martyr and

organizer groups is in coping resources. Thus, suicide bombers have a narrowperspective and a constricted experience of reality. They have less available resourcesfor planning and implementing deliberate strategies of coping with decision makingand they are more likely to show inept and ineffective ways to cope with ordinaryexperience of daily living. Conversely, organizers have high coping resources thatare available for them to initiate, plan, and implement strategies for deliberate actions.

The control group seems to be in-between the other groups. That is, no specificcoping resources profile can be discerned for them.

Personality Styles

Having reviewed the data, we have noticed qualitative patterns of personality stylesthat differentiate between the groups. Hence, we present a preliminary analysis ofthese differences.

The classification of personality styles relies on the Diagnostic and StatisticalManual of Mental Disorders (DSM-IV).19 DSM-IV classifies personality disordersinto three clusters: cluster A refers to people who appear odd or eccentric to others(paranoid, schizoid, schizotypal); cluster B refers to people who appear overlyemotional, unstable, or self dramatizing to others (antisocial, borderline, histrionic,

narcissistic); cluster C refers to people who appear tense and anxiety ridden to others(avoidant, dependent, obsessive-compulsive). The classification of personality stylesrelies on the clinical picture depicted by analyzing the participants behaviors in-vivo;the narrative of their biography; and their responses to several psychological tests.

Comparison between the suicide and the other two groups, i.e., the control andthe organizers groups, shows a significant difference in personality styles. Most ofthe suicide group subjects were assessed as having characteristics of cluster C,namely avoidant and dependent styles, while most of the subjects in the controland the organizers group were assessed as having characteristics of cluster B, i.e.,impulsive and emotionally unstable style. Nine of the 13 subjects in the suicidegroup (69%) whose personality style could be classified were assessed as havingdependent-avoidant personality styles while only two subjects in the control group(20%) and one subject in the organizers group (8.3%) were assessed as such. Four sub-

jects in the suicide group (30.8%) were assessed as having impulsive and emotionallyunstable style while eight subjects in the control group (80%) and eleven subjects inthe organizers group (91.7%) were assessed as such.

None of the subjects were classified under cluster A (bizarre characteristics). It isalso significant to note that none of the subjects were assessed as having psychoticcharacteristics.

These differences between the martyrdom and the other two groups were foundsignificant in a Chi-square analysis (martyrdom and control group: Chi-square

value 5.490, df 1, a .019; martyrdom and organizers group: Chi-squarevalue 9.642, df 1, a .002). Table 2 presents the frequencies of personality stylesof the martyrdom, control and organizers groups.

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People having dependent and avoidant personality styles are described as longingfor interpersonal relationships from a position of low self-esteem. They are alwaysin need of reassurance and cannot function well without someone else to take careof them.20

A 21-year-old suicide bomber, for example, described himself in childhood assecluded, playing alone, and avoiding the company of other children. When feelingdistressed he used to stroll around by himself. He did not have intimate friends, wasreluctant to express emotions, and was intimidated by unfamiliar conditions. Theinterviewer described him as lacking of energy, cordial, quite shy, trying to complywith the interviewers expectations.

People having impulsive and emotionally unstable styles are characterized by

emotional states that may change rapidly between melancholy, agitation, andhyperactivity. They show volatility in their occupational and social life. They tendto have a polarized perception of reality, categorizing the external world into blackor white. They are prone to feel anger and rage and are more likely to act out theiremotions.21

A 22-year-old suicide bomber, for example, described many labile emotionalshifts, responding to perceived provocations by eruptive aggressive behavior: WhenI feel tense nobody can speak to me . . . If one merely approaches me to say Hello, Imay hit him, and on the other hand, when I see a small child crying I may cry withhim. After his fathers traumatic death of heart attack he almost committed suicideby cutting his wrists, only to be saved and cooled down by his mother and a Muslimcleric. He also described a lifelong maladjustment, expressing anger towards most ofthe people in his town, whom he perceived as cons and liars.

Suicidal and Depressive Tendencies, Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder, and

Psychopathic Tendencies

Six participants in the suicide bombers group (40%) were assessed as having suicidaltendencies whereas none were found in either the control or the organizers groups.This difference reached statistical significance (suicide and control group: Chi-squarevalue 6.171, df 1, a .013; suicide and organizers group: Chi-square value

7.061, df 1, a .008).Comparison of depressive tendencies between the martyrdom and the control

groups revealed a significant difference (Chi-square value 6.075, df 1, a .014).

Table 2. Frequency and percentages of personality styles of suicides, controls, andorganizers

Group

Cluster C: Dependent

and avoidant style

Cluster B: Impulsive and

emotionally unstable style Total

Suicide 9 (69.2%) 4 (30.8%) 13 (100%)Control 2 (20%) 8 (80%) 10 (100%)Organizers 1 (8.3%) 11 (91.7%) 12 (100%)

Total 12 (34.3%) 23 (65.7%) 35 (100%)

Two subjects in each group were assessed as unclassified, and were therefore excluded fromthe statistical analysis.



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Eight participants in the martyrdom bombers group (53.3%) were assessed as havingapparent depressive tendencies whereas only one participant (8.3%) was found in thecontrol group. In the organizers group only three participants (21.4%) were assessedas having depressive tendencies. The difference between this group and the martyr-

dom group fell slightly short of reaching statistical significance (Chi-square value 3.131, df 1, a .077).

It should be noted that not only about half of the participants in the martyrdomgroup were assessed as having marked depressive tendencies, but also three of themhave shown co-morbidity with post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), whereas noneof the participants in either the control or the organizers groups were assessed ashaving PTSD.

Participants who were assessed as having depressive tendencies showed markedclinical signs such as melancholy, sadness, lack of vitality, psychomotor slowness,low energy, tearfulness, emotional constriction, and distracted attention. The depres-sive signs in these participants were shown in the psychological tests, particularly inthe themes produced in the TAT. Repeated themes involved protagonists in distress,feeling helplessness, loneliness, painfulness, and sadness, expressing pessimism andcontemplation about situations without positive resolutions. They repeatedly por-trayed family dynamics where the child fails to meet parents expectation, tragic reci-procal disappointments entailed in either violent or self-destructive acts.

People who have psychopathic personality tendencies are known by theirabsence of conscience, lack of remorse, and lack of empathy to other peoples suffer-ing or needs. They are manipulative, often glib, and are characterized by poor beha-vioral controls.22 None of the participants in the martyrdom bombers group wereassessed as having apparent psychopathic tendencies whereas three (25%) were

found in the control group. This difference was statistically significant (Chi-squarevalue 4.219, df 1, a .040). Only one participant in the organizers group wasassessed as having psychopathic tendencies. No statistical significance was foundbetween this group and the martyrdom group.

Discussion

In this study we found significant differences between the psychological characteris-tics of suicide bombers, non-suicide terrorists, and organizers of suicide attacks. Yet,the results of the study should be interpreted with caution not only because of thesmall sample size, but because it only dealt with Palestinian would-be martyrs. Itis possible that martyrdom bombers in other societies and conditions are differentin important respects. The existence of culture and situation-dependent psychologi-cal differences between suicide bombers across foci of martyrdom attacks around theworld is suggested by variations in the demographic characteristics of martyrdombombers (e.g., in gender composition, education, and age).

With this limitation in mind, the studys findings suggest that although there isno single personality profile of Palestinian would-be suicide bombers, contrary to thegeneral notion most of them do have distinctive personality characteristics. Inthe majority of the cases, these characteristics converge to a personality style andego structure that is susceptible to social influence, especially by persons perceived

as authoritative. A significant number of the would-be martyrs also displayedsub-clinical suicidal characteristics, some of them against the backdrop of depressionand=or post-traumatic stress syndrome.

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It should be clear, however, that personality factors alone cannot explain the

phenomenon of willingness to carry out a suicide attack. Essentially, suicide attacks

are a group phenomenon, and practically all of them have been planned and

organized by groups rather than carried out by individuals acting alone on their

own initiative. Thus, the creation of a suicide bomber is a product of the interactionbetween groups and individuals, in which certain individual characteristics make a

person more likely to carry out a martyrdom operation.

The results show that the organizers are endowed with more ego strength as

compared to the would-be suicides. This finding supports the hypothesis that the

latter have a weaker personality structure and that people in this group are more

susceptible to suggestions and outside pressure. Paucity of ego resources means that

one is less able to regulate his daily adjustment tasks and needs other people for

support and direction. This makes him more prone to exploitation by people he calls

upon for support. However, this argument does not clarify the difference between

the martyrdom and the control group. Results suggest that the participants in the

control group have more resources than in the martyrdom group, but the difference

did not reach statistical significance. Thus, while we can infer that both would-be

martyrs and controls were influenced by the stronger organizers to act, in trying

to explain the different course of action chosen by members of each group (i.e.,

suicidal vs. non-suicidal activity) we must refer to additional factors.

A hypothetical explanation could be based on the martyrs and non-martyrs

different personality styles. The results show that the martyrdom group was charac-

terized mostly by a dependent and avoidant style, while the majority of the control

group had an impulsive and unstable personality style. The personality style has a

direct bearing on how one regulates ones drives and emotions. Dependent and

avoidant persons tend to rely on introjections of anger and drives, while peoplecharacterized by an impulsive and emotional unstable style are prone to externalize

their anger. The tendency to internalize frustrations and anger and direct them

against the self may explain the willingness to volunteer for a self-destruction

mission. On the other hand, members of the control group, who externalize anger,

fit better a fighting pattern that does not involve self-destruction. Thus, it is likely

that differences in ego strength coupled with a particular personality style account

for the different patterns of violent activity displayed by the martyrdom and the

control groups.

Can the Sample Be Considered a True Representation of theCompleted Suicides

The study of would-be suicide bombers was undertaken with the aim of learning

about completed (successful) suicides. The question whether the would-be

martyrs in our sample are not different from those who completed operations

should, therefore, be addressed.

One source of difference may, hypothetically, be related to the fact that the

completed martyrdom attackers succeeded in carrying out their mission, whereas

the would-be martyrs failed. It could be argued that the personality traits of those

who failed are different in some important respects from those who succeeded.

Conceivably, such traits might influence ones determination to persist in the martyr-dom mission, or ones capability of carrying it out without being caught. Bearing this

possibility in mind, in selecting subjects for the study, we included in the martyrdom



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group those who were caught carrying the explosive charge on their way to thetarget. As mentioned above, four of the subjects actually reached the target and triedto activate the explosive charge, which failed to explode due to technical malfunc-tioning (Subgroup A). Behaviorally, these four should be regarded as complete

martyrs, because they actually committed the act. The other eleven subjects in thewould-be martyrs group (Subgroup B) were caught on the way to the target anddid not try to activate the charge either because they could not reach it (e.g., itwas in the cars trunk), or because they did not want to kill the group memberwho escorted and guided them on the way. If suicides who complete their missionsare different from the would-be suicides in our sample, a comparison between thefour who tried to activate the device and the eleven who were caught on the wayto the target should reveal them. Table 3 shows this comparison. Although the smallnumber of subjects in Subgroup A precluded a statistical test of significance ofdifferences, several differences between the two sub-groups are worth noting. First,whereas all those who actually pressed the switch were assessed as havingavoidant-dependent personality styles, only 54.5% of those who did not activatethe explosive device belonged to this category. In addition, a higher percentage ofsubgroup B were assessed as suffering from depression and=or PTSD. Altogether,however, the similarities between Subgroup B and Subgroup A subjects were greaterthan between Subgroup B and the control group.23

Could the Personality Characteristics of the Would-Be Suicides, Which Were Found

in This Study, Be Attributed to Circumstances Rather Than to Personality Traits?

Because both the suicide group and the control group were interviewed and tested in

prison, it is unlikely that the personality differences between the groups were theresult of the conditions of incarceration. However, a possible event that might,hypothetically, have a depressing effect on the would-be martyrs was their failureto carry out the mission. While this possibility cannot be dismissed completely, itdoes not seem likely either. In the interviews, the subjects did not express depressionor self-criticism in connection with their failure to carry out the mission. Theyusually attributed the failure to Gods will, saying that apparently God wanted themto live. Furthermore, the autobiographical descriptions of the subjects who wereassessed as depressed suggested that their mental state had been marked by depres-sion and isolation long before they carried out their martyrdom attempt.

Differences Between Terrorist Suicides and Ordinary Suicides

The findings of this study suggest that there are noteworthy differences betweensuicide bombers and ordinary (non-terrorist) suicides. The majority of the would-be martyrs (60%) did not display suicidal tendencies. Furthermore, those who diddisplay such tendencies (six out of the fifteen would-be suicides) were different fromordinary people who commit suicide in that they did not exhibit the generallyaccepted risk factors for suicidality. Whereas most ordinary people who commitsuicide have a background of mental illness,24 no such background was foundamong the would-be martyrs in the present study. Other major risk factors for ordin-

ary people who commit suicide, especially substance abuse and a history of previousattempted suicides, were also absent among the would-be suicides in our sample.Only two of the would-be martyrs reported minor (non-terrorist) suicide attempts

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Table 3. Comparison of would-be suicides who tried to activate the charge withthose that did not try

Characteristics Tried (N 4) Did Not Try (N 11)

DemographicAge

Mean 19.25 19.55Range 1623 1523

EducationPartial elementary 25% 9.1%Full elementary 0 0Partial high school 75% 18.2%Full high school 0 63.6%Partial university 0 9.1%

Family economic statusLow 0 27.3%Middle 100% 72.7%High 0 0

EmploymentBlue Collar 50% 72.7%Student 50% 27.3%Unemployed 0 8.3%

Refugee camp dweller 0 27.3%Refugee family 0 45.4%Religiosity

Very religious 25% 18.2%Ordinary religious 75% 81.8%Little religiousNot religious

PsychologicalPersonality type

Introvert 100% 54.5%Extravert 0 36.4%Unclear 0 9.1%

Suicidal 25% 45.4%

Depression=PTSD 25% 45.4%Mission Related

Sending groupHamas 50% 27.3%PIJ 50% 36.4%Fatah 0 36.4%

Organization member 50% 54.5%Previous resistance activity

Violent armed 25% 27.3%Violent unarmed 0 18.2%

(Continued)



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prior to their recruitment to the suicide mission. Hence, although suicidality isperhaps a contributing factor in a significant minority of the terrorist martyrs,suicide bombers motivating and background factors are different from those ofordinary people who commit suicide.

Notes

1. Israel Defense Force. Casualties Since 30.9.00 Updated 20.11.03. Available at:(http://www.idf.il/daily_statistics/english/1.doc), retrieved 30 January, 2004.

2. Report on Terrorism. (National Counterterrorism Center, 30 April 2008), Chart 3(p. 24) and Chart 10 (p. 31).

3. Ariel Merari, Suicide Terrorism, in: Robert I. Yufit and David Lester, eds.,Assessment, Treatment and Prevention of Suicidal Behavior (Hoboken, NJ: Wiley, 2005),431453. Also: Ariel Merari, Psychological Aspects of Suicide Terrorism, in: Bruce Bongar,Lisa M. Brown, Larry E. Beutler, James N. Breckenridge, Philip G. Zimbardo, eds., Psychol-ogy of Terrorism

(New York: Oxford University Press, 2007), 101115.4. See, for example: Jerusalem Media and Communication Centre, Public Opinion PollNo. 40 (April 2001), available at http://www.jmcc.org; Jerusalem Media and CommunicationCentre, Public Opinion Poll No. 44 (March 2002), available at http://www.jmcc.org; Palesti-nian Center for Policy & Survey Research, Public Opinion Poll No. 9 (October 2003), availableat http://www.pcpsr.org; Palestinian Center for Policy & Survey Research, Public OpinionPoll No. 13 (September 2004), available at: http://www.pcpsr.org.

5. For example: Rex A. Hudson, The Sociology and Psychology of Terrorism: WhoBecomes a Terrorist And Why? (Washington, DC: Federal Research Division, U.S. Libraryof Congress, 1999); Nancy Kobrin, The Death Pilots of September 11th, 2001: The UltimateSchizoid Dilemma, in: J. Piven, C. Boyd, and H. Lawton, eds., Jihad and Genocide: Psycho-logical Undercurrents of History, vol. 3 (New York: Universe=Bloomusalem, 2002); AndrewSilke, ed., Terrorists, Victims and Society: Psychological Perspectives on Terrorism and its Con-

sequences (Chichester: Wiley, 2003), Ch. 16; Leonard Weinberg, Ami Pedahzur, and DaphnaCanetti-Nisim, The Social and religious characteristics of suicide bombers and their victimswith some additional comments about the Israeli publics reaction, Terrorism and PoliticalViolence 15, no. 3 (2003): 139153; Audrey Kurth Cronin, Terrorists and Suicide Attacks.CRS report for Congress (Washington, DC: Congressional Research Service, The Libraryof Congress, August 28, 2003). Available at: http://www.fpc.state.gov/documents/organization/24049.pdf; Shaul Kimhi and Shmuel Even, Who Are the Palestinian SuicideBombers? JCSS Memorandum No. 73. (Tel Aviv: The Jaffee Center for Strategic Studies,Tel Aviv University, Tel Aviv, 2004). Available at: http://www.tau.ac.il/jcss/sa/v6n2p5Kim.html; Stephen Holmes, Al-Qaeda, September 11, 2001, in Diego Gambetta,ed., Making Sense of Suicide Missions (Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press, 2005), 131172; LucaRicolfi, Palestinians, 19812003, in: Diego Gambetta, ed., Making Sense of Suicide Missions(Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press, 2005), 77130.

6. Nasra Hassan, An Arsenal of Believers, The New Yorker, Nov. 19, 2001, 3641.7. Anat Berko, a criminologist, interviewed Palestinian female terrorists, four of whom

were would-be suicide bombers. Her interviews, however, were not aimed at identifying

Table 3. Continued

Characteristics Tried (N 4) Did Not Try (N 11)

Non-violent 0 9.1%None 75% 45.4%Volunteered for the mission 75% 45.4%Hesitated 50% 72.7%Videotaping 75% 63.6%

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personality characteristics. See: Anat Berko and Edna Erez, Gender, Palestinian Women,and Terrorism: Womens Liberation or Oppression? Studies in Conflict and Terrorism 30,no. 6 (2007): 493519.

8. John E. Exner, The Rorschach: A Comprehensive System (New York: Wiley, 1993).9. Henry A. Murray, Thematic Apperception Test: Manual (Cambridge, MA: Harvard

University Press, 1943).10. John N. Buck, The H-T-P Technique: A Qualitative and Quantitative Scoring

Manual, Journal of Clinical Psychology, Monograph Supplement No. 5, (1948); Emanuel F.Hammer, A Comparison of House-Tree-Person (H-T-P) Clinical Research Manual (Los Angeles:Western Psychological Services, 1955).

11. Edwin I. Megargee, The California Psychological Inventory Handbook(San Francisco:Jossey-Bass, 1972).

12. Baruch Nevo and R. Nordheimer, Further experiments with the Hebrew versionof the C.P.I., Haifa University Selection and Assessment Unit Reports, No. 7620 (Haifa:University of Haifa, Israel, 1975).

13. John E. Exner, The Rorschach: A Comprehensive System, 4th ed., Vol, 1 (Hoboken,NJ: Wiley, 2004).

14. Gertrude Blanck and Rubin Blanck, Ego Psychology: Theory and Practice (New York:Columbia University Press, 1974); Gertrude Blanck and Rubin Blanck, Ego Psychology II:Psychoanalytic Developmental Psychology (New York: Columbia University Press, 1979).

15. Leopold Bellak, Marvin Hurvich, and Helen Gediman, Ego Functions in Schizophre-nics, Neurotics, and Normals (New York: Wiley, 1973).

16. Otto Kernberg, Borderline Conditions and Pathological Narcissism (New York:Aronson, 1975); Otto Kernberg, Object Relations Theory and Clinical Psychoanalysis(New York: Aronson, 1976).

17. Well-integrated personality with normal or neurotic features.18. John E. Exner, The Rorschach: A Comprehensive System (New York: Wiley, 1993).19. Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (Washington, DC: American

Psychiatric Association, 1994).20. Glen O. Gabbard, Psychodynamic Psychiatry in Clinical Practice, 4th ed. (Washington,

DC: American Psychiatric Publishing, 2005).21. Ibid.22. Robert D. Hare, Psychopathy: Theory and Research (New York: Wiley, 1970).23. In an interesting study, Benmelech and Berrebi compared the age and education of

Palestinian suicide bombers who succeeded in completing their missions during the secondIntifada with those that failed. They found that whereas the mean age of 42 failed suicidebombers was 18.8, the mean age of 106 successful suicide bombers was 22.0. The averageeducation level of successful suicide bombers was also significantly higher than that of failedbombers. It should be noted that these authors defined failed bombers quite broadly, toinclude those who (1) failed to detonate their explosive devices, (2) looked suspicious andwere apprehended or killed by civilians, policemen, or soldiers, (3) panicked and blew them-selves up before they reached the target, or (4) chickened out (p. 234). See: Efraim Benmelechand Claude Berrebi, Human Capital and the Productivity of Suicide Bombers, Journal of

Economic Perspectives 21, no. 3 (2007): 223238.24. Eve K. Moscicki, Epidemiology of Suicide, in: Douglas G. Jacobs, ed., The

Harvard Medical School Guide to Suicide Assessment and Intervention (San Francisco:Jossey-Bass, 1999); Bruce Bongar, The Suicidal Patient: Clinical and Legal Standards of Care,2nd ed. (Washington, DC: American Psychological Association, 2002); World HealthOrganization, Guidelines for the Primary Prevention of Mental, Neurological and PsychosocialDisorders, 4. Suicide (Geneva: Division of Mental Health, World Health OrganizationPublication WHO=MNH=MND=93.24, 1993).


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Terrorism and Political Violence