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7/28/2019 For Big Business
1/3june 1, 2013 vol xlviII no 22 EPW Economic & Political Weekly4
LETTERS
Ever since the first issue in 1966,
EPW has been Indias premier journal for
comment on current affairs
and research in the social sciences.
It succeededEconomic Weekly(1949-1965),
which was launched and shepherded
by Sachin Chaudhuri,
who was also the founder-editor ofEPW.
As editor for thi rty-five yea rs (1969-2004)
Krishna Raj
gave EPW the reputation it now enjoys.
editor
C Rammanohar Reddy
EXECUTIVE Editor
aniket Alam
Deputy Editor
Bernard DMello
web Editor
subhash rai
Senior Assistant Editors
Lina Mathias
Srinivasan ramani
copy editorsPrabha Pillai
jyoti shetty
Assistant editor
P S Leela
editorial Assistant
lubna duggal
production
u raghunathan
s lesline corera
suneethi nair
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K Vijayakumar
editorial
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Economic and Political Weekly
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from 320-321, A-Z Industrial Estate,Ganpatrao Kadam Marg, Lower Parel, Mumbai-400 013.
Editor: C Rammanohar Reddy.
Issn 0012-9976
For Big Business
The editorial Desperate for Justice(EPW, 25 May 2013) reveals the in-fringement and violation of human rights
of the workers of Marutis Manesar plant.
The police and administration are actingat the behest of the Maruti companys
management and in any case, this govern-
ment is working mostly in the interests
of multinationals and foreign powers.
Sometimes, I doubt that we are living
in a sovereign state. Your editorial rightly
says It has been clear from the early days
of the workers struggle that the Congress-
led Haryana government and the United
Progressive Alliance government at the
centre are determined to do everything to
assuage big business sentiments, even if
it requires the small matter of denying
thousands of Indian citizens their funda-
mental rights. The government must
take suitable action to ensure justice to
the employees of the Maruti plant. The
welfare of citizens is more important
than any narrow business interest.
Saroj Upadhyay
Kolkata
Incorrect Information
The article Land Acquisition and Com-pensation: What Really Happenedin Singur? by Ghatak et al (EPW, 25 May
2013) is an elaborate work full of data
and calculations. However, the description
of the project-affected villages in the pa-
per reflects the authors lack of adequate
and correct knowledge/information.
First, under the heading Singur Epi-
sode: A Short Summary, the authors have
asserted that the area acquired in Singur
is about 90 km from Kolkata. The distance
between Singur and Kolkata is hardly
more than 40 km. Second, under the head-
ing Survey Design and Data the authors
have claimed that the survey has been
conducted in 12 villages in Singur Census
Town. Singur Census Town is a small
entity of Singur C D Block. All six sample
project-affected villages are located out-
side the Singur Census Town. The authors
should have consulted concerned blockdevelopment office to authenticate the
information before making it public. The
villages Beraberi and Joymolla are suc-
cessively seven and eight km away from
this town. Third, land has also been ac-
quired from the revenue village Babur
Bheri which has been missed out and in its
place, Joymolla has been put in. Joymolla
is a non-revenue village under Beraberirevenue village. If non-revenue villages are
considered, at least 15 more villages will
enter the scene as villages that have lost
land. Only one out of six sample unaffected
villages drawn for the study is adjacent to
the project-affected villages, i e, Jompukur,
located to the west of Beraberi revenue
village. The rest are not adjacent. The
sample unaffected villages Ghanshyampur,
Raghunathpur, Simulpukur, Bahrampur
are several kilometres away from the
project-affected villages.
Fertility of the agricultural land in
these four villages is much better than the
land acquired for Tata Motors. Therefore,
the proposition of similarity between
the two sets of sample, as claimed by the
authors on page 34, is negated. There are
11 revenue villages (other than Jompukur)
surrounding the project-affected revenue
villages. Nonetheless, they are not drawn
as sample unaffected villages, which in-
deed raises questions about the methodo-logical accuracy for selecting unaffected
villages. The result of a field-survey based
research paper largely depends upon the
selection of samples. Fourth, the authors
argue that unregistered sharecroppers
of the acquired land received more than
50%. I would argue that they are incorrect.
There are two ways of sharing crop pro-
duce in project-affected villages: if the
owners of the land contribute half of the
total input cost (except family labour of
the tenants) for crop cultivation, the
output will be divided into two equal
halves; otherwise the tenants retain 75%.
Animesh Roy
Centre for the Study of Regional Development,
Jawaharlal Nehru University,
New Delhi
NABARDs Self-help
The road to hell is paved with good
intentions! In the union budget for2013-14, a sum of Rs 5,000 crore has been
earmarked for financing construction of
7/28/2019 For Big Business
2/3
Economic & Political Weekly EPW june 1, 2013 vol xlviII no 22 5
LETTERS
Web Exclusives
The following articles have been uploaded in the past week in the Web Exclusives section ofthe EPW website. They have not been published in the print edition.
Read them at http://epw.in
(1) Are Our Regulators Imaginative? D N Ghosh
(2) IPL: As Skewed as the System Sidharth Bhatia
(3) Liberal Education: The Road Not Taken Gautam Bhan
(4) Delhi Universitys Undergraduate Programme: Notes from the Archives Neeti Nair
Articles posted before 18 May 2013 remain available in the Web Exclusives section.
countries, farmers get 70% of the value
of their produce, with 30% going to the
traders. In India, traders manage to get
at least 70% of the value of farm produce
while farmers are hard-pressed to retain
even 30% of their produce value. With
inadequate farm credit availability (despite
a farm credit flow of Rs 6 lakh crore in2012-13) for the smallholder farmers, they
are forced to sell their produce during
harvest seasons when ruling mandi prices
are at an all-time low (also due to prevail-
ing Agricultural Produce Market Commit-
tee restrictions). All these factors force
the farmer to sell at the lowest prices
dictated by the traders. The smallholder
farmer has no warehousing or financial
capacity to retain his produce for two to
three months and secure favourable prices
as he has to pay off the high interest rate
loans (minimum rate of interest is 5%
per month as per risk perceptions) from
shopkeepers, agents and moneylenders.
NABARD could have prepared schemes
for smallholder farmers/cooperatives/
panchayats to build community-owned
warehouses or repaired/renovated exist-
ing National Cooperative Development
Council warehouses for cooperatives. Its
recent initiatives have been on traders
and corporates building warehouses andoperating them purely for profit. These
schemes benefit the retail traders and
MNCs which are all set to make a killing
in rural India. Instead of benefiting
smallholder farmers, this bonanza of
Rs 5,000 crore will boost the profits of a
few MNCs and a few select corporate
houses only. The smallholder farmers
will be left in the lurch as the terms of
trade continue to remain adverse for
them. If smaller cooperative/community-
based warehouses were built and oper-
ated, smallholder farmers would have
benefited but, alas, today in NABARDs
corridors of power, corporate houses
Corrigendum
In the article The Near and the Far: Why Is
Indias Liberal-Political Democracy Rotten?
by Bernard DMello, in this issue on page 36,
second column, para 3, the first sentence
should read as: One can begin from 20
years ago when Indias elite embraced neo-
liberalism,.... On page 45, column 1, para 2,
second-last sentence should read as: Insti-
tutions and circumstances, given and trans-
mitted from the past, do matter a great deal
in how the fat cats who are presently making
their own history actually do so that the big
decisions a financial aristocrat or business ty-coon takes are inextricably connected with
the fate of tens of thousands of poor people
whose very existence he seems to deny.
The corrected version is on the EPWwebsite.
warehouses/godowns/silos/cold storages
designed to store agricultural produce
both in the public and the private sectors.
The window will also finance through
the state governments, construction of
godowns by panchayats to enable farmers
to store their produce.
While the central government hasclearly signalled its desire for adequate
warehousing and space availability for
storing farm produce and reducing wast-
ages by not letting grains rot in open
silos, it appears that the National Bank
for Agriculture and Rural Development
(NABARD) is up to its old tricks and seeking
to divert substantial funds to corporates/
companies and individual traders to build
warehouses. Instead of assisting small-
holder farmers to build smaller ware-
houses or encouraging panchayats to build
community-owned warehouses, NABARD
has turned the scheme on its head and
has approved the allocation of Rs 5,000
crore as under:
(1) State governments and panchayat raj
institutions (PRIs) (as per Rural Infrastruc-
ture Development Fund (RIDF) norms).
(2) Agencies owned/sponsored by state
governments (as per RIDF norms).
(3) Banks/financial institutions (under
the usual Automatic Refinance Facilityscheme ofNABARD).
(4) Direct loans to individual entrepre-
neurs, corporates/companies, etc.
What is truly amazing is that NABARD
has actually approved the apportionment
of Rs 5,000 crore without batting an
eyelid as there is no mention that these
warehouses are exclusively for agricultural
produce and not for the multinational
corporations (MNCs) for their retail trade
foray into rural and urban India. NABARD
should have ensured this critical opera-
tional part. Nor has it restricted these
godowns to rural areas so as to protect
the interests of smallholder farmers. All
that remains is for NABARD to ensure
that direct loans to big traders, corpo-
rates and companies predominate and
the loot continues.
At a time when smallholder farmers
are resorting to suicide, especially after
the 1992 liberalised economic policies,
NABARD should have framed this ware-housing opportunity of Rs 5,000 crore
to assist smallholder farmers. In most
and power-brokers rule the roost and
the noose tightens around the necks of
smallholder farmers. Another fiction about
RIDF loans is that PRIs are theoretically
enabled to borrow from RIDF. In 18 com-
pleted annual tranches ofRIDF, how many
PRIs have managed to secure loans from
NABARD? Not a single loan and the fictioncontinues to be perpetuated byNABARD.
Another interesting development is that
the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) has taken
a tough stance on the refund of RIDF
deposits drawn under RIDFXVII to banks
and the NABARD Board of Directors cleared
the proposal on 8 February 2013. But the
amount of Rs 759 crore was refunded to
RBI only on 8 April 2013 and thereby
hangs a tale! This delay of two months
was only to ensure window-dressing of
NABARDs balance sheet as the return of
Rs 759 crore would have affected the
balance sheet adversely.
NABARDs self-help principles are for
personal benefits and not for the poorer
sections of people whose interests should
have remained uppermost while design-
ing NABARDs policies.
K G Karmakar
Mumbai
7/28/2019 For Big Business
3/3
LETTERS
june 1, 2013 vol xlviII no 22 EPW Economic & Political Weekly6
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