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Food as Harm Reduction 1 Food as Harm Reduction: Barriers, strategies, and opportunities at the intersection of nutrition and drug-related harm Christiana Miewald, Eugene McCann, Alison McIntosh, & Cristina Temenos Miewald, C., McCann, E., McIntosh, A., & Temenos, C. (2018). Food as harm reduction: barriers, strategies, and opportunities at the intersection of nutrition and drug-related harm. Critical Public Health, 28(5), 586-595. Abstract Research suggests that food insecurity exacerbates the harms experienced by people who use drugs (PWUD). Therefore, improving the food security status can help PWUD reduce drug- related harms. This paper identifies a knowledge gap in public health and harm reduction literatures regarding the relationship between food and harm reduction. We argue that there needs to be a more comprehensive and systematic model of food provision in harm reduction services. Our argument is based on a qualitative case study of 42 people who currently use, or have used drugs in Vancouver, Canada and of staff of 27 programs that provide harm reduction services in the city. The research demonstrates how PWUD experience the effects of drug use on their food consumption, how they access food, and how they practice self-care. It also shows how harm reduction services, while they often provide food, are unable to systematically address the dietary-related harms associated with drug use. This presents an opportunity and a challenge for these organizations and for harm reduction as a public health approach. We call for more research to be done on food as harm reduction and for stable publically funded food provision in harm reduction-oriented services. Key Words: Food Security; Harm Reduction; Public Health; Foodscape; Vancouver, BC Acknowledgements: The authors would like to thank everyone who participated in this study, especially the individuals who agreed to be interviewed. We would also like to thank the Dr. Peter AIDS Foundation and the Food as Harm Reduction Study Community Advisory Committee for their guidance. This research was supported, in part, by the Social Science and Humanities Research Council under Grant #435-2013-2197 and the Vancouver Foundation under Grant # UNR14-0024.

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FoodasHarmReduction:Barriers,strategies,andopportunitiesattheintersectionofnutritionanddrug-relatedharm

ChristianaMiewald,EugeneMcCann,AlisonMcIntosh,&CristinaTemenos

Miewald,C.,McCann,E.,McIntosh,A.,&Temenos,C.(2018).Foodasharmreduction:barriers,strategies,andopportunitiesattheintersectionofnutritionanddrug-relatedharm.CriticalPublicHealth,28(5),586-595.

Abstract

Researchsuggeststhatfoodinsecurityexacerbatestheharmsexperiencedbypeoplewhousedrugs(PWUD).Therefore,improvingthefoodsecuritystatuscanhelpPWUDreducedrug-relatedharms.Thispaperidentifiesaknowledgegapinpublichealthandharmreductionliteraturesregardingtherelationshipbetweenfoodandharmreduction.Wearguethatthereneedstobeamorecomprehensiveandsystematicmodeloffoodprovisioninharmreductionservices.Ourargumentisbasedonaqualitativecasestudyof42peoplewhocurrentlyuse,orhaveuseddrugsinVancouver,Canadaandofstaffof27programsthatprovideharmreductionservicesinthecity.TheresearchdemonstrateshowPWUDexperiencetheeffectsofdruguseontheirfoodconsumption,howtheyaccessfood,andhowtheypracticeself-care.Italsoshowshowharmreductionservices,whiletheyoftenprovidefood,areunabletosystematicallyaddressthedietary-relatedharmsassociatedwithdruguse.Thispresentsanopportunityandachallengefortheseorganizationsandforharmreductionasapublichealthapproach.Wecallformoreresearchtobedoneonfoodasharmreductionandforstablepublicallyfundedfoodprovisioninharmreduction-orientedservices.

KeyWords:FoodSecurity;HarmReduction;PublicHealth;Foodscape;Vancouver,BC

Acknowledgements:Theauthorswouldliketothankeveryonewhoparticipatedinthisstudy,especiallytheindividualswhoagreedtobeinterviewed.WewouldalsoliketothanktheDr.PeterAIDSFoundationandtheFoodasHarmReductionStudyCommunityAdvisoryCommitteefortheirguidance.Thisresearchwassupported,inpart,bytheSocialScienceandHumanitiesResearchCouncilunderGrant#435-2013-2197andtheVancouverFoundationunderGrant#UNR14-0024.

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Introduction

Contemporarysocietiesaremarkedbyfoodinsecurity,characterizedbyeconomicandsocial

barrierstoaccessinghealthy,nutritious,sufficient,andculturallyappropriatefoodinwaysthat

arepersonallyacceptable(DavisandTarasuk,1994).InCanada,forexample,foodinsecurityis

moreprevalentamongcertaingroups,suchassinglemothers,newimmigrants,andAboriginal

groups(Tarasuk,Mitchell,andDachner2016).Ithasbeenwelldocumentedthatpeoplewho

usedrugs(PWUD)disproportionatelyexperiencefoodinsecurity(Himmelgreenetal.1998;

Romero-Dazaetal.1999;Anemaetal.2010,Schmitzetal.2016).Forexample,65%ofpeople

whoinjectdrugs(PWID)inurbanCanadareporteddifficultyaffordingenoughfoodand

experiencinghunger(Anemaetal.2010)and58%ofpeoplewhoinjectdrugsinLosAngeles

andSanFranciscoreportedfoodinsecurity(Schmitzetal.2016).Thisiscompoundedwhen

PWUDhavecomorbidities,suchasHIV(McKayetal.2017).Onestudyfoundthat73%of

peoplelivingwithHIVinBritishColumbia,CanadawhousedanAIDSServiceOrganizationwere

foodinsecure(Anemaetal.2016).Thestudyfoundthatparticipantswerefoundtoalsohave

poordietaryquality.

DrugusecaninfluencethenutritionalandhealthstatusofPWUD,bothphysiologically

andthroughbehavioraleffects.Physiologically,drugusehasbeenfoundtoproducedrug-

inducedanorexia(fromusingdrugsorwithdrawalsymptoms),whichinturncanresultin

micronutrientdeficiencies,malnutritionandbecomingunderweight(Himmelgreenetal.1998,

Romero-Dazaetal.1999,Saelandetal.2010).Theseconsequencescan,inturn,reducethe

abilitytofightoffinfections,leadingtoincreasedmorbidityandmortality(McIlwraithetal.

2014,Saelandetal.2014).FoodinsecurityforpeoplelivingwithHIVhasbeenassociatedwith

anumberofnegativehealthconsequences,includinglowerratesofAnti-RetroviralTherapy

adherence,decreasesinphysicalhealth,reducedviralsuppression,poorerimmunologicstatus,

andincreasedincidenceofseriousillnessandmortality(Weiseretal.2011,Whittleetal.2016).

Whittleetal.(2016)foundthatfoodinsecurityaffectedtheabilityofindividualstokeepclinic

appointmentsduetofeelingsofhungerandexhaustion.Foodinsecuritycanalsoleadto

macronutrientandmicronutrientdeficienciesaswellasincreasingtheparticipationinrisky

sexualbehaviors,whichcancontributetothetransmissionofHIV(Weiseretal.2011).Finally,

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foodinsecurityhasalsobeenassociatedwithdepressivesymptomsamongbothpeopleliving

withHIVandHIVnegativePWUD,suggestingarelationshipbetweennutritionandmental

healthoutcomes(Anemaetal.2010,2016,Davey-Rothwelletal.2014,Whittleetal.2016).

Drugusemaycontributetofoodinsecurityduetoalackofresourcestopurchasefood,the

consumptionoffoodthatishighinfatandsugarandlowinvitaminsandminerals,irregular

eatinghabitsandengaginginpotentiallyriskybehaviors,suchasstealingfood,tradingsexfor

foodorengaginginunprotectedsex(Anemaetal.2016,Nealeetal.2012,Saelandetal.2008,

Shannonetal.2011,Strikeetal.2012,Tarasuketal.2005,Vogenthaleretal.2013).Food

insecurity,then,destabilizespeople’slivesandcanputindividualsatgreaterriskfor

experiencingviolence,incarceration,andexposuretopathogens.

Harmreductionserviceprovidersoperatelow-barrierprogramsthatprimarilyservelow

incomePWUDinordertomitigatethenegativehealth,social,andeconomicconsequencesof

druguseusingpragmaticinterventionslikecleanneedleprovision,methadonetreatment,or

supervisedinjection.Whilenotdemandingabstinence,harmreductionapproachesare

successfulpublichealthinterventionsintothelivesofpeoplewhoareoftenthemost

marginalizedinsociety(JozaghiandAndresen2013,Smith2012).Inmoregeneralterms,harm

reductionapproachesseektostabilizepeople’slivesinorderforthemtodeveloplessharmful

relationshipswithpsychoactivesubstances.Thus,someinterventions,likelow-barrierhousing

provision,havealsobeenintegratedintoharmreductionprograms(Katzetal.2016,Paulyetal.

2013).Yet,foodprovisionhasnotbeensystematicallyincludedinharmreductionpracticeand

analysis,whileunevenattitudestowardtheroleoffoodinharmreductionhavebeenfound

amongpublichealthproviders(McLean,2012;McIntosh2015,2016).

Throughastudyofbothpeoplewithahistoryofdruguseandalsoofharmreduction

serviceprovidersinVancouver,Canada,wearguethatthereneedstobeamore

comprehensiveandsystematicmodeloffoodprovisionwithinharmreductionapproachesto

illicitdruguse.Wedemonstratethatserviceproviderswhouseaharmreductionmodeloften

providefoodtotheirparticipants,yettheyarenotadequatelyfundedorequippedtoaddress

thedietary-relatedharmsassociatedwithdruguse.Thispresentsbothanopportunityanda

challengefortheseorganizationsandforharmreductionasapublichealthapproach.Inthe

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followingsections,wepresentqualitativedatathatdemonstratestherelationshipsbetween

chronicdruguse,foodinsecurity,andharmreductionusingsemi-structuredinterviewswith

twogroups–PWUDandrepresentativesoforganizationsprovidingharmreduction-oriented

servicesinVancouver.WeconcludebysuggestingthatPWUDpresentauniquechallengeto

addressingissuesoffoodinsecurity.Whiletheyareinneedofhighqualityfoodinorderto

supporttheirhealth,PWUDalsooftenhavedifficultyaccessingitbecauseofdruguse.While

charitablefoodprovidersarefrequentlyusedbyPWUDaspartoftheirgeographyofsurvival,

thesesitesalsopresentchallengesandrisks.Harmreductionserviceprovidersofferaunique

positionwithinthefoodscapetoofferhealthyfoodwhichisprovidedinadignifiedmanner.

HarmreductionandfoodinsecurityinVancouver,BC

Historically,illicitdruguseamongservice-dependentpeoplehasbeenmostassociatedwiththe

DowntownEastsideneighborhoodofVancouver.Theneighbourhoodincludesaconcentration

ofsocialservices,includinganumberoffreeorreduced-costmealprogramsthatareprovided

throughdrop-incentres,religiousorganizations,andshelters.Whiletherearemanysoup

kitchensandotherfreemealprogramsintheneighborhood,therearealsohighratesof

malnutritionandfoodinsecurity,creatingaparadoxicalfoodscapeoffoodavailabilityandfood

security(MiewaldandMcCann2014).Thisfoodscapeisageographythatencompassesall

placeswherefoodisobtainedsuchasgrocerystores,restaurants,foodbanks,soupkitchens,

andgarbagebinsaswellasthesocialrelationsthroughwhichfoodisaccessed(Miewaldetal.

2010,MiewaldandMcCann2014).Foodprogramsare,moregenerally,partofthedaily

‘geographiesofsurvival’(MitchellandHeynen2009)forPWUD,astheavailabilityand

accessibilityoffoodresourcesisacrucialcomponenttotheirabilitylive.Geographiesof

survivalencompassthe“networkofpublicandprivatespacesandsocialservices”(Mitchelland

Heynen,2009,p.611)thatprovidethenecessaryresourcesforsystematicallymarginalized

people.Foodscapeandgeographiesofsurvivalconceptuallyframeourdiscussionofthe

relationshipbetweenfoodaccessandharmreduction,aspartofaninterlinkedlandscapeof

servicesusedbyPWUDfortheireverydaysurvival.

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Whiletherelationshipbetweendruguseandpoornutritionaloutcomeshasbeenwell

documented,thereremainslittleintheacademicorpolicyliteraturesaddressingthe

intersectionoffoodsecurityandharmreduction.Ourresearchshowsthatfoodprovisionby

serviceproviderswhouseaharmreductionapproachisoftenadhocandwithoutadequate

fundingorresources.ThisisnotuniquetoVancouver.Forexample,astudyofaneedle

exchangeprograminNewYork,McLean(2012,p.298)notes,“Theimportanceoffoodin

particularwasmanifestinbothdailyandmonthlypatternsofattendancethatfollowedmeal

schedules.”Yet,therewasalsodisagreementamongstaff“aboutwhat‘harmreduction’should

orcouldinvolve,andconsequently,whattherealharmsofdrugusewere”(Ibid.).Weaddress

thisgapbydrawingouthowbothPWUDandserviceprovidersexperienceandunderstandthe

relationshipbetweenfoodandharmreduction,withaparticularfocusontheurban

geographicalcontextsoftherelationship.

MethodsandDataAnalysis

Thisstudyisbasedonsemi-structuredinterviewsconductedwith42currentandformerPWUD

whowereparticipantsatadrop-incentrelocatedintheDowntownEastside,whichprovides

supportforPWUDusingaharmreductionapproach.Additionally,weconductedinterviews

with35staffmembersat27programsthatprovideharmreductionservicesinGreater

Vancouver.PWUDwererecruitedbyaposteradvertisingthestudyatadrop-incentre,withthe

supportandconsentofcentrestaff.Thiscentrewasusedasbothasiteforrecruitmentand

interviewingbecauseitwasconsideredasafeandaccessiblesiteforPWUD.Participantswere

givena$10honorarium.Theonlyinclusioncriterionwasthattheindividualsusedthedrop-in

centre.Theinterviewwasinitiallydesignedtoassesstherelationshipbetweenhousingand

foodinsecurity,howeverdruguseemergedasasignificantbarriertofoodaccess(seeMiewald

andOstry2014).ThesestudieswereapprovedbytheofficeofresearchethicsatSimonFraser

University.

InterviewquestionsforPWUDincludedbasicdemographics(genderandage),chronic

healthconditions,historyofdruguse,currentandprevioushousingsituation,whereindividuals

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accessfoodandanybarrierstheyexperiencethatmightleadtofoodinsecurity.Themajorityof

theseintervieweesweresingleCaucasianmen,althougheffortsweremadetoincludewomen

andrepresentativesofotherethnicities.Participantsrangedinagefrom26to65,withamean

ageof41.Whilethemajorityreportedusingseveraltypesofdrugs,themostcommonwere

cocaine/crack(41%)andheroin/morphine(24%).Marijuana(14%)andalcohol(12%)werealso

reported,butusuallyassecondarytootherdrugs.Ninerespondents(21%)werenolonger

usingorindrugtreatmentatthetimeoftheirinterview.69%reportedhavingatleastone

healthproblem,includingHepatitisC(26%),mentalillness(21%),arthritisorothermobility

issues(15%),HIV/AIDS(13%),anddigestivedisorders(13%).

InordertoassesstheleveloffoodprovisionforPWUD,representativesof27

organizationsinGreaterVancouverwereinterviewed.Inclusioncriteriawerethatthe

organizationself-identifiesasbeingharmreduction-oriented,providesservicestopeoplewho

areactivelyusingillicitdrugs(afoundationalelementofharmreduction),providesharm

reductionsupplies,and/orengagesinharmreductionpolicyadvocacy.Theorganizations

includedthosefocusedonlow-barrierhousingandemergencyshelters(n=8),drop-incentres

andservices(n=6);AIDSserviceorganizationsprovidingharmreductionsupplies,supports,and

advocacy(n=5);healthservices(n=4);harmreductionanddrugpolicyadvocacy(n=2);aneedle

exchange;andalegalsuperviseddrugconsumptionsite.Interviewswithserviceproviders

focusedontheirfoodprovisionactivities(ifany),theirobservationsontheimpactsfood

insecuritymayhaveonserviceparticipants,andontherolenutritionmightplayinaddressing

drugrelatedharms.Thesefindingshighlightbothhowharmreductionprovidersviewfood

provisionandalsothegapsinservicethatshouldbeaddressedthroughmorecomprehensive

foodandharmreductionprogramsandpolicies.Allinterviewswererecorded,transcribedand

categorizedwithaprioricodesderivedfromtheinterviewguidesandemergentcodesderived

fromtheinterviewcontent.Thisprocess,groundedincriticalandfeministresearchintodrug

use,providedtextualinformationonfoodaccessandconsumptionpatternsbyactiveand

formerPWUDinalow-incomecommunitythatwouldbeunavailablethroughsurveyingor

otherquantitativemeans(Boydetal.2008,Clattsetal.,2002).

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EverydayExperiencesofFoodInsecurityamongPWUD

AfundamentalprincipleofharmreductionisthatPWUDare,canandshouldbeactive

participantsintheirownhealthcare.ThereshouldbenoblanketassumptionthatPWUDare

negligentorself-destructive.Indeed,recentstudieshavehighlightedthevariouswaysPWUD

areactiveinmaintainingtheirmentalandphysicalhealth(Greenspanetal.2011),including

theirnutritionalstatus.Drummetal.(2005)showthat,despitesignificantbarriers,PWUDpay

attentiontothequalityandquantityoffoodtheyconsumeanddevelopstrategiestoensure

theyhaveenoughfoodtoeat.Inthissectionwehighlightstructural,physiologicalandspatial

themesthatemergedinlow-incomePWUD’srelationshipswithfood,nutrition,health,and

theirsurroundingenvironments.Followingcommonpracticesofqualitativedataanalysis,the

quotationsherearerepresentativeofrespondents’answers(Clattsetal.,2002).Wediscuss

threethemesthatwerederivedfromtheinterviews1)theself-reportedeffectsthatdruguse

hasonthedietofparticipants,2)thestrategiesusedforaccessingfoodwithintheDowntown

Eastsidefoodscapeand3)PWUD’stacticsusedtoavoidsomeofthenutritionalharmsofdrug

use.

“OnceItouchit,thefooddoesn’tmatter”:theeffectsofdruguseonfoodconsumption

DespitetherelativelyabundantfoodscapeintheDowntownEastside,PWUDaresusceptibleto

foodinsecurityduetofinancialconstraints,lossofappetiteduetodruguse,timeconstraints

causedbytheneedtofocusongeneratingenoughmoneytobuydrugs,lackofabilitytostore

orpreparefoodwheretheylive,andtheirconcernsaboutpersonalsafetyinpublicspaces.For

some,theirmeagerincomewasusedtopayfordrugsinordertoavoidwithdrawal,leaving

foodasasecondaryconcern.ThiswasthecaseforBelinda1whoexplained,“Everypenny’s

gottagotodrugs,sountilIgetoverthathump,it’samatterofeatingwhatIcanwhenIcan

findit.”Respondentsalsonotedthatlackofappetitewhileusingdrugsledtomissed

opportunitiestoaccessfoodfromproviders.AsKarennoted,“onceItouch[thedrug],thefood

doesn’tmatter…ImissedmealsbecauseIdidn’tshowupattherighttimeorwhateversoI’d

gowithoutfoodalotlonger.WhenIwasdoingthedopeandthat,Iwasn’tinterestedinlining

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upforfood.”Martinechoedthissentiment,highlightingthecycleofdruguseandthesearch

formoneyanddrugsthatoftentookpriorityovereating.

“Withcrack,whenyou’rechasing,that’sthemostimportantthingtoyou,whileyou’re

highyoucan’teat,andwhenyoucomeoff,you’rejonesingandyou’rechasingitwhile

youshouldbeeatingandyou’retryingtofindsomewaytoscoretenbucks.”

Jeremyalsonotedthatfoodwasrarelyimportantandwasonlyconsumedwhenitwasreadily

available.“Like,ifI’dseestuff,ifI’dbepassingthroughandthey’dbehandingoutsandwiches,

I’dgraboneofthosebut,actualmeatandpotatoesstuff?Iwouldn’thavetheopportunityorI

wasn’thungryorIwassick.”Theseaccountsillustratethatdruguseisabarriertoaccessing

foodforPWUD,evenwhenitisavailablefromcharitablefoodproviders.Thesefindingsuggest

thatPWUDhaveuniquechallengestoaccessingfoodthatcannotberemediedbyrelyingona

charitablemodeloffoodprovision.

“It’samatterofeatingwhatIcanwhenIcanfindit”:negotiatingtheurbanfoodscape

PWUDhavethedailychallengeofnavigatingthefoodscapeaspartoftheirdailygeographiesof

survival.Belinda,Karen,Jeremyandotherrespondentsindicatedthattheyusedavarietyof

strategiesinordertoaccessfood,oftenrelyingheavilyonfreeorreducedcostmealsprograms.

Infact,allrespondentsreportedusingcharitablefoodproviders(includingsoupandcommunity

kitchens,andmealsprovidedthroughsupportivehousingandrehabilitationfacilities)forat

leastoneoftheirdailymeals.Moreover,60%ofrespondentsreportedusingfreeorlow-cost

foodmealprogramsforthemajorityoftheirmeals.Atthesametime,simplyaccessingfood

canputindividualsatriskfromfightsandinter-personalconflictswithothersaccessingthesite,

stressfromdealingwithstaffwhomayenforcerulesandregulationsthatbarcertain

individuals,orencounterswithlawenforcement.Theseriskscanresultinphysicalor

psychologicalharmorincarceration.Womeninparticularnotedthattheydidnotliketostand

infoodlinesbecauseofharassmentfromothersintheline-up,andpreferred“womenonly”

foodproviders.Cynthiaepitomizesthisview:

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"Idon’thavetoworryaboutguysbuggingmeandit’sasafeplacetoeat…NotthatI’ma

prissoranythingbutthere’salotofdrugaddictsanddrunksandstuffandeventhough

I’moneofthosepeopleIdon’tliketobeinanenclosedspacewithalotofthem."

Forthosewhoearnedmoneyintheundergroundeconomy,eitherthroughsexworkor

sellingdrugs,findingasafespacetoeatcouldalsobechallenging.Forexample,althoughJack

usuallyhadmoneyforfoodduringhisstintasalow-leveldealer,heoftenfounditdifficultto

findasafeplacetoeatwherehewouldn’tbethreatenedbyotherdealers,customersorthe

police.Henotedthat“If[thepolice]wanttopickupsomeoneonawarrant,[they]justgoby

thefreefoodplaces.”ConvenienceandprivacywerefactorsinwhereandwhenJackaccessed

food.Standinginlongfoodline-upswasviewedasawasteoftimeandalsoexposed

individualstoboththepoliceandrivalsintheneighborhood.“Ihadtoreally,reallyforcemyself

toeat.Iwouldgoto[low-costprovider]andpayformyownmealsbecauseIwouldn’thavethe

timeorthepatiencetowaitinthefoodlines.Iwouldalwayshave$2forthe[low-cost

provider].It’snottoohardtoputtogether$2whenyouhaveapocketfullofdope.”Thus,

purchasingfoodratherthanrelyingoncharitablemealprogramswasonestrategytoavoidline-

upsandotherbarriers.Itwasoftenpreferredoveraccessingcharitablefoodprovidersdueto

greaterchoiceandflexibilityoverwhatandwhentoeat(seealsoGaetzetal.2006,Miewald

andMcCann2014).Amongstudyparticipants,76%saidthattheysometimesateat

inexpensiveorfast-foodrestaurantswhentheyhadthemoneyand86%reportedshopping,at

leastoccasionally,forfoodiftheyhadmoney.

“ItakealotofvitaminsanddrinkalotofGatorade”:Self-carestrategiestoavoidnutritional

harms

Acknowledgingthenegativeconsequencesofdruguseonfoodintake,somerespondentssaid

theywereawareoftheproblemsofweightlossanddehydrationandreporteddeveloping

strategiestoavoidtheseeffects.Theseincludedtakingvitamins,drinkingsportsdrinkstoavoid

dehydration,smokingmarijuanatostimulateappetiteorbuyingfoodinadvanceofusingdrugs

toguaranteethattheyhadsomethingtoeatiftheywereunabletoaccessfoodproviders.Tony

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describedsomeofthestrategiesheusedtoavoidnegativeeffectsonfoodaccessthatcan

resultfromdruguse.

“ItakealotofvitaminsmyselftooanddrinkalotofGatoradeifI’monalongjag

smokingcrack.You’vegottokeepyourbodyhydrated.Yougottamakesure,evenif

you’relosingtheweight,thatyou’regettingessentialvitaminsandstuffyouneed‘cause

that’swhatwillcausemorelongtermdamageorproblemswithmentalbreaks.”

Somerespondentssaidthatthey“loadup”onfoodbeforeusingdrugstohaveenoughenergy

tolastseveraldayswithouteating.Belindadescribedherstrategytoensureshehasatleast

somefoodavailable:“ItryeverymonthIgoanddomygroceriesfirst-offforstuffforthe

month,likepoweredmilkandcannedstuffandpeanutbutter.”Jackdescribedacycleof

bingeingonfoodwhenhewasnotusingandthenforcinghimselftoeatanddrinknutritional

supplementswhilehewas:

“IwouldtrytoeatonceadayandIwasdrinkingalotofEnsure…Butitwasreally

difficulttomakemyselfeatbecauseIwasneverreallyhungry...Iwouldbinge[ondrugs]

foradayortwoandthenafterwardsIwouldeatnon-stopasmuchasIcouldforafew

daystoreplenishwhatI’dlost.”

Ourstudysuggeststhatself-carestrategiesareimportanttolowincomePWUDseffectiveuse

offoodresources.Yet,thesestrategiesarereliantonindividuals’resourcesandtheknowledge

theyhavegainedthroughtheirlivedexperience.

FoodandHarmReductionServiceProvision:Perceptions,Practices,andBarriers

Becauseofthecriticalrolethatharmreductionserviceprovidersplayinsupportingand

maintainingthehealthofPWUD,itisimportanttoaddresshowtheseprovidersperceivethe

roleoffoodintheirprogramsandhowtheyenactstrategiestosupporttheirparticipants’

nutrition.InVancouver,harmreductiontakesvariedforms,fromlow-barrierhousingand

drop-incentresthatoffersupplieslikeneedlesandpipestosuperviseddrugconsumptionsites.

Despitetheadhocnatureoffundingforfood,wefoundfoodprovisiontobeubiquitousin

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thesesites.Ofthe27sitesandprogramsinterviewed,only2didnotprovidefoodorfood

preparationspaces.Thetypeoffoodprovidedandthecharacterofprovisionvaried

dramatically–fromgranolabars,tofullmealprogramming,communitykitchens,andtake-

homefoodbags.

Serviceprovidersrevealedthattheyprovidedfoodprimarilybecausetheysawacute

nutritionneedsintheirparticipants.Forinstance,whenaskedaboutthemotivationforfood

provision,thedirectorofanHIV-specifichealthsupportprogramargued,

“thehealthierapersonis,thebettertheyare[able]tofightoffopportunisticinfections

andsuch.Secondly…weknowthatifwedidn’toffer,therewouldbepeoplewho

[would]nothavefood.”

Mostharmreductionserviceproviderssharedthisrationale.Atthesametime,whilefoodwas

viewedasimportanttomaintaininghealth,itwasalsoseenasameansofattracting

participants,openinglinesofcommunication,andasagatewaytootherservices.Forexample,

aswellasprovidingfullmealservicesattheirmainfacility,adrop-incentreandoutreach

programforstreet-involvedyouthprovidedgranolabarsandjuiceboxesaspartoftheir

outreach.Oneoftheirstaff,notedthat,“Theidea[ofprovidingfood]wasjusttostartgivingit

tothem,andthen[asking],“heyhowareyoudoing?”Thiscontactwould,theyhoped,leadthe

participanttostayaroundthecentrelonger.“Andthen,halfanhourlater,itmight[be]that

[wefind]theyhavetogotothehospitalbecausetheyhadathrobbingpainintheirlegthat

theyhadn’tgonetakencareof.”

Foodprovision,forthisorganizationandothers,isbothanutritionalinterventionand

alsoacaringsocialgesturethatcouldpromptconnectiontootherhealthservicesand

resources.Othercommonlystatedbenefitsofprovidingfoodincludeditsabilitytoimprove

participants’moodandbehaviour,promotesocializingamongparticipants,encouragehealthier

nutritionalchoices,and,inprogramsusingcommunitykitchensorsupportworkerstoteach

cookingskills,increaseindependenceandskills-building.

Despiteattentiontofood,harmreductionserviceprovidersgenerallystruggletofund

theirfoodprograms.InBritishColumbia,serviceproviders’operatingfundscanrarelybeused

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tofundfoodprograms.Providerstypicallyrelyoncombinationsoffundingfrommultiple

sources,suchasProvincialandFederalgovernments,healthauthorities,foodbanks,and

reallocatedgeneralprogrambudgets(seealsoSlateretal.2015,Pettesetal.2016).

Additionally,despitetheprevalenceofsomeformoffooddistributioninnearlyeveryharm

reductionprogramsurveyed,mostserviceprovidersdidnotimmediatelyexpressclearordirect

linksbetweenfoodprovisionandtheirharmreductiongoals.Nevertheless,giventhe

opportunitytotalkthroughtheissueinaninterviewsetting,mostbegantoactivelymakethose

connections.Forinstance,thedirectorofadrop-incentreforPWUDexplainedthatfood

securityis,

“oneofthefoundationaltenetsofharmreduction,becauseharmreductionseeksto

increasesafetyanddignityforpeople,andreduceharm.Andso,helpingsomeoneto

haveahealthyphysicalbodyandawell-fuelledphysicalbodyandteachingpeopleabout

nutritionisahugepartofthat.”

Serviceprovidersrepeatedlyemphasizedthatgoodnutritionsupportedtheireffortstoreduce

drugrelatedharms.Forexample,arepresentativeofasupervisedconsumptionsitedescribed

howtheirbroaderharmreductiongoalswouldbesupportedifparticipantshadsomemeasure

offoodsecurity,saying,

“ifyoulookatharmreductionasneedledistribution,crackpipedistribution,and[the

consumptionsite],it’sreallyaone-dimensionalvision…It’sinsociety’sbestinterest,

fromacost-benefitperspective,fromahumanistperspective,tobeabletoprovide…

food.”

Althoughmanywereentirelyreliantongovernmentfundingstreams,serviceproviders

werecriticalofthecharitymodeloffoodprovision.Theyarguedthatfundershavenot

recognizedthevitalroleoffoodinthewellbeingofparticipants,thatstagnantfundingrates

wereinadequateforprovidingnutritiousfood,andthatconstantlyapplyingforfundingand

donationscreatedasenseofcompetitionamongserviceprovidersandtookuptoomuchstaff

time.Thecoordinatorofadrop-incentreforpeoplewithmentalhealthbarriersexplained,“it’s

likethesupercapitalistwayofdealingwithsocialproblems”.

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Someserviceprovidersdidindicatethatfoodsecuritywasincreasinglyontheradarof

somefunders,butthattheirfundingwasstillinsufficientandinflexible.Theactingexecutive

directoratahousingandshelterorganizationsaid,

“’Theymustbegettingfed.’That’swhatpeopleassume…Shelterscomewithfood

funding,right?Buthousingdoesn’t,andeventransitionalhousingtypicallydoesn’t…so

it’sstaff,andyouknow,friendlyneighboursbasicallysupportingthefoodneedsof

people,whichisnothowitshouldbe.”

Organizationswithfoodbudgetsreportedthattheirfundingforfoodprogramminghad

remainedstagnant,orhadincreasedatratesfarbelowthoseofthecostoffood.TheExecutive

DirectorofanAIDSServiceOrganizationforwomenexplainedthat“foodcostsgoup,

membershipgoesup,ratesofpayforstaffgoup.Therateofwhatthey[funders]contributeto

usdoesn’tgoup.”

Thus,ourinterviewssuggestthatharmreductionserviceproviders,likethePWUDwho

participateintheirprograms,understandtheimportanceofnutritioninpromotinghealth.

TheseinterviewsemphasizethatwhilePWUDsnegotiatemanybarrierstonutrition,service

providersarealsochallengedinensuringfoodsecurityfortheirparticipants,largelydueto

insufficientfunding,andothersystemicbarriers.Thesefindings,whichfocusonharmreduction

services,arelargelyinlinewithexistingcritiquesofotherformsofcharitablefoodprovision

(e.g.,Dachneretal.2009,Slateretal.2015,Tarasuketal.2005).

DiscussionandConclusion

ExaminingthelivedexperienceoffoodaccessforPWUDandtherealitiesoffoodprovisionfor

harmreductionserviceprovidersrevealsseveralsalientissues.Whilecharitablefoodproviders

areimportantfoodresources,accessingtheseservicescanplaceindividualsatrisk,either

throughlowqualityfoodorexposuretostigmaandviolence.Additionally,becauseofthe

effectsofdrugsonsuppressingappetite,PWUDhaveauniquesetofbarrierswhenitcomesto

accessingfood.Thecreationofsafespacesthatprotectagainsttheseharmsisonemeansof

improvingfoodsecurityforPWUD.Harmreductionserviceprovidersareuniquelysituatedto

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providedsuchspaces,yettheyoftenlacktheresourcesandfundingtofullysupporttheir

participants’foodneeds.

Morespecifically,therearethreefindingsthatemergedfromthisresearch.First,food

insecurityforPWUDisaffectedbyvariousandinterrelatedelementsthatconstituteandoften

exacerbatetheharmfulaspectsofurbanfoodscapes.WhilePWUDsufferfromsomeofthe

sameissuesthatotherlow-incomegroupsdo,suchaslowwelfarerates,theyalsoexperience

foodinsecurityduetodruguseitself.Inordertoconstructeffectivepublichealthprogramsand

policiestoaddressfoodinsecurityamongPWUD,moreresearchneedstobedoneontheways

inwhichPWUDnavigatethefoodscapeaspartoftheirgeographyofsurvivalandtherisksthey

encounterinaccessingbothnutritiousfoodandhealthservices.

Second,itisnecessarytocreatenutritionalprogramsandservicesthataddressthe

uniquechallengesthatPWUDfacewhenitcomestoaccessingfood.Todate,muchofthe

focusonfoodsecurityamongPWUDhasbeenonnutritionalinterventions“including

nutritionalstatusassessments,adviceonhealthydiets,referraltonutritionistsandfood

programsandtheprescriptionofmealreplacementsordietarysupplements”(Nealeetal.

2012,p.636,seealsoMcIlwraithetal.2014).Thesetypesofinterventionsmaynottakeinto

accountthelivedexperiencesofPWUDintheirdailyinteractionswithfood,includingissuesof

poverty,inadequatehousingandrelianceoncharitablefood,however(seealsoNettletonet

al.,2012).AsGustafssonetal.(2011,p.388)note,withinpublichealth,“thereisa‘disconnect’

betweenhealthyeatingguidelines,thatassumean‘idealised,individualisedworld’,andactual

practicesineverydaylife.”

Thisemphasisonindividualizedresponsibilityfailstoaddressunderlyingstructural

causesoffoodinsecurityandignoresthewaysinwhichPWUDunderstandtheirowndietary

practices.Criticalharmreductionliterature(Chen2011,MooreandFraser2006,Mclean2011,

2015,Smith2012,TemenosandJohnston2016)critiquesmainstream“intervention”

approachesthatfocusonindividualbehaviorchange.Instead,thisliteraturesuggeststheneed

toexaminelarger‘riskenvironments’(Rhodes2002),andpoliticaleconomicconditionswhen

assessingtheharmsassociatedwithdruguse.Similarly,afoodscapeapproachrecognizesthe

structuralcausesoffoodinsecurityaswellaspersonalagencyinnavigatingthefoodlandscape

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(MiewaldandMcCann2014)andthereforeprovidesalensthroughwhichtounderstandfood

aspartofaharmreductionframeworkthatgoesbeyondsimplyprovidingfoodthrougha

charitablemodel.Issuessuchascurrentdruglawsandlackofaffordablehousingalso

contributetofoodinsecurityforPWUD.Thus,ourinterviewsemphasizethatstrategiesto

improvefoodaccessforPWUDshouldbedesignedwiththerealitiesofdruguse,povertyand

socialmarginalizationinmind.FoodprogramsshouldbespaceswherePWUDfeelsafeand

supported,provideabufferfromtherisksofdruguseandbeintegratedwithotherharm

reductionservices.

Third,improvingthefoodsecurityofPWUDshouldbeviewedascentraltopublichealth

andharmreductionandshould,therefore,besupportedbythestate,ratherthanlefttoadhoc

charitableproviders.Giventheimpactsofdrugsonappetiteandfoodchoice,ourinterviews

showthattheexperienceoffoodinsecurityamonglowincomePWUDisqualitativelydifferent

fromotherlow-incomegroups(seealsoSchmitzetal.2016).Simplyimprovingaccessdoesnot

addressphysiologicalorstructuralissuesoflackofappetite,housinginstability,andtherisks

thatPWUD,inparticular,facewhenaccessingfoodprograms.Therefore,specificstrategies

needtobedevelopedforandwithPWUD.Forexample,theintervieweesinthisstudyuseda

varietyofself-carestrategiestomitigatethenutritionalharmsofdruguse,exhibitingstrong

agencyinachievingtheirnutritionalgoals.Thesestrategiesmayprovideabasisforpublic

healthmessagesthatareappropriateforPWUD.

Charitablefoodandharmreductionserviceproviderscompriseimportantspacesinthe

foodscapesofPWUDinVancouver.Yet,despitetheabundanceofcharitablefoodproviders,

foodinsecuritycontinuestobepartofthelivedexperienceofPWUD.Targetedapproachesto

addressingthebarrierstofoodaccessaswellasbetterintegrationoffoodandharmreduction

programmingarewaysofaddressingthisissue.Futureresearchshouldinvestigatethelived

experienceoffoodinsecurityforPWUDinordertocreatestrategiesthatfullymeettheirneeds.

1 Namesandotheridentifiershavebeenalteredtoprotecttheidentityofinterviewees.

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