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Author: Cabrito, Belmiro Gil Title: Equity, social reproduction and higher education in Portugal Paper presented at the European Conference on Educational Research, University of Lisbon, 11-14 September 2002 Abstract: The main issue of this paper is to discuss the role of the universities in reproducing social differences in Portugal. In order to understand the reproduction role performed by higher education, I firstly characterise the economic and social condition of higher education students, as well as the Portuguese population. In order to show the importance of the university diploma in reproducing such differences, I explore some indicators, namely the value of the university diploma and future earnings expected; and the social origin of the students who have profit from subsided loan policies. Using the data that I have obtained from a questionnaire applied to a national sample of higher education students and the data related to Portuguese population, I state that higher education reproduces social differences in Portugal. Document type and origin: “conference paper”, presented at the ECER2002, in Lisbon, the 13 th Septembre 2002. 1

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Author: Cabrito, Belmiro Gil

Title: Equity, social reproduction and higher education in Portugal

Paper presented at the European Conference on Educational Research, University of Lisbon, 11-14 September 2002

Abstract:The main issue of this paper is to discuss the role of the universities in

reproducing social differences in Portugal. In order to understand the reproduction role performed by higher education, I

firstly characterise the economic and social condition of higher education students, as well as the Portuguese population.

In order to show the importance of the university diploma in reproducing such differences, I explore some indicators, namely the value of the university diploma and future earnings expected; and the social origin of the students who have profit from subsided loan policies.

Using the data that I have obtained from a questionnaire applied to a national sample of higher education students and the data related to Portuguese population, I state that higher education reproduces social differences in Portugal.

Document type and origin: “conference paper”, presented at the ECER2002, in Lisbon, the 13th Septembre 2002.

Suggested key terms: Equity, social reproduction, higher education

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FACULDADE DE PSICOLOGIA E DE CIÊNCIAS DA EDUCAÇÃOUNIVERSIDADE DE LISBOA

ECER 2002

Belmiro Gil [email protected]

Equity, Social Reproduction and Higher Education in Portugal

Introduction

The main issue of this paper is to discuss the role of the universities in reproducing social differences in Portugal.

In section one, I refer the methodology used in the research I have done about higher education (HE) in Portugal and I precise some conceptual terms.

Secondly, I summarise the privatisation process of HE in Portugal, paying attention to the quasi-market tendency to provide social services which takes place in some European countries (Le Grand et al., 1993). In this section, I refer how social demand for HE grown in last decades, especially since the democratic revolution of 1974.

Thirdly, I characterise the economic and social condition of HE students, as well as the Portuguese population and, quoting Carnoy (1977), Bowles & Gintis (1974 ) or Prost (1992), among others social scientists, I state that HE reproduces social differences in the country.

In section 4, in order to show the importance of the university diploma in reproducing such differences, I explore some indicators, namely the value of the university diploma and future earnings expected; and the social origin of the students who have profit from subsided loan policies.

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1. Methodology

This investigation privileged a quantitative approach and it was based on a questionnaire applied in 1995 to a representative sample of all the university students. Among the objectives of the questionnaire, I have chosen in the scope of this paper those that allow eliciting information on respondents’ social and economic origin and present and future expectations.

Once the designation “higher education” comprises quite different realities according to each country’s historical reality (Henkel et al., 1999) reflecting the process of construction and consolidation of the educational systems (Apple, 1996; Fuller, 1992), it should be noticed that in Portugal this education level includes two subsystems: polytechnic education, closer to the labour market, running three-year courses; and university education running four or five-year courses (with the exception of medical studies with the length of six years.

The investigation carried through is limited to university students for two main reasons. On the one hand, because most polytechnic students have applied for the university but haven’t been admitted on account of the existing numerus clausus that limits access to university; on the other hand, because university education is predominant in the higher education system.

The study universe is the whole range of students that entered university in the school-year 1991-1992 because this was the most recent date on which the Ministry of Education held information enough to allow for the construction of a national representative sample.

The questionnaire was applied to a sample of 2026 students, of which 1505 were attending public university education and 521 private university education. The sample was devised according to the variables of gender, age, university institution and scientific field.

To ensure the dimension and composition of the sample I personally went to all the institutions and applied the questionnaires myself. The application was in a random way, in order to give anyone an equal chance to be inquired.

The funding nature of public and private sector is obviously quite different. Therefore, if it is true that public higher education is no longer free of costs, the annual fees being equivalent to ensured minimum wages, it is also true that fees in private institutions are 6 to 10 times higher.

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This way, no wonder students’ spending on education in private university institutions is much higher than that of public education students. This fact justifies the need to understand to what extent university students’ social origin and economic capacity can structure public or private demand for education.

To characterise students in socio-economic terms I used four social classes, adapting from Almeida et al. (1988). Individuals are assigned to a certain class according to their “situation concerning profession” and “professional stand”. Therefore, I distributed the respondents’ parents and the Portuguese population according to the following classes:

- Upper class, which includes the individuals in a boss situation, business managers and civil service managing staff;

- Upper middle class, which includes independent workers and employees holding higher education degrees (teachers, researchers, doctors, lawyers, engineers, economists, nurses, health technicians, etc.) and individuals performing managing or technical support functions;

- Middle class, where I have included business, office and administration employees performing functions that do not require higher level education, and small farmers;

- Lower class, which includes industry and agriculture workers.

To get student family budgets and sources of private costs of education, I applied the methodology proposed by Bosworth et al. (1985). The analysis pays attention to the subjectivity of the information, as Orivel (1993) states.

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2. Elitism and the democratisation process of HE in Portugal

Up to the 70’ies, HE system was attended by only a few members of society, mostly belonging to the upper classes (Nunes, 1973). We may observe this in table one, where is presented the educational level of the Portuguese population and the fathers of HE students in the sixties.

The indicator used is the “educational level” because there is no information about social origin of HE students for that decade. Indeed, this kind of information comes up only in latte nineties as a result of the work of some researchers (Cabrito, 1997; CEOS, 1997).

Table 1 – Academic level of Portuguese population and of HE student fathers, in the sixties

Academic level 1- Portuguese population 1960 (*)

2 - HE students fathers 1963/1964 (**)

Rate ½

4 years of school attendance

83.9 35.3 2.38

Higher education attendance

0.9 36.2 0.02

Others 15.2 28.5 0.53Source: (*) INE – National Institute of Statistics.

(**) Vieira, M. (1995) Transformação recente no campo do ensino superior; Análise Social, 30 (131-132), pp. 315-373.

As we may observe from table 1, it is great the difference between the degree of participation in HE of students whose fathers have a 4 years of school attendance and its participation in Portuguese population. The values of the column “Rate” clearly show the lack of equity in Portuguese HE system. In fact, in the sixties, more then one third of HE students come out from the upper class, which represented less then 1% of the Portuguese population.

Being an elite system, the aim of HE and of the educational system in general was to reproduce the dominant class, as an immediate consequence of the no democratic political system itself (Arnove et al., 1992).

However, the democratisation of the political regime in the seventies led to the transformation of Portuguese HE system from an enclave of the elite to one that allow mass access. Actualy, since the democratic revolution that took place in 1974, the educational system has changed a lot, as well as its aims, stressing a more equal society based on democratic ideals (Cabrito, 1999).

Indeed, as a consequence of the revolution, concerning the transformations that the educational system had undergone, is possible to note the development of comprehensive school to all chidren under 16 years old; the increasing number of the

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students enrolled in secondary studies; and, a widening of representation of students from different backgrounds in access to HE.

Concerning HE, we may verify that some differences occurred regarding social origin of the students, throughout the analisys of educational level of HE students and Portuguese population. See table 2:

Table 2 – Academic level of Portuguese population and of HE student fathers, in the nineties

Academic level 1 – Portuguese population 1990 (*)

2 - HE students fathers 1994/1995 (**)

Rate 1/2

4 years of school attendance

61.5 40.2 1.53

Higher education attendance

6.3 26.2 0.24

Others 32.2 33.6 0.96Source: (*) INE – National Institute of Statistics.

(**)Questionnaire applied by the author to a national representative sample of university students in 1995.

The comparison of data included on tables 1 and 2 ilustrates very well the evolution in a democratic way of the backgroung of students enrolled in university.

In spite of this evolution that did take place since the seventies, that is, although it is possible to feel some diffeences in HE system that turns it into a more democratic one since mid seventies, it would be correct to say that truly radical changes in this educational sector, specially as a consequence of the growing numbers of students enrolled, only came about in the late eighties. Indeed, student numbers exploded from 24149 in 1960/1961 to about 400000, in 2000/2001.

Table 3 – Number of students enrolled in higher education (*)

Scholar year Students Scholar year Students1960/61** 24 149 1990/91 186 7801965/66** 33 972 1991/92 218 3171970/71** 49 461 1992/93 242 0821975/76** 70 912 1993/94 270 0221980/81 82 428 1994/95 290 3531986/87 116 291 1995/96 313 7951987/88 124 444 1996/97 334 1251988/89 136 563 1997/98 344 8681989/90 157 869 2000/01 400 000

Source: **Barreto et alii, A Situação Social em Portugal, 1960-1995 Ministry of Education – Higher Education Department(*) Includes all higher education demand (universities and polytechnics)

This growth, witnessing of a true process of massification was accompanied by a raise in the equity rate of this educational sector as we have seen from the

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comparison of the values included on tables 1 and 2. This conclusion takes into consideration that this rate gets higher whenever the social condition of the population attending higher education gets closer to the social condition of the population in general (Papadopoulos, 1994).

The importance assumed by higher education in the Portuguese context leads us to take students into consideration both from public and from private sectors. Actually, State didn’t invest the necessary money to satisfy the social demand of higher education, since mid eighties.

Table 4 - Demand for higher education and answer of public supply (*)

Scholar year

Applicants to public universities (freshmen)

Number of applicants enrolled

Number of applicants not

enroled1986/87 31 973 15 266 167071987/88 31 065 17 184 138811988/89 37 625 19 233 183921989/90 51 779 21 023 307561990/91 58 867 24 446 344211991/92 55 342 27 250 280921992/93 59 166 28 571 305951993/94 58 431 30 476 279551994/95 66 871 31 891 349801995/96 80 576 33 473 471031996/97 68 798 32 873 359251997/98 54 950 35 452 19498

Source: Ministry of Education – Department of Higher Education(*) Includes all higher education demand (universities and polytechnics)

Once public universities didn’t reach to satisfy the demand of education, we assist to an increasing number of students enrolled on private universities, dating from 1986.

Table 5 – Enrollment in higher education (*)

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Scholar year

Apllicants to public universities (freshmen)

Number of applicants enrolled

Public HE

Private HE Total

1986/87 31 973 15 266 6 407 21 6731987/88 31 065 17 184 8 041 25 2251988/89 37 625 19 233 7 946 27 1791989/90 51 779 21 023 15 500 36 5231990/91 58 867 24 446 20 475 44 9211991/92 55 342 27 250 20 701 47 9511992/93 59 166 28 571 23 811 52 3821993/94 58 431 30 476 21 146 51 6221994/95 66 871 31 891 25 007 56 8981995/96 80 576 33 473 29 617 63 0901996/97 68 798 32 873 26 750 59 6231997/98 54 950 35 452 21 614 57 066

Source: Ministry of Education – Department of Higher Education(*) Includes all higher education demand (universities and polytechnics)

Similarly to what is still current in several European countries, in Portugal up to mid eighties higher education had been a service of eminently public nature exclusively supplied by the State.

However, as it is happening in most European countries, in the present context of budget constraint (Weiler, 1999) we have been facing a competition for the funds available among the range of the State social functions (Farchy et al., 1994; Ray et al., 1988).

In this way, in Portugal, by political reasons related to the need to reduce public expenditure and simultaneously respond to the requirements of social demand for higher education, this has not been accompanied by a corresponding supply from public universities.

To compensate the deficit in public investment in the higher education sector, the Portuguese government extended this level of education to private capital in 1986 and at the same time raised public university matriculation fees in a significant way. Henceforth, yearly average growth rate of the private sector has doubled that of public higher education in the last decades (Cabrito, 2001), thus sheltering the students who although having difficulty in acceding public higher education have financial capacity enough to attend private universities. In consequence, social injustice increases, once it is easier for rich students enter at the university, even if they fail to have good marks in examinations, because they have the money needed to pay high fees at private universities.

So, in Portugal, higher education has been accompanying recent evolution, tending to be universal, of privatisation of some public services, namely the educational ones (Whitty et al., 1998). In that way, a situation close to that of the

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quasi-markets (Le Grand, 1990; Le Grand et al., 1993) is being established, which brings up some unfair situations (Cabrito, 2002a).

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3. The equity degree of Portuguese HE

As with most western european countries (Williams, 1996; Neave, 1996), the present Portuguese HE system can be said to be characterised by a massive demand on the part of students from both wealthy and less wealthy classes. However, this is not to say that equity in access and equal representation of students from differents social backgrounds has been achieved. That it is in fact far from being the case.

By the comparison of the social composition of the Portuguese population and that of the social background of HE students, it would be possible to argue that the Portuguese HE system is still marked by elitism, despite the recent tendency towards democratisation. See table 6:

Table 6– Social composition of Portuguese population and of HE studentes, in 1995 (%)

Class 1 – Portuguese Population (*)

2 – HE Students (**)

Rate 2/1

Upper class 9.9 17.6 1.78Upper middle class 12.2 30.9 2.53

Middle class 39.9 39.0 0.98Lower class 38.0 12.5 0.33

Source: (*) Calculated by the author from statistics available from the Ministry of Labour – Department of Statistics(**) Cabrito, B. (2001). “Higher Education and Equity in Portugal”. Tertiary Education and Management 7: 23-39.

As we may see, the rate between the participation of each class both in Portuguese population and HE students is very different, being greater concerning the Upper and Upper middle classes. On the contrary, lower class, the working class, which is almost 38% Portuguese population is underrepresented on HE, once its students are no more tnen 12,5% of the total of students enrolled on HE.

Paying attention to the fact that, nowadays, university studies are provided by the State and by private investors, what happens in both public and private universities has been investigated. Considering that the important process of privatisation of HE has happening since the mid 80s, and considering that the private universities are very expensive, while public ones are almost free, the student social composition of both HE subsystems has been investigated and compared with equivalent values in the Portuguese population. See table 7:

Table 7 - Social composition of Portuguese population and HE students, public and private sectors (%)

Class Portuguese Public HE Private HE HE students

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populationUpper class 9.9 14.4 26.4 17.6

Upper middle class

12.2 32.2 27.2 30.9

Middle class 39.9 39.6 37.1 39.0Lower class 38.0 13.8 9.3 12.5

Source: Questionnaire applied by the author to a national representative sample of university students in 1995.

As we might expect, considering that fees to attend universities in private education are much bigger than in public education, in the private sector is more visible the week degree of higher education system. If the analysis of table 7 allows us to conclude that Portuguese higher education system remains an elite system, once higher education students don’t represent in a proportional rate the Portuguese population, the figures show us that this characteristic is more evident on private universities. So, especially the students coming from upper and middle upper classes, that is, the more wealthy students, attend private universities. In fact, the monthly average budget of students’ families, per capita, is very different according they are enrolled on public or private universities, as we may see on table 8:

Table 8 – Monthly average budget of students’ families, per capita, in Euro

All students Public HE Private HE371 344 456

Source: Cabrito, B. (2001). “Higher Education and Equity in Portugal”. Tertiary Education and Management 7: 23-39.

This fact was the expected one, once the fees to attend private universities are very high – six to ten times more than the fees that students must pay to attend public universities. The difference we observe between students according the nature of the institution where they are enrolled witnesses a very unfair situation, once the access conditions to public and private universities are very different.

This situation increases the injustice of Portuguese higher education system once it is not a universal one supplied just by the State and free of charge. In fact, poor students must try to enrol themselves in public universities, because it is not expensive to attend them. However, given the access conditions, some of these students don’t enter in public universities and they have no money to enrol in private ones, where conditions of access are softer.

On the contrary, rich students may enter in private universities, even if they are worse students that those coming from lower classes and that didn’t reach to enter in public universities, because they have the money necessary for admittance.

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4. Students expectations

4.1. The value of a higher education diploma

One of the most generalised ideas is that more years of schooling imply better jobs, more productivity and better earnings. Since the formulation of human capital theory (Becker, 1964; Schultz, 1961) this idea emerges in any discourse of economists and politics who try to explain the economic growing of the western countries after Great War II (Nóvoa, 1998).

The generalisation of these ideas in occidental thought had functioned as a cause and as a consequence of the social demand of education from the 50ies (Papadopoulos, 1994), in spite of some critical analysis to this relationship coming from institutional (for example, Doeringer et al., 1971; Spence, 1973; etc.) and radical economists (for example, Carnoy,1996; Levin, 1995; Bowles & Gintis, 1974; etc.).

According to this, I’ve tried to understand how do higher education students perspective in Portugal the importance of higher education. In order to do so, I’ve questioned them about their expectations after getting the degree, namely how much they think that they are going to earn more, as a consequence of higher education studies.

Table 9 informs us about earning expectations according the type of the university.

Table 9 - Earnings expected by teaching degree, in EuroAll students Public HE Private HE

High school (1) 437.0 429.0 460.5HE (2) 690.5 674.5 737.5

Value of HE diploma = (2)/(1)x100-100

58.0 57.2 60.2

Source: Questionnaire applied by the author to a national representative sample of university students in 1995.

As we may see through the analysis of table 9, higher education degree represents for all students the way to earn more. For them, in general, this degree values more 58.0% than high school degree (which is the necessary studies to enter in the university).

However, the students from private universities did present bigger expectations. This fact will be a natural consequence of the investment they done, which is bigger than what students of public institutions do to get the diploma. This situation can be transformed, in the future, in a factor of social injustice between those coming from one or the other type of university, because the association that can be done between private education and social origin, specially in countries, such as

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Portugal, where liberal politics are being developed (Cabrito, 2002b). We must notice, otherwise, that in spite of this possibility, the university diploma may be an instrument for poorest people to ascend at work and society and, as a consequence, to diminish social differences.

Finally, table 10 presents the value of higher education degree by the social origin of the students:

Table 10 - Earnings expected by degree and social origin, in EuroUpper class

Middle upper class

Middle class

Lower class

High school(1) 485.0 446.5 422.5 413.0HE degree (2) 707.0 695.5 705.0 650.5

Value of HE degree = (2)/(1)x100-100

45.8 55.8 66.9 57.5

Source: Questionnaire applied by the author to a national representative sample of university students, in 1995 and Cabrito, B. (2001). “Higher Education and Equity in Portugal”. Tertiary Education and Management 7: 23-39.

Table 10 shows us that, as we might expect, the wealthy classes state that they will go earn more than the others. This expectation seems to be natural according to the economic and cultural capital they own (Bourdieu et al., 1964). Although, the value of higher education degree is bigger for the poorest classes fact that we may expect considering that education may be the instrument for ascending in society.

4.2 Private funding of education and loans profit

According to OCDE (1998), the main funding source of education is student families. I have tried to understand how the things are, concerning Portuguese students. Let’s observe table 11:

Table 11 – Student sources for funding education costsSources Public HE Private HE All students

Number % Number % Number %Work 133 8.8 34 6.5 167 8.2

Family 957 63.6 441 84.6 1398 69.1Grant 41 2.7 1 0.2 42 2.1Others 22 1.5 3 0.6 25 1.2

Work+family 51 3.4 35 6.7 86 4.2Work+grant 8 0.5 1 0.2 9 0.4

Family+grant 293 19.5 6 1.2 299 14.8All students 1505 100.0 521 100.0 2026 100.0

Source: Questionnaire applied by the author to a national representative sample of university students, in 1995.

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From the analysis of data inserted on table 11, it is possible to say that the main source for the funding of education costs is student families, independently they are enrolled in a public or a private university. Nevertheless, the more expressive percentage about family help happens with students from private universities. On the contrary, the students from public universities got more money from the work and scholarships (Cabrito, 2002a). The situation displayed reflects, in some sense, the lack of equity that characterise Portuguese HE system: people from public universities, which are, in average, poorer then students from private universities, must get a work to finance its studies in a more percentage.

In Portugal, as well as in most part of countries, it is the students coming from richer families those who get more subsided loans, because poor students have afraid of their future (Barr, 1989; Woodhall,1991). So, one instrument that must be serving poor students is, finally, helping those then need less. Table 12 reveals social class behaviour face the debt.

Table 12 – Reasons why student doesn’t profit loans

Reasons ClassesNever needed Upper and upper middle classes

Afraid of the future Middle and lower classesSource: Questionnaire applied by the author to a national representative sample of university students, in 1995 and Cabrito, B. (2002) O Financiamento do Ensino Superior. Lisboa: EDUCA.

On the other hand, table 13 shows the numbers concerning the students interviewed.

Table 13 – Social origin from students that had profited subsided loans

Class %Upper and upper middle classes 67.9

Middle and lower classes 32.1Total 100.0

Source: Questionnaire applied by the author to a national representative sample of university students, in 1995 and Cabrito, B. (2002) O Financiamento do Ensino Superior. Lisboa: EDUCA..

The students from richer classes are those who profit more of subsided loans, raising up another situation of social injustice.

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Final remarks

The above analysis shows that the Portuguese higher education system still lacks some equity and social justice. This is more notorious in private universities, where more students coming from the more prestigious social classes.

In order to stress towards a more democratic society, poor people must be given the opportunity to participate on this educational level. For this, State must help these students through scholarships and free studies and must implement an income loan policy that incites poor people to ask for a loan without afraid of the future.

However, in a democratic society, people must be treated in the same way in everyday and occasion. So, the State must implement some measures to create greater equity in the higher education system, independently of being a public or a private university or a student coming from upper or lower classes, although the need of a positive discrimination must be undertaken for the latter.

In order to get this, that is, to increase the equity degree of the higher education system, State must increase social justice on taxation system and must promote educational policies that allow everybody to attend university studies.

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References

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