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47 Paul Boersma
[0] [260] [470] [740] [1000]
*CATEG (470), *CATEG (740)*CATEG (260)
*CATEG (280, 510, 590, ...)
PERCEIVE
Acoustic inputfac
Perceptionfperc/0/-/140/ /260/ /470/ /605/ /740/ /860/-/1000/
Constraintranking
Fig. 6.2 Categorization along a one-dimensional continuum, if the *C ATEG constraints for the poor
categories are ranked rather low.
being correct; other, lower-ranked, candidates have lower probabilities, and a global
optimization algorithm will find the best time path through the candidates.
6.5 Special case: weak categories
If the *CATEG constraints of the poor categories are ranked low enough, they can interactwith *WARP constraints. In this case, highly distorted categorizations will not take place.
Instead, inputs that are far away from the centre of the equivalence class of a strong
category, will be recognized into one of the poor categories:
[590] PERC *W(400) *W(110) *C(280)*C(510)*C(590)
*W(100) *C(260) *C(470)*C(740)
*W(30)
/260/ *! * * *
/470/ *! * * *
+ /590/ *
/740/ *! * * *
nothing *!
(6.12)
Figure 6.2 shows the classification of any input between [0] and [1000] in the case of low
poor-category constraints.
The Elements of Functional Phonology 48
[0] [260] [470] [740] [1000]
*CATEG (470), *CATEG (740)*CATEG (260)
*CATEG (280, 510, 590, ...)
PERCEIVE
Acoustic inputfac
Perceptionfperc/-/ /260/ /470/ /-/ /740/ /-/
Constraintranking
Fig. 6.3 Categorization along a one-dimensional continuum, if the P ERCEIVE constraint is ranked
low. Non-recognition is denoted as /-/.
6.6 Special case: unparsed features
If the PERCEIVE constraint is ranked low, it is allowed to interact with the *W ARP
constraints. In this case, highly distorted categorizations will not take place; instead,
inputs that are far away from the centre of the equivalence class will not be recognized(/-/ stands for not recognized):
[590] *W(400) *C(280)*C(510)*C(590)
*W(110) PERC *W(100) *C(260) *C(470)*C(740)
*W(30)
/260/ *! * * *
/470/ *! * * *
/590/ *!
/740/ *! * * *
+ /-/ *
(6.13)
Figure 6.3 shows the classification of any input between [0] and [1000] in the case of a
low PERCEIVE constraint.
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121 Paul Boersma
PARSE (+nas C / _V)
The Elements of Functional Phonology 122
The functional view of the phonologization of functional constraints
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PARSE (nas C / _V)PARSE (+nas C / _C)
PARSE (nas C / _C)(11.31)
The presence of C in the argument of PARSE makes this an explicitly segmental
formulation, a shorthand for PARSEPATH (nasal & root) or PARSEPATH (nasal & timing),
though it could be replaced with a formulation involving higher prosodic units (by
replacing C with or , for instance).According to the local-ranking principle, all rankings not shown with straight lines in
(11.31) are free. Sanskrit makes the following choice:
PARSE (+nas C / _V)
PARSE (nas C / _V)PARSE (+nas C / _C)
PARSE (nas C / _C)
*SYNC (velum)
(11.32)
The relevant articulatory constraint is not from the *GESTURE family, but from the
*SYNC family, and militates against a velar movement inside a CC cluster.
We expect the following typology:
(a) Nothing assimilates (most languages).(b) Plosives assimilate to a following nasal (Sanskrit).
(c) Coda consonants assimilate their nasality to the following [nas] consonant(spreading of [nas] is found in the North-Germanic sound change/Nk//k/).
(d) Plosives assimilate to a nasal on either side. (11.33)
There are only four (not six) possibilities, because (c) and (d) both already satisfy *S YNC
(velum). Note that none of the four violates F ILL (+nas).
The typology (11.33) is equivalent to the following set of independent implicational
universals for nasal spreading within consonant clusters:
(a) If [nas] spreads, so does [+nas].
(b) If [+nas] spreads rightward, it also spreads leftward. (11.34)
11.14 Conclusion
Starting from a typological interpretation of the local-ranking principle, we derived a
successful strategy for simplification of the grammar:
From all the grammars allowed by the local-ranking principle, languages
tend to choose a grammar in which many constraints can be generalized
over their arguments or environments. (11.35)
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129 Paul Boersma
The constraints OCP (place: dor; side | [s] | burst) and NCC (place: dor; side | _ | burst)are probably ranked quite low. We also see that the NCC constraint in this tableau is
The Elements of Functional Phonology 130
The OCP-based account described here manages the data of Limburgian and English well
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are probably ranked quite low. We also see that the NCC constraint in this tableau is
superfluous: the branching [dor] would be ruled out because it violates PARSE (dor). Note
that association lines cross in the fourth candidate, for there is a single perceptual place
tier.
Consider now the English past tenses/hEd-Id/ headed versus/kQn-d/ canned.Epenthesis is forced only between homorganic plosives:
cor cor
d d+
OCP (place: dor;trans | _ | burst)
PARSE (cor) FILL () OCP (place: dor;side | _ | burst)
cor cor
d d *!
cor
d d
*!
+
cor cor
d dI
*
cor
d dI
*! *
(12.15)
Between a nasal and a plosive, no epenthesis occurs:
cor cor
n d+
OCP (place: dor;trans | _ | burst)
PARSE (cor) FILL () OCP (place: dor;side | _ | burst)
+
cor cor
n d
cor
n d
*! *
cor cor
n dI
*!
cor
n dI
*! *
(12.16)
and does the typological prediction that if heteromorphemic homorganic nasal-plosive
clusters undergo epenthesis, then plosive-plosive clusters undergo epenthesis as well.
But there is still a problem. There seems to be a segmental intuition that theperceptual loss of identity of the first/d/ in/d+d//d/ is greater than the loss ofidentity of/n/ in/n+d//nd/. It would be nice if we could express this intuition witha variation in the ranking of a faithfulness constraint, instead of burdening the listener
with a dual-coronal representation of/nd/.We can respect the perceptual OCP (place) in/nd/ if we notice that no identity is lost
on the combined place and nasal tiers. We can rewrite (12.5) as
a m p a a m p anask
labi
plosl
labj
nask
labj
plosl+
m mn n
(12.17)
On the combined labial-nasal tiers, correspondence is between feature combinations, not
between the separate features: it is (nas lab)m, not (nasklabi), and the former is preserved
in the output, though PARSE (lab) is still violated. With a homogeneous unviolated OCP,
violations, (12.16) becomes:
cor cor
n d
+OCP (place: dor) PARSE
(nas & cor)FILL()
PARSE(cor)
cor cor
n d
*!
+
cor
n d
*
cor cor
n dI
*!
cor
n dI*! *
(12.18)
The analogue of (12.17) for plosive-plosive clusters is:
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