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Annual Review of Applied Linguistics (2011), 31, 182–204.

© Cambridge University Press, 2011, 0267-1905/11 $16.00doi: 10.1017/S0267190511000092

Content-and-Language Integrated Learning: FromPractice to Principles?

Christiane Dalton-Puffer

This article surveys recent work on content-and-language integrated learning

(CLIL). Related to both content-based instruction and immersion education byvirtue of its dual focus on language and content, CLIL is here understood as aneducational model for contexts where the classroom provides the only site forlearners’ interaction in the target language. That is, CLIL is about either foreignlanguages or lingua francas. The discussion foregrounds a prototypical CLILcontext (Europe) but also refers to work done elsewhere. The first part of thediscussion focuses on policy issues, describing how CLIL practice operates ina tension between grassroots decisions and higher order policymaking, an areawhere European multi- and plurilingual policies and the strong impact of Englishas a lingua franca play a particularly interesting role. The latter is, of course,of definite relevance also in other parts of the world. The second part of the

article synthesizes research on learning outcomes in CLIL. Here, the absence ofstandardized content testing means that the main focus is on language-learningoutcomes. The third section deals with classroom-based CLIL research andparticipants’ use of their language resources for learning and teaching, includ-ing such diverse perspectives as discourse pragmatics, speech acts, academiclanguage functions, and genre. The final part of the article discusses theoreticalunderpinnings of CLIL, delineating their current state of elaboration as appliedlinguistic research in the area is gaining momentum.

Forms of instruction that combine content teaching and language teaching arenot a new topic in the Annual Review of Applied Linguistics (see Crandall, 1992;Snow, 1998; Spanos, 1989; Stoller, 2004). Viewing these reports as a series, onenotes a development from case reports and program descriptions to more gen-eral research questions, more classroom-based research, and an increasinglyinternational perspective. This article will further develop this internationalperspective with a specific but not exclusive focus on content-and-language

integrated learning (CLIL) research conducted in Europe over the last 5 or6 years. Evidence for the global interest in CLIL can be gleaned from the

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CONTENT AND LANGUAGE INTEGRATED LEARNING – FROM PRACTICE TO PRINCIPLES? 183

numerous activities in this area: the establishment of an Association Interna- tionale de Linguistique Appliqu´ ee research network on CLIL and immersion class-rooms for the 2006–2011 period (www.ichm.org/clil/), a symposium at American Association of Applied Linguistics conference 2010 organized by Roy Lyster, the

recent foundation of an association for CLIL at tertiary level (ICLHE—IntegratingContent and Language in Higher Education; www.iclhe.org), a biennial series ofCLIL conferences in Europe since 2004 (e.g., www.clilconsortium.jyu.fi/), thefoundation of the Latin American Journal of Content & Language Integrated Learn- ing, a new series of conferences in Latin America (www.clilsymposium.org), andmany more.

CLIL: CHARACTERISTICS AND CONTRASTS

Widely advertised as a “dual-focused approach” that gives equal attention tolanguage and content (e.g., Mehisto, Marsh, & Frigols, 2008, p. 9), CLIL canbe described as an educational approach where curricular content is taughtthrough the medium of a foreign language, typically to students participating insome form of mainstream education at the primary, secondary, or tertiary level.

Although the first “L” in CLIL is meant to stand for any language, it wouldbe an extreme case of denial to claim that this is also the case in reality. CLILlanguages tend to be recruited from a small group of prestigious languages,and outside the English-speaking countries, the prevalence of English as CLILmedium is overwhelming (see Eurydice Network, 2006; Ferńandez et al., 2008;Lim & Low, 2009). Therefore, most of the time in this article, CLIL effectivelymeans CEIL, or content-and-English integrated learning.

Without a doubt, there are many characteristics that CLIL shares with othertypes of bilingual education, such as content-based instruction (CBI) and im-mersion education, which have been widely adopted in North American con-texts (Brinton, Snow, & Wesche 1989/2008; Johnson & Swain, 1997; Lyster, 2007;Stoller, 2004). In fact, whether a concrete program is referred to as immersion orCLIL often depends as much on its cultural and political frame of reference as onthe actual characteristics of the program. The following points exemplify whatappears to be typical of CLIL programs in Europe, South America, and manyparts of Asia (see also Lasagabaster & Sierra, 2009):

• CLIL is about using a foreign language or a lingua franca, not a secondlanguage (L2). That is, the language of instruction is one that studentswill mainly encounter in the classroom, given that it is not regularly usedin the wider society they live in.

• The dominant CLIL language is English, reflecting the fact that a com-mand of English as an additional language is increasingly regarded as akey literacy feature worldwide.

• CLIL also implies that teachers will normally be nonnative speakers ofthe target language. They are not, in most cases, foreign language ex-

perts, but instead content experts, because “classroom content is not somuch taken from everyday life or the general content of the target


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184 CHRISTIANE DALTON-PUFFER

language culture but rather from content subjects, from academic/scientific disciplines or from the professions” (Wolff, 2007, pp. 15–16).

• This means that CLIL lessons are usually timetabled as content lessons(e.g., biology, music, geography, mechanical engineering), while the tar-

get language normally continues as a subject in its own right in the shapeof foreign language lessons taught by language specialists.• In CLIL programs typically less than 50% of the curriculum is taught in

the target language.• Furthermore, CLIL is usually implemented once learners have already

acquired literacy skills in their first language (L1), which is more oftenat the secondary than the primary level.

In short, CLIL could be interpreted as a foreign language enrichment measurepackaged into content teaching.

LANGUAGE POLICY ISSUES

The global spread of CLIL, the pace of which “has surprised even its most ardentadvocates” (Maljers, Marsh, & Wolff, 2007, p. 7) suggests looking into languagepolicy in order to understand the driving forces behind it. As it happens, arecent conceptual reorientation in the study of language policy, expanding theview beyond deliberate central planning toward language practices and beliefs(Shohamy, 2006; Spolsky, 2004), provides an excellent foil for this undertaking.In most places, the implementation of CLIL has been fuelled from two direc-tions: high-level policymaking and grass-roots actions, with the latter dovetailingparental and teacher choices. What we see above all is individuals reacting towhat they rightly perceive as major shifts in society and economic life, with bothbecoming increasingly international, requiring ever better educated employeeswho know certain languages that are considered crucial in the job market (e.g.,Ferguson, 2006). Parents believe that CLIL promises their children an edge in thecompetition for employment (Li, 2002), and teachers often take the initiative,adapting their language practices to teaching through the medium of English(e.g., Dalton-Puffer, Hüttner, Jexenflicker, Schindelegger, & Smit, 2008; Maljers

et al. 2007). On the other end of the spectrum, high-level political agents, someof them supra-national, also began to recognize these advantages and have de-signed their language management activities accordingly. In the following I willmainly use Europe as a showcase, but analogous processes can be observedin Latin American and Chinese contexts, among others (e.g., Latin American Journal of Content and Language Integrated Learning ; Li, 2002; Lim & Low, 2009;McDougald, 2009; Tollefson & Tsui, 2004; Tsui & Tollefson, 2007).

On the level of European language policy, CLIL has been featured in a seriesof declarations (European Commission, 1995, 2003, 2008) and has even beeninvested with “a major contribution to make to the Union’s language learning

goals” (European Commission, 2003, p. 8). These language-learning goals aimat creating multilingual citizens, which is not surprising given the extent of


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linguistic diversity of the European Union with its 23 official languages spokenby populations exhibiting a mostly monolingual habitus.

The European Union actively encourages its citizens to learn other Euro-

pean languages, both for reasons of professional and personal mobilitywithin its single market, and as a force for cross-cultural contacts andmutual understanding. . . . The ability to understand and communicatein more than one language . . . is a desirable life-skill for all Europeancitizens. Learning and speaking other languages . . . improves cognitiveskills and strengthens learners’ mother tongue skills; it enables us totake advantage of the freedom to work or study in another MemberState. (“A Guide to Languages in the European Union,” 2008)

Despite CLIL being cast in the role of an important language enrich-

ment measure, precise learning goals and objectives are largely missing.Although a series of transnational expert groups has translated the high-level claims into conceptualizations, curricular guidelines, and model materi-als (e.g., www.clilcompendium.com, www.ccn-clil.eu, www.clilconsortium.jyu.fi,http://archive.ecml.at/mtp2/CLILmatrix/), few of the 27 national education sys-tems have actually responded with substantial investments into CLIL implemen-tation, teacher education, and research, leaving the impetus to the grassrootsstakeholders (see Eurydice Network, 2006). Spain and the Netherlands are ex-ceptions in this respect: in Spain, numerous research and development projectsare being conducted (Eurydice Network, 2006; e.g., Escobar Urmeneta, 2010;Fernández Fontecha, 2009; Lasagabaster & Ruiz de Zarobe, 2010; Lorenzo, Casal,& Moore, 2005). In the Netherlands, a national accreditation system for CLILschools has established explicit quality parameters and a supply of teacher andschool development measures (www.europeesplatform.nl).

The situation in Asia is somewhat different because habitually mono-lingual populations and states are complemented by “riotously multilin-gual countries” (Bruthiaux, 2009, p. 124), while at the same time thereseems generally little political pressure to deny the special role of En-glish in the concert of languages in the 21st century. Association of South-east Asian Nations, for instance, proclaimed English as its working lan-guage without much perceptible debate, a decision unthinkable in the Eu-

ropean Union. Language and education policies in Latin America are differ-ent again, but reports on CLIL-related issues have only recently started tobecome accessible (e.g., Fernández et al., 2008; McDougald, 2009; Pistorio,2009).

What appears to be shared by stakeholders across continents and circum-stances is (a) the belief in the benefits of equipping every citizen with aknowledge of English and (b) the belief that CLIL is the way to transcendthe perceived weaknesses of traditional foreign language teaching. Researchis therefore called upon to verify in how far CLIL can fulfill these and otherexpectations (e.g., regarding the cognitive advantages mentioned in the policy

quotation mentioned earlier), and I will return to these issues in the followingsections.


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LEARNING OUTCOMES

Considering that CLIL has even been cast in the role of “a catalyst for change inlanguage education” (Marsh & Frigols, 2007, p. 33), it is not surprising that most

of the research on outcomes is in the area of attainment in the CLIL language. Inthis regard it is important to note that the standard of comparison in such studiesare not native speakers of the medium of instruction, but learners studying thetarget language in traditional foreign language classes, often attending the sameschool as the CLIL students and usually referred to as mainstream or non-CLILstudents.

Given the fact that CLIL students nearly always continue with their regularforeign language program alongside their CLIL content lessons and thus have atime advantage over their peers, it is to be expected that their foreign languagetest scores surpass those of the mainstream learners. This expectation is clearlyconfirmed by recently published surveys (Admiraal, Westhoff, & de Bot, 2006;Lasagabaster, 2008; Lorenzo et al., 2005; Ruiz de Zarobe, 2008, 2010; Zydatiß,2007), which deal with respondents of varying ages (approximately 10–16 years).Even so, the question of how much and in what respect CLIL students are betterremains of interest, as does the question of why.

Studies concur that CLIL students’ receptive and productive lexicon is largeroverall, contains more words from lower frequency bands, has a wider stylis-tic range, and is used more appropriately (e.g., Jexenflicker & Dalton-Puffer,2010; Lo & Murphy, 2010; Ruiz de Zarobe, 2010; Zydatiß, 2007), with statisticalcomparisons uniformly showing large effect sizes of CLIL instruction. A simpleexplanation that would see CLIL as the sole cause of this is, however, under-cut by other research results. The longitudinal study ( N = 1,305) by Admiraalet al. (2006) showed CLIL students to already have better entry-level receptivevocabulary scores (see also Lo & Murphy, 2010), an advantage that remainedstable across 4 years rather than increasing. One might have expected a fastergrowth rate for CLIL students, as has indeed been found by Lo and Murphy(2010) for their Hong Kong immersion learners. These authors also argued thatthe specific advantage of CLIL learners seemed to lie in academic vocabulary andwords from the 5,000+ frequency range, attributing this to the special learningconditions of subject and content integration (see also Zydatiß, 2007). A furtherperspective on possible causalities was added by Sylv ́en’s results from Sweden

(2004; N = 363), showing that out-of-school reading behavior correlated morestrongly with vocabulary scores than being in a CLIL class.

The skill that has recently received increased attention is writing, not leastbecause the comparisons between CLIL and non-CLIL learners are more con-founded in this area than in the other competence areas. Several studies com-paring CLIL and non-CLIL writing (e.g., Jexenflicker & Dalton-Puffer, 2010; Ruizde Zarobe, 2010) concur in finding that CLIL students had at their disposal awider range not only of lexical but also morphosyntactic resources, which theydeployed in more elaborate and more complex structures. What was not to beassumed outright given the focus on meaning (and not form) in CLIL classrooms

is the fact that CLIL students also show a higher degree of accuracy, not only ininflectional affixation and tense use but also in spelling. The greater pragmatic


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awareness of CLIL students was shown in their better fulfillment of the commu-nicative intentions of writing tasks. There were, however, dimensions of writingon which CLIL experience seemed to have little or no effect. These were thedimensions that reach beyond the sentence level (i.e., cohesion and coherence,

discourse structuring, paragraphing, register awareness, genre, and style). Withregard to the latter, significant insights have also been gained by comparingCLIL students’ L2 writing with their subject writing in the L1 (Coetzee-Lachmann,2009; Järvinen, 2010; Llinares & Whittaker, 2010; Lorenzo & Moore, 2010; Vollmer,Heine, Troschke, Coetzee, & Küttel, 2006), which, perhaps surprisingly, has notbeen found to necessarily surpass CLIL-L2 writing in these respects. Interestingpractical as well as theoretical implications arise from this: Might we be justifiedin postulating some kind of general level of writing development that has animpact on how learners deal with a writing task independently of whether it isin their L1 or in L2? This is an issue that needs to be developed further with

reference to current discussions on pluriliteracies (e.g., Prinsloo & Baynham,2008).1

A note on morphosyntax should be added at this point: Although some studiesshowed that CLIL students outperformed their peers in some morphosyntac-tic components, such as sentence complexity, affixal inflection (Dalton-Puffer,2007b, p. 281), or the use of placeholders, other properties, notably the useof null subjects, negation, and suppletive forms, seemed to remain unaffected(Mart́ınez Adrián & Gutiérrez Mangado, 2009; Villarreal & Garćıa Mayo, 2009).Given the high variability of foreign language exposure between different CLILprograms, the critical amount of CLIL necessary to produce the automatizationof low-level morphosyntactic processes remains an open question.

Finally, the area where a difference between CLIL students and mainstreamlearners is most noticeable is their spontaneous oral production. All the quanti-tative surveys so far (Admiraal et al., 2006; Lasagabaster, 2008; Ruiz de Zarobe,2008; Zydatiß, 2007) show CLIL students to be ahead on all dimensions of theirrespective speaking constructs, a result that was underscored by self-reports ob-tained in student interviews where learners consistently mentioned greater flu-ency and speaking confidence (Dalton-Puffer et al., 2008). A range of studies (e.g.,Hüttner & Rieder-Bünemann, 2010; Maillat, 2010; Mewald, 2007; Moore, 2009)concur in ascribing CLIL students greater flexibility and listener-orientedness,and they also appeared more self-assured in conveying their intended meanings

in the L2 even if they momentarily lacked linguistic resources (see also Nikula,2008). CLIL students also demonstrated more adeptness at dealing with the re-quirements of spontaneous conversational interaction and were more adept atimplementing macro-level structuring devices as well as micro-level features likemaintaining tense consistency in narratives. Regarding the phonetic component,however, the effects of CLIL instruction seem to be altogether more moderate(Admiraal et al., 2006; Gallardo del Puerto, Garćıa Lecumberri, & Gómez Lacabex,2009). Overall the evidence is robust enough to warrant the verdict that CLILdefinitely fosters spontaneous L2 speaking skills, with pronunciation being theleast affected of the speaking dimensions.

Observations from several studies cited earlier feed into a pool of evidencesuggesting that CLIL students are particularly strong in strategic competence,


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data (Airey, 2009; Airey & Linder, 2006) also showed that some students haveproblems describing science concepts in English. Problems with the linguisticexpression of academic concepts are also reported by Walker (2010) for late-immersion secondary students in Hong Kong.3 In Europe, there is an incipient

debate that CLIL might have adverse effects on advanced L1 academic languageproficiency, but no research on this is available at the moment.Positioned between these opposing views, three studies report neither a pos-

itive nor a negative effect of CLIL regarding content learning. Admiraal et al.’s(2006) quantitative survey in the Netherlands showed CLIL students’ perfor-mance in L1 university entrance exams in history and geography to be neitherbetter nor worse than their peers’. However, Admiraal et al. warned againsthasty overgeneralization because of the pioneer effect of bilingual educationin the Netherlands at the time of data collection, implying that particularlymotivated students and teachers might have dealt exceptionally well with a

difficult challenge. Jäppinen (2005) compared three age groups of Finnish CLILand non-CLIL mathematics learners ( N = 669), finding weak negative effects forthe youngest age group (7–9), slightly positive effects in the middle group (10–12), and zero effects for the older learners (13–15). In Switzerland, Badertscherand Bieri (2009) conducted a qualitative longitudinal study of six fourth- to sixth-grade classes, combining oral subject-knowledge interviews with classroom ob-servation. The study is theoretically and methodologically interesting because,due to the unavailability of standardized subject tests, the authors developeda discourse-based operationalization of the learners’ conceptual declarativeknowledge. In addition, it is one of the very few studies examining a contextwhere languages other than English are used as CLIL languages (in this case,German and French). Summarizing their results, Badertscher and Bieri foundthat CLIL had neither positive nor negative effects on the students’ performancein the subject-knowledge interviews. I concur with their opinion that the intrigu-ing question regarding content outcomes is really this: How it is possible thatlearners can produce equally good results even if they studied the content in animperfectly known language? The classroom and its pedagogical and linguisticpractices should hold some answers.

CLASSROOM INTERACTION AND PEDAGOGICAL PRACTICE

CLIL instruction has at times been constructed as a kind of catalyst for change inclassroom pedagogies, implying that it somehow causes a shift from (traditional)teacher-centered practices to (more innovative) student-centered learning ar-rangements. In Duff’s study of Hungarian bilingual schools in the early 1990s,the appearance of new classroom genres was indeed empirically supported(e.g., Duff, 1995); however, such an effect is by no means guaranteed. In compar-ative classroom observations Badertscher and Bieri (2009) found no differencein overall lesson design between their Swiss CLIL and non-CLIL content class-rooms, an observation that can also be made on the basis of Dalton-Puffer’s

Austrian data (2007b). Furthermore, there is evidence that even suggests in-creased teacher orientation in CLIL teaching because CLIL teachers’ limited


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L2 competence may prompt them to adhere very closely to their preparation(Dalton-Puffer et al., 2008). In the 40 Austrian CLIL lessons studied by Dalton-Puffer (2007b) this resulted in whole-class discussions narrowly kept on track.In a case study of one Finnish biology teacher, Nikula (2010) examined the differ-

ences in that teacher’s interactional behavior during biology lessons conductedin L1-Finnish and L2-English. Her findings indicate that the teacher’s languageuse in the CLIL lessons was pragmatically less varied and less subtle, a factthat was echoed in CLIL teacher interviews in terms of “being largely divestedof the possibility to use humor” (Dalton-Puffer et al., 2008). On the other hand,Nikula noted that in the CLIL lessons the students had “more room for activeengagement in classroom discourse than non-CLIL settings” (2010, p. 120), sug-gesting that the CLIL teachers’ status as L2 users of English puts them on a moreequal footing with the students, allowing the learners to claim a larger shareof the discourse space (the same observation was made by Smit [2010] for

tertiary learners). An additional dimension of the concept of discourse spaceis theorized by Maillat (2010), who observed that Swiss secondary studentsquite unexpectedly produced richer interactions in history and biology roleplays conducted in L2 than those in L1. Maillat claimed that this is due to amask effect inherent in the L2, as it allows a clear distinction between speakerand learner identities so that “the epistemic commitment of the speaker to thevalidity of her statements is reduced” (p. 51) because the learner’s own personalbeliefs are not engaged. Maillat explained that this pragmatic mask effect is un-available in the language classroom given that the L2 functions as the focal pointof learning. In sum, these studies show that CLIL classrooms differ from foreignlanguage classrooms in some fundamental pragmatic parameters, which is ofsome importance in explaining the reduced foreign-language-speaking anxietythat is commonly observed in CLIL students (e.g., Dalton-Puffer et al., 2008;Maillat, 2010; Nikula, 2007) as caused by something beyond the mere lack oferror correction (see later in this article about error correction).

A pragmatic stance has also been used to investigate the realization of speechacts in CLIL lessons, notably directives, due to their special frequency in class-room interaction (Dalton-Puffer, 2007b; Dalton-Puffer & Nikula, 2006; Moore,2007). Findings show the impact of the situational context classroom in termsof a clear division between the instructional and regulative registers4 with re-gard to norms of directness and indirectness: Given that questions for content

are part of the core purpose of school lessons, directness is licensed in theinstructional register in teacher–student and student–student interactions. Inthe regulative register, on the other hand, a stronger impact of the local ma-trix cultures emerges: A comparison of CLIL lessons from Finnish and AustrianGerman contexts (Dalton-Puffer & Nikula, 2006) showed an obvious differencein politeness forms (and presumably norms), with the Austrian classrooms ex-hibiting considerable amounts of indirectness features in teacher requests foractions (rather than for content information), whereas the Finnish requestswere more direct overall. But even in a context like the Austrian one, where thestudents were exposed to numerous linguistic models for making polite requests

in English, they had much less opportunity to produce a wide range of requeststhemselves.5 That is, the use of speech acts that learners experience in CLIL


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classrooms may be far removed, pragmatically, from the linguistic contingen-cies in other settings, and it is clear that more research on speech acts andtransfer to out-of-class settings is urgently needed.

On a more general pragmatic level, students’ tendency to adopt a very in-

formal style of speaking has been noted as well (Moore, 2007; Nikula, 2007). Itis possible to argue that such a high level of informality corresponds to whatCummins (1984, 2000) called basic interpersonal conversational skills being en-acted in the naturalistic environment, which would imply an understanding thatstudents only master a rather colloquial way of using English and have no accessto or awareness of more formal and more academic styles of speaking.6 Nikula,however, interprets this fact as an indication that CLIL encourages participantsto construct their roles in ways that are subtly different from the L1 contentlessons. A good deal more research in different contexts is clearly needed beforemore general conclusions can be drawn.

Even though CLIL classrooms are widely considered as motivating, the actualcommitment of participants to using the target language seems to vary enor-mously. Student behavior during group work has often been used as a measurein this respect, the most common observation being that students immediatelyswitched to the L1 once they were among themselves (e.g., Canagarajah, 1995;Cromdal, 2005; Dalton-Puffer, 2007b; Tarone & Swain, 1995), a finding that was,however, not supported by Nikula’s Finnish data. On the contrary, Nikula (2007)found her participants using the L2 even for social purposes, such as a studentpassing on greetings from one teacher to another. What can be said with somecertainty is that the language choices of individual teachers have a significantimpact in this regard, constituting something like house rules for the students(e.g., Dalton-Puffer, 2007b; Pessoa, Hendry, Donato, Tucker, & Lee, 2007). Butapart from such local rules of use, one should also take into account the amountof CLIL in students’ weekly timetables as well as the wider sociolinguistic contextin terms of affecting the status of the target language.

Another important conceptual vantage point in studies of CLIL classroom dis-course has been learning theories that focus on the negotiation of meaning. Mostof the studies examine the language-learning potential of meaning negotiation(see Doughty & Williams, 1998), but in fact the negotiation concept provides anexcellent basis for a content-and-language approach, given that school subjectsare talked into being during lessons. One study that directly addresses this is

Badertscher and Bieri’s (2009) comparison between Swiss CLIL and mainstreamteaching. Among others things, they found that (a) there are over twice as manynegotiation sequences in the CLIL lessons than in the L1 lessons and (b) duringCLIL lessons, teachers more reliably attended to obvious difficulties of under-standing. Badertscher and Bieri interpreted these findings as constitutive forexplaining the equally good learning results of the CLIL students even thoughthey were studying through an imperfectly known language. Mariotti’s (2006)study in Italy also revealed CLIL lessons to have a high rate of student-initiatednegotiation sequences, an interesting partial result being that the presence oftwo teachers in the classroom discouraged such negotiations. Other studies

(Badertscher & Bieri, 2009; Dalton-Puffer, 2007b), however, do not indicate suchhigh rates of student-initiated negotiation sequences, although Badertscher and


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Bieri’s comparison with mainstream L1 teaching did show a somewhat higherrate for the CLIL students. What has so far been overlooked in all but a fewstudies is the fact that it might be of great significance at what point in theirCLIL careers a group’s negotiation behavior is being observed, because there

actually seems to be an increase over time. Badertscher and Bieri (2009) notedsuch an increase, an observation strongly supported by Smit’s (2010) longitu-dinal ethnographic study of a tertiary level group, which revealed considerablegrowth in active student negotiating behavior combined with a clear shift offocus over time from phonetic intelligibility to coconstructing content. In otherwords, there are indications that the use of an L2 or lingua franca contributesto a learning group’s development as a community of practice, which allows foran extension of the traditionally narrow student role. It is essential, though, toremember that transfer of insights from secondary and tertiary sectors musttake account of the social and institutional differences prevailing at these levels

of education.It has also been noted that the pedagogic design of lessons (encouragingone-word answers or longer student contributions) has a strong impact on thelikelihood of actual language errors and the ensuing necessity for implicit or ex-plicit correction (Dalton-Puffer, 2007b; Pessoa et al., 2007). The two connectedclaims that students should be given the necessary interactional space to testtheir linguistic hypotheses while talking about subject content and that teach-ers should pay selective but explicit attention to instances of linguistic erroror difficulty have become tenets that most CLIL researchers would underwrite(e.g., Pérez Vidal, 2009). In this connection, Lyster’s (e.g., 1998, 2007) work onCanadian immersion classrooms has served as a foil for studies in EuropeanCLIL contexts (e.g., Dalton-Puffer, 2007b; Lochtmann, 2007; Smit, 2010), produc-ing shared findings like teachers’ preference for recasts rather than explicitcorrection and preference for attending to lexical rather than pronunciation orsyntactic errors, as well as a largely intuitive approach to language-focused workas such (Krampitz, 2007).

Language focus can of course be understood in a broader sense than inthe studies described earlier, which focused mainly on vocabulary, phonology,and sentence grammar. A recent wider focus of interest in this respect is aca-demic language (see Chamot & O’Malley, 1994; Cummins, 1991; Mohan, Leung,& Davison, 2001) and its development via and use in CLIL lessons. The work

on discourse functions such as explaining, hypothesizing, or defining (Dalton-Puffer, 2007a, 2007b; Lose, 2007; Smit, 2010) demonstrates the nonelaboratenature of student realizations of these functions, presumably encouraged bythe high degree of contextualization and the informal nature of the classroomtalk among familiar participants. Lose (2007) concluded that her secondary stu-dents’ realization level of academic language functions clearly remained behindthe level of L2 competence they demonstrated during their foreign languagelessons. Teachers, though clearly capable of producing canonical realizationsof these discourse functions, had no declarative knowledge concerning them andwere therefore unable to attend explicitly to this issue. A study conducted by

Kong (2009) in China contrasted language-trained with content-trained teachersdoing science. Her findings indicate that teachers’ depth of content knowledge


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reflected positively not only on the complexity of knowledge relationships co-constructed by the teacher and students but also on “the use of correspondinglycomplex language” (Kong, 2009, p. 254). Findings such as these thus seem tospeak in favor of content-trained teachers, but these teachers’ degree of L2

competence clearly remains an issue—and one that remains unsolved in manycontexts.A series of studies, conducted by Llinares and Whittaker (2009, 2010;

Whittaker & Llinares, 2009) with Spanish lower-secondary students, showedthat, through a carefully orchestrated progression of tasks from oral to writ-ten and the ensuing scaffolding, even beginning lower-secondary CLIL studentscould be guided toward taking first steps into truly subject-specific discourse.Morton’s work on the same Spanish social science data (2010) demonstrated thata focus on classroom genres might be a particularly powerful instrument for pro-moting the development of oral and written academic literacy in CLIL learners.

Although parallel work on university lectures (Dafouz, Núñez, & Sancho, 2007;Núñez Perucha & Dafouz Milne, 2007) naturally focused on aspects of lecturers’talk (such as stance, deictic pronouns, and discourse markers), the two strandsconcur in demonstrating that a genre focus might furnish the much sought-after analytical tool that captures content-and-language integration.7 Even so, itis clear that much more work needs to be done conceptually and empiricallyacross different contexts until the notions of discourse functions and genres inCLIL classrooms can be regarded as settled.

Generalizing over these and other classroom studies from different contexts(e.g., also, Bonnet, 2004; Llinares & Whittaker, 2009, 2010; Morton, 2010; Whit-taker & Llinares, 2009), it can be said that language use in CLIL classrooms showsthat the extent to which learners are required to verbalize complex subject mat-ter either orally or in writing largely depends on the decisions and traditionsof content-subject pedagogies. Clear differences are also visible between (na-tional) educational cultures with regard to the emphasis on literacy practices incontent teaching (central European subject didactics, for instance, seems to beparticularly oracy-oriented; e.g., Dalton-Puffer, 2007b; Duff, 1995). On the whole,however, it would be fair to say that explicit attention to this aspect of contentlearning is rare in CLIL classrooms.

UNDERLYING ASSUMPTIONS AND THEORETICAL UNDERPINNINGS

As noted earlier, public expectations regarding CLIL center on its being effi-cient and effective for foreign language learning, expectations that are fueledby dissatisfaction with the outcomes of school-based foreign language learningand a somewhat stereotypical view of foreign language lessons as a series ofmechanistic grammar drills. CLIL is thus believed to deliver the goods morereliably and with less pain for the learners. It is worth asking the question whatassumptions lie behind such expectations.

What is at the center for stakeholders is the understanding that CLIL class-

rooms are an environment for naturalistic language learning, implying that thebest kind of language learning proceeds painlessly, without formal instruction.


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These implicit baseline assumptions are in line with Krashen’s (1985) monitormodel, which continues to be the most prominent reception-based theory of lan-guage acquisition outside academic research circles. As is well known, the basicidea of the model is that if the language learner is exposed to comprehensible

input, acquisition will occur, especially if the learning situation is characterizedby positive emotions. The latter condition is widely thought to be fulfilled in CLILby virtue of the fact that language mistakes are supposedly neither penalizednor corrected in CLIL classrooms.

Applied linguistic research into CLIL has, naturally, made use of a widertheoretical base than this, starting with a focus on interaction (see Long, 1996).Several studies of this kind and their diverse diagnoses regarding the extentof negotiation in CLIL classrooms were mentioned in the previous section. An-other important theoretical influence has been Swain’s output hypothesis (1995)and its claim that only the self-regulated production of utterances that encode

learners’ intended meanings forces them to actively process morphosyntacticaspects of the foreign language, thereby expanding their active linguistic reper-toire and achieving deeper entrenchment of what they already know. In the CLILcontext the implications of the output hypothesis have frequently served as a foilfor those observed language behaviors in classrooms that appear conditionedby pedagogical practices restricting the active linguistic engagement of learnersboth in speech and writing. A further development has been focus on form, thatis, paying attention at specific moments during the learning process to formal,lexicogrammatical aspects of language as carriers of meaning (see Doughty & Williams, 1998). An immersion-specific version of this has been formulated inLyster’s (2007) counterbalanced approach, which advocates giving equal weightto meaning focus and form focus in immersion education. Certainly with regardto Canadian immersion education, which was the prime conceptual referencepoint in (the beginnings of) European CLIL, we can detect a clear movementaway from relying solely on the idea of the self-propelled, implicit languagelearner. In the CLIL scene there has been as yet little activity in this directionin the sense of doing observational (little) or experimental (none) research onform-focused activities during CLIL lessons. The observation tool for language-sensitive pedagogy of de Graaff, Koopman, Anikina, and Westhoff (2007) couldserve as a good starting point for systematic study in this regard. For the timebeing, the definition of CLIL as a dual-focused approach has to be regarded as

programmatic rather than factual, and practices that are “content-oriented butlanguage sensitive” (Wolff, 2007, p. 17) cannot be regarded as firmly established.

An even more fundamental move away from the theorems underlying thenatural approach is embodied in views of learning as contextual and socially dis-tributed, as they are now widely accepted in education. Under these premises,human beings learn through interacting with other social beings, whereby lan-guage acts as a particularly powerful semiotic means for participating and per-forming in the activities and encounters of the social world.

In accord with the premises of this kind of learning theory, language itselfis also conceived of as a process that is socially constructed (e.g., Lantolf,

2002; Lantolf & Thorne, 2006; Swain, 2000). As social encounters involve specificpersons in specific roles at specific times and places, the context of situation


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becomes instrumental rather than coincidental in the language acquisition pro-cess and in learning in general. Content-based situations help steer learners’attention from language forms to things accomplished and meanings conveyedthrough language, and it may well be that it is here that the success of CLIL as

a language-learning environment lies. But how far this catalyst role of CLIL willactually go and how necessary it is depend on the contingencies of individualcontexts: Contrary to many people’s expectations, CLIL is not a panacea.

Much CLIL research, then, while clearly following more sophisticated concep-tual orientations than policy papers, still tends to share with those the positionthat CLIL classrooms are somehow fundamentally different from foreign lan-guage lessons. My account (section 4) has shown that there are indeed severalsuch differences, but it must not be overlooked that both CLIL and EFL (Englishas a foreign language) happen via speech events called lessons in well-knowninstitutions called schools or universities. What I want to underscore, then, is

that CLIL classrooms are classrooms exhibiting the respective characteristics interms of participant roles, goals, physical setting, temporal structure, and thelike. It needs to be stressed that by virtue of these characteristics, CLIL class-rooms share a great deal more with traditional language lessons than a partisanlook would make one believe and that CLIL cannot therefore be expected toprepare learners for other situational contexts in any direct way.

What I would like to argue, however, is that this situation offers considerablepotential. CLIL lessons are part of the learners’ everyday experience of school,they take place withinthe same local, institutional, personal, and cultural contextas all the other school lessons that CLIL learners experience. The lessons arethus well-embedded in the matrix culture of the L1 and possess a high degree offamiliarity for the learners. The learners know the discourse of the classroom,and this well-established knowledge provides them with a mental schema ordiscourse domain for dealing with particular situations (Douglas, 2004). Overand beyond the authentic situation and the cognitively engaging material (Snow,1998), I consider this familiarity to be a decisive asset in foreign-language CLIL.On entering target-language contexts in the so-called real world, whether theybe with native speakers in the target culture or with other nonnatives in lin-gua franca contexts, L2 speakers are often challenged or even overwhelmed byhaving to attend to several demanding tasks simultaneously: trying to get holdof the ropes of the discourse, working with incomplete topic knowledge, and

operating in an imperfectly known language code. Clearly, if such challengescan be simplified, the burden of the L2 learner can be lightened. As research hasshown, being a topic expert significantly improves nonnative speakers’ chancesto successfully participate in mixed native speaker–nonnative speaker interac-tions (Zuengler, 1993). Learners in CLIL content classrooms are, by definition,not topic experts, but they are participating in a didactic discourse whose aimis to develop their topic knowledge rather than presuppose it. There are thustwo bonuses deriving from the educational setting: the didactic nature of theinteraction and the cultural familiarity with the domain of use and its rules. Myclaim, then, is that CLIL provides a space for language learners that is not geared

specifically and exclusively to foreign language learning but at the same timeis predefined and prestructured in significant ways by being instructional and


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taking place within the L1 matrix culture. This, I claim, is a significant source forthe self-confident and self-evident use of the foreign language and its ultimateappropriation by many CLIL learners, which is regularly observed to be the moststriking outcome of CLIL programs.

LOOKING AHEAD

Concerns with theorizing the interaction of language and content are currentlybecoming a focus of attention for CLIL researchers. Although the most fre-quently used wording tends to be that of “content and language integration,”a more appropriate goal, I think, would be to transcend such an understand-ing that conceptualizes language and curricular content as separate reifiedentities and instead think of them as one process. Several of the approaches

that applied linguists have embraced in doing ESL (English as a second lan-guage)/CBI and CLIL research hold a good deal of promise for such an undertak-ing (constructivist-contextual and sociocultural theories of learning, or systemicfunctional linguistics)8 and it will be the task of the research community overthe next years to build the necessary bridges to general learning theories basedon ideas of discursiveness and performativity (“being doing science”). A firstapproximation was formulated by Gajo (2007) who suggested that “the notion ofintegration [of language and content] implies precise reflection on the linguisticaspect of subject knowledge and on the role of discourse in the learning process”(p. 568). I suggest that Halliday’s (1993) language-based learning theory is onegood starting point for this undertaking.

Apart from the concern with theory, there is a clear empirical research agendawith regard to academic language abilities and requirements, namely, identifyingsubject-specific language use in terms of lexicon and genres for various contentareas. This should lead to clarifying what academic language skills are generallyand what they are specifically by subject (the Council of Europe has recentlycommissioned a project attempting to do this for mother tongue education; seewww.coe.int/t/dg4/linguistic/Schoollang_EN.asp). On the theoretical level, thiskind of work should lead to a deeper understanding of what cognitive academiclanguage ability is (Cummins, 1991). By the same token, the relationship betweenlanguage for specific purposes and CLIL has to be explored further: The con-

nection was made very clearly before the notion of CLIL saw the light of day(Widdowson, 1980), but has, to my knowledge, not been systematically pursuedsince then.

Further points on the research agenda are furnished by current debatesaround CLIL in Europe: first, the already mentioned doubts regarding possibleadverse effects on L1 advanced academic language proficiency; second, the con-tinuation (or not) of foreign language classes alongside CLIL lessons; and third,the affordances and challenges of employing native speakers as content teachersas well as CLIL teacher qualifications in general. Although all these debates havea language policy dimension, the one that returns us to the language policy

issues discussed at the outset most directly is the need to determine in how farthe CLIL enterprise can and does contribute to the production of multilingualism


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and/or plurilingual individuals. In pursuing this research agenda it will be vitalto keep in mind the realization that conceptualizations and findings based onthe global lingua franca English as a CLIL medium need to be carefully examinedfor their transferability to other languages.

NOTES

1 These are relevant issues also in the development of ESL learners’ academic literacy(see Schleppegrell & O’Hallaron, 2011—this volume).

2 Analogous findings have been reported for immersion students (e.g. Harley, Allen,Cummins, & Swain, 1990).

3 The problematicity of this is also discussed in Schleppegrell & O’Hallaron’s article(2011—this volume) on the academic language development of ESL students in theUnited States.

4 Instructional register refers to talk dedicated to the immediate purpose of instructionand informing about the content taught. Regulative register refers to talk designed toorganize instruction and learning (Christie, 2002).

5 Analogous findings were reported in the 1990 volume by Harley et al. and were at thecore of Swain’s output hypothesis (e.g., Swain, 1995).

6 This is another concern that CLIL shares with academic literacy development in ESLlearners (cf. Schleppegrell & O’Hallaron, 2011—this volume).

7 See Paesani (2011—this volume) for a similar trend in language-and-literatureintegration.

8 With regard to CBI, compare to, for example, Gibbons (2002); Mohan & Beckett (2001);and Schleppegrell, Achugar, & Orteı́za (2004).

ANNOTATED BIBLIOGRAPHY

Coyle, D., & Baetens Beardsmore, H. (Eds.). (2007). International Journal of Bilingual Education and Bilingualism [Special Issue on CLIL], 10.

In addition to a range of empirical studies, Coyle’s introductory chapter“Towards a Connected Research Agenda for CLIL Pedagogies” (pp. 543–562) givesa good introduction into key issues and presents her influential 4Cs conceptualizationof CLIL education (content, communication, cognition, culture). Another importantcontribution is de Graaf et al.’s “Observation tool for effective L2 pedagogy in CLIL”(pp. 603–624).

Coyle, D., Hood, P., & Marsh, D. (2010). CLIL: Content and language integrated learning.New York, NY: Cambridge University Press.

A comprehensive and accessible introduction to CLIL as an educational ap-proach that covers important theoretical and pedagogical background in addition toproviding sound guidelines for implementation. Manages to address both educatorsand scholars.

Dale, L., Van der Es, W., & Tanner, R. (2010). CLIL skills. Leiden, the Netherlands: Universityof Leiden, Expertisecentrum mtv.

This handbook combines the expertise of experienced classroom teachersand teacher educators from the Netherlands. Strong not only on activities but alsofeaturing a well-thought out general concept and background knowledge on each topicarea. It is designed not only for CLIL teacher education courses but also for self-study.


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Dalton-Puffer, C. (2007b). Discourse in content and language integrated learning (CLIL)classrooms. Amsterdam, the Netherlands: John Benjamins.

The book is a comprehensive study based on a corpus of 40 secondary levelCLIL lessons taught in Austria, providing a detailed analysis of the discourse produced

in CLIL classrooms and a discussion of its contribution to language learning processes.Topics discussed include construction of content knowledge, influence of questionson classroom interaction, classroom directives, repair work, and academic languagefunctions.

Dalton-Puffer, C., Nikula, T., & Smit, U. (Eds.). (2010). Language use and language learning in CLIL. Amsterdam, the Netherlands: John Benjamins.

This is a collection of 12 empirical studies on classroom interaction as wellas learning outcomes that includes a new research focus on writing in CLIL contexts.The final chapter by the editors discusses several problematic issues around CLILthat have so far remained underexposed and underdiscussed.

Hansen-Pauly, M. A., Bentner, G., Llinares, A., Morton, T., Dafouz, E., Favilli, F., Novotna,J., et al. (2009). Teacher education for CLIL across contexts. Brussels, Belgium: Eu-ropean Commission, Directorate General for Education and Culture. Retrieved fromhttp://clil.uni.lu

This publication is the product of a 3-year multilateral European project in-volving 14 coauthors. It consists of two parts: (a) a conceptual framework developedfrom classroom observation and relevant research in selected areas of bilingual ed-ucation and learning to scaffold curriculum development for CLIL teacher educationand (b) a booklet of tasks and activities for use in teacher development.

Marsh, D., & Wolff, D. (Eds.). (2007). Diverse contexts—converging goals. CLIL in Europe.Frankfurt am Main, Germany: Lang.

Twenty-eight contributions from across the European Union cover classroompractice, evaluation, research, and program management. Wolff’s opening chapter“CLIL: Bridging the Gap Between School and Working Life” (pp. 15–25) is an excellentfirst text for novices on CLIL training courses, summarizing the basic assumptions ina positive light but without undue oversimplification.

Pérez Vidal, C. (2009). The integration of content and language in the classroom: A European approach to education (the second time around). In E. Dafouz & M. Guerrini(Eds.), CLIL across educational levels (pp. 3–16). Madrid, Spain: Richmond.

This is a compact, article-length introduction and overview. It includes ashort history of CLIL in Europe, but is particularly strong on revealing underlyingeducational, psycholinguistic, and pedagogical thinking.

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