Chapter 1 INTRODUCTION - Shodhgangashodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/bitstream/10603/98510/3/ch1.pdf · The construction of Lower Subansiri started in 2005 and was due to be completed in

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Chapter 1

INTRODUCTION

The media is an important part of the architecture of society. It plays major

role in collecting and disseminating information about developments, creating a

virtual space for critical debates on nation‘s burning issues, empowering citizens and

fighting against irregularities of the state. Objectivity is its main obligation and

responsibility towards the society. It provides a virtual platform for every individual

in order to exchange comments and criticisms. Keeping this social obligation and

responsibility of media in mind, in the present study, the researcher focuses on the

role of media in the civil and political movement by a number of civil society

organizations against the construction of hydroelectric generating mega dams in the

northeastern region of India, particularly in Assam and Manipur.

Background

The Northeast India has been identified as the ‗future powerhouse‘ of India. In

2001, the Central Electricity Authority (CEA), India has identified 168 large

hydroelectric projects with a potential of 63,328 MW in the Brahmaputra river basin

alone, including 22 projects having potential of 15,191 MW in the Subansiri river

basin (Dutta et al. 2012).1 In order to pursue higher standard of living and with the

advancement of technology, there is a need for electric energy in every area of human

activities. With the aim to control flooding and meeting additional needs of electric

energy generation for developing this region, the Government of India has proposed

for the construction of two mega dams in the northeastern region of India in 1999 and

2003 respectively. One is called Tipaimukh Dam on the river Barak in Manipur and

the other is called Lower Subansuri Dam on river Subansuri in Assam and Arunachal

Pradesh border.

1. The Lower Subansiri Hydroelectric Project:

The Lower Subansiri hydroelectric power Project is the biggest hydroelectric

project undertaken in India so far with its height of 116m which is presently under

construction on the river Subansiri at Gerukamukh of Assam and Arunachal Pradesh

border. The initial feasibility studies for the project were undertaken by the

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Brahmaputra Board way back in 1983. The execution of the project was entrusted to

National Hydroelectric Power Corporation (NHPC) in 2000 which will have the

capacity to produce 2000 MW of electric power. It has received clearance from the

government in August 2003, following which NHPC started developing the project.

The construction of Lower Subansiri started in 2005 and was due to be completed in

2010. However, the project has been plagued by delays due to stiff opposition over its

potential economical, social, cultural and environmental impact.

2. Tipaimukh Dam:

Initially it was designed as an embankment dam on the river Barak in Manipur

as a measure to control perennial flood problems of Cachar plains and later

transformed into a multipurpose hydroelectric project in the 1990s. The dam will be

390 m long and 165.8 m high across the Barak River and will have an installation

capacity of 1500 MW of electric power. Initially the project construction was

entrusted to the North Eastern Electric Power Corporation Limited (NEEPCO). But

on 15 July 2009, the Centre replaced NEEPCO with the National Hydroelectric Power

Corporation (NHPC) as the implementing agency. A memorandum of understanding

(MOU) was signed by the Government of Manipur with NEEPCO to generate electric

power from the dam and the project was notified as Tipaimukh Multipurpose Hydel

Project in 2003. The indigenous people regard this MOU to be unconstitutional,

discriminating, unjust, and undemocratic which leads to opposition. Amidst stiff

opposition and strong protest, the foundation stone for this 1500 MW Multipurpose

Projects was laid by the then Union Power Minister Shri Sushil Kumar Shinde (Arora

et al. 2012).2

International Organizations‘ Laws and Conventions on Big Dams

It would be relevant to see the views of international organizations‘ laws and

conventions on big dams before discussing the effects of these two mega projects.

A. Helsinki Rules (1966)

Every country with Common River must consider the usage of water in a way

that does not affect any countries‘ economical and social environment. Consideration

must be given to the total harm it might bring on the affected countries.

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B. The United Nations Convention on the Law of the Non-Navigational Uses

of International Watercourses (the UN Convention), adopted by the United

Nations General Assembly on 21 May 1997.

Aims at ensuring the utilization, development, conservation, management and

protection of international watercourses, and promoting optimal and sustainable

utilization thereof for present and future generations.

C. UNEP Convention on Biological Diversities, 1992

Every country is resolute to preserve the environmental and biological

atmosphere of the world.

D. Ramsar Convention on Wet Lands 1971, arranged by the UNESCO

Every country in the world is committed to safeguard water reservoir for the

preservation of aquatic ecosystem and natural environment.

E. World Commission on Dams (WCD) 1998, established by World Bank

and IUCN

If any country wants to build any big dam it must consult with the inhabitants

of that river basin so that the project is acceptable to them (It has to be stressed that

this acceptance must be by the people of that basin not by the government).

(www.change.org).3

Impact of Dams

In the light of these international organizations‘ laws and conventions on big

dams, both the mega projects have led to controversy among the people of northeast

region, particularly among the people of Assam and Manipur in India and

Bangladesh. Though the projects are at different stages of development, some

commonalities are seen in both the cases. A clear observation is the social, economic,

cultural and environmental impact of these dams on the affected people living in

downstream areas. In most of the cases the experiences of the people with the projects

seems to create a crisis of confidence in the government particularly its department of

environment and forests. The activists allege that the project clearance in the stages of

site selection, making Preliminary Feasibility Report (PFR), Detailed Project Report

http://www.change.org/

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(DPR), Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA), public hearings into stage managed

affairs where affected people‘s voices were intentionally ignored or manipulated to

suit the projects. No doubt, hydropower projects contribute to fulfill the demands for

power for both states as well as the nation. But there is also a negative impact on the

society because of the hydropower projects. According to Baruah (2012, cited in

Hazarika, 2012)4 the Lower Subansiri project will affect about 3293.82 hectors of

cultivable land, 271 villages and 6363 families. Important revenue villages that are

going to be affected directly and indirectly by the project are Katorichapori,

Gerekigaon, Bhimpara, Ghagar, Hatiemora, Tengonigaon, Haziramora, Dorgegaon,

Moukhowachapori, Tinchukiagaon, Badhakara, Uriamguri, Naharani, Rangpuria,

Singimari, Halmari, Dambukial, Ujanimirigaon, Daphalakata, Gutigaon,

Chamuagaon, Bordubi, Bhalukaguri, Balijan, Michamara, Serpaikhowa, Kerker,

Kachikata, Majgaon, Silikhaguri, Dahgharia, Bonpurai, Jamugurimiri gaon (Hazarika,

2012).5

Tipaimukh dam will also submerge about 90 villages with 1,310 families and

27,242 hectors of forest and cultivable land (Arora et al. 2012).6 According to the

experts, generally the negative effects of the two hydroelectric power projects are:

1. Disturbance to physical and chemical environment:

Before the construction of the Lower Subansiri project, the Subansiri carried

minimum of sediment load but this has been significantly distorted by the

construction activities. Changes in the microclimate, landslide and soil erosion,

variation in water level, instability of geo-physical landscape, siltation and nutrients

variation, decreased flow-rate of the river downstream thus affecting aquatic life and

riparian communities, submerged of land, solid waste problem, enhanced seismic

activities due to pressure of water. The areas where the lower Subansiri dam will

submerge extend over 70 km. upstream along some of its tributaries. According to the

project authorities the dam will submerge relatively few villages which will be

directly displaced along with their agricultural lands since the submergence area is a

gorge with steep slopes and rugged topography. These villages are agricultural

communities depending on jhum cultivation, terrace rice cultivation and wet rice

cultivation near the river bed. Besides they also depend on forest for their livelihood

(Arora et al. 2012; Hazarika, 2012; Dutta, 2012).7-9

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2. Disturbance to biological environment:

The entire riverine ecosystem of the Barak River Basin supports an endemic

agrarian civilization thriving on biodiversity-based agro-ecological systems that have

profound local and global significance (R.K.Singh, 2009).10

Both the projects will

cause loss of vegetational cover, decrease in the faunal species, deforestation, and

threat to medicinal plants. During winter the flow of water of the Subansiri river

would be drastically reduced and this will create drought as the stored water would be

released only peak hours. As a result, the aquatic life, land fertility, rich flora and

fauna would be very adversely affected (Baruah, 2013).11

3. Disturbance to cultural environment:

Tribal and riparian people living on the banks have close cultural connection

with the rivers. This cultural activities and spiritual ceremonies related with the rivers

would also be affected by both the projects. For instance, the indigenous Hmar and

Zeliangrong tribes considered the river Barak as holy. Many sacred sites are located

on the river course of Barak and Tipaimukh dam would invariably submerge some of

them, desecrate some sites, and lead to irreparable loss of cultural heritage (Arora et

al. 2012).12

The culture of the riparian villages would be extinguished due to

dislocation of people and destruction of immovable property (Baruah, 2013).13

4. Disturbance to socio-economic environment:

No proper compensation, employment and other social basic need like road

construction and drinking water, would create social disorder in the society due to

disturbance of their social and economic condition by both projects (Gajananda,

2010).14

The fisherman, cultivator, woodcutter, boatman and the business of sand and

stone would be affected because of the projects. All these human activities which

support their family are related to both the rivers. The people that will be most

adversely affected and direct victims of the project are the Naga tribes and the Hmar.

It has been the bone of contention between the government and the affected people.

The activists claimed that besides the submergence of the national highway no. 53,

the only alternative to Imphal-Dimapur lifeline (NH No.39), the dam would also

submerge various historical and legendary sites and sacred places with vital spiritual

and cultural significance to the communities and lead to destruction of rich

biodiversity which is threatening the peoples‘ right to life and livelihood. The people

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that will be most adversely affected and direct victims of the project are the Naga

tribes and the Hmar. The submergence of huge areas would lead to destruction of rich

biodiversity which will threaten the peoples‘ right to life and livelihood

(Bhattacharjee, 2013).15

5. Location in a geologically unstable region:

Apart from the submergence by both the projects, it would also bring adverse

impact since the sites chosen for both the projects were also prone to intense seismic

activity. Both the projects are located in a Zone V of Seismic Zoning Map of India.

Statistics indicate that, during 1953-92, this region had experienced twenty-one

earthquakes of more than 6.5 on the Richter scale (Arora et al. 2012).16

If the

earthquake hit, it will bring catastrophe to hundreds of villages in lower riparian and

the devastation will be beyond imagination even the disaster management will not be

possible at the time of dams failure.

6. Violation of environmental laws and human rights:

Both the projects have violated the international organizations‘ laws and

convention on big dams. For instance, in the case of lower Subansiri project, Dutta et

al. (2012)17

have found that since 2001, when the project only had permission to

conduct survey and investigations, NHPC has repeatedly committed serious violations

of both the Forest (Conservation) Act, (1980) and the Environment Impact

Assessment notification, (1994). In 2001 and 2002, both the Assam Government and

the regional office of the Ministry of Environment & Forests (MoEF) have brought up

this issue with NHPC and the Government of India. Violations include extensive

collection of boulders, stone, gravel, sand and earth from the riverbed, massive

construction activities for project housing and construction of roads on the left bank

of river, planting of gravel crusher adjacent to the river, barrier of an elephant corridor

with fencing in the Subansiri Reserve Forest, dumping of muck and debris in the river

etc. The MoEF took a strong stand in the early stages (2001 and 2002) but now it has

subsequently been quiet on the issue, although violations have been brought to their

notice. A major reaction and opposition from peoples‘ organization and

environmental experts in the region came up because of the projects‘ failure to adhere

to the legal processes created to safeguard public interest. The activists have asserted

that MoEF has ignored the plea of the several organizations to the ministry for

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looking at the serious issues in the clearance of the Lower Subansiri Hydroelectric

Project and granting the clearance for the projects (Bhattacharjee, 2013).18

As per expert advice, the Tipaimukh Dam with its 163 m high will submerge

more than 286 sq.km of prime farmland upstream and dry up a huge area of wetland

downstream. Lower Subansuri dam in the foothills, it is apprehended to have a

cumulative impact of different dimensions and magnitudes right from the immediate

downstream to the confluence with the Brahmaputra River, once completed. The

maximum affected area will be Assam. Any disruption to the course of the rivers due

to regulation of the rivers will have an adverse impact on the entire ecosystems.

The Move

There are many instances about the important role played by dam in advancing

local and national economies like providing new livelihood opportunities, improved

access to water and electricity, enhanced crop production through proper irrigation

systems and even contributed to poverty alleviation (Arora et al. 2012).19

But on the

other side of the development, it ruins many lives and livelihoods. According to the

report of World Commission on Dams (WCD) released in 2000, about 80 million

people worldwide have been displaced due to hydropower projects that have lead to

the social disarticulation. Besides displacement the economic benefits from the large

dams are grossly inequitable, excluding poorer sections and tribal communities from a

share in these benefits (Arora et al. 2012).20

It has been witnessed that many dam-

related controversies can be easily explained as a failure to explain and communicate

the intention of development projects, faults in design of projects that do not treat

these areas as historically significant lived landscapes, a failure to engender consent,

and fair apportioning of benefits between the different stakeholders (Arora, cited in

Arora et al. 2012).21

It has failed in meeting rehabilitation towards displaced and

affected indigenous communities, rather the affected people and villages ultimately

caught up in predicament to co-operate, surrender, or resist. For instance, the Dumbur

Hydro Electric dam in Tripura displaced 2,558 families that had land in their names,

but another about 6,500 families who depended on forests and other natural resources

of that area were not counted (Bhaumick, cited in Arora et al. 2012).22

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Many of the areas planned for these projects are inhabited by indigenous

peoples who are completely depended on forests, jhum cultivations, and river

ecosystems for their food security and livelihood. Transferring of power over

common property resources from the indigenous tribal and rural communities to the

bureaucracy, public sector companies, and private developers have generated local

opposition and fuelled social conflict between a development minded state and the

affected local communities. A major reaction and opposition from peoples‘

organization and environmental experts from the local, national as well as

international came up because of the projects‘ failure to adhere to the legal processes

created to safeguard public interest. Both the rivers, Barak and Brahmaputra, give

livelihood to millions of people living on their banks. People depend on these rivers

for agriculture, irrigation, fisheries, and drinking water supply. Any disruption to the

natural course of the rivers will bring enormous negative impact on ecology, aquatic

life and people. According to Krishak Mukti Sangram Samity (KMSS) president

Akhil Gogoi, 500,000 fishermen are totally dependent on river Brahmaputra.

These two projects are also situated in the world‘s most sensitive earthquake

zones. In 1890 there was a 8.7 rector scale earthquake near the project site of

Tipaimukh Dam and it usually repeat every 100-200 years. It has also been recorded

that above 8 Richter scale earthquake took place in 1897 and 1950 in and around the

dam site of the Lower Subansuri Project. If the dams vanish, more than 10 million

lives will perish.

The project will bring an ethnic conflict between the migrant labours society

and native people. Labourers will be imported from different parts of the country to

work and after its completion these workers will settle permanently, which is a threat

to the economic and social life of the native society. This experience has resulted

from the dams constructed in the region earlier (R.K.Singh, 2009).23

According to experts, the projects were not conceived and designed for the

people of the region (Northeast Region), particularly the affected people, but for sales

outside the region. It is not based on local requirements, but is imposed from above to

serve unknown economic interests at the cost of many lives of these regions

(R.K.Singh, 2009).24

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The construction of dams in the region has met with stiff opposition since its

inceptions. Different organizations emerged and come together at different periods of

time to register their protests. The organizations that strongly opposed the lower

Subansiri dam project to mention few are Krishak Mukti Snagram Samiti (KMSS),

All Assam Students Union (ASSU), Takam Mising Porin Kebang (TMPK), North

East Student Organization (NESO), All Assam Tai Ahom Students‘ Union, All

Assam Chutia Students‘ Union, Karbi Students‘ Union, Mising Mimag Kobang, Tiwa

Yuva Chatra Parishad, All Assam Karbi Students‘ Union, North Cachar Hills

Indigenous Students‘ Union, All Assam Tribal Sangha, Assam Tea Tribes Students‘

Union, All Koch Rajbonghsi Students‘ Union, All Tiwa Students‘ Union, All Dimasa

Students‘ union, All Assam Sonowal Kochari Students‘ Union, All Assam Sarania

Kochari Students‘ Union, All Assam Adivasi Students‘ Union, All Rabha Students‘

Union, Arunachal Citizens‘ Rights ( ACR), Dam Displaced People ( DAP) , Probable

Project Affected Peoples Committee (PPAP), Downstream Peoples‘ Committee (

DPC), Proposed Project Land Affected Peoples‘ Forum, Yazali ( PPLAPFY),

Subansiri Bachao Committee, Siang Valley Bachao Andolan (The Telegraph, July

13, 2011; Bhattacharjee, 2013).25-26

Twenty NGOs and voluntary organizations based

in North East have come together under the banner of the North East Dialogue Forum

to register a combined protest against the building of large dams in the region.

According to them, apart from the displacement of huge sections of people and

infringement of land ownership rights, the proposed dam will also have a negative

impact on the downstream residents of Assam, effect on whom had not been studied

in detail.

The Tipaimukh dam has encountered opposition from the very day of the

proposal for its adverse impact on environment. Various people‘s organizations were

formed to create mass awareness on the negative impacts of big dams and mobilize

public opinions for resisting the controversial Tipaimukh High Dam. Organizations

spearheading the opposition are Committee Against Tipaimukh Dam (CATD),

NWUM ( Naga Women‘s Union, Manipur), NPMHR (Naga People‘s Movement for

Human Right), UNC (United Naga Council), Centre for Organization Research and

Education (CORE), Citizens Concern for Dams and Development (CCDD), Hmar

Students‘ Association (HAS), Sinlung Indigenous Peoples Human Rights

Organization (SIPHRO), ANSAM (All Naga Student‘s Association, Manipur)

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including the ZU ( Zeliangrong Union), ZWU (Zeliangrong Women‘s Union), ZSUM

(Zeliangrong Students Union, Manipur), ZYF (Zeliangrong Youth Front ). These

organizations called on the Governor and the Chief Minister of Manipur to apprise

them about the feelings and stand of the people regarding the construction of the

Tipaimukh dam (Bhattacharjee, 2013).27

According to its estimation the Brahmaputra Board has drawn up a

Resettlement and Rehabilitation (R&R) package at the cost of Rs. 47.89 crores,

aiming to rehabilitate 18 ,473 people and 3, 271 families. However, the affected

people claimed that the government figure was extremely low and the actual figure

comes to around 50,000 people belonging to 5,000 families (Bhattacharjee, 2013).28

At the same time the figure has not included the number of potential displaces of the

five villages which are newly added to the original 33 affected villages pointed out by

the dam resistance committee. The indigenous and affected people were not willing to

convince to the government‘s claim about to compensate them by providing

handsome R and R package. The villagers had their own view of the fate of the dam

displacement based on their assessment of the affected people of similar projects like

Borlia river, Suklai, Champanadi, military base at Satgaon in Guwahati, Jagiroad

paper mill, capital complex at Dispur, NEEPCO Duliajan Project at Kathalguri,

Dinjan Military Base and Numaligarh Refinery project (Bodo, cited in Bhattacharjee,

2013).29

The affected people of these projects have not been given proper resettlement

and rehabilitation as promised by the government. The people were also aware of the

fate of other projects, such as, Bhakranangal projects learnt from the interaction they

had with the dam activists. Hence people felt that both the state government and

Union Ministry of Water Resources have simply been fooling the people who were

going to be affected by the project. Though the Lower Subansiri project is going to

affect different communities such as Rabha, Rajbanshi, Nepalese, Bengalis, Santhals

etc, the Bodos are demographically the largest groups to be affected in the area, most

of whom were peasants.

Agitation against these two mega projects has been going on for the past 10-13

years in order to stop the mega dams. The agitators have used all kinds of democratic

means in the agitations for the purpose. Besides, it has also sparked a controversy

over the government‘s failure to see public consultation, information sharing with the

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indigenous communities and environmental clearances. But the government is firm

that the mega dams should be built and completed at any cost.

There has been a continuous agitation by many groups of civil society, NGOs,

pressure groups and indigenous communities, particularly from the sates of Manipur

and Assam, against the construction of these two dams because these dams do not

meet prescriptions of the above stated laws and conventions on big dams. Major

reasons behind the agitation are:

i. Violation of United Laws and Conventions by the government;

ii. Disregard to the calls of people;

iii. No meaningful public consultation;

iv. No environmental management plan for formulating, implementing and

monitoring environmental protection measures during and after the projects;

v. No rehabilitation and resettlement plan for the affected people.

The people of this region led by civil society and NGOs have fought against

these projects through memoranda and letters, rallies, sit-in protest, blockades, strikes,

press release, meetings, leaflets and emails and social media have also been used

seeking the intervention of the government of India to stop the construction of dams.

Social Role of Media in the Move

In the coverage of this issue, media has great responsibility towards the

society by keeping public interest as its top priority and providing truthful, accurate,

objective and balanced information which is good for the society. The content of the

information provided should be of pluralistic and also legitimate professionally and

ethically. The main public interest criterion for media content is that it should be

diversity of information, opinion and culture; supportive of public order and the law;

high quality of information and culture; supportive of the democratic political system;

respectful of international obligations and human rights and avoiding harm to society

and individuals (McQuial, 2012).30

It has become like a sphere where general public

get the privilege to share their opinion irrespective of their caste, qualification,

position and so on. The concept of ‗Public Sphere‘ was first coined by German

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philosopher and cultural theorist Jurgan Habermas in the late eighteenth and

nineteenth centuries. It was a specific place where public discourse and debate took

place to build up rationality, consensus, consciousness among the general public

against the irregularities of the state which is also called bourgeois public sphere

(Habermas, 1989 & 1991).31

Habermas‘s bourgeois public sphere was primarily ―private people come

together as a public‖ who claimed they ―regulated from above against the public

authorities themselves (Habermas, 1989, cited in Grosswiler, 2001).32

The bourgeois public sphere of Habermas rested on three assumptions. Firstly,

the dictates of reason and not the authority or identity of the speaker were held to be

the sole arbiter in the public debate. Debate is solely rested on reason irrespective of

status, identity, rank of the participants. It was a space where free and equal citizens

come together to share information, to debate, to discuss on common concerns.

Secondly, nothing was immune to criticism. It had the right to do scrutiny on the

actions of government, privileges of elites. And finally, it was hostile to secrecy. The

press has become the virtual space of Habermas‘s public sphere which carries out all

the activities of traditional public sphere for the good of the society. Thompson (cited

in Grosswiler, 2001)33

feels that the work of Habermas in his ―The Structural

Transformation of the Public Sphere (1986)‖34

has its strength that it treats the

development of the media as an integral part in the formation of modern societies

(Grosswiler, 2001).35

In a democratic country, media has become as an institution of

society as well as for the society (McQuail, 2012).36

Denis McQuail (2012)37

notes that the media, as the virtual space of public

sphere, support public sphere by the following reasons and responsibility towards

society-

Enlarging the space for debate.

Circulating information and ideas as a basis for public opinion.

Interconnecting citizens and governments.

Providing mobilizing information.

Challenging the monopoly of government over politics.

Extending freedom and the diversity of publicastion (McQuail, 2012).38

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Media as a virtual space for public debate and discussion in order to form

social solidarity and consensus on a matter of social importance has the following

social responsibilities as summarized by McQuail (2012)39

:

The media have obligations to society, and media ownership is a public trust;

News media should be truthful, accurate, fair, objective and relevant;

The media should be free, but self-regulated;

The media should follow agreed codes of ethics and professional conduct and;

Under some circumstances, government may need to intervene to safeguard

the public interest.

These basic principles and standards are the social obligations of media

towards the wider society that go beyond self-interest and it also has social

responsibility of development like in the process of economic, social and cultural

development and public journalism which help in reflecting pluralism and diversity of

society.

Objectivity is the main watchword of media towards society, it means showing

everything as it is without the subjective involvement. This reflection of things as it is,

is possible by following an agreed ethical and professional conduct of media in order

to avoid bias while reporting. In order to educate society with social responsibility in

mind, there should be no manipulation and bias. Instead, it should reflect the events

with free, independent, authority, rationality, impartiality, truth and consensus. But,

this free, independent, authority and autonomous space of media has been affected by

the power of economic and political forces resulting in a complex inter-relationship

and inter-dependence.

Media Reflected Opinion

The phenomenologist approach suggests that subjective experience and

consciousness about an object can be obtained by positioning the subject within the

periphery of the object, and also at the same time outside the periphery of the object.

There is great possibility of bias when the subject is confined within the periphery of

the object. But true consciousness is found only by bracketing the subject from the

object and seeing things from the vantage point. Showing things as they are, is the

14

utmost professional responsibility of media towards society. In order to inform and

educate the society while reflecting the meaning of certain incident, there should be

no manipulation, distortion, misconstruction of meaning, or bias.

Objectivity, showing things as they are, is the cornerstone of journalism. It is

impossible for every individual to be available physically when any unusual incident

occurs anywhere in the world at the same time. It is journalists who bring news about

those incidents to the society, or in other words, the society sees, interprets and

perceives the information according to the interpretation of the journalist that reaches

them through media. Therefore, journalists who claim to serve the society have an

obligation of objectivity while reporting and disseminating information. The norm of

objectivity directs journalists to report the reality without subjective intervention.

Four aspect of objectivity, according to Shovsgaard et al. (2013),40

are: firstly,

journalists should not allow their own opinions to affect the presentation of the

reported; secondly, journalists should not become a referee and judge one account of

reality to be better than another, thirdly, this implies that there is an objective reality,

and that it is possible to move beyond the source‘s different presentations and

depictions of that reality and report the facts of that reality precisely and accurately;

and fourthly, it doesn‘t means that involvement of journalists in the construction of

meaning, rather it means a value judgment according to political, social or moral

standards.

Power of Media

Media is a powerful tool for changing people‘s perceptions, attitudes and

aspirations (Kumar, 2012).41

It has the power to influence political, economic and

social changes. With its social responsibility and social obligation, media can make

tremendous contribution to the society. Wilber Shramm notes that media are ‗agents

of social change; ‗almost miraculous‘ in their power to bring about social change

(Kumar, 2012).42

Many theories have been proposed on the influence and impact of

media on masses.

Communicative action: Where rational and critical debate happens

(Habermas, 1989 and 1992)43

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Campaign: Media has the power of campaign on certain issues, either for

removing social illness or inviting social development (Curran, 2010).44

Surveillance: Investigative journalism has the power to uncover certain

secret measures of public authorities and government and make it public.

People also exposed to media, especially political events, for surveillance

(Blumler & Gurevitch, 2010).45

Watchdog: Media has the power to play the role of watchdog, raising its

voice when things are not in order according to the values and norms of

the society.

Voice of the voiceless: It can act as an early-warning system in an

increasingly unstable society, alerting aristocratic politicians to the need

for accommodation and change in order to preserve the social order

(Curran, 2010).46

Social Integrity: Media link together different groups and provide shared

experiences that promote social solidarity and bind people together

(Curran, 2010).47

Promoting Prejudice: This is the negative side of media power in society.

Peter Braham (2010)48

and Tuen van Dijk (1991)49

conducted research on

the reporting of race in the press in Britain and found that press promoted

prejudice and hatred in the society. Dirt, poverty, low social status, low

intelligence, animal sexuality, primitives, violence and a general inferiority

are synonymous with the blacks (immigrants) and a threat to the white

community (Braham, 2010; van Dijk, 1991).50-51

Instrument of dominant ideology: Critical theorists like Adorno,

Horkheimer, Herbert Marcus, Walter Benjamin, Herman, and Noam

Chomsky have pointed out that media serves as an instrument for the

dominant class to propagate its ideology.

Media Created Opinion

The interpretation of media output, according to the constructionist view, is

constructed according to its own interest. This interest may serve the purpose of

bureaucrats and business elites. It is a created opinion which is also called

propaganda. It is an effective mechanism to maintain the intimate relationship

16

between the media and the State. It is a powerful tool for the State to control the

public.

According to Edward Herman, an issue, which, in fact, is a ―little news‖ can

become ―big news‖ if it favourable to the state by sustained attention. ―The mass

media and government can therefore make an event newsworthy merely by giving it

their sustained attention. By the same token, they can make another perfectly

newsworthy event a non happening for the bulk of the population. The state and mass

media can also make a story that serves their needs into a major propaganda

campaign‖ (Herman, 1995).52

The minds of the subordinates are constructed with false

consciousness making them believe. This false consciousness may be integrated with

rules, laws, norms, habits and even a quite general consensus and thus take the form

of what Gramsci called ―hegemony‖.

Social agents (common people) are unaware or ignorant of the motive of the

forces impelling their thoughts and actions, i.e. false consciousness entail lack of real

knowledge and obliviousness to the influence. What people imagine to be the case is

not really the case, i.e. ideology entails a set of false or illusory belief, even self-

deception (Pine, 1993).53

Social agents believe and act out of false consciousness or

ideology thinking that they do things with full consciousness. That is how they landed

up in a place where they should not. People are not aware of the hidden agenda in the

presentation or representation. The interpretation of the meaning is not real, because

the interpreter interprets by standing away from the platform of reality, influenced by

some external forces. The meaning seems to be real because of the integration of

laws, values, and norms. It pretends to be real but the reality is no more in it. This is

called simulation by Jean Baudrillard (cited in Derain, 1994)54

where the act of

pretending something to be real when it is not. Thus common people think that

something which in fact is not real seems to be real because of their false

consciousness. Jean Baudrillard argued that there is nothing called real because the

real is dead. Whatever that appears to be real is not real but fake. There is a claim

about the existence of free, independent and impartial media coverage. But the truth

is, it is not. Edward Herman (1995), 55

argued that any information has to pass through

the gatekeeper before it can become acceptable for presentation in the mainstream

17

media. He called these gatekeepers as filters. According to him, there are five such

filters that any information has to pass through it before it reach to the public.

1. The size and ownership of the mass media: The dominant media companies or

mainstream media are large, profit oriented corporations, owned and

controlled by very wealthy boards and individuals. Profit-making and

dominant ideologies are the main objectives of these media ventures.

Production is made to meet the interest of the elite by avoiding any material

which offends them.

2. The advertising license to do business: Advertising revenue is the main source

of income for any media house. Newspapers obtain about 75% of their

revenue from the advertisers. Therefore, it is necessary for a media house to

avoid any offending material but to meet the interest of the advertisers. Any

news which is opposed to the policy of the advertisers will result in loss of

revenue. To get revenue, the media has to support the advertisers at any cost.

3. Sourcing mass media news: Media concentrate on gathering information from

government and corporate offices, taking these sources as credible and

accurate. It has also drawn an intimate relationship with them on the ground of

cost factors and mutual interests.

4. Flak and the enforcers: Flake refers to the negative response to media

statements. It may be sponsored by a certain interest group when media

oppose their policies. It is to harass the media and put pressure on them to

follow according to the corporate agenda and other interest groups.

5. Anticommunism as a control mechanism: It is the ideology of anticommunism

which helps mobilize the populace against an identified enemy. With this

mechanism, the media are controlled according to the interest of a particular

group. It is labeled as anticommunism ideology and pinned onto anybody or

group who is against the ideology of the ruling class.

The information which is considered to be real is not real. It is upside-down or

inverted perspectives of reality. French philosopher Jean Baudrillard (cited in Derain,

1994)56

asserted that what appears to be real is not real but hyper reality. The real is

death. ―The real, for all intents and purposes, is vanquished when an independent

object world is assimilated to and defined by artificial codes and simulation models.

The precession of the model is what put an end to the real‖ (Baudrillard, cited in

18

Derain, 1994).57

Supporting the statements about the media coverage on public issues,

J.V. Vilanilam said that looking from the sociological point of view, all media output,

all of it, despite their claims of truthfulness and a realistic reflection of society, is

more a construction than an exact reflection of reality (Vilanilam, 2005).58

Most importantly, the ownership pattern of the media has been concentrated in

very few hands. With the objective of profit maximization and political favour, it

controls the process of news production intent to safeguarding privilege and status.

Looking from the professional and ethical point of view, media coverage should be

unbiased, free, accurate, collected from the credible sources, no self censorship,

reality, clarity, independent, impartiality, to mention a few.

Agenda setting, which term was first coined by Malcolm McCoombs and

Donald Shaw in 1976, claimed that public opinion was affected because of mass

media paying attention to some issues and overlooking others. People tend to know

those things as important according to the order of priority set by media (Blumler &

Gurevitch, 2010).59

Here, media has the power of setting agenda for the society.

Denis McQuail proposed the following hypotheses supporting agenda-setting

theory of media-

Public debate is represented by a set of salient issues (an agenda for

action).

The agenda originates from public opinion and the proposals of political

elites.

Competing interests seek to promote the salience of their issues.

Mass media select issues for more or less attention according to several

pressures, especially those from interested elites, public opinion and real-

world events.

The outcome in media (relative degree of prominence of issues) gives both

public recognition and the evaluation of the political scene.

Agenda effects are peripheral and of short term (McQuail, 2012).60

19

Therefore, the independent, authority and autonomous space of media are

occupied by the powers of politics and economy. Its products have become a

commodity which are produced for maximum gain of political and economical

powers. Social responsibility of media has changed into individual responsibility for a

sectional interest group by creating manipulation, distortion, construction of meaning

and bias in media products.

Distorted Communication

The rationality of the communication platform is undermined by colonizing

the mind of the public and contaminating the content of the communication topics

with the power of economic and politics, what Pierre Bourdieu called ―Systematically

Distorted Communication‖. According to him, the system of the communication

process has been systematically distorted by colonizing the relatively autonomous

field of the media by economic power. With the intrusion of economic powers into

the field, it detracts actions from their reasonable course. Action is neither

communicatively nor strategically rational but always balanced between the two; or

rather communicative action is always in the final instance, strategically secured

(Bourdieu, cited in Crossley, 2004).61

The central idea of this statement is that making

people believe that things unconsciously leading towards commercial direction. It also

colonized the mind of the people according to the demand of the system.

Individuals are afraid of being excluded from the groups. An individual

always wants to be included within the group all the time. To remain included in the

group, there has to be compromise formation, i.e. doing things that is not sensible or

against his principles, within him as he should move along with the group. It may be

any policy which is false and against his conscience. Only compromising can make

him move on in the direction of the majority. The objective of majority group must

have been set by some interest group for its own benefit. This compromise with the

demand of the field will potentially distort the communication fields. Exclusion of the

affected population in arguments also produces distortion in the process of

communication.

20

Drawing from the ideology of Karl Marx and Engels, Christopher L. Pines

argues that false consciousness is the belief in false or illusory things which are not

real. ―What people imagine to be the case is not really the case, i.e. ideology entails a

set of false or illusory beliefs, even self deceptions‖ (Pines, 1993).62

Every individual

of present society lives in an atmosphere of lacking self awareness of the system. He

wants things to happen to him as happen to others. False societal needs are correlated

to individual needs by imposing false consciousness. Individuals are told to behave

according to the false consciousness. He lives through a period of rapid and

continuous change in society and culture. The media play a significant role in

reflecting and stimulating more general processes of change, and the practices of the

media are correspondingly in constant flux. (Fairclough, 1995).63

Media has become

most effective means to carryout ideologies of different intentions through its

‗Symbolic Power‘ (Bourdieu, 1982 cited in Crossley, 2004)64

In the light of this

distorted communication and false consciousness of media, the researcher looks into

the false and illusory beliefs that underlie in the structure of media text by adopting

theoretical perspective of Neo-Marxism in the ideological analysis of the study.

Aim of the study

The aim of the study is to redefine the subject position and how this subject

position is constructed by deconstructing ideological aspects and power relations that

are inherent in the structures of media text in the discourse of anti-dam movement in

northeast India.

Objectives

The main objectives of the study are:

i. To assess the treatment given to anti-dam movement stories;

ii. To examine the ideological underpinning in the stories;

iii. To analyse power relations among pressure groups, government and

media;

iv. To enumerate the deficiency areas and identify reasons for deficiency;

21

Social Significance of the Study

There is a conventional thought in the society about media that it provides

great contribution towards the development of the society. Majority of the populace

consumes its products as real. People are not aware of the external forces of economic

and politics integrated in the process of its production. Consequently, social agents

(common people) believe and act out of false consciousness. In the process of

influencing false consciousness as real, ideology play great roles by disguising its true

nature. Representation of a certain event is control by the powers of politics and

economy. The exercise of power cannot be visible only by observing the surface

structure of the discourse but a close examination makes it clear. Similarly, in the

coverage of anti-dam movements against construction of Lower Subansiri project and

Tipaimukh dam, the social responsibility of media has transformed into individuals

responsibility of some sectional interest group by help of ideological practice in its

product. The present study will help common people to see media products from the

critical perspectives about the nature of social control and at the same time make

him/her aware about the restructuring of the society through media operation with the

integration of economic and politics.

Organization of the thesis

The thesis is divided into the following chapters:

Chapter 1: Introduction. The present chapter gives an overview of the study

and sets up the background for this thesis.

Chapter 2: Literature Review. This would give a detailed exposition of the

emerging trends in the media and dam related movements.

Chapter 3: Research Methodology. This would discuss the theoretical

framework for the methodologies selected for the study and their relevance in its

context.

Chapter 4: Research Analysis. This chapter will delve into the findings of the

study. It is divided into two parts – part I as Description, part II as findings and

discussion.

Chapter 5: Conclusion: This chapter will discuss the major findings. The

implications of the research will be discussed here.

22

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25

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Documents

Chapter 1 INTRODUCTION - Shodhgangashodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/bitstream/10603/98510/3/ch1.pdf · The construction of Lower Subansiri started in 2005 and was due to be completed in