Embed Size (px)
Citation preview
This article was downloaded by: [North Carolina State University]On: 10 November 2014, At: 17:41Publisher: RoutledgeInforma Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number:1072954 Registered office: Mortimer House, 37-41 Mortimer Street,London W1T 3JH, UK
Middle Eastern StudiesPublication details, including instructionsfor authors and subscription information:http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/fmes20
Arab and Turkishuniversities: somecharacteristicsJacob M. LandauPublished online: 06 Dec 2006.
To cite this article: Jacob M. Landau (1997) Arab and Turkish universities:some characteristics, Middle Eastern Studies, 33:1, 1-19, DOI:10.1080/00263209708701139
To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00263209708701139
PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE
Taylor & Francis makes every effort to ensure the accuracy ofall the information (the “Content”) contained in the publicationson our platform. However, Taylor & Francis, our agents, and ourlicensors make no representations or warranties whatsoever as tothe accuracy, completeness, or suitability for any purpose of theContent. Any opinions and views expressed in this publication arethe opinions and views of the authors, and are not the views of orendorsed by Taylor & Francis. The accuracy of the Content shouldnot be relied upon and should be independently verified with primarysources of information. Taylor and Francis shall not be liable for anylosses, actions, claims, proceedings, demands, costs, expenses,damages, and other liabilities whatsoever or howsoever caused
arising directly or indirectly in connection with, in relation to orarising out of the use of the Content.
This article may be used for research, teaching, and private studypurposes. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, redistribution,reselling, loan, sub-licensing, systematic supply, or distribution inany form to anyone is expressly forbidden. Terms & Conditions ofaccess and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/page/terms-and-conditions
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Nor
th C
arol
ina
Stat
e U
nive
rsity
] at
17:
41 1
0 N
ovem
ber
2014
Arab and Turkish Universities:Some Characteristics
JACOB M. LANDAU
Before I start discussing the subject, I have to point out a problem ofdefinition. Even if I limit myself, as I shall, to modern times, the time-spanis so long and the geographical area so wide that some definition of the term'university' in this context is imperative. On the one hand, if all bodiesclaiming university status are included, the subject becomes so wide as towarrant a large book. If, on the other hand, only those institutions granteduniversity status by their national authorities are considered, the fieldbecomes rather narrow, failing to reflect the varieties of university teachingand research. Hence this article will mainly discuss authorized andrecognized universities, but will also attempt to take into account otherinstitutions of higher learning. University teaching and research will be thenunderstood to comprise institutions of continuing education, beyond thesecondary schools, leading to higher degrees and diplomas.
Another basic distinction has to be made, between religious and secularhigher education. According to the prescribed parameters of our article, weshall focus on the latter, with merely brief references to religious highereducation, although Islamic education and its traditions have permeatedsecular education, including the university, to some extent;' and althoughsome Islamic madrasa-s have, of course, set high standards of research andin the preparation of trained cadres in Muslim erudition and way of life. Oneof the main perspectives from which we shall examine the Turkish and Arabuniversities is their foundation and development as part of themodernization process and their consequent role as agents of modernization- a factor which, again, is more relevant to secular than to religious highereducation.
It is hardly possible to discuss the early development of the Arabuniversities without referring to the Turkish ones which preceded them inthe Ottoman Empire. Before the end of the First World War, almost theentire area of the Arab East was, at least nominally, under Ottoman rule. Theempire itself had been shaken in the eighteenth century and was showingsigns of deterioration and disintegration in the nineteenth and earlytwentieth. It was defeated in the First World War and soon afterwards brokeup. In the nineteenth century Ottoman intellectuals came to consider
Middle Eastern Studies, Vol. 33, No. 1, January 1997, pp.1-19PUBLISHED BY FRANK CASS, LONDON
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Nor
th C
arol
ina
Stat
e U
nive
rsity
] at
17:
41 1
0 N
ovem
ber
2014
2 MIDDLE EASTERN STUDIES
modernization as essential in preserving a social order which seemedunwilling or incapable of preventing its own decline. The Ottoman Sultanand the ruling elites grasped the importance of European-type highereducation in saving the empire, if adopted to fit their own specific goals, forinstance in strengthening the army by means of an efficient war college, andencouraging scientific, technological and medical instruction as needed bythe military establishment. The empire's rulers were, however, suspicious ofwesternized higher education, lest it affect the political order and lead to apernicious liberalization of its structure. However, it was for this veryreason that some secular intellectuals - Turks, Arabs and others - wished tosee universities shaped according to the best European models. Differencesin approach notwithstanding, there was at least some common groundbetween the Ottoman rulers and the secular intellectuals in this matter,namely, the high value they all placed on the importance ascribed topromoting higher education.
It is impossible to separate higher education - indeed, all education, forthat matter - from the inherited values in the society. Practically allcommunities in the Ottoman Empire, Muslim, Christian, or Jewish, attachedgreat significance to learning. The first problem of the modernizers ineducation was how to go about setting up secular European-typeuniversities without antagonizing the respective traditional elements in eachcommunity; and, in a parallel manner, how to reform pre-universityeducation so that it could supply the universities with appropriately trainedand suitably minded students. As we shall see later, some of the problemsinvolved have not been fully solved even today.
Ottoman education, in all its stages, was essentially focused in traditionalschools, based on religious study in time-hallowed methods. The higheststage, for Muslims, was the medrese (in Turkish), or madrasa (in Arabic),which prepared legal scholars, jurists and judges, but also officials for thecivil service.2 With modernization infiltrating from the end of the eighteenthcentury, Sultan Selim III established, in 1792-93, army units to be led byofficers trained in modern military and naval colleges - the nucleus ofsecular higher education in the Ottoman Empire (even though somereligious subjects were taught as well). An artillery school, staffed byFrench officers, was inaugurated as early as 1795, followed by others formilitary engineering, medicine, and a war college. The colleges werechannels for western technology and, later, values, chiefly among officerswho had acquired French. Many of these values penetrated civilian schoolsset up later.3 A class of secular intellectuals was thus formed, some of whomtaught in, or translated works for, civilian institutes, such as the law school(set up in 1838), a new school of medicine (1901), a new school of law
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Nor
th C
arol
ina
Stat
e U
nive
rsity
] at
17:
41 1
0 N
ovem
ber
2014
ARAB AND TURKISH UNIVERSITIES 3
(1912), and others. Perhaps the most important of these was the Miilkiye,established in Istanbul in 1859 to prepare civil servants (renamed the Schoolof Political Science in 1934, it moved to Ankara two years later, and in 1950became a faculty of Ankara University).4 Schools of finance, fine arts,languages, commerce and engineering were added in the late nineteenthcentury. In 1900 Sultan Abdul-Hamid II decided that the time was ripe foran Ottoman university. It is not generally known how he went about it - butI was fortunate enough to discover this last year, as I was doing research inthe German state archives in Potsdam. The Sultan was Germanophile andhad already co-operated with Kaiser Wilhelm II. The archives contain anoriginal letter from Ahmed Tevfik, the Ottoman Ambassador in Berlin,requesting materials about German universities to assist the Sultan inestablishing a university in Istanbul.5
The first Ottoman university was, indeed, opened in Istanbul in 1900 andit is clear that a West European model was envisaged. However, as Abdul-Hamid II feared sedition, no courses on politics, sociology, philosophy, evenhistory were permitted; education inspectors and secret agents supervisedteaching as well as student activities.6 Student numbers remained small: by1908, when the Young Turk Revolution took place, about 2,500 studentshad graduated from the new university and other schools (chiefly in law ormedicine), along with 1,236 from the Miilkiye. To these one should add thegraduates of Robert College, set up by American missionaries in Istanbul in1863 and some smaller similar institutions, all catering mostly to Christianstudents.7 The Young Turk rulers carried out a set of reforms in variousareas, including education. The university grew in student numbers, as thecurriculum was enlarged to offer once-prohibited subjects and Germanprofessors were engaged to promote modern secular scholarship.8
In the Turkish Republic, established in Anatolia in 1923, universityeducation,9 as so many other crucial issues, was largely determined by thepolicies laid down by the republic's founder, Mustafa Kemal Atatiirk.Consistent with his struggle for overall modernization, which for him meantwesternization, to dislodge religiosity in the collective conscience, Atatiirkradically restructured the country's single national university, in Istanbul,which was still dominated by conservative scholars, many of whomopposed his revolutionary reforms. Under a law passed in 1933 most of thefaculty was dismissed. Some thirty foreign professors, chiefly Jewish orsocialist refugees from Germany, were soon engaged and new standards setfor teaching and research (some of these professors later helped to set up thenucleus of Ankara University).10 Government control replaced formerautonomy and a new institute on the Turkish Revolution of Atatiirk was setup, with courses that every student had to attend. Considerable emphasiswas placed on the study of Turkish history and language, replacing much of
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Nor
th C
arol
ina
Stat
e U
nive
rsity
] at
17:
41 1
0 N
ovem
ber
2014
4 MIDDLE EASTERN STUDIES
the previous Ottoman focus. Following the move of the capital to Ankara, anew university was established there by fusing several existing institutesand adding new faculties.
University education is perceived in Turkey as an avenue towardsmobility and social status. With the expansion of new elites, made up ofbusinessmen, entrepreneurs and others, in addition to the old ones of thebureaucracy, army and intellectuals, pressures on university study havegrown. Following the 1946 University Law which granted full autonomy tothe universities, enrolment rose from 20,000 in 1945 to about 65,000 in1960 and 159,000 in 1970." Soon afterwards, it exploded: in 1991, Turkey'stwenty-nine universities had an academic staff of more than 30,000 and atotal student body of close to 600,000.n The rise in enrolment is continuing,among women no less than among men: today, about one third of the overallnumber of students in Turkish universities is made up of women - a recordcompared to several other states in the Middle East. No less significant,students of middle- and upper-class parents from Istanbul and Ankara havebeen joined, since the 1960s, by lower-class students and many from ruralareas. Some at least have been prompted to enrol in order to obtain adeferment of their military service and an assurance that they would serveas reserve officers after graduation.
The introduction of competitive examinations for admission causedconsiderable frustration among those rejected, not to mention thosecompelled to study the humanities and social sciences when limited spacebarred them from the sciences or medicine. In order to moderate some ofthis frustration, which was being channelled into political radicalism, and toattempt to reduce somewhat the very large flow of rural inhabitants to thecities and towns, numerous state universities have been opened throughoutTurkey - in Izmir, Erzerum, Trabzon, and elsewhere - since the 1970s, aprocess which is still going on, as well as several private ones in the 1980sand 1990s. The former charge no tuition fees and generally offer instructionin Turkish, although the Middle East Technical University in Ankarainstructs in English; the latter are for more well-to-do students, who canafford to pay, and generally teach in English. However, classes continue tobe too large (although there is a shortage of jobs for graduates). Thissituation compels the teaching staff to rely mostly on lecturing methods,rather than discussion and analysis. Large-scale unemployment and risinginflation in Turkey influence both students, many of whom drop out, andteachers, some of whom have to look for additional income, thus reducingtime available for research. It is remarkable that in such conditions manyprofessors and lecturers still produce scholarly books and papers both inTurkey itself and abroad, in a variety of disciplines. Following criticism ofthe standards of some universities, a new University Reform Act was
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Nor
th C
arol
ina
Stat
e U
nive
rsity
] at
17:
41 1
0 N
ovem
ber
2014
ARAB AND TURKISH UNIVERSITIES 5
recently passed in the Great National Assembly, allowing the establishmentof universities based on private funding, intended to strive for academicexcellence.13
Not surprisingly, a marked politicization of the student body becameperceptible in several universities since the opening-up of Turkey todemocratic politics in 1950, and even more so during the late 1960s and the1970s."1 This development was checked, at least temporarily, by the militaryintervention of 1980-83, which purged the universities of staff suspected ofbeing politically unreliable, took away much of their autonomy, andimposed close supervision on all of them. One of the measures introducedby the 1981 Law On Higher Education was compulsory courses on'Atatiirk's Principles' and 'The History of the Turkish Reform' at alluniversities. Another forbade all teachers and students to belong to politicalparties. Thus, the pendulum swung back to the Atatiirk years. In short, inview of continuing political malaise and economic problems, the generalsituation in the 30-odd universities of Turkey has essentially changed butlittle in recent years. Insofar as there has been a visible transformation, it isthe gradually increasing penetration of religious elements within the studentbody, to some extent dislodging the polemics of the Marxist left and of theextreme right. Islamic circles have the means to give needy studentsmaterial and moral support - and they do this openly and successfully.
While Turkish (and also Iranian) universities developed within states whichhad never been entirely subjugated by colonial powers, Arab institutionsgenerally started in lands dominated by non-Arabs; even when universitiesdeveloped in newly independent Arab states, the memory of foreign rulepersisted. These factors had far-reaching effects on the establishment ofArab universities and their development. We shall attempt to describebriefly the history of university institutions in Arab countries15 and toexamine their fortunes against the background of political, social, economicand cultural patterns. The constraints and opportunities of Arab universitiesreflect these patterns and determine their interrelationships, influenced atfirst by the discourse of intellectuals, then by the general population'sexpectations of university education.16
Until the First World War, and also in later years to some extent, highereducation in the Arab East was a matter of teachers' colleges and similarorgans of continuing education, such as institutes of finance and commerce,or of fine arts in Egypt; medicine, pharmacy or nursing in Iraq; agricultureor commerce in Syria; and arts and crafts in Lebanon.17 Only a fewuniversities existed in Arabic-speaking countries before the war. In 1863 theAmerican University of Beirut was established as the Protestant SyrianCollege. Some twelve years later, the College St. Joseph was founded in
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Nor
th C
arol
ina
Stat
e U
nive
rsity
] at
17:
41 1
0 N
ovem
ber
2014
6 MIDDLE EASTERN STUDIES
Beirut as the Catholic response to the Protestants; it became a PontificalUniversity in 1881. A School of Medicine was opened by the OttomanGovernment in Istanbul, followed by a School of Law, These however werenot fused into a university and preserved the character of professionalcolleges.
In 1908 the Egyptian University was set up in Cairo as a privateinstitution; it became a state university only in 1925, after Egypt hadobtained independence.18 In 1909, the University of Algiers was formed byjoining together a number of existing higher schools, including preparatoryschools of medicine and pharmacy, created as early as 1859, and the higherschools of medicine, law, arts and sciences founded in 1879. Thus, the firsttwo universities in Arab lands were foreign establishments - American andFrench - located in Beirut, an important gateway for Western culturalpenetration. The third was a private Arab institution; its location in Egyptwas not fortuitous, for the country, although nominally a province of theOttoman Empire, was governed by the British since 1882. The fourth, alsoan Arab establishment, was set up in Algeria, a country ruled by Francesince 1830 and perceived as an integral part of the French Republic. In otherwords: of the four universities, two were foreign and the other two, althoughArab, were located in European-ruled territories. Even if we consider thefaculties of medicine and law in Damascus as embryos of a futureuniversity, it should be remembered that they were the brainchild of theOttoman authorities who did not hesitate to close them down towards theend of the First World War. Remarkably, when they were revived in 1919and joined to form a university in Syria, in 1923, this was carried out by anArab government, indeed, but, again, in territory ruled under Mandate by aforeign Power, France. Meanwhile, the American University of Cairo, againa foreign institution, had been established in 1919.
Close to the end of the Second World War and following it, publicinterest in universities grew in the Arab countries, not a little due to whatwas widely perceived as an increasing role for the universities to performwithin the growing nationalist movements. In 1948-49 Sati' al-Husri, a manof letters and public figure, for a while Minister of Education, published thefirst annual volume in a series (now defunct) which he entitled Hawliyyatal-Thaqafa al-'Arabiyya. This methodically surveyed educationaldevelopments throughout the Arab lands, especially in higher education.Soon patterns of higher education began to change, first quantitatively, thenqualitatively." New universities were founded in quick succession in Egypt;Syria: the Syrian University, 1946;20 Lebanon: the Lebanese University,1950; the Sudan: the University College of Khartoum in 1951, whichbecame the University of Khartoum in 1956, immediately afterindependence;21 Libya: the University of Libya, established by royal decree
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Nor
th C
arol
ina
Stat
e U
nive
rsity
] at
17:
41 1
0 N
ovem
ber
2014
ARAB AND TURKISH UNIVERSITIES 7
in 1955, started courses a year later as a College of Arts and Education, thenadded other faculties; Iraq: various separate institutions were joined in 1956to form Baghdad University, starting to teach a year later;22 Morocco: theUniversity of Rabat, founded in 1957, again soon after independence, byfusing several existing institutes; Saudi Arabia: King Saud University wasestablished in Riyadh in 1957, soon growing in faculties and students, thenKing Abd al-Aziz University, in Jeddah in 1967;23 Tunisia: the NationalUniversity of Tunisia, set up in Tunis in 1958, soon absorbed several of theexisting colleges; the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan: after establishingseveral teachers' colleges during the 1950s, the University of Jordan startedin Amman with one college in 1962, then was expanded three years later;there are now four universities in Jordan - in Amman, Karak, and two inIrbid;24 Kuwait (1966); the Gulf Principalities;25 the Israeli-held territories(in the 1970s and 1980s); and elsewhere.
All these were Arab universities either established soon afterindependence, to buttress it; or founded in situations where, in the strugglefor independence, universities were considered an important means. Indeed,the relatively large concentrations of students in one place enabled politicalleaders to recruit them for nationalist activities - first, for demonstrations,sometimes violent, against foreign domination, and later, for protestsagainst their own governments. No wonder that ruling circles and politicalmovements in practically all the Arab states watch their universities closely.Some of the more authoritarian governments invest considerable efforts ininstilling loyalty to the regime within the student body, by both direct andindirect propaganda. This appears necessary as student demonstrations tendto proliferate, for many reasons varying in weight.
Before examining the national Arab universities, something should besaid about the foreign universities.26 The Protestant ones, like RobertCollege - now called the Bosphorus University - in Istanbul, wereaccredited to the State University of New York. The Catholic ones, like St.Joseph in Beirut and al-Hikma University in Baghdad, were accredited inFrance (the former to the University of Lyon). All are now non-religious,the Protestant even more so than the Catholic, although they are stillconsidered 'Christian' by their Muslim detractors. Their curricula andmethods of instruction, at first modelled on American or French patterns,have undergone numerous changes to adapt them to local conditions andpressures. Three obvious distinctions still exist between them and thenational universities: the main language of instruction is still English orFrench; tuition-fees are charged; and part of the teaching personnel isAmerican or French. Due to these three characteristics and accreditationabroad, the foreign universities have catered to a special student body,largely the upper-middle class. For these students, at least, the foreign
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Nor
th C
arol
ina
Stat
e U
nive
rsity
] at
17:
41 1
0 N
ovem
ber
2014
8 MIDDLE EASTERN STUDIES
universities have served as a channel to western culture and, sometimes, areciprocal discourse with the local culture has been created. All this,however, has not prevented the political radicalization of the student body,past and present. Indeed, the American University of Beirut, in particular,has provided fertile ground for extreme Arab nationalism, and its graduateshave been among the prominent spokesmen of nationalism in their ownlands. It is an open question how important a function the foreignuniversities have had in the cultural life of their respective countries in theMiddle East. Insofar as this can be evaluated, one is probably justified inassuming that their role has been diminishing, partly due to the decline ofwestern influence in politics, economics and culture; partly to governmentalcontrol; and, probably even more, to the growing competition of thenational universities.
Before we examine some national universities in the Arab states morespecifically, it would be useful to discuss some general characteristics andproblems of these universities - bearing in mind that these vary in degree,if not in essence, from one place to the other.
The most visible symptom of Arab universities is their swift growth inthe number both of institutions and of registered students. While in the1961-62 academic year there were 20 universities in the Arab countries,with a student population of about 157,000," in 1971-72 there were 48universities with some 375,000 students - more than double the earlierfigure;28 and the figures continue to grow visibly. No less important, ofcourse, is the number of graduates from these universities over the years,circa 1,500,000 in 1980; according to the estimate of an Arab scholar, A.B.Zahlan, the figure should reach approximately 15,000,000 by the year2000.29 The pace has differed from one state to another, with the mostmarked growth in relatively poor countries, burdened by a populationexplosion, such as Egypt. There is also a basic difference in the populatingof the various faculties. As in the case of Turkey, mentioned above, sincescience and medicine are automatically unable to admit candidates beyondthe space in their laboratories, students are obliged to register for thehumanities and social sciences in very large numbers. As a result, forinstance in Egyptian universities, the teacher-student ratio in humanitiesand social sciences has risen from 1:20 in 1950-51, to 1:200 in 1957-58.30
It is easy to imagine how this affects university instruction and study.
The reasons for this increase are not difficult to grasp. Since practicallyall universities - except for the foreign ones - in the Arab countries, as wellas in Turkey and Iran, are governed and financed by the state, theperceptions of the rulers determine university policy and development;these rulers, naturally, are well aware of the popular desire for universityeducation, as a matter of individual prestige and economic advancement.
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Nor
th C
arol
ina
Stat
e U
nive
rsity
] at
17:
41 1
0 N
ovem
ber
2014
ARAB AND TURKISH UNIVERSITIES 9
The history of these universities demonstrates that the origins of manyof them were associated with the local nationalist movements. In the periodof colonial rule the universities instilled and fostered patriotic attitudes andactivities. With independence, the new governments reacted violentlyagainst their former foreign rulers, for instance in altering the curricula toreflect their own Arab and Islamic heritage, and to promote Arabic insteadof French or English. Thus, in Syria, after independence in 1945, theUniversity of Damascus replaced French professors by Lebanese andEgyptians and laid greater emphasis on the Arabization of all instruction.History, also, was taught from a nationalist perspective. These weresymptoms of the de-westernization of Arab universities followingindependence.
More generally, however, independent Arab governments perceived thegrowth and development of their universities on two main levels. First, as amatter of status and of competition with other states, which may be one ofthe reasons for the minimal co-operation between universities in variousArab lands, although they would probably benefit more fromcomplementarity than from competition. The establishment in 1965 of theUnion of Arab Universities has not changed the situation materially.Second, Arab governments saw the universities as training grounds for thenumerous experts, teachers and officials needed to replace those of thecolonial powers. In promoting such policies, some governments encouragedmass education at university level (as well as at the primary and secondaryones), seemingly at the expense of quality. At any event, they did notimmediately realize the risk involved in creating a large class of educatedyouths who, in some states, could hardly find suitable jobs. Egypt is a primeexample of this policy. The Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, on the otherhand, was one of the few which moderated the number of its universitystudents, out of political, social and economic considerations, so that only alimited number of students could enrol in its universities. In Morocco, also,where student numbers rose more than twelvefold between 1970 and 1985,the state succeeded, in 1987, in reducing university enrolment. In Kuwait,on the other hand, the authorities encouraged the establishment of a largeuniversity, but did not hesitate afterwards to intervene in order to slow downits growth, when its rapid development was perceived dangerous to theregime. Oman is grappling with similar problems in 1995, when unexpectedeconomic difficulties make it impossible to provide civil service jobs for allthe graduates.
Turning to the national universities themselves, their internalorganization is frequently centralized. The Minister of the Interior, or ofEducation, in most Arab states, determines the structure and organization ofthe national universities and frequently has the final say in certain top-rank
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Nor
th C
arol
ina
Stat
e U
nive
rsity
] at
17:
41 1
0 N
ovem
ber
2014
10 MIDDLE EASTERN STUDIES
nominations. Apart from this, his intervention is limited to approvingseveral budgetary allocations, which vary from state to state, often grantinghim considerable leverage. Locally, most administrative decisions are takenby the university's presidents and deans; the latter head their respectivefaculties, which resemble the European models, chiefly the French andBritish, sometimes the American. All considered, however, bothadministrators and teachers regard themselves as state employees, aperception that increases their subservience to the Ministry of Education. Itis also relevant that the graduates of many Arab universities who findemployment find it in the government bureaucracy rather than elsewhere.The curricula offered by the universities vary from state to state andsometimes from university to university, notwithstanding the centralistpolicies of the governments involved. Many of the courses have beenadopted from the West: thus, in many law faculties, the French modeldominates; in medicine and technology, the British; in some other faculties,the American. An extreme case was the University of Baghdad where, in the1960s, the Colleges of Arts, Science and Medicine followed Britishpatterns; the College of Agriculture, American; the College of Law, French;and the College of Engineering and of Education, a mixture.31 Consequently,a large number of subjects there and elsewhere are taught following Westernmethods, while many courses in the Arab countries have been added invarious disciplines. Little is offered, however, on Asia and Africa and thereare very few general culture courses, specialization starting in the first yearof study. However, there is still little emphasis, at the BA level, on relatingthe subject matter to the problematics of local issues, say, to those of Arabsociety. It is mostly at the MA and Ph.D. levels that students concentrate onthe essential problems of their Arab environment and on training specialistsfor developing their own countries.32
The methods of teaching and studying, except for some neweruniversities in the oil-producing states, are conditioned by the backgroundeducation of the students and the crowded classes in most faculties, chieflyin the humanities and social sciences, sometimes also in law. Many studentshave been accustomed in their primary and secondary schools to study byrote; and regular memorization, rather than rational discussion and analysis,still pervades many classes in some national universities. The attitude ofmany students tends to be passive. Few university teachers instruct theirstudents in methodical thinking and objective criticism. Most dictate theirlectures to huge crowds, which feed all this material back to them duringexaminations. While still customary at the BA level, this teaching practiceis changing in some of the wealthier universities. At the MA and Ph.D.levels, however, with fewer students enrolled and some of them receivingindividual attention from both locally and European-trained professors who
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Nor
th C
arol
ina
Stat
e U
nive
rsity
] at
17:
41 1
0 N
ovem
ber
2014
ARAB AND TURKISH UNIVERSITIES 11
use more modern and scholarly methods of study and research, the overallresults are often impressive.
Considered in its social setting, a university education is the pinnacle ofambition as perceived by large parts of the Arab population. Few thingscarry more prestige than a doctoral degree. At the individual level, auniversity degree appears the best recommendation for obtaining a job incountries where unemployment is a constant and for achieving some careermobility. While numerous university graduates remain unemployed, aselsewhere in the world, many nonetheless become part of the intellectualclass that shares in national and Arab cultural development, or the ongoingpolitical discourse, or both. While university graduates can do little to solvethe perennial tension between the long-term goals of the universities and thepressing interests of the state, some have participated in the relevant debate.However one looks at it, the Arab universities are a central factor inrecruiting potential elites, just as the Islamic universities are crucial inpreparing religious cadres. This self-evident observation ought to bequalified, however, for the most recent years. While few, if any, secularstudents enrol at religious universities, there is a growing number offundamentalist Islamists, men and women, who study at secular Arabuniversities; they are both more visible and more active than before. Manyof these and other students are well aware of their important role in politicsand society, present and future. An interesting account of the Arab studentis given by As'ad Ahmad AH, a lecturer in Arabic language and literature atthe Arab University in Beirut, who published a large work in 1971 entitledal-Tullab wa-insan al-mustaqbal (The Students and the Man of the Future).Here he writes candidly about Arab students as they have been known overthe years; the book is a moving document, authentically recording theactivities, fears and hopes of the students on a daily basis."
We have discussed Arab universities rather broadly. Perhaps our presentationmay be better focused if we select a specific case and deal with it in moredetail. Egypt is indicated. It was the first country to set up an Arab university,and its academic structure (based on West-European models) was imitated bymany Arab countries; and, no less significantly, it has the largest body ofuniversities, instructors and students. In each of these three factors Egyptsurpasses the respective figures in all the other Arab states put together. Totake the students alone, our calculations show that those enrolled in 1990 inthe national secular Egyptian universities (not counting those in otherinstitutes of higher education) numbered about 520,000, plus another 90,000at the religious al-Azhar University, or more than 600,000 altogether.34
The figures in the secular universities were as follows (they may wellhave risen since):
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Nor
th C
arol
ina
Stat
e U
nive
rsity
] at
17:
41 1
0 N
ovem
ber
2014
12 MIDDLE EASTERN STUDIES
'Ayn ShamsAlexandriaAsyutCairoHelwanIsma'iliyyaal-Mansuraal-Manufiyyaal-MinyaTantaZagazig
121,52096,90041,78378,82433,30010,30032,26918,32213,5184,560
67,870
The foundation and subsequent development of Egyptian universities havebeen conditioned, as elsewhere, by the political, socio-economic andcultural situation. During their rule in Egypt, the British laid down a policylimiting the number of graduates of secondary and higher education to whatthe civil service required, and opposed, not altogether successfully, theestablishment of a full-fledged university.35 It was only to be expected, then,that demands for an Egyptian university and access to it were voiced bylocal nationalists; and, conversely, that university-trained lawyers andjournalists became the most articulate spokesmen of the nationalistmovement in Egypt, both before and after the First World War.
It was due to pressure by the nationalist movement, demands bysecondary school graduates for higher education, and the general feelingthat Egypt had been and ought to remain the acknowledged leader of Arabculture, that universities and institutes of higher learning began to emerge.After the Egyptian University had been set up in 1908 in Cairo, othersfollowed in Alexandria in 1942; in Ayn Shams (Heliopolis), near Cairo, in1950; and in Asyut, in Upper Egypt, in 1955. More universities weredeveloped in the 1960s, 1970s and 1980s, in Tanta, al-Mansura, Zagazig,Helwan, al-Manufiyya, al-Minya, Suez, Isma'iliyya, and Aswan.36 Threeother universities, all in Cairo, can only be referred to here. These are al-Azhar, more than a thousand years old, famous worldwide for its Islamicstudies and scholarship;37 the American University in Cairo, established in1919; and the Institute of Higher Studies, set up by the Arab League in1953. In addition, there are many institutes of higher education, withuniversity standing in the above towns and some others. Most universitiesand institutes have grown rapidly in the number of faculties anddepartments, often resembling European universities in structure. In Egypt,all these institutions have depended on the Ministry for Higher Educationsince 1961. Studying in them was almost free at first, and it became entirelyfree in 1962 (excluding the American University of Cairo), except for
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Nor
th C
arol
ina
Stat
e U
nive
rsity
] at
17:
41 1
0 N
ovem
ber
2014
ARAB AND TURKISH UNIVERSITIES 13
minimal sums covering obligatory membership in the students' union,library fees and health insurance. Minimal rent is charged for students'lodgings, mostly occupied by those arriving from the rural regions.38
The Free Officers' revolution of 1952 was the watershed that changedthe scope of Egyptian higher education.39 The new regime presented itselfas the champion of the poor and underprivileged. Naturally, one way toimprove the lot of the people was to promote better and morecomprehensive education in all its stages. The republican leadership, no lessauthoritarian and centralized than its predecessors, badly needed a newbureaucracy, loyal and capable. Technocratically minded, it desired rapidtechnological proficiency for the army, as well as for economicdevelopment - all interwoven with modernization policies. Hence theemphasis laid on encouraging the study of science and technology at bothpre-university and university levels. These efforts were more than matchedby the rise in student enrolment in other faculties and departments, allwithin the parameters of the expansion of education (including highereducation), as planned and carried out by the new political leadership. Thissoon became evident in the student population explosion in humanities,social sciences and law. All considered, there are now in Egypt twouniversity students for every five secondary school pupils and for everytwenty-six primary school pupils.40
No less relevant for present and, probably, future higher education inEgypt are the socio-economic factors involved, reflecting the politicalsituation as well. Some of these apply to several Arab states, but seem to beparticularly evident in Egypt. The expansion of education in Egypt hasenabled new social groups to send their children to school and university.These comprise the lower middle class and some sections of the lower classin the cities and towns, but also an increasing number of rural families, bothpeasants still living in the villages and those who have recently migratedinto the cities and towns, as part of the large move from rural to urban life.This phenomenon means that, while formerly the sons of traditional ruralfamilies went to study in religious institutions, such as al-Azhar, and thosefrom secular and urban families in other Egyptian universities, over the lastforty years or so the former are increasingly joining the student body insecular institutions of higher learning. In addition, although men definitelypredominate among the students, an increasing number of women enrol andstudy in Egyptian and other universities.41 They seem, however, to havesome special problems. As Bill Williamson phrased it,
No quantitative measures can depict the subtle pre-occupationswomen must have about appropriate forms of dress while on campusor the care they must exercise in their contacts with fellow students,
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Nor
th C
arol
ina
Stat
e U
nive
rsity
] at
17:
41 1
0 N
ovem
ber
2014
14 MIDDLE EASTERN STUDIES
particularly the men. They have to cope with these things with care toavoid sanctions from their colleagues and their families and fromreligious students with whom they cannot avoid contact. They have totake care not to appear too independent, to be too clever or tooambitious, they have to balance circumspection and respectabilitywith ambition.42
All these developments have been changing the physical appearance ofthe universities, for instance in the increasing visibility of traditional garbamong the students, both men and women, as well as in their politicalinvolvement in the secular-fundamentalist conflict. Yet anotherphenomenon is the continuing social cleavage in the student body, despiteefforts by the new regime in Egypt towards democratization andequalization within the universities. The more affluent secular urbanstudents, with a better educational background, are more suited to studyingin the non-religious universities. Their chances of graduating well andfinding employment are better than those of poor religious rural students,many of whom have remained disappointed in their immediate scholasticexpectations.
We have discussed the students in Egyptian universities in some detail,because of their obvious importance. The other two groups, directlyinvolved in shaping higher education, should also be mentioned. Universityadministrators have a great deal of power, possibly even more than inwestern universities, and use it accordingly. Professors, lecturers andassistants in the local universities are chiefly Egyptian since the British leftin 1951 and the French in 1956 (in the American University of Cairo theinstructors are mostly Egyptians and Americans). Although enjoying highprestige, they have to cope with relatively heavy teaching schedules, largeclasses, and meagre salaries. Many attempt to bolster their pay bymoonlighting, including private tuition. The result is an even heavier loadand very little time for research. This is how it happens that many universityteachers, who produced and published excellent dissertations at home orabroad, neglect or downgrade their research. This is not to say that there areno scholars who successfully continue their research. There are, and someare highly respected at home and abroad for their impressively originalwork in various fields. Nevertheless, it is safe to say that many are doingmuch less intensive research than their potential warrants. It is anencouraging sign, however, that many academics are aware of this situation,which they try to counteract by teaching and researching abroad, forexample in the affluent oil-producing Arab states, as part of the prevalentlabor migration there. This was first permitted, even promoted, by President
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Nor
th C
arol
ina
Stat
e U
nive
rsity
] at
17:
41 1
0 N
ovem
ber
2014
ARAB AND TURKISH UNIVERSITIES 15
Anwar al-Sadat's policy, in the 1970s, of infitah, or liberalization. His mainreason was that these emigrants not only assist their families, but helpEgypt's balance of payment deficits by the foreign currency which theysend home. These remittances jumped from $10 million in 1970 to $1.4billion in 1977.43 Even if we do not intend to discuss the educationalconsequence of this migration, yet another serious problem should be notedin this context. Some of these academics — quite probably the best scholars- do not always return home.44 The fact that not a few of these emigrants areexperts in scientific and technological subjects further aggravates Egypt'sserious problems in science education and scientific development. A newinstitution, established by Sadat in 1971, attempts to solve some of theseproblems in planning and co-ordinating scientific research andtechnological development. Called the Academy for Scientific Researchand Technology, it has had only modest success as yet in dealing with thetechnocratic community at university level, probably because ofbureaucratic difficulties.45
Conclusions are notoriously difficult to arrive at when attempting to definecontinuing processes. However, it seems that what we have said abouthigher education in general, and more specifically about Turkey and Egypt,lends itself to broader considerations applying to universities in severalArab states of the Middle East and North Africa, and possibly to those inother developing countries. Some tentative observations, which certainlyshould not be taken as definitive, are offered here.
One of the most striking features of higher education in Arab countriesis that (with few exceptions, chiefly in Lebanon and the PalestinianAuthority) it is almost exclusively a state function - in funding, supervising,administering and operating. While this has the advantage of financialsecurity with guaranteed revenue, it results in extreme sensitiveness togovernment change and, probably, some limitation on initiative andinnovation. It is the state, also, which is expected to match output withmanpower, which many Arab governments have failed to achieve.
It would be a truism, perhaps, to suggest that university education ismore successful in the oil-producing countries than in the poor ones.Whether a truism or not, in this case it is not entirely applicable.Undoubtedly, higher education is more comfortable in the rich Arab statesand the life of students and staff is easier and smoother. In 1983 aUNESCO-sponsored study reported that Cairo University had 150,000students and buildings suitable for 35,000.46 Not unexpectedly, since all theoil-rich Arab Gulf States, Iraq excepted, account between them for less than8 per cent of the total enrolment in Arab universities,47 the teacher-studentratio is most favourable there. It is debatable, however, whether the results
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Nor
th C
arol
ina
Stat
e U
nive
rsity
] at
17:
41 1
0 N
ovem
ber
2014
16 MIDDLE EASTERN STUDIES
in the richer universities necessarily indicate a higher level of studentachievement or professorial research. After all, it is Egypt - and, to a lesserextent, Turkey - which are called upon to send their scholars to provideteachers to Arab universities elsewhere..
There is however a basic difference in this and other aspects betweenTurkey and the Arab states — which is why Turkey is considered separatelyin our context. Though it is a non-Arab society, it is Muslim and placed inclose proximity to the Arab world. Turkey has not only been independentfor centuries, but it also has a much longer tradition of modernization inmany fields, including education. While the impact of the West has beencrucial in the development of all Middle Eastern secular universities,Turkey started earlier to admit Western influence on higher education andmay have absorbed it sooner and more deeply.
Turkification or Arabization of higher education, reflected in emphasison the language of instruction and highlighting the national culture, haveresulted in a certain lessening of the Western impact. Indeed, in manyMiddle Eastern universities an undeclared competition, not to say struggle,goes on between the national language and culture and foreign ones, withthe latter apparently losing ground - except in the faculties of science,medicine, technology and engineering, where access to western innovationsremains indispensable.48 This is valid for most national universities inTurkey (where, however, the Bosphorus University in Istanbul, heir toRobert College, and Bilkent, a private university in Ankara, use English asthe language of instruction) and large parts of the Arab East. Thus,universities in Iraq employ Arabic as their language of instruction, withsome English (at least one, the University of Mosul, claims to teach inArabic, English and French). However, in the Arab West, where Frenchculture is still a factor to be reckoned with, the situation is different. If oneconsults the International Handbook of Universities and Other Institutionsof Higher Education, published every five years by the InternationalAssociation of Universities, and looks, for instance, at Algeria,49 one notesthat all institutions of higher education on which information is available asto language of instruction, teach in both Arabic and French, except for threewhich use French only. These three are, not coincidentally, the University ofScience and Technology in Oran, the Institute of Telecommunications, alsoin Oran, and the Institute of Agronomy in Algiers. This situation is repeatedin Morocco and Tunisia.
The rationale behind this situation combines a patriotic attitude with thepressing need to mobilize the universities, both teachers and students, forpromoting the interests of their own society and economy. Most of theresearch carried out (whatever funding is available for it) is applied to localand national needs, downgrading everything else. However, even this local
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Nor
th C
arol
ina
Stat
e U
nive
rsity
] at
17:
41 1
0 N
ovem
ber
2014
ARAB AND TURKISH UNIVERSITIES 17
focus frequently produces only modest results in what an expert on Egypthas termed 'the chimera of education for development'.50 Indeed, in mostArab countries the contribution of higher education to development islimited enough, insofar as the academic personnel is concerned, inconditions of lack of money and heavy teaching and administrative duties.Turkey has reacted by establishing many new universities in recent years,while some Arab states are considering ways and means of limiting studentenrolment and improving the financial situation of the teaching staff bysomewhat de-emphasizing the cost effectiveness of the services provided bythe governments.
A major shift has also occurred in the central issues which theuniversities, and most particularly their students, perceive as trulysignificant, Increasingly politicized over the years, the student body hasrecently become polarized to a large extent. In Arab universities, the publicdebate focused earlier on nationalist issues, that is, how to get rid of foreigncolonialism and achieve political independence and sovereignty. In Turkeythis was hardly ever a basic issue, naturally, and in the Arab states, nowindependent, other problems and demands are now predominant in theuniversities. Nowadays one hears less about the evil designs of imperialismand its so-called stooges. On the contrary, the future of the people's ownsociety and economy affects public discourse. Indeed, the political andideological struggle between secularism, liberalism and democracy, on theone hand, and religion, traditionalism and fundamentalism, on the other, hasrecently been at the centre of the debate in the universities. It seems that theintellectuals produced by the universities still suffer from the conflictbetween their heritage and modernism." The Islamic associations ofstudents in secular institutions are a potent political and social force,increasingly articulate and involved. Many of the strongly religious students- and the political Muslim circles behind them - voice extreme demandsregarding the teaching of Islam in the secular universities.52 They haverepeatedly interrupted classes for prayer, imposed sex-segregated seatingand forced cancellation of movies, theatrical shows and coeducational trips,even objecting to putting out the lights for showing slides in coeducationalclassrooms.53 At the American University of Beirut, they have demonstratedagainst the study of Thomas Aquinas's works. In all these and other matters,the universities are naturally affected by their environment, but, also, asrespected centres of learning, they will very probably affect the criticaldiscourse in this, as in other domains. Most Arab intellectuals are secular,54
as are most state universities - but many are on the defensive.
I do not beljeve that an outsider ought to offer uninvited practicalsuggestions to foreign universities regarding academic policies. One may bepermitted, however, to raise some questions about the future. One may ask,
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Nor
th C
arol
ina
Stat
e U
nive
rsity
] at
17:
41 1
0 N
ovem
ber
2014
18 MIDDLE EASTERN STUDIES
for instance, how Arab and Turkish secular universities perceive theiracademic image; how they react to the challenge of the Islamic revival; howthey can find an educational symbiosis between their own culture andothers; and how they can share with other Middle Eastern universities theirrespective experience and cooperate with them in realizing their aspirations.It is my view that only they themselves are those who can and shouldexplore solutions and find answers to these questions, for the way theytackle such issues will very probably determine the future character of theuniversities.
NOTES
1. A.L. Tibawi, Islamic Education, Its Traditions and Modernization into the Arab NationalSystems (London, 1972).
2. Hiiseyin Atay, Osmanhlarda yiiksek din egitimi: medrese programlari - icazetnameler -islahat hareketleri (Istanbul, 1983).
3. J.S. Szyliowicz, Education and Modernization in the Middle East (Ithaca and London,1973).
4. Musa Cadirci and Azmi Siislu, Ankara iiniversitesi gelisim tarihi (Ankara, 1982).5. Bundesarchiv, Abteilungen Potsdam, Answartiges Amt, file 39520, film 30447, fo. 22.6. Ekmeleddin ihsanoglu, 'Dariilfiinun: mefhum ve miiessese olarak Sultan II. Abdiilhamid
dbnemine kadar gelis.mesi', in Istanbul Universitesi Edebiyat Fakiiltesi - Tarih ArastirmaMerkezi, Sultan II. Abdiilhamid ve devri semineri — bildiriler (Istanbul, 1994), pp. 173-90.
7. ilknur Polat Haydaroglu, Osmanli imparatorlugu'nda yabanci okullar (Ankara, 1993).8. Ersoy Tajdemirci, Belgelerle 1933 Universite reformunda yabanci bilim adamlan (Ankara,
1992). ilhan Tekeli and Selim Ilkin, Osmanli imparatorlugu'nda egitim ve bilgi iiretimsisteminin olusumu ve donu§iimu (Ankara, 1993).
9. Huseyin Korkut, Tiirk Universiteleri ve universite arastirmalan (Ankara, 1984). YahyaAkyuz, Turk egitim tarihi (baslangtictan 1988'e kadar) (Ankara, 1989).
10. Ayse Oncii, 'Academics: The West in the Discourse of University Reform', in Metin Heper,Ayse Oncii and Heinz Kramer (eds.), Turkey and the West: Changing Political and CulturalIdentities (London, 1987), pp. 142-76.
11. Szyliowicz, p.338. Bill Williamson, Education and Social Change in Egypt and Turkey: AStudy in Historical Sociology (London, 1989), p.24.
12. Oncu,p.l43.13. Ibid., p.176.14. J.M. Landau, Radical Politics in Modern Turkey (Leiden, 1974), pp.29-43.15. Cf. Francis Boardman, Institutions of Higher Learning in the Middle East (Washington, DC,
1961), pp.l^t.16. Williamson, pp. 1-10.17. R.D. Matthews and Matta Akrawi, Education in the Arab Countries of the Near East
(Washington, DC, 1949).18. 'Abd al-Mun'im al-Dasuqi al-Jami'i, al-Jami'a al-Misriyya 'al-qadima': nash'atuha wa-
dawruha fi al-mujtama'1908-1925 (Cairo, 1980). D.M. Reid, Cairo University and theMaking of Modern Egypt (Cambridge, 1990).
19. Matta Akrawi, 'Changing Patterns in Higher Education in the Middle East', in The LiberalArts and the Future of Higher Education in the Middle East (Beirut, 1979), pp.39-67.
20. H.B. Sharabi, 'The Syrian University', Middle Eastern Affairs, Vol.VI, No.5 (May 1955),pp.152-6.
21. Kamil al-Bakir, Fi ma 'rakat al-thaqafa (Cairo, 1969).22. A.G. O'Connor, 'The Higher Learning in Iraq', The Muslim World, Vol.XLVIII, No. 2 (April
1958), pp.136-47.
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Nor
th C
arol
ina
Stat
e U
nive
rsity
] at
17:
41 1
0 N
ovem
ber
2014
ARAB AND TURKISH UNIVERSITIES 19
23. 'Abd al-Wahib Ahmad 'Abd al-Wasi', al Ta'lim fi al-mamlaka al-'Arabiyya al-Su'udiyya(Beirut, n.d.), ch. 8. H.H. Albers, Saudi Arabia: Technocrats in a Traditional Society (NewYork, 1989). Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, Ministry of Higher Education, Progress of HigherEducation in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia During Ten Years 1970-1980 (Riyadh, n.d.).
24. A.S. Majali; The Development of Higher Education in the Arab World (London, 1976).25. Shabib M. Marzooqi, 'The UAE University: Establishment and Development', Arts and the
Islamic World, Vol.XXIII (1993), pp.74-6.26. J.-J. Waardenburg, Les Universites dans le monde arabe actuel: documentation et essai
d'interpretation (Paris and La Haye, 1966), Vol.1, pp.13-33.27. Ibid., p.34.28. Haggai Ehrlich, Ha-Universita'ot bi-medinot ha-'olam ha-'Aravi (Tel Aviv, 1981), p. 1.29. A.B. Zahlan, Science and Policy in the Arab World (London, 1980), p.68.30. Quoted by Waardenburg, Vol.1, p.62.31. F.I. Qubain, Education and Science in the Arab World (Baltimore, Md., 1966), p.52.32. Waardenburg, Vol.1, p.46.33. As'ad Ahmad 'AH, al-Tullab wa-insan al-mustaqbal (Beirut, 1971).34. Based on International Association of Universities, International Handbook of Universities
(New York, 1991), pp.344-9.35. Williamson, pp.171-2.36. N.N. Ayubi, The State and Public Policies in Egypt since Sadat (Reading, 1991), pp.173-7.37. Muhammad 'Abd al-Mun'im Khafaji, al-Azhar fi alf 'am (Cairo 1954-5), Vols. I—II—III.
Bayard Dodge, Al-Azhar: A Millennium of Muslim Learning (Washington, DC, 1974). W.-F.Lemke, Mahmud Shaltut (1893-1963) unddie Reform derAzhar (Frankfurt am-Main, 1980).
38. Waardenburg, Vol.1, p.240.39. Amir Boktor, The Development of Education in the United Arab Republic (Cairo, 1963),
pp.97-158.40. Williamson, p.175.41. For Kuwait, for example, see B.G. Massialas and S.A. Jarrar, Education in the Arab World,
(New York, 1983), pp.250-2.42. Williamson, pp. 178-9.43. Reid, p.217.44. A.B. Zahlan, "The Arab Brain Drain', Jerusalem Quarterly, Vol.XXI (1981), pp.115-20.45. Ayubi, pp.144ff.46. Reid, p.221.47. Massialas and Jarrar, p.211.48. Ibid., pp.213-4. Qubain, passim.49. 12th edition, 1991, pp.6-8.50. Mahmud A. Faksh, 'The Chimera of Education for Development in Egypt: The Socio-
Economic Roles of University Graduates', Middle Eastern Studies, Vol.13, No.2 (May1977), p.229.
51. Menahem Milson, 'Medieval and Modern Intellectual Traditions in the Arab World',Daedalus (Summer 1972), pp.26-37.
52. Zafar Ishaq Ansari, 'Islamic Studies in Universities: A Critical Evaluation', MuslimEducational Quarterly, Vol.1, No.2 (1984), pp.23-38.
53. Reid, pp.224-5.54. Abdallah Labdaoui, Les Nouveaux intellectuels arabes (Paris, 1993).D
ownl
oade
d by
[N
orth
Car
olin
a St
ate
Uni
vers
ity]
at 1
7:41
10
Nov
embe
r 20
14
