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Appendix I : Interv iew
Schedule
Introduction
Thank you for agreeing to be interviewed. My study is about the rela-
tionship between individual lives and Hong Kong society. If I ask you
for personal information that you would rather not reveal, please feel
free to tell me if you feel uncomfortable. All of the data collected will
be used only for academic research. I will not disclose your identity
to other people.
Part I: Life History
1. Can you share with me your life story? For example, how did
you grow up?
(To see how the interviewees construct their self-identities. Are
class aspects important to them? I expect them to reveal some basic
information concerning their education and work trajectories, as
well. If not, the following questions will be asked.)
a. What did you parents do? What are your most vivid memo-
ries of your parents from your childhood?
b. Are you married? What is your partner’s job? Do you have
children?
c. What was your first job? How did you get it?
d. What is your current job? How did you move into this job?
e. Are you satisfied with your current job? Why or why not?
f. How is your relationship with your colleagues/supervisors?
Part II: Daily Life
1. How do you spend your leisure time?
2. What do you do at home? Do you cook?
3. How do you raise your children? (for those who have children
only)
158 APPENDIX I
4. How long have you been living here?
5. Do you enjoying living here? What kind of people live around
here?
6. Which newspaper(s) do you read?
7. How did you meet your best friends? What are their
occupations?
8. Do you spend a lot each month?
9. What kinds of movies do you like?
10. Where do you buy your clothes?
11. Do you travel often?
12. Do you drive?
13. Do you invest in the stock market? If so, how much?
14. Are you a member of any organizations? If so, why did you
join, and how involved are you?
(To see whether and how their class identities are manifested in their
daily lives and consumption practices. Do different lifestyles contrib-
ute to different subjective identifications of class?)
Part III: Class Politics
1. What are the most important political or social issues in Hong
Kong at the moment? What is your view on these issues?
2. What about universal suffrage?
3. Do you vote? Why (not)? Who do you vote for?
4. Is there any political figure or political party in Hong Kong
that represents your political attitude?
5. Have you ever joined any protests or demonstrations? How
about the July 1st rally in 2003?
6. What is your opinion on the government’s proposal to impose
a Goods and Services Tax?
(To see whether they believe class-based issues are important. Are peo-
ple’s political opinions influenced by their class identifications?)
Part IV: Class Identification
1. Do you think you belong to a certain class?
2. If yes, which class do you think you belong to?
3. What sorts of people belong to the same class as you?
4. What do you think about the current situation of your class?
5. What do you think about people from other classes?
6. Who do you think the middle-propertied class are? What do
you think about them?
APPENDIX I 159
7. What do you think about the CSSA recipients?
8. Is Hong Kong a place full of opportunities?
9. What are the factors of becoming successful in Hong Kong?
10. Is Hong Kong a fair society?
11. If there are two children, one from a more affluent background
and one from a poorer family, do they have equal opportuni-
ties to become successful in the education system?
12. In Hong Kong, there are people who are as rich as Li Ka-Sing
but also some very poor people. What do you think?
(To explore people’s subjective class identifications and social images.
How do they perceive social inequality?)
Final Questions
1. What do you think about your future? Are you optimistic?
2. What is your life objective?
3. How old are you?
Appendix I I: Profiles of the
Interv iewees
Mr. Cha
Born in 1947, Mr. Cha joined the government as a technical officer
trainee after secondary school. He retired from the government in
the first years of the twenty-first century and later joined a private
company as an inspector of works. He was married with three chil-
dren, and one of his children studied in the United Kingdom. He
owned his own flat in a private housing estate.
Ms. Chan
A shop assistant born in the early 1960s who lived in a public housing
estate, Ms. Chan joined a department store as a shop assistant after
secondary five. She was married with two children and was very emo-
tional about being denied the opportunity to continue working after
marriage because she had to look after her husband’s parents.
Mr. Cheung
Born in mainland China in 1962, Mr. Cheung emigrated to Hong
Kong in 1982 to join his father there. When he first arrived in Hong
Kong, he was a construction worker. He later became a chef in a
restaurant. He purchased an HOS flat (flat sold under the Home
Ownership Scheme) with his father but preferred to rent a home with
his wife and two children in a district closer to his workplace.
Mr. Ching
Born to a fishing family in 1959, Mr. Ching lived on a boat as a child.
He received virtually no formal schooling and admitted that he had
difficulty reading. He had worked in fish stalls, factories, restaurants,
and logistic companies and worked as a porter when interviewed. He
was married with no children and lived in a public housing estate.
162 APPENDIX II
Mr. Choi
Born in 1980, Mr. Choi left school after secondary five. After taking
a course at a technical college, he began working as a waiter. He later
became a routine white-collar worker in a hotel and became a prop-
erty assistant with a property management company. He lived with
his parents in a public housing estate.
Ms. Chui
Born in 1969, Ms. Chui finished her degree in accounting in Australia.
She returned to Hong Kong after graduation but did not remain
in the accounting field. She was a sales director for a private enter-
prise before becoming a manager for an organization specializing in
organizing conferences. She was married with an infant son when
interviewed. She and her husband rented a flat in a private housing
estate.
Mr. Chung
Born in 1980, Mr. Chung left school after secondary five. He had
been a branch manager of a telecommunications company but had
been sacked because of internal conflicts. When interviewed, he was a
customer service officer responsible for handling telephone inquiries
in a call center. He lived with his elder brother in an HOS flat.
Mr. Fan
Born in 1981, Mr. Fan’s family once emigrated to Canada but returned
to Hong Kong after acquiring Canadian nationality. He completed
his university education in Hong Kong. Probably the most political
interviewee in the whole sample, his discussion in the political section
of the interview lasted for more than an hour, and his first two full-
time jobs were both related to politics. He was a teaching assistant at
a secondary school when interviewed, and he was also studying part
time for a Master’s degree while living with his parents in a private
housing estate.
Mr. Fok
Born in the late 1950s, Mr. Fok completed secondary seven in Hong
Kong and began working for the government. He later saved enough
APPENDIX II 163
money to pursue his studies in the United Kingdom and obtained
a bachelor’s degree in social work. He continued to study part time
after returning to Hong Kong and earned a Master’s degree. He was
a senior student councilor at a local university when interviewed.
He was still living with his parents and was planning to emigrate to
Australia in the near future.
Mr. Fu
Born in 1982, Mr. Fu opened a food stall with financial support from
his family after finishing secondary school. He later closed his busi-
ness and worked as a shop assistant and as a manual worker. When
interviewed, he was a technical service assistant in a public hospital.
He owns an HOS flat and has benefited from financial support from
the government.
Mr. Fung
Born in 1975, Mr. Fung graduated from a local university with a
degree in philosophy. After working for the government for a few
years, he went to the United Kingdom to study for a Master’s degree
in social theory. He returned to Hong Kong and later became a man-
ager for a professional organization. He was also studying law on a
part-time basis and lived with his parents in a private housing estate.
Ms. Ha
Born in 1981, Ms. Ha graduated from a local university. While she
was at school, her family considered emigration and offered her an
opportunity to study abroad, but she eventually decided to con-
tinue her education in Hong Kong. She was a public relations officer
for a world leading company before become a marketing officer for
another multinational enterprise. She lived with her family in private
housing.
Mr. Ho
Born in 1974, Mr. Ho earned a degree in psychology from a local
university. He once resigned from a job to travel overseas for several
months. When interviewed, he was a radio program producer and
was also studying part time for a Master’s degree while living with his
parents in an HOS flat.
164 APPENDIX II
Ms. Ip
An unemployed lady born in 1954, Ms. Ip started working in a fac-
tory as a manual worker without finishing secondary school. Her last
long-term job was as a street cleaner. She was a very active member
of her trade union and had previously engaged in a series of conflicts
with her employers. Divorced with two sons, she was living alone in
a public housing estate.
Mr. Kam
Born in 1947, Mr. Kam began working for a broadcasting enterprise
as a technician after secondary school. He was still working in the
same position for the same company when he was interviewed. He
was married with two children and owned his own home in a private
building.
Mr. Kan
Born in 1980, Mr. Kan left school after secondary five. He became
a construction worker after losing his job as a warehouse assistant
because of indiscipline. He now lives with his girlfriend and her
mother in a village house in the New Territories; they co-own their
home.
Mr. Ko
Born in 1980, Mr. Ko dropped out of school after secondary school.
He had worked as a construction worker and as a porter before he got
his current job as a foreman on a construction site. He was studying
part time and hoped that better qualifications could reward him in
the future. He was living with his parents in a village house in the
New Territories.
Mr. Kot
Born in 1962, Mr. Kot finished his medical training at a local univer-
sity and later completed a Master’s course in public health. He was a
consultant doctor for a public hospital when interviewed. He had the
opportunity to emigrate to a Western country but had decided to stay
at the very last moment. When interviewed, he was living with his
wife and his two children in a private housing estate.
APPENDIX II 165
Ms. Ku
Born in 1981, Ms. Ku obtained a degree from a university in the
United Kingdom. She returned to Hong Kong and worked as a model
broker for a model agency and then joined a well-known accountancy
firm. When she was interviewed, she was already a qualified accoun-
tant and held the post of accounting manager. She lived with her fam-
ily in Kowloon Tong, one of the wealthiest districts of Hong Kong.
Ms. Kung
Born in 1989, Ms. Kung left school after secondary five. With only
two years of working experience, she had already held four different
full-time jobs. She was a clerk for a property agency when interviewed
and was living with her parents in a public housing estate.
Ms. Kwok
Born in 1983, Ms. Kwok obtained an associate degree in Chinese
language from a local university. She then joined a Korean company
as a shipping clerk before securing promotion to assistant supervisor.
She was living with her parents in a public housing estate.
Mr. Lai
Born in 1970, Mr. Lai obtained a degree from a local university.
After graduation, he joined a bank as a credit officer. He was sub-
sequently promoted to the position of branch manager when he was
interviewed. He was married and was expecting his first child. He
and his wife own a flat in a private housing estate.
Ms. Law
Born in 1957, Ms. Law left school after secondary five. She later
joined the garment industry and became a manager. She once opened
her own garment company with others, but disagreements among
the owners prompted them to close down the business. She was
working as a manager for a foreign garment company when she was
interviewed. Because most of the factories were located in mainland
China, she spent most of her working time there and only returned
to Hong Kong on weekends. She was a homeowner and lived alone
on a private housing estate.
166 APPENDIX II
Ms. Lee
Born in 1978, Ms. Lee graduated from a local university with a
degree in sociology. After graduation, she initially worked as a com-
munity relations assistant before joining a school as a teaching assis-
tant. She was a secondary school teacher and was studying part time
for a Master’s degree when she was interviewed. She lived with her
family in an HOS flat.
Ms. Leung
Born in mainland China in 1959, Ms. Leung emigrated to Hong
Kong in 1991 to join her husband. She became a factory worker in
Hong Kong before getting a cleaning job in a school. After separat-
ing from her husband, she lived with her two children in a public
housing estate.
Ms. Liu
Born in mainland China in the early 1950s, Ms. Liu emigrated to
Hong Kong in 1980 to join her husband. She was originally a factory
manual worker but once opened her own barbershop before return-
ing to work in a factory. In 1998, she decided to try her luck in the
insurance sector as a sales representative and was later promoted to
senior financial planner. She lived with her husband and two children
in a private flat owned by her family.
Ms. Lo
Born in mainland China in 1983, Ms. Lo emigrated to Hong Kong
with her mother when she was a child to join her father. She fin-
ished an associate degree program at a local university before begin-
ning work as an administrative officer in an education enterprise. She
strongly identified with her company, her colleagues, and her boss.
She believed that meeting her boss at university had transformed her
life. She was living with her parents in a public housing estate.
Ms. Lok
Born in 1998, Ms. Lok left secondary school after secondary five and
studied in the Project Yi Jin a year. She then got a clerical job with
help from relatives but was working as a shop assistant in a fast food
APPENDIX II 167
restaurant when interviewed. She lived with her parent in a privately
owned flat on an outlying island of Hong Kong.
Mr. Lung
Born in rural Guangdong in 1956, Mr. Lung migrated to Hong Kong
in 1980 because he did not want to continue working on a farm. He
became a construction worker when he first arrived in Hong Kong.
He had experience in several industries, but had worked in the same
shop as a shop assistant for ten years. He lived with his wife and two
children in a public housing estate.
Ms. Ma
A very religious Christian born in 1955, Ms. Ma was formerly the
head of the accounting department of a small company, but the com-
pany closed down during the SARS epidemic. She then became a
homemaker, but later worked full time again as a clerk in a govern-
ment department. After her father’s death, she resigned from that job
and again became a homemaker to spend more time with her mother.
She had three children and was on her second marriage when inter-
viewed. She owned her home and another flat that was rented out.
Mr. Mak
Born in 1976, Mr. Mak obtained a degree at a local university. He
worked as a field market development specialist for a multinational
company. He was very interested in rock climbing and sometimes
worked part-time as a rock climbing coach. He was married with no
children and owned his home in a private housing estate.
Ms. Man
Born in 1983, Ms. Man earned a higher diploma in fashion and tex-
tile studies at a local university. She then joined a textile firm as an
assistant merchandiser. She was living with her family in a public
housing estate.
Mr. Mo
Born in the 1950s, Mr. Mo did not finish primary school before
beginning work in a factory. He once established his own business,
168 APPENDIX II
but it ultimately ended in failure. He therefore became a security
guard and was later promoted to security training instructor. He was
very proud of this achievement. He was divorced with one daughter
and was an active trade union member. He rented his home in the
private housing sector and lived alone.
Ms. Mok
Born in 1976, Ms. Mok began work after secondary five, first as a
clerk but later as a receptionist for a shipping company. She had been
with the same company for nine years and held the post of sales coor-
dinator when interviewed. She lived in an HOS flat left behind by her
deceased father.
Ms. Ng
Born in 1959, Ms. Ng became a factory worker before starting sec-
ondary school. After taking some retraining courses, she worked at
a government-funded health center as a service worker, assisting the
nurses and doctors. She was living in an HOS flat with her husband,
who was a teacher, and their two children.
Ms. Or
Born in 1955, Ms. Or was a part-time shop assistant when interviewed
and had become an active trade union member after getting this job.
She was happy to stop working full-time after her marriage and had
helped her husband’s business (now closed down). She used to own
more than one apartment in Hong Kong before selling them because
she was not optimistic about Hong Kong’s economy. She was living
in a public housing estate with her husband, and their only son was
working in Australia.
Mr. Pang
Born in 1974, Mr. Pang became a doctor at a public hospital after
finishing his medical degree at a local university. When interviewed,
he was also preparing for a professional examination. He was not
recruited from a trade union, but turned out to be a leader in a trade
union that represents doctors. He was living with his parents in a pri-
vately owned flat.
APPENDIX II 169
Ms. Shum
Born in 1955, Ms. Shum completed matriculation in Hong Kong
and then became a schoolteacher. She then followed her husband to
Canada and, after their divorce, resumed her teaching career in Hong
Kong and was a primary school principal when interviewed. She
successfully obtained a degree after returning to Hong Kong while
studying part time. She owned the HOS flat in which she lived, and
her only son was studying in Canada.
Ms. Sin
Born in 1963, Ms. Sin did not complete her secondary schooling
and worked in a factory as a manual worker. She later took a cos-
metics course and joined the cosmetics industry. When interviewed,
she was running a small cosmetics clinic and employed two people.
She worked in her clinic everyday and also needed to take care of
her two children in primary school. She lived with her husband and
children in a private housing estate. The f lat they lived in was left
behind by her parents-in-law when they passed away. She had once
purchased a f lat in the private housing market, but the economic
recession meant that she suffered from the problem of “negative
equity.”
Mrs. Siu
Born in 1962, Mrs. Siu graduated from a local teacher’s college and
taught at a secondary school. She later earned a Master’s degree in the
United Kingdom and began to teach in universities in Hong Kong.
She then became a self-employed textbook author. She was married
with two children and owned her home in a private housing estate
where she lived with her husband and two children.
Mr. So
Born in 1983, Mr. So graduated from a local university with an actu-
ary degree. When interviewed, he was an assistant actuary after short
spells as an accountant and a law adjuster and was studying for his
upcoming professional examinations. He was living with his parents
in an HOS flat.
170 APPENDIX II
Ms. Song
Born in the early 1960s, Ms. Song had worked as a factory worker,
but was a part-time domestic worker when interviewed. She was
the only interviewee who admitted that she once had to seek sup-
port from the CSSA scheme. She was living in a public housing
estate with her husband and daughter, who had just begun primary
school.
Mr. Sun
Born in 1959, Mr. Sun began working in a factory before finishing
secondary school. His factory work ended in 1998 when he lost his
job as a supervisor in a factory in mainland China. He then became a
school janitor and an active trade union member. He was living with
his wife and two children in an HOS flat.
Ms. Szeto
Born in 1984, Ms. Szeto failed to progress to secondary six, so she
had a brief spell in a technical college before beginning full-time
work. With only two years of working experience, she was on her
fourth job: a library assistant in a primary school. She was living with
her parents in a public housing estate.
Ms. Tam
Born in 1976, Ms. Tam left school after secondary five. After a
brief spell as a receptionist, she joined a bank as a teller and gradu-
ally gained promotion to manager. She was married to a professional
engineer with one son in primary school. They owned their home in
a private building.
Ms. Tien
Born in 1989, Ms. Tien left school after f inishing secondary three
and became a shop assistant at a convenience store. After a spell
as a shop assistant in a boutique, she returned to work at the
convenience store. She lived in a public housing estate with her
parents.
APPENDIX II 171
Mr. To
Born in the late 1960s, Mr. To first worked as a manual worker in a
factory after secondary school. A year or so later, he became a post-
man and stayed in the same job for more than 20 years. He owned his
own home and was married with two children.
Mr. Tong
Born in the early 1950s, Mr. Tong finished matriculation before
starting to teach in a primary school. A friend then offered him a
chance to join the business sector, and he became a manager. He
established his own business and later became managing director of
an educational enterprise. Probably the most “conservative” inter-
viewee in the sample, he rejected universal suffrage and disliked the
welfare system. He had two children who were both educated in the
United Kingdom and was living with his wife in a private housing
estate.
Ms. Tsang
Born in 1962, Ms. Tsang had been a factory worker before becoming
a low-ranked service worker in a government clinic in the late 1980s.
She was living in an HOS flat, and her three children had all finished
their studies.
Mr. Wai
Born in 1986, Mr. Wai’s family once sent him to Europe because he
was not doing well at school in Hong Kong. He soon returned to
Hong Kong because he could not adapt to the foreign environment.
Upon his return, he began working as a mobile phone repairer; how-
ever, when interviewed he was planning to start his own business with
financial support from his parents. He lived with his parents in a vil-
lage house in the New Territories.
Mr. Wu
Born in 1970, Mr. Wu began working after secondary school, but
he twice returned to full-time study to increase his competitiveness
172 APPENDIX II
in the job market. He was a supplies officer at a public hospital when
interviewed and lived alone in the HOS flat he owned.
Mr. Yau
Born in 1969, Mr. Yau obtained a degree from a local private ter-
tiary institution. He later completed a Master’s degree on a part-time
basis. When interviewed, he had just started as a vocational councilor
at a technical college. As a Christian, he was also taking a part-time
course in theology. He was about to get married and had just pur-
chased an HOS flat.
Ms. Yeung
Born in 1978, Ms. Yeung graduated from a local university with a
degree in mathematics. She initially worked for a private company as
a secretary before joining the field of education and later became a
secondary school teacher. She lived with her mother in a public hous-
ing estate.
Ms. Yu
Born in 1959 in mainland China, Ms. Yu migrated to Hong Kong
in 1995 to join her husband. When interviewed she was a cleaner at
an NGO and also worked part time as a domestic worker to support
her three children. Her husband spent most of his time in mainland
China because he found it impossible to get a job in Hong Kong,
which made Ms Yu the major breadwinner of the family. She was liv-
ing in a public housing estate.
Mr. Yuen
Born in 1972, Mr. Yuen failed to get a place in secondary six
and decided to study at a design school after secondary five. He
was an assistant designer with a well-known jewelry company when
interviewed. He was living with his parents in a public housing
estate.
APPENDIX II 173
Mr. Yung
Born in 1958, Mr. Yung graduated from a local college and became a
teacher. As a Christian, he later became a social worker in a Christian
organization for more than ten years before resigning to work as a
self-employed social worker. He has authored a book, and his living
room housed more than 200 books. He was married with two chil-
dren and owned an HOS flat.
Notes
Introduction
1 . For comprehensive reviews of Hong Kong’s economic development,
see Chiu et al., 1997; Chiu and Lui, 2009; Meyer, 2000; So, 2004;
So and Chiu, 1995.
2 . GDP per capita data of different economies in the world can be
retrieved from http://data.worldbank.org/indicator/NY.GDP.
PCAP.CD .
3 . Unless otherwise stated, all ‘$’ in this book refers to Hong Kong
dollars.
4 . Data concerning Hong Kong’s unemployment rate and GDP can
be retrieved from http://www.censtatd.gov.hk/showtableexcel2.
jsp?tableID=006&charsetID=2 and http://www.censtatd.gov.hk/
showtableexcel2.jsp?tableID=030&charsetID=2 , respectively.
5 . For results of the survey from previous years, see Chiu and Lui (2009:
139–140).
6 . See Ronald (2008) for a discussion about the relationship between
home ownership and neoliberalism.
7 . For a review of industrial actions in the postwar era and the lack of
industrial democracy in Hong Kong, see Leung and Chiu (1991) and
Chiu and Levin (1996), respectively.
Studying Class Processes in Hong Kong: Approach and Method
1 . For the recent rise of Bourdieu’s approach to class analysis, see
Crompton, 2008: Chapter 6; Devine and Savage, 2005; Flemmen,
2013.
2 . See Chan (1992, 2000) for exisiting studies concerning consumption
and middle-class formation in Hong Kong.
Childhood and Education
1 . The names of all interviewees are pseudonyms.
2 . The exception is Mr. Yau, who did not go to university but was
awarded a degree by a college. He was actually born in 1969 but is
176 NOTES
classified as a young interviewee because he began school later than
the others.
Work
1 . Under the touch-base policy, mainland Chinese were allowed to stay
in Hong Kong if they could reach the urban area, even if they entered
Hong Kong illegally. The policy was implemented in the late 1970s
and abolished in 1980.
2 . Other researchers may follow Goldthorpe’s schema and treat all peo-
ple with a service class job as members of the same class. However,
because I do not endorse the employment aggregate approach, I use
the term “service class” merely to describe managerial, professional,
and administrative jobs.
3 . For example, Ms. Tien and Ms. Kung had not yet reached 20 years of
age, but at the time of the interview, both had already virtually given
up on getting better jobs in the future.
4 . It does not mean that these young middle class interviewees who
downplayed their determination to achieve upward mobility were
totally not interested in getting better paid jobs.
5 . Wong (2004; 2011a) showed that managers and teachers in Hong
Kong used cultural assets like academic qualifications and further
study and organizational assets like experience to advance their
careers. The findings of this study concerning middle-class strate-
gies to develop careers are not much different, but it seems that they,
especially the young middle class interviewees, put more emphasis on
academic qualifications.
6 . Atkinson (2013) also showed that class differences exist between the
middle class and the working class when they were talking about
their future working lives.
Class, Politics, and Democratization
1 . For a brief review of the development of the concept of “political effi-
cacy,” see Morrell (2003).
2 . Lipset’s explanation of his working-class authoritarianism thesis
avoids economic reductionism to some extent by arguing that, along
with the working class’s relatively inferior educational credentials,
their life experience causes them to favor radical politics because
they must focus on concrete, immediate, and personal issues. While
Lipset was making his argument at a time when radical politics was
seen as the major threat to representative democracy, such politics are
not hindering the course toward democracy in contemporary Hong
Kong, where the pro-democracy camp has been labeled “radical.” See
Lipset (1981).
NOTES 177
3 . The Civic Party is a party of the pro-democracy camp; most of its
prominent members are lawyers.
4 . See Lee (2010) for the importance of perceived reality on attitudes
toward democratization in Hong Kong.
5 . Kuan (2006) also found that in Hong Kong the poorly educated as
well as older people were more likely to display internal inefficacy.
6 . Participants of pro-democracy protests from 2003 to 2007 were also
predominantly male and highly educated (see Lee and Chan, 2011:
147).
7 . Further studies may attempt to explore whether this different under-
standing of the status quo and the democratization process can be
attributed to different forms of middle-class habitus: one form of
middle-class habitus for those with more cultural capital but less
economic capital and another form of middle-class habitus for those
with more economic capital but less cultural capital (see Eder, 1993;
Heath and Savage, 1995).
Class Identification
1 . Therefore, when respondents choose to identify with a class label like
“middle class” or “lower middle class” when answering close-ended
questions in surveys, they are not necessarily displaying salient mid-
dle-class identifications (cf. Hsiao and Wan, 2014; Wong and Wan,
2004; Wong et al., 2006).
2 . None of the ambivalent class identifiers born before 1970 fulfilled all
of the criteria of a typical lower class identifier, and only one fulfilled
all of the criteria of a typical middle-class identifier.
Hong Kong–China Integration, Neoliberalization, and the Young Lower Class in Hong Kong
1 . For an in-depth discussion about the integration of Hong Kong’s
and the mainland Chinese economies, see Chiu and Lui (2009:
Chapter 6).
2 . HKDSE stands for Hong Kong Diploma of Secondary Education.
This examination replaced the HKCEE after educational reform
began in 2009 to increase the length of secondary education from
five years to six years. The matriculation years and the A Level
Examination have now been abolished.
3 . Data concerning the number of part-time workers in Hong Kong can
be found in the Report on Annual Earnings and Hours Survey pro-
duced by the Census and Statistics Department.
4 . Tai-lok Lui (2011: 87) also argued that only “those who are deliv-
ering producer services to mainland business and transnational cor-
porations” would find Hong Kong’s integration with the mainland
Chinese economy particularly beneficial.
178 NOTES
Classed Experience in a Neoliberal Global City
1 . Dillabough and Kennelly (2010) also showed that an anti-welfare
attitude was expressed by the marginalized young people residing in
the two global cities in Canada.
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Index
academic credentials, 86, 87, 146.
See also cultural capital, and
work
age
and class identity, 112–20
and politics, 106
anti-welfare attitude, 103, 112,
114–15, 120–1, 143–4, 152
Article 45 Concern Group, 100
Asian financial crisis, 4, 8, 71
Atkinson, Will, 10, 11, 12, 13, 22,
23, 88, 89, 149
Bauman, Zygmunt, 12–13, 119, 149
Beck, Ulrich, 11–12, 13, 14, 149,
150
Bourdieu, Pierre, 20–4, 28, 31, 89,
105, 146, 152
casualization of work, 77, 80, 133–5
Chief Executive elections, 92
China-Hong Kong integration. See
regional integration
Chinese culture, 51
Chinese government, 100, 103
Civic Party, 102
class
and consumption, 11, 12, 23, 26,
27–8, 153, 175
and culture, 19–20
and democratization, 90–1,
106–7
and politics, 27, 89 (see also
neoliberalism, and class
politics; see also under lower
class; middle class)
and work, 87–8 (see also under
lower class; middle class)
class analysis
Bourdieu’s approach, 20–5
conventional approach, 19–20
class consciousness, 19–20. See SCA
model
class habitus. See habitus
class identity, 13, 24, 27, 109,
119–20
and ambivalence, 115–18, 144
class processes, 14
in Hong Kong, 141–7
class reproduction, 145–7
class research in Hong Kong, 14–16
Closer Economic Partnership
Arrangement, 103, 123
Commission on Poverty, 1
Comprehensive Social Security
Assistance (CSSA), 93, 103,
116
see also anti-welfare attitude
Confederation of Trade Unions, 28–9
construction industry, 131–2
Construction Industry Council, 132
consumption, 138
and class, 11, 12, 23, 16, 27–8,
153, 175
Continuing Education Fund, 136
continuous education. See further
education
cultural capital, 23, 24, 32
and education, 142, 144
and work, 85
culture and class. See class, and
culture
200 INDEX
death of class thesis, 10–14
debt, 136–7
Democratic Alliance for the
Betterment and Progress of
Hong Kong (DAB), 96
Democratic Party, 100
disciplinary forces, 132–3
Distinction, 89
economic capital, 23, 39, 43–4,
45–6, 142
educational stratification, 31–3
in Hong Kong, 51–2, 145–6
Election Committee, 92, 100, 107
employment. See people’s livelihood
Extended Non-means-tested Loan
Scheme, 137
external efficacy, 97–8, 147
and middle class, 102–3
Federation of Trade Unions, 95
field, 21–2
Financial Assistance Scheme for
Post-secondary Students,
137
flexible employment, 9. See also
casualization of work
free education, 33, 45, 52
functional constituencies, 107
further education, 74–5, 79, 82,
130–1, 136
gender
and habitus, 147
and politics, 104–5
and work, 78–80, 88
generation, 154
and politics, 106
Giddens, Anthony, 10–11, 13, 149
Gini coefficient, 1
global city, 5, 9, 87
and class, 151–2
and inequality, 1, 7, 153–4
see also Hong Kong, as a global
city
globalization, 10, 12, 14, 149
Goldthorpe, John, 13, 14, 15, 19,
29, 70
Guangdong Province, 2, 4, 6
habitus, 20–1, 24, 31, 87, 150
and education, 44
and gender (see gender, and
habitus)
see also lower class habitus; middle
class habitus
homeownership and middle class,
117–18, 152–3
Hong Kong
deindustrialization, 4, 5, 16, 61,
64, 86, 142
educational system, 33
free market, 7–8
as a global city, 5–6, 151
industrialization, 3–4
and neoliberalism (see
neoliberalism, in Hong
Kong)
welfare policy, 7, 8–9
hotel industry, 129–31
immigrants, 9, 116, 153–4
Individual Visit Scheme, 124,
125–6, 138
individualization, 10–14, 55,
147–50
and education, 52–3
inferiority, 111, 146
internal efficacy, 93–4, 142, 147
job orientation, 55, 75, 81–4, 143
instrumental, 62, 63, 65, 66, 67,
70, 81, 86, 142, 143
July 1st protest, 91, 101
June 4th crackdown, 99
knowledge economy, 87
Labor Department, 76
labor movement, 16, 28–9, 92, 93,
147, 152
Legislative Council, 92
INDEX 201
liberal values, 98, 99, 101
life course, 118–20
lifestyle and class. See class, and
consumption
local identity, 98, 99–101, 138–9
lower class
lower class habitus, 142, 147
lower class identity, 111–12, 142
old lower class
and politics, 92–8
and work, 56–70
young lower class
and politics, 97–8
and work, 75–81, 125–36
Lui, Tai-lok, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9,
14, 15, 90, 103, 120, 146,
175, 177
Marxist approach to class analysis,
19–20
middle class
middle class habitus, 143, 145
middle class identity, 103,
113–15, 143–4
old middle class
and work, 70–5
and politics, 15, 99–105
young middle class
and work, 81–5
National People’s Congress, 91
National Security Bill, 91, 101
neoliberalism
and class identity, 120
and class politics, 120–1, 152
in Hong Kong, 8–9, 12, 139, 152
Non-means-tested Loan Scheme for
Full-time Tertiary Students,
137
Non-means-tested Loan Scheme
for Post-secondary Students,
137
Office of the Ombudsman, 137
ordinariness, 113, 117
organizational assets, 82
parents
and educational support, 39–41,
46–7, 49, 51, 143, 144–5
people’s livelihood, 92–3
political cynicism, 143
political efficacy, 89. See also
external efficacy; internal
efficacy
poverty, 1, 9
pro-democracy camp, 98, 99, 102
progressive politics, 151–2
reflexivity, 88, 149–50
reflexivity losers, 150
reflexivity winners, 150
regional integration, 123, 124–5,
138–9
respectability, 109, 112, 142
restaurant industry, 128–9, 131, 135
retail industry, 125–7, 131, 135
SARS epidemic, 4, 71, 123, 134
Savage, Mike, 13, 19, 22, 26, 27,
109, 146, 175, 177
SCA model, 19, 24, 89, 90–1
service class, 14, 15, 29, 70, 176. See
also middle class
Skeggs, Beverley, 13, 24, 109, 149
social capital, 153
social mobility, 26
in Hong Kong, 14–15
social polarization in global
cities. See global city, and
inequality
Student Finance Office, 137
Tertiary Student Finance Scheme,
137
trade union. See labor movement
Tsang, Donald, 91
Tung, Chee-hwa, 91, 98, 136
Umbrella Movement, 123
universal suffrage, 91, 123
attitudes towards universal
suffrage, 94–6, 98, 99–104
202 INDEX
Weber and class, 20
Wong, Thomas, 8, 14, 15, 90
Wong, Yi-lee, 32, 52, 113
work. See class, and work;
job orientation;
workplace relationship.
See under lower class;
middle class;
workplace relationship
working class. See under lower class
workplace relationship, 77, 78, 80,
126–7
xenophobia, 124