43
Appendix I: Interview Schedule Introduction Thank you for agreeing to be interviewed. My study is about the rela- tionship between individual lives and Hong Kong society. If I ask you for personal information that you would rather not reveal, please feel free to tell me if you feel uncomfortable. All of the data collected will be used only for academic research. I will not disclose your identity to other people. Part I: Life History 1. Can you share with me your life story? For example, how did you grow up? (To see how the interviewees construct their self-identities. Are class aspects important to them? I expect them to reveal some basic information concerning their education and work trajectories, as well. If not, the following questions will be asked.) a. What did you parents do? What are your most vivid memo- ries of your parents from your childhood? b. Are you married? What is your partner’s job? Do you have children? c. What was your first job? How did you get it? d. What is your current job? How did you move into this job? e. Are you satisfied with your current job? Why or why not? f. How is your relationship with your colleagues/supervisors? Part II: Daily Life 1. How do you spend your leisure time? 2. What do you do at home? Do you cook? 3. How do you raise your children? (for those who have children only)

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Appendix I : Interv iew

Schedule

Introduction

Thank you for agreeing to be interviewed. My study is about the rela-

tionship between individual lives and Hong Kong society. If I ask you

for personal information that you would rather not reveal, please feel

free to tell me if you feel uncomfortable. All of the data collected will

be used only for academic research. I will not disclose your identity

to other people.

Part I: Life History

1. Can you share with me your life story? For example, how did

you grow up?

(To see how the interviewees construct their self-identities. Are

class aspects important to them? I expect them to reveal some basic

information concerning their education and work trajectories, as

well. If not, the following questions will be asked.)

a. What did you parents do? What are your most vivid memo-

ries of your parents from your childhood?

b. Are you married? What is your partner’s job? Do you have

children?

c. What was your first job? How did you get it?

d. What is your current job? How did you move into this job?

e. Are you satisfied with your current job? Why or why not?

f. How is your relationship with your colleagues/supervisors?

Part II: Daily Life

1. How do you spend your leisure time?

2. What do you do at home? Do you cook?

3. How do you raise your children? (for those who have children

only)

158 APPENDIX I

4. How long have you been living here?

5. Do you enjoying living here? What kind of people live around

here?

6. Which newspaper(s) do you read?

7. How did you meet your best friends? What are their

occupations?

8. Do you spend a lot each month?

9. What kinds of movies do you like?

10. Where do you buy your clothes?

11. Do you travel often?

12. Do you drive?

13. Do you invest in the stock market? If so, how much?

14. Are you a member of any organizations? If so, why did you

join, and how involved are you?

(To see whether and how their class identities are manifested in their

daily lives and consumption practices. Do different lifestyles contrib-

ute to different subjective identifications of class?)

Part III: Class Politics

1. What are the most important political or social issues in Hong

Kong at the moment? What is your view on these issues?

2. What about universal suffrage?

3. Do you vote? Why (not)? Who do you vote for?

4. Is there any political figure or political party in Hong Kong

that represents your political attitude?

5. Have you ever joined any protests or demonstrations? How

about the July 1st rally in 2003?

6. What is your opinion on the government’s proposal to impose

a Goods and Services Tax?

(To see whether they believe class-based issues are important. Are peo-

ple’s political opinions influenced by their class identifications?)

Part IV: Class Identification

1. Do you think you belong to a certain class?

2. If yes, which class do you think you belong to?

3. What sorts of people belong to the same class as you?

4. What do you think about the current situation of your class?

5. What do you think about people from other classes?

6. Who do you think the middle-propertied class are? What do

you think about them?

APPENDIX I 159

7. What do you think about the CSSA recipients?

8. Is Hong Kong a place full of opportunities?

9. What are the factors of becoming successful in Hong Kong?

10. Is Hong Kong a fair society?

11. If there are two children, one from a more affluent background

and one from a poorer family, do they have equal opportuni-

ties to become successful in the education system?

12. In Hong Kong, there are people who are as rich as Li Ka-Sing

but also some very poor people. What do you think?

(To explore people’s subjective class identifications and social images.

How do they perceive social inequality?)

Final Questions

1. What do you think about your future? Are you optimistic?

2. What is your life objective?

3. How old are you?

Appendix I I: Profiles of the

Interv iewees

Mr. Cha

Born in 1947, Mr. Cha joined the government as a technical officer

trainee after secondary school. He retired from the government in

the first years of the twenty-first century and later joined a private

company as an inspector of works. He was married with three chil-

dren, and one of his children studied in the United Kingdom. He

owned his own flat in a private housing estate.

Ms. Chan

A shop assistant born in the early 1960s who lived in a public housing

estate, Ms. Chan joined a department store as a shop assistant after

secondary five. She was married with two children and was very emo-

tional about being denied the opportunity to continue working after

marriage because she had to look after her husband’s parents.

Mr. Cheung

Born in mainland China in 1962, Mr. Cheung emigrated to Hong

Kong in 1982 to join his father there. When he first arrived in Hong

Kong, he was a construction worker. He later became a chef in a

restaurant. He purchased an HOS flat (flat sold under the Home

Ownership Scheme) with his father but preferred to rent a home with

his wife and two children in a district closer to his workplace.

Mr. Ching

Born to a fishing family in 1959, Mr. Ching lived on a boat as a child.

He received virtually no formal schooling and admitted that he had

difficulty reading. He had worked in fish stalls, factories, restaurants,

and logistic companies and worked as a porter when interviewed. He

was married with no children and lived in a public housing estate.

162 APPENDIX II

Mr. Choi

Born in 1980, Mr. Choi left school after secondary five. After taking

a course at a technical college, he began working as a waiter. He later

became a routine white-collar worker in a hotel and became a prop-

erty assistant with a property management company. He lived with

his parents in a public housing estate.

Ms. Chui

Born in 1969, Ms. Chui finished her degree in accounting in Australia.

She returned to Hong Kong after graduation but did not remain

in the accounting field. She was a sales director for a private enter-

prise before becoming a manager for an organization specializing in

organizing conferences. She was married with an infant son when

interviewed. She and her husband rented a flat in a private housing

estate.

Mr. Chung

Born in 1980, Mr. Chung left school after secondary five. He had

been a branch manager of a telecommunications company but had

been sacked because of internal conflicts. When interviewed, he was a

customer service officer responsible for handling telephone inquiries

in a call center. He lived with his elder brother in an HOS flat.

Mr. Fan

Born in 1981, Mr. Fan’s family once emigrated to Canada but returned

to Hong Kong after acquiring Canadian nationality. He completed

his university education in Hong Kong. Probably the most political

interviewee in the whole sample, his discussion in the political section

of the interview lasted for more than an hour, and his first two full-

time jobs were both related to politics. He was a teaching assistant at

a secondary school when interviewed, and he was also studying part

time for a Master’s degree while living with his parents in a private

housing estate.

Mr. Fok

Born in the late 1950s, Mr. Fok completed secondary seven in Hong

Kong and began working for the government. He later saved enough

APPENDIX II 163

money to pursue his studies in the United Kingdom and obtained

a bachelor’s degree in social work. He continued to study part time

after returning to Hong Kong and earned a Master’s degree. He was

a senior student councilor at a local university when interviewed.

He was still living with his parents and was planning to emigrate to

Australia in the near future.

Mr. Fu

Born in 1982, Mr. Fu opened a food stall with financial support from

his family after finishing secondary school. He later closed his busi-

ness and worked as a shop assistant and as a manual worker. When

interviewed, he was a technical service assistant in a public hospital.

He owns an HOS flat and has benefited from financial support from

the government.

Mr. Fung

Born in 1975, Mr. Fung graduated from a local university with a

degree in philosophy. After working for the government for a few

years, he went to the United Kingdom to study for a Master’s degree

in social theory. He returned to Hong Kong and later became a man-

ager for a professional organization. He was also studying law on a

part-time basis and lived with his parents in a private housing estate.

Ms. Ha

Born in 1981, Ms. Ha graduated from a local university. While she

was at school, her family considered emigration and offered her an

opportunity to study abroad, but she eventually decided to con-

tinue her education in Hong Kong. She was a public relations officer

for a world leading company before become a marketing officer for

another multinational enterprise. She lived with her family in private

housing.

Mr. Ho

Born in 1974, Mr. Ho earned a degree in psychology from a local

university. He once resigned from a job to travel overseas for several

months. When interviewed, he was a radio program producer and

was also studying part time for a Master’s degree while living with his

parents in an HOS flat.

164 APPENDIX II

Ms. Ip

An unemployed lady born in 1954, Ms. Ip started working in a fac-

tory as a manual worker without finishing secondary school. Her last

long-term job was as a street cleaner. She was a very active member

of her trade union and had previously engaged in a series of conflicts

with her employers. Divorced with two sons, she was living alone in

a public housing estate.

Mr. Kam

Born in 1947, Mr. Kam began working for a broadcasting enterprise

as a technician after secondary school. He was still working in the

same position for the same company when he was interviewed. He

was married with two children and owned his own home in a private

building.

Mr. Kan

Born in 1980, Mr. Kan left school after secondary five. He became

a construction worker after losing his job as a warehouse assistant

because of indiscipline. He now lives with his girlfriend and her

mother in a village house in the New Territories; they co-own their

home.

Mr. Ko

Born in 1980, Mr. Ko dropped out of school after secondary school.

He had worked as a construction worker and as a porter before he got

his current job as a foreman on a construction site. He was studying

part time and hoped that better qualifications could reward him in

the future. He was living with his parents in a village house in the

New Territories.

Mr. Kot

Born in 1962, Mr. Kot finished his medical training at a local univer-

sity and later completed a Master’s course in public health. He was a

consultant doctor for a public hospital when interviewed. He had the

opportunity to emigrate to a Western country but had decided to stay

at the very last moment. When interviewed, he was living with his

wife and his two children in a private housing estate.

APPENDIX II 165

Ms. Ku

Born in 1981, Ms. Ku obtained a degree from a university in the

United Kingdom. She returned to Hong Kong and worked as a model

broker for a model agency and then joined a well-known accountancy

firm. When she was interviewed, she was already a qualified accoun-

tant and held the post of accounting manager. She lived with her fam-

ily in Kowloon Tong, one of the wealthiest districts of Hong Kong.

Ms. Kung

Born in 1989, Ms. Kung left school after secondary five. With only

two years of working experience, she had already held four different

full-time jobs. She was a clerk for a property agency when interviewed

and was living with her parents in a public housing estate.

Ms. Kwok

Born in 1983, Ms. Kwok obtained an associate degree in Chinese

language from a local university. She then joined a Korean company

as a shipping clerk before securing promotion to assistant supervisor.

She was living with her parents in a public housing estate.

Mr. Lai

Born in 1970, Mr. Lai obtained a degree from a local university.

After graduation, he joined a bank as a credit officer. He was sub-

sequently promoted to the position of branch manager when he was

interviewed. He was married and was expecting his first child. He

and his wife own a flat in a private housing estate.

Ms. Law

Born in 1957, Ms. Law left school after secondary five. She later

joined the garment industry and became a manager. She once opened

her own garment company with others, but disagreements among

the owners prompted them to close down the business. She was

working as a manager for a foreign garment company when she was

interviewed. Because most of the factories were located in mainland

China, she spent most of her working time there and only returned

to Hong Kong on weekends. She was a homeowner and lived alone

on a private housing estate.

166 APPENDIX II

Ms. Lee

Born in 1978, Ms. Lee graduated from a local university with a

degree in sociology. After graduation, she initially worked as a com-

munity relations assistant before joining a school as a teaching assis-

tant. She was a secondary school teacher and was studying part time

for a Master’s degree when she was interviewed. She lived with her

family in an HOS flat.

Ms. Leung

Born in mainland China in 1959, Ms. Leung emigrated to Hong

Kong in 1991 to join her husband. She became a factory worker in

Hong Kong before getting a cleaning job in a school. After separat-

ing from her husband, she lived with her two children in a public

housing estate.

Ms. Liu

Born in mainland China in the early 1950s, Ms. Liu emigrated to

Hong Kong in 1980 to join her husband. She was originally a factory

manual worker but once opened her own barbershop before return-

ing to work in a factory. In 1998, she decided to try her luck in the

insurance sector as a sales representative and was later promoted to

senior financial planner. She lived with her husband and two children

in a private flat owned by her family.

Ms. Lo

Born in mainland China in 1983, Ms. Lo emigrated to Hong Kong

with her mother when she was a child to join her father. She fin-

ished an associate degree program at a local university before begin-

ning work as an administrative officer in an education enterprise. She

strongly identified with her company, her colleagues, and her boss.

She believed that meeting her boss at university had transformed her

life. She was living with her parents in a public housing estate.

Ms. Lok

Born in 1998, Ms. Lok left secondary school after secondary five and

studied in the Project Yi Jin a year. She then got a clerical job with

help from relatives but was working as a shop assistant in a fast food

APPENDIX II 167

restaurant when interviewed. She lived with her parent in a privately

owned flat on an outlying island of Hong Kong.

Mr. Lung

Born in rural Guangdong in 1956, Mr. Lung migrated to Hong Kong

in 1980 because he did not want to continue working on a farm. He

became a construction worker when he first arrived in Hong Kong.

He had experience in several industries, but had worked in the same

shop as a shop assistant for ten years. He lived with his wife and two

children in a public housing estate.

Ms. Ma

A very religious Christian born in 1955, Ms. Ma was formerly the

head of the accounting department of a small company, but the com-

pany closed down during the SARS epidemic. She then became a

homemaker, but later worked full time again as a clerk in a govern-

ment department. After her father’s death, she resigned from that job

and again became a homemaker to spend more time with her mother.

She had three children and was on her second marriage when inter-

viewed. She owned her home and another flat that was rented out.

Mr. Mak

Born in 1976, Mr. Mak obtained a degree at a local university. He

worked as a field market development specialist for a multinational

company. He was very interested in rock climbing and sometimes

worked part-time as a rock climbing coach. He was married with no

children and owned his home in a private housing estate.

Ms. Man

Born in 1983, Ms. Man earned a higher diploma in fashion and tex-

tile studies at a local university. She then joined a textile firm as an

assistant merchandiser. She was living with her family in a public

housing estate.

Mr. Mo

Born in the 1950s, Mr. Mo did not finish primary school before

beginning work in a factory. He once established his own business,

168 APPENDIX II

but it ultimately ended in failure. He therefore became a security

guard and was later promoted to security training instructor. He was

very proud of this achievement. He was divorced with one daughter

and was an active trade union member. He rented his home in the

private housing sector and lived alone.

Ms. Mok

Born in 1976, Ms. Mok began work after secondary five, first as a

clerk but later as a receptionist for a shipping company. She had been

with the same company for nine years and held the post of sales coor-

dinator when interviewed. She lived in an HOS flat left behind by her

deceased father.

Ms. Ng

Born in 1959, Ms. Ng became a factory worker before starting sec-

ondary school. After taking some retraining courses, she worked at

a government-funded health center as a service worker, assisting the

nurses and doctors. She was living in an HOS flat with her husband,

who was a teacher, and their two children.

Ms. Or

Born in 1955, Ms. Or was a part-time shop assistant when interviewed

and had become an active trade union member after getting this job.

She was happy to stop working full-time after her marriage and had

helped her husband’s business (now closed down). She used to own

more than one apartment in Hong Kong before selling them because

she was not optimistic about Hong Kong’s economy. She was living

in a public housing estate with her husband, and their only son was

working in Australia.

Mr. Pang

Born in 1974, Mr. Pang became a doctor at a public hospital after

finishing his medical degree at a local university. When interviewed,

he was also preparing for a professional examination. He was not

recruited from a trade union, but turned out to be a leader in a trade

union that represents doctors. He was living with his parents in a pri-

vately owned flat.

APPENDIX II 169

Ms. Shum

Born in 1955, Ms. Shum completed matriculation in Hong Kong

and then became a schoolteacher. She then followed her husband to

Canada and, after their divorce, resumed her teaching career in Hong

Kong and was a primary school principal when interviewed. She

successfully obtained a degree after returning to Hong Kong while

studying part time. She owned the HOS flat in which she lived, and

her only son was studying in Canada.

Ms. Sin

Born in 1963, Ms. Sin did not complete her secondary schooling

and worked in a factory as a manual worker. She later took a cos-

metics course and joined the cosmetics industry. When interviewed,

she was running a small cosmetics clinic and employed two people.

She worked in her clinic everyday and also needed to take care of

her two children in primary school. She lived with her husband and

children in a private housing estate. The f lat they lived in was left

behind by her parents-in-law when they passed away. She had once

purchased a f lat in the private housing market, but the economic

recession meant that she suffered from the problem of “negative

equity.”

Mrs. Siu

Born in 1962, Mrs. Siu graduated from a local teacher’s college and

taught at a secondary school. She later earned a Master’s degree in the

United Kingdom and began to teach in universities in Hong Kong.

She then became a self-employed textbook author. She was married

with two children and owned her home in a private housing estate

where she lived with her husband and two children.

Mr. So

Born in 1983, Mr. So graduated from a local university with an actu-

ary degree. When interviewed, he was an assistant actuary after short

spells as an accountant and a law adjuster and was studying for his

upcoming professional examinations. He was living with his parents

in an HOS flat.

170 APPENDIX II

Ms. Song

Born in the early 1960s, Ms. Song had worked as a factory worker,

but was a part-time domestic worker when interviewed. She was

the only interviewee who admitted that she once had to seek sup-

port from the CSSA scheme. She was living in a public housing

estate with her husband and daughter, who had just begun primary

school.

Mr. Sun

Born in 1959, Mr. Sun began working in a factory before finishing

secondary school. His factory work ended in 1998 when he lost his

job as a supervisor in a factory in mainland China. He then became a

school janitor and an active trade union member. He was living with

his wife and two children in an HOS flat.

Ms. Szeto

Born in 1984, Ms. Szeto failed to progress to secondary six, so she

had a brief spell in a technical college before beginning full-time

work. With only two years of working experience, she was on her

fourth job: a library assistant in a primary school. She was living with

her parents in a public housing estate.

Ms. Tam

Born in 1976, Ms. Tam left school after secondary five. After a

brief spell as a receptionist, she joined a bank as a teller and gradu-

ally gained promotion to manager. She was married to a professional

engineer with one son in primary school. They owned their home in

a private building.

Ms. Tien

Born in 1989, Ms. Tien left school after f inishing secondary three

and became a shop assistant at a convenience store. After a spell

as a shop assistant in a boutique, she returned to work at the

convenience store. She lived in a public housing estate with her

parents.

APPENDIX II 171

Mr. To

Born in the late 1960s, Mr. To first worked as a manual worker in a

factory after secondary school. A year or so later, he became a post-

man and stayed in the same job for more than 20 years. He owned his

own home and was married with two children.

Mr. Tong

Born in the early 1950s, Mr. Tong finished matriculation before

starting to teach in a primary school. A friend then offered him a

chance to join the business sector, and he became a manager. He

established his own business and later became managing director of

an educational enterprise. Probably the most “conservative” inter-

viewee in the sample, he rejected universal suffrage and disliked the

welfare system. He had two children who were both educated in the

United Kingdom and was living with his wife in a private housing

estate.

Ms. Tsang

Born in 1962, Ms. Tsang had been a factory worker before becoming

a low-ranked service worker in a government clinic in the late 1980s.

She was living in an HOS flat, and her three children had all finished

their studies.

Mr. Wai

Born in 1986, Mr. Wai’s family once sent him to Europe because he

was not doing well at school in Hong Kong. He soon returned to

Hong Kong because he could not adapt to the foreign environment.

Upon his return, he began working as a mobile phone repairer; how-

ever, when interviewed he was planning to start his own business with

financial support from his parents. He lived with his parents in a vil-

lage house in the New Territories.

Mr. Wu

Born in 1970, Mr. Wu began working after secondary school, but

he twice returned to full-time study to increase his competitiveness

172 APPENDIX II

in the job market. He was a supplies officer at a public hospital when

interviewed and lived alone in the HOS flat he owned.

Mr. Yau

Born in 1969, Mr. Yau obtained a degree from a local private ter-

tiary institution. He later completed a Master’s degree on a part-time

basis. When interviewed, he had just started as a vocational councilor

at a technical college. As a Christian, he was also taking a part-time

course in theology. He was about to get married and had just pur-

chased an HOS flat.

Ms. Yeung

Born in 1978, Ms. Yeung graduated from a local university with a

degree in mathematics. She initially worked for a private company as

a secretary before joining the field of education and later became a

secondary school teacher. She lived with her mother in a public hous-

ing estate.

Ms. Yu

Born in 1959 in mainland China, Ms. Yu migrated to Hong Kong

in 1995 to join her husband. When interviewed she was a cleaner at

an NGO and also worked part time as a domestic worker to support

her three children. Her husband spent most of his time in mainland

China because he found it impossible to get a job in Hong Kong,

which made Ms Yu the major breadwinner of the family. She was liv-

ing in a public housing estate.

Mr. Yuen

Born in 1972, Mr. Yuen failed to get a place in secondary six

and decided to study at a design school after secondary five. He

was an assistant designer with a well-known jewelry company when

interviewed. He was living with his parents in a public housing

estate.

APPENDIX II 173

Mr. Yung

Born in 1958, Mr. Yung graduated from a local college and became a

teacher. As a Christian, he later became a social worker in a Christian

organization for more than ten years before resigning to work as a

self-employed social worker. He has authored a book, and his living

room housed more than 200 books. He was married with two chil-

dren and owned an HOS flat.

Notes

Introduction

1 . For comprehensive reviews of Hong Kong’s economic development,

see Chiu et al., 1997; Chiu and Lui, 2009; Meyer, 2000; So, 2004;

So and Chiu, 1995.

2 . GDP per capita data of different economies in the world can be

retrieved from http://data.worldbank.org/indicator/NY.GDP.

PCAP.CD .

3 . Unless otherwise stated, all ‘$’ in this book refers to Hong Kong

dollars.

4 . Data concerning Hong Kong’s unemployment rate and GDP can

be retrieved from http://www.censtatd.gov.hk/showtableexcel2.

jsp?tableID=006&charsetID=2 and http://www.censtatd.gov.hk/

showtableexcel2.jsp?tableID=030&charsetID=2 , respectively.

5 . For results of the survey from previous years, see Chiu and Lui (2009:

139–140).

6 . See Ronald (2008) for a discussion about the relationship between

home ownership and neoliberalism.

7 . For a review of industrial actions in the postwar era and the lack of

industrial democracy in Hong Kong, see Leung and Chiu (1991) and

Chiu and Levin (1996), respectively.

Studying Class Processes in Hong Kong: Approach and Method

1 . For the recent rise of Bourdieu’s approach to class analysis, see

Crompton, 2008: Chapter 6; Devine and Savage, 2005; Flemmen,

2013.

2 . See Chan (1992, 2000) for exisiting studies concerning consumption

and middle-class formation in Hong Kong.

Childhood and Education

1 . The names of all interviewees are pseudonyms.

2 . The exception is Mr. Yau, who did not go to university but was

awarded a degree by a college. He was actually born in 1969 but is

176 NOTES

classified as a young interviewee because he began school later than

the others.

Work

1 . Under the touch-base policy, mainland Chinese were allowed to stay

in Hong Kong if they could reach the urban area, even if they entered

Hong Kong illegally. The policy was implemented in the late 1970s

and abolished in 1980.

2 . Other researchers may follow Goldthorpe’s schema and treat all peo-

ple with a service class job as members of the same class. However,

because I do not endorse the employment aggregate approach, I use

the term “service class” merely to describe managerial, professional,

and administrative jobs.

3 . For example, Ms. Tien and Ms. Kung had not yet reached 20 years of

age, but at the time of the interview, both had already virtually given

up on getting better jobs in the future.

4 . It does not mean that these young middle class interviewees who

downplayed their determination to achieve upward mobility were

totally not interested in getting better paid jobs.

5 . Wong (2004; 2011a) showed that managers and teachers in Hong

Kong used cultural assets like academic qualifications and further

study and organizational assets like experience to advance their

careers. The findings of this study concerning middle-class strate-

gies to develop careers are not much different, but it seems that they,

especially the young middle class interviewees, put more emphasis on

academic qualifications.

6 . Atkinson (2013) also showed that class differences exist between the

middle class and the working class when they were talking about

their future working lives.

Class, Politics, and Democratization

1 . For a brief review of the development of the concept of “political effi-

cacy,” see Morrell (2003).

2 . Lipset’s explanation of his working-class authoritarianism thesis

avoids economic reductionism to some extent by arguing that, along

with the working class’s relatively inferior educational credentials,

their life experience causes them to favor radical politics because

they must focus on concrete, immediate, and personal issues. While

Lipset was making his argument at a time when radical politics was

seen as the major threat to representative democracy, such politics are

not hindering the course toward democracy in contemporary Hong

Kong, where the pro-democracy camp has been labeled “radical.” See

Lipset (1981).

NOTES 177

3 . The Civic Party is a party of the pro-democracy camp; most of its

prominent members are lawyers.

4 . See Lee (2010) for the importance of perceived reality on attitudes

toward democratization in Hong Kong.

5 . Kuan (2006) also found that in Hong Kong the poorly educated as

well as older people were more likely to display internal inefficacy.

6 . Participants of pro-democracy protests from 2003 to 2007 were also

predominantly male and highly educated (see Lee and Chan, 2011:

147).

7 . Further studies may attempt to explore whether this different under-

standing of the status quo and the democratization process can be

attributed to different forms of middle-class habitus: one form of

middle-class habitus for those with more cultural capital but less

economic capital and another form of middle-class habitus for those

with more economic capital but less cultural capital (see Eder, 1993;

Heath and Savage, 1995).

Class Identification

1 . Therefore, when respondents choose to identify with a class label like

“middle class” or “lower middle class” when answering close-ended

questions in surveys, they are not necessarily displaying salient mid-

dle-class identifications (cf. Hsiao and Wan, 2014; Wong and Wan,

2004; Wong et al., 2006).

2 . None of the ambivalent class identifiers born before 1970 fulfilled all

of the criteria of a typical lower class identifier, and only one fulfilled

all of the criteria of a typical middle-class identifier.

Hong Kong–China Integration, Neoliberalization, and the Young Lower Class in Hong Kong

1 . For an in-depth discussion about the integration of Hong Kong’s

and the mainland Chinese economies, see Chiu and Lui (2009:

Chapter 6).

2 . HKDSE stands for Hong Kong Diploma of Secondary Education.

This examination replaced the HKCEE after educational reform

began in 2009 to increase the length of secondary education from

five years to six years. The matriculation years and the A Level

Examination have now been abolished.

3 . Data concerning the number of part-time workers in Hong Kong can

be found in the Report on Annual Earnings and Hours Survey pro-

duced by the Census and Statistics Department.

4 . Tai-lok Lui (2011: 87) also argued that only “those who are deliv-

ering producer services to mainland business and transnational cor-

porations” would find Hong Kong’s integration with the mainland

Chinese economy particularly beneficial.

178 NOTES

Classed Experience in a Neoliberal Global City

1 . Dillabough and Kennelly (2010) also showed that an anti-welfare

attitude was expressed by the marginalized young people residing in

the two global cities in Canada.

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Index

academic credentials, 86, 87, 146.

See also cultural capital, and

work

age

and class identity, 112–20

and politics, 106

anti-welfare attitude, 103, 112,

114–15, 120–1, 143–4, 152

Article 45 Concern Group, 100

Asian financial crisis, 4, 8, 71

Atkinson, Will, 10, 11, 12, 13, 22,

23, 88, 89, 149

Bauman, Zygmunt, 12–13, 119, 149

Beck, Ulrich, 11–12, 13, 14, 149,

150

Bourdieu, Pierre, 20–4, 28, 31, 89,

105, 146, 152

casualization of work, 77, 80, 133–5

Chief Executive elections, 92

China-Hong Kong integration. See

regional integration

Chinese culture, 51

Chinese government, 100, 103

Civic Party, 102

class

and consumption, 11, 12, 23, 26,

27–8, 153, 175

and culture, 19–20

and democratization, 90–1,

106–7

and politics, 27, 89 (see also

neoliberalism, and class

politics; see also under lower

class; middle class)

and work, 87–8 (see also under

lower class; middle class)

class analysis

Bourdieu’s approach, 20–5

conventional approach, 19–20

class consciousness, 19–20. See SCA

model

class habitus. See habitus

class identity, 13, 24, 27, 109,

119–20

and ambivalence, 115–18, 144

class processes, 14

in Hong Kong, 141–7

class reproduction, 145–7

class research in Hong Kong, 14–16

Closer Economic Partnership

Arrangement, 103, 123

Commission on Poverty, 1

Comprehensive Social Security

Assistance (CSSA), 93, 103,

116

see also anti-welfare attitude

Confederation of Trade Unions, 28–9

construction industry, 131–2

Construction Industry Council, 132

consumption, 138

and class, 11, 12, 23, 16, 27–8,

153, 175

Continuing Education Fund, 136

continuous education. See further

education

cultural capital, 23, 24, 32

and education, 142, 144

and work, 85

culture and class. See class, and

culture

200 INDEX

death of class thesis, 10–14

debt, 136–7

Democratic Alliance for the

Betterment and Progress of

Hong Kong (DAB), 96

Democratic Party, 100

disciplinary forces, 132–3

Distinction, 89

economic capital, 23, 39, 43–4,

45–6, 142

educational stratification, 31–3

in Hong Kong, 51–2, 145–6

Election Committee, 92, 100, 107

employment. See people’s livelihood

Extended Non-means-tested Loan

Scheme, 137

external efficacy, 97–8, 147

and middle class, 102–3

Federation of Trade Unions, 95

field, 21–2

Financial Assistance Scheme for

Post-secondary Students,

137

flexible employment, 9. See also

casualization of work

free education, 33, 45, 52

functional constituencies, 107

further education, 74–5, 79, 82,

130–1, 136

gender

and habitus, 147

and politics, 104–5

and work, 78–80, 88

generation, 154

and politics, 106

Giddens, Anthony, 10–11, 13, 149

Gini coefficient, 1

global city, 5, 9, 87

and class, 151–2

and inequality, 1, 7, 153–4

see also Hong Kong, as a global

city

globalization, 10, 12, 14, 149

Goldthorpe, John, 13, 14, 15, 19,

29, 70

Guangdong Province, 2, 4, 6

habitus, 20–1, 24, 31, 87, 150

and education, 44

and gender (see gender, and

habitus)

see also lower class habitus; middle

class habitus

homeownership and middle class,

117–18, 152–3

Hong Kong

deindustrialization, 4, 5, 16, 61,

64, 86, 142

educational system, 33

free market, 7–8

as a global city, 5–6, 151

industrialization, 3–4

and neoliberalism (see

neoliberalism, in Hong

Kong)

welfare policy, 7, 8–9

hotel industry, 129–31

immigrants, 9, 116, 153–4

Individual Visit Scheme, 124,

125–6, 138

individualization, 10–14, 55,

147–50

and education, 52–3

inferiority, 111, 146

internal efficacy, 93–4, 142, 147

job orientation, 55, 75, 81–4, 143

instrumental, 62, 63, 65, 66, 67,

70, 81, 86, 142, 143

July 1st protest, 91, 101

June 4th crackdown, 99

knowledge economy, 87

Labor Department, 76

labor movement, 16, 28–9, 92, 93,

147, 152

Legislative Council, 92

INDEX 201

liberal values, 98, 99, 101

life course, 118–20

lifestyle and class. See class, and

consumption

local identity, 98, 99–101, 138–9

lower class

lower class habitus, 142, 147

lower class identity, 111–12, 142

old lower class

and politics, 92–8

and work, 56–70

young lower class

and politics, 97–8

and work, 75–81, 125–36

Lui, Tai-lok, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9,

14, 15, 90, 103, 120, 146,

175, 177

Marxist approach to class analysis,

19–20

middle class

middle class habitus, 143, 145

middle class identity, 103,

113–15, 143–4

old middle class

and work, 70–5

and politics, 15, 99–105

young middle class

and work, 81–5

National People’s Congress, 91

National Security Bill, 91, 101

neoliberalism

and class identity, 120

and class politics, 120–1, 152

in Hong Kong, 8–9, 12, 139, 152

Non-means-tested Loan Scheme for

Full-time Tertiary Students,

137

Non-means-tested Loan Scheme

for Post-secondary Students,

137

Office of the Ombudsman, 137

ordinariness, 113, 117

organizational assets, 82

parents

and educational support, 39–41,

46–7, 49, 51, 143, 144–5

people’s livelihood, 92–3

political cynicism, 143

political efficacy, 89. See also

external efficacy; internal

efficacy

poverty, 1, 9

pro-democracy camp, 98, 99, 102

progressive politics, 151–2

reflexivity, 88, 149–50

reflexivity losers, 150

reflexivity winners, 150

regional integration, 123, 124–5,

138–9

respectability, 109, 112, 142

restaurant industry, 128–9, 131, 135

retail industry, 125–7, 131, 135

SARS epidemic, 4, 71, 123, 134

Savage, Mike, 13, 19, 22, 26, 27,

109, 146, 175, 177

SCA model, 19, 24, 89, 90–1

service class, 14, 15, 29, 70, 176. See

also middle class

Skeggs, Beverley, 13, 24, 109, 149

social capital, 153

social mobility, 26

in Hong Kong, 14–15

social polarization in global

cities. See global city, and

inequality

Student Finance Office, 137

Tertiary Student Finance Scheme,

137

trade union. See labor movement

Tsang, Donald, 91

Tung, Chee-hwa, 91, 98, 136

Umbrella Movement, 123

universal suffrage, 91, 123

attitudes towards universal

suffrage, 94–6, 98, 99–104

202 INDEX

Weber and class, 20

Wong, Thomas, 8, 14, 15, 90

Wong, Yi-lee, 32, 52, 113

work. See class, and work;

job orientation;

workplace relationship.

See under lower class;

middle class;

workplace relationship

working class. See under lower class

workplace relationship, 77, 78, 80,

126–7

xenophobia, 124